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ONE
T347
PENNY.
THE
EMIGRATION FRAUD
A REPLY TO LORD BRABAZON.
By H. M. HYNDMAN.
Reprinted, by permission from the “Nineteenth Century.-’
MODERN PRESS, 13, Paternoster Row, London, E.C.
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�THE EMIGRATION FRAUD EXPOSED.
T T is natural that at a time when there is serious depression in nearly every one of our great industries, from
agriculture downwards, many remedies should be proposed
for the unemployed labour and “over-population ’’which appa
rently exists in Great Britain. Nor is there any remedy which
is, at first sight, so simple and yet so satisfactory as Emigra
tion. That if there are too many people in these islands they
should go away of their own accord, or be helped away, to
other regions where vast tracts of land lie uncultivated, seems
no doubt a reasonable proposal. No one, I feel sure, would
dispute that, granted the assumption involved in the “ if,” it
would be the duty of the community at large to help those o
the population who are in excess to reach countries where
they could subsist by their labour, provided they could not
get there without such aid. Nor could it, I think, be denied
that emigration, conducted under the control of the people of
England and the inhabitants of our Colonies jointly, would
be better managed than any happy-go-lucky exodus, similar
to that which we have so far favoured. There is nothing in
the nature of the case, certainly, to deter men and women
from going to our colonies situated in a temperate climate or
to America; and millions who have emigrated have found
happy homes and reared healthy families at the cost of rea
�4
sonable labour, though things are not now as they were. All
that need be stipulated for before the State is called in to
direct or to aid such emigration is, that it should be clearly
shown that there is not plenty of room for the people here;
and that circumstances in the country to which they would
betake themselves are such at the time as to warrant their
going or being sent.
This, I venture to think, is as complete an acceptance of
the position taken by Lord Brabazon on State-Directed
Emigration as he himself could desire. It is satisfactory,
therefore, to find that I can fully agree with Lord Brabazon’s
statements concerning the present condition of large number
of the workers in London and our other great industrial
centres. For instance, when Lord Brabazon speaks of “ the
fearful competition existing in the centres of industry which
compels large classes of honest, sober, hardworking men and
women to lead such a bitter struggle for mere existence that
the acquisition of the actual necessaries of daily life is suffi
cient to engross their fullest energies and which leaves them
without the least margin of time or strength for making any
provision against the advent of disease and old age, much
less for the accumulation of capital ”—when Lord Brabazon
writes thus, I say, he but repeats what a “ visionary revolu
tionist ” like myself has been urging for years past. So again
I can heartily agree with what he so forcibly adds : “ Whether
there is or is not a demand for the State direction of emigra
tion, of this I am confident, that means must be found, and
that quickly, to put an end to the fearful struggle for life
which is to be met with in the east and south of London, and
in most of our large towns. The disease has got beyond the
power of private efforts and has assumed proportions too
gigantic to be dealt with by any power short of a Govern
ment or a powerful municipality. Starving men are not to
be argued with ”—this seems to me altogether excellent. . , .
�5
" Whether the Government like it or not, they will have to
take into their serious consideration how best to relieve this
deplorable congestion of population in our large towns.”
There is indeed “ a social malady which, if allowed to con
tinue unchecked, must inevitably end in some fatal national
catastrophe.” Lord Brabazon is also quite right in stating
that the Democratic Federation did its best, and with very
great success, to meet and controvert his special remedy for
this state of things, and I have every reason to believe will
continue to do so. The difference between us therefore is
narrowed to two points. First, whether there is really any
over-population. Lord Brabazon says there is. I say, in
spite of appearances, that there is not. Secondly, assuming
the over-population to exist, whether the time is favourable
for exporting the people. Lord Brabazon says it is. I, again,
say it is not. On this second point, however, I shall not
touch, for if I prove my position on the first it will be un
necessary to go further; and, besides, recent reports of the
state of the labouring population in Canada, Australia, and
New Zealand, to say nothing of the United States, are cer
tainly all against sending out more emigrants.
Before dealing with the main question, I would just add
that we Socialists do not wish to keep the people in wretched
ness in this country in order that we may have them at hand
to make a revolution with, as Lord Brabazon, rather
unreasonably it seems to me, suggests. We are no be
lievers in a revolution of starvelings. At the very time
when the Democratic Federation challenged State-directed
and State-aided emigration, we issued a series of
practical proposals for home colonisation and municipal em
ployment, which are perfectly sound as far as they go,
and would relieve the present distress at once, much
more effectually than the removal of a few th ousand families
could relieve it. These proposals Lord Brabazon has. I
�0
know, seen. The £10,000,000 which was wasted on the war
in Egypt would have far more than carried out the whole
plan. That we are revolutionists I am quite ready to admit;
whether we are visionary remains to be seen. At any rate,
the peer and the revolutionists are both agreed that the
present condition of things cannot go on without leading
to “ some fatal national catastrophe.”
Now for the “ over-population ” and Lord Brabazon's
State-directed remedy for it.
To begin with, as it seems to me, Lord Brabazon proves a
little too much. He says that the “ increase of population
outstrips the increase of the demand for labour,” and goes on
to argue as follow : “ Every ten years between three and four
million more mouths have to obtain food in this country;
and inasmuch as the soil of England is not elastic and cannot
be made to produce a greatly increased quantity of food ; as
England cannot at this moment supply all her sons with an
adequate meal a day ; and as she already has to import half
the food which she consumes—the problem how we are to
feed our surplus population is one which is serious now, will
annually increase in seriousness, and unless solved within a
very few years by some statemanlike measure of relief to
population, will not be long in settling itself, in a very
unpleasant way for some of us, if we decline to grapple with
it whilst it is still capable of easy solution.” Now this argu
ment, if pressed to its logical conclusion, surely means that
one half our present population ought to emigrate. Lord
Brabazon does not mean that, I know, yet that is the fair
deduction from such a statement. But Mr. Samuel Smith
says, and Lord Brabazon fathers his statement, that no
changes in the land laws could do mors’ than put four million
additional people into agricultural employment. Do Lord
Brabazon and Mr. Smith know what that admission involves ?
The total number of people now in agricultural employment
�7
in England and Wales amounts to but 1,300,000 all told.
What an enormous increase of produce, then, would the four
million additional labourers bring about! It is the opinion
of some of the most skilled agriculturists in the kingdom that
under proper conditions this country might easily produce its
whole food supply or its agricultural equivalent. We ought
not to forget that our whole system is one gigantic
machine of waste, and that, for example, whilst we import
every year a large amount of artificial manures, we sweep
down into the rivers and sea, in the form of sewage, at least
£30,000,000 to £40,000,000 worth of manure of the very best
description. What vast changes the proper use of that would
effect! Yet a really scientific arrangement is almost imposs
ible in our existing large cities. With proper application of
machinery, careful dairy and poultry farming, and entire
change of our method of dealing with human manure, it is
almost impossible to say what might not be done with our
lands, if at the same time the present wretched system of
landowning were done away with, and one substituted in the
interest of the whole community. None of those who have
most earnestly opposed State-directed emigration are in favour
of cutting up the land among the 35,000,000 of people. They
do urge, however, that it should be used for the advantage of
the whole people collectively and not for the gain of a class.
Lord Brabazon does not dispute that some increase
might be obtained ; his friend Mr. Samuel Smith virtually
admits that an enormous increase might be obtained ; others
say that our agricultural produce might be profitaby doubled.
Let us begin colonisation at home, then, and try emigration
afterwards.
But we are now dependent on foreign sources for half our
food supply, which we obtain partly in return for goods
exported and partly in payment of interest on capital lent.
To devote more, labour to raising food than we can get it for
�8
by devoting less labour to producing other commodities
which we could then exchange for food, is clearly bad policy, so
long as we command the sea and can carry on such exchange.
It is not the amount of food which can be grown in these
islands that limits population, or what Lord Brabazon calls
the “ supply and demand of labour,” in Great Britain. That
depends upon the state of the world-market for goods, and
the profit which has been made by the capitalist class under
the present conditions of productions. Thus there is “ over
population,” and thousands of men are out of work, all along
the Clyde to-day ; but about two years ago there were not
hands enough to do the business which flowed into the ship
yards, and mere boys not out of their apprenticeship were
coming from other centres to earn 32s. a week as rivetters.
Is this sort of “ boom ” and depression with its accompany
ing periods of over-work, followed by slack time and “ over
population,” due merely to the natural increase of our people ?
Assuredly not. There is some other cause at work to make
useful labourers useless within a period of a few months.
But I deny the actual over-population, so far as labourers
are concerned, altogether. Never assuredly was the power of
man over nature so great asit is to-day. Neverin the history
of the human race was so much wealth raised with so little
labour. Relatively fewer hands are employed in the iron,
coal, cotton, wool, and other industries than was the case a
few years ago; yet a much greater quantity of wealth is pro
duced. A few’ figures will make this quite clear. Thus in the
coal industry 538,829 persons employed in mining and
handling coal above and below ground in the year 1874 ex
tracted 140,713,832 tons of coal. In the year 1883, 514,933
persons produced 163,737,327 tons, an increase of over
23,000,000 tons, though 24,000 fewer persons were em
ployed. In 1874 the miners won 261 tons of coal per
head; in 1880, 334 tons a head ; yet in the latter year 53,896
�9
of them were out of work—became over-population, that is.
In the working of iron and steel 360,356 persons were em
ployed in 1872, and produced and used 6,741,929 tons of pigiron; in 1883,361,343 persons were so employed, and they
produced 8,490,224 tons, or an increase of 1,750,000 tons for
virtually the same number employed 1 In the cotton and
flax industry 570,000 persons used 1,266,100,000 pounds of
cotton in 1874; while in 1883 but 586,470 persons used
1,510,600,900 pounds; In every case a trifling increase or
decrease of persons employed contemporaneously with a
great increase in production. It is the same in every depart
ment. The numbers employed in agriculture in England and
Wales have fallen from 2,010,454 in 1861, to 1,383,184 m 1881,
■of whom but 800,000 are classed as agricultural labourers.
Bear in mind that all this while population has been in
creasing at the rate of 10 per cent, in every ten years ; so that
the numbers of actual workers remain stationary or decrease,
while the whole population increases. If greater and greater
wealth is being continuously produced with the same number
or a less number of hands, surely Lord Brabazon’s argu
ments leak water at every seam. The over-population arises,
then, not from a decrease in the powers of production, but
from their increase. Improved machinery gives greater
wealth to the employing class but renders employment for the
workers more uncertain, substituting in many departments
women’s and children’s low-priced labour for that of men;
and brings about the periods of universal crisis &?ch as that
we are now suffering from—over-production, over-population,
and the rest of it—more often, and renders them more severe.
Has Lord Brabazon looked at the figures of the last census?
The population of England and Wales is close upon 26,000,000.
out of these, 14,786,000 are classed as “ indefinite and un
productive;” and this although there are 1,800,000 of the
domestic class included in the other n,ooo,ooo! Surely the
�IO
over-population in Great Britain, then, consists of a great
portion of these 14,780,000—for even the commercial and
professional classes are included in the other 11,000,000—
and not the unemployed portion of the 7,000,000 or 8,000,000.
of actual producers about whom Lord Brabazon speaks.
Why the 1,800.000 domestic class alone—what can we think
of that vast array of useless persons eating their heads oft
and producing nothing? It is not the “ indefinite and un
productive ” 14,780,000, nor even the domestic servants,
however, who are thrown out starving on the streets in bad
times. No, it is for the most part the artisans and labourers,
who make the wealth these people enjoy, that thus suffer.
Take it from another point of view. Mr. Mundella assures
us triumphantly that the returns to income-tax have increased
from £578,000,000 to £601,000,000 during even these years of
depression. Mr. Mulhall tells us that the total income of the
country is close upon £1,300,000,000. Mr. Giffen informs us
that between 1865 and 1875 the capital of this country in
creased £2,400,000,000 or 40 per cent. That is, the actual
savings did so, after the population had spent its income in the
usual way. Thus capital value during that period, according
to the head of the Statistical Department of the Board of
Trade, who certainly is no friend of the workers, increased
at four times the rate of the increase of population. What
becomes of over-population here ? Again, out of that income
of £1,300,000,000 how much do the producing classes get ? I
say £300,000,000 or less. The highest estimate I have ever
seen is £500,000,000. It strikes me, then, that a rather more
equitable distribution of the results of labour is what we need,
even without making preparation for greater production on
on the land or elsewhere, before we begin to talk of over
population in any sense.
For, be it remembered, Lord Brabazon expressly says that
he and his friends do not intend to ship off the ‘ 2,000,000
�11
to 3,000,000 pauperised and degraded people ’ who, according
to Mr. Samuel Smith (whose figures Lord Brabazon quotes),
are constantly a tax on the community. Not at all. These
we are to have ever with us. But let Lord Brabazon speak
for himself on this point. “ And here it would be well to
make it clearly understood that we ... do not propose that
Her Majesty’s Government should transfer the idle, the
vicious, the ne’er-do-weel, or the pauper from the slums of
London, &c.” Oh, dear, no; that would never do. It is the
able, sober, useful labourers who want work but cannot get it,
the men who are eager to get away and work for their wives
and families but cannot, the very flower of our producing
class, that Lord Brabazon proposes to transport for us. And
these are the over-population ; while the classes which live
in luxury on other men’s labour are, I suppose, essential to
the well-being of the State—the very pillars of the Empire.
How many families of labourers would the £35,000,000 taken
in rent by 8,000 families keep in comfort in return for really
useful work ? How many hundred millions sterling do the
capitalist class take in interest and profit ? Surely a few
questions like these ought to show Lord Brabazon the folly
of his over-population theory.
Or, if not, take France. That is a country with a stationary
or even a decreasing population; and France is on the whole
a wealthy country too. Yet at this moment there is over
population, fearful over-population, in Paris, Lyons, and
Marseilles, Rouen, Roubaix, and St. Etienne, even worse than
there is in London, Liverpool, and Glasgow, Newcastle,
Sunderland, Sheffield, &c. How does Lord Brabazon account
for that ? Would he recommend emigration as a panacea to
the hardworking, thrifty, temperate, Malthusian Frenchman ?
Clearly not ; it would be too absurd. Thus we have
worse over-population in France at the present time than
we have in England, and horrible misery for the
�12
producing classes there as here though the one
country has a stationary and the other an increasing
population. Manifestly there is something more in this than
Lord Brabazon thinks. If we emigrated 5,000,000 persons
from England to-morrow, and continued our present system
of capitalist production for profit, individual exchange, private!
property, and so forth, we should equally have over-popula
tion of the producing class at the next period of industrial
crisis. “ It is indeed lamentable to consider how many mil
lions of pounds have been squandered,” as Lord Brazabon
truly says, “ in the maintenance of able-bodied men and
women in our workhouses.” It is still more lamentable to
consider how many hundreds of millions of pounds have been
squandered, and are now being squandered, in the mainten
ance of able-bodied men and women in utter idleness and
degrading luxury from their cradles to their graves. But it is
nothing short of infamous that the whole system of production
for profit throughout the civilised world, as well as in England,
should be based upon the misery and degradation of the
labouring class, that they should have no control over the
exchange of the wealth which they produce, and that when
the greed of the capitalist and the cupidity of the landlord
bring about a period of glut and crisis they should be turned
out workless i»pon the streets, treated as over-population, and
then State-aided to the Colonies, there to be fleeced by the
same classes in 'other ways.
*
Neither America nor our
Colonies offer the openings that they did. There, as here,
the landowner and the capitalist crush the mere wage
labourers, and regard them in times of depression as over
population, and treat them accordingly.
There is plenty for all in this England of ours—plenty of
* Out of a total realised national wealth estimated by Mr. Mul
hall at /8,000,000,000 in round figures, 222,500 families, sayi,200,000
persons out of 30,000 000. own nearly £6,000,000,000.
�food, plenty of raiment, plenty of everything that goes to
make up a healthy and happy life. At this very time, the
power of man over nature, the capacity to produce more and
more wealth with a less and less expenditure of labour, is
growing every day. Every improvement in machinery, every
advance in chemistry, every development in electricity, means
that all mankind could gain greater wealth and greater leisure
at the same time. In agriculture, as in other departments,
the advance in science, the application of machinery, is now
almost as rapid as it has long been in manufacture. Yet the
workers alone do not benefit by this. They work, it is true,
in social union for social purposes, but their product, when
finished, escapes from them into the hands of others; they
are forced to compete against one another for a bare sub
sistence wage : the very improved machines they make and
use hurry on the period of hard times and over-population
for them; if they are not employed at a profit they are not
employed at alland all the while they see those who work
not at all, or very little, living in excessive luxury at the cost
of their degradation. Under any rational system of produc
tion, under any regulated system of collective exchange, they
—ay and all of us—could enjoy a standard of comfort and a
wholesome, happy, leisurely, yet active life, such as has never
been known on the planet. Yet we are told it is utopian and
visionary to urge that the workers should turn the machines
which they make, the land which they till, the commodities
they produce, to the advantage of the whole community.
I say, finally, then, that emigration is not even a palliative
under present conditions; that it is harmful to the country,
and that there is enough and to spare for all here at home.
But I, too, look with sadness to the immediate future. For
when a man like Lord Brabazon, who obviously feels for the
needy and sympathises with the oppressed, can look at our
anarchical society only from the point of view of his own class
�*4
interests, and is led astray by the fallacies of huckster eco
nomy, I despair of a peaceful solution to the inevitable class
struggle even in England ; and I fear that we must pass
through the fiery furnace of “ some fatal national catastrophe ”
to the goal of full economical freedom and organised work
for all.
�SOCIALIST LITERATURE.
The following works are strongly recommended to all who
wish to understand the Social-Democratic movement in
England. Orders, accompanied by stamps, sent to
THE
MODERN
PRESS,
13, Paternoster Row, London, E.C.,
will be executed by return of post. Parcels to the value of
One Shilling and upwards sent post free.
“JUSTICE,” the Organ of the Social Democracy.
Every Saturday, One Penny.
A genuine working class paper, held by working class men as trustees,
edited by an “unskilled labourer,’’ independent of advertisements, and
written gratuitously by working men. Established January, 1884.
Socialism Made Plain.
The social and
political manifesto of the Social-Democratic Federation,
issued in June, 1883 : with “The Unemployed,” a
Manifesto issued after the “ Riots in the West End ” on
8th February, 1886. Seventy-first thousand. Crown 8-vo.,
paper cover, price id.
The Socialist Catechism.
By J. L. Joynes.
Reprinted with additions from Justice.
Price One Penny. Twentieth thousand.
Royal 8-vo.,
Socialist theories stated, and the vulgar objections to them refuted in
the form of question and answer.
The Appeal to the Young.
By Prince
Peter Kropotkin. Translated from the French by H. M.
Hyndman, and reprinted from Justice.
Royal 8-vo.,
16-pp. Price One Penny. Tenth thousand.
The most eloquent and noble appeal to the generous emotions ever pen
ned by a scientific man. Its author has just suffered five years imprison
ment at the hands of the French Republic for advocating the cause of the
workers.
Socialism and the Worker. By F. A. Sorge.
Price One Penny.
An explanation in the simplest language of the main idea of Socialism.
Wage-Labour and Capital.
By Karl Marx.
Translated by J. L. Joynes and reprinted from Justice.
New and cheaper edition, Royal 8-vo., Price One Penny.
This is the only work of the great Socialist thinker which has been
translated into English, and relentlessly criticises capitalist production.
�Socialism and Slavery. By H. M. Hyndman.
(In reply to Mr. Herbert Spencer’s Article on “ The
Coming Slavery). New Edition. 16-pp., Royal 8-vo.
Price One Penny.
A convincing argument against the laissez faire philosophy.
What an Eight Hour Bill Means. By T.
Mann, (Amalgamated Engineers). New edition with
portrait. Price One Penny. Ninth thousand.
John Williams and the History of the
Social-Democratic Federation.
8-vo., Price One Penny.
With Portrait.
Royal
The Chicago Riots and the Class War in
the United States. By H. M. Hyndman.
from Time, June, 1886. Price One Penny.
Reprinted
A sketch of the rise of capitalist monopolies, and a demonstration of the
inadequacy of mere political democracy to remedy their results.
The Facts about the Unemployed.
of the Middle Class.
Royal 8-vo.
By One
Price One Penny.
An appeal and a warning issued in October, 1886, showing the causes of
the present distress, how they can be removed, what steps have already
been taken, and what are the consequences of continued indifference to
hunger and despair.
International Trade Union Congress, held
at Paris, August, 1886.
Report by Adolphe Smith,
Official Interpreter to the Congress. 24-pp., Royal 8-vo.
Price Three-Halfpence.
The Man with the Red Flag.
Being John
Bnrns’ Speech at the Old Bailey, when tried for Seditious
Conspiracy, on April 9th, 1886. (From the Verbatim
Notes of the official shorthand reporter). With Portrait.
Price 3d.
By EDWARD” CARPENTER, M.A.,
Author of “Towards Democracy,” “ Modern Science,” &c„ &c.
Social Progress and Individual Effort.
An answer to the questions, how far man is conditioned by his material
circumstances, and how far he is their master.
Desirable Mansions.
A criticism of the ineptitude of the conventional life of the well-to-do.
Co-operative Production.
A lecture on the profit sharing system of Leclaire of Paris.
Price One Penny each.
�
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Title
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The emigration fraud : a reply to Lord Brabazon
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Hyndman, Henry Mayers [1842-1921]
Description
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Place of publication: London
Collation: 14, [2] p. : ill. (port.) ; 19 cm.
Notes: Date of publication from KVK. Reprinted with permission from the "Nineteenth Century". Publisher's list on two unnumbered pages at the end.
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The Modern Press
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[1886?]
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T397
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Migration
Social problems
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