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CONTENTS.
PAGE
L’ Entente Oordiale.............. ....................... 523
The Inefficiency of Capital Punishment... 525
The Peace of God............v........................... 527
A Cow trying it on..............................
529
The Freedmen’s Association .................... 529
PAGE
The Re-action of Great Wrongs................
A Relic of Slavery .....................................
The Victory of Defeat.....................
“ Wayside Warhles” ..................................
The African Boy .........................................
530
533
534
535
537
L’ Entente Cordiale.
The French Invasion Panic has long been in a moribund state. The
funeral obsequies were performed at Cherbourg a few days ago, England
and France uniting to bury the dead monster with every possible de
monstration, not of sorrow, but of joy and exultation over its early and
gratefully welcome death. Its funeral oration was pronounced by the
French Minister of Marine, M. Chasseloup Laubat, who at the banquet
given to the Lords of the English Admiralty proposed the toast of
“Her Majesty, Queen .Victoria, and the ‘entente cordiale' between
England and France.” He said that the time of hostile rivalry between
the two countries had passed away. There now only remained emula
tion in doing everything that could advance the cause of civilisation
and liberty. “Freedom of the seas, pacific contests in labour,
beneficent conquests achieved by commerce,” said the French minister.
“ Such is the signification of the union of the noble flags of England
and France.”
The Duke of Somerset, the English First Lord of the Admiralty,
replying to the toast, thanked M. Laubat for the sentiments he had
expressed, and continued: “ We accept the toast as a proof of the
cordial friendship of the Emperor and the French nation for our Queen
and country. We also entertain, on our part, the same sentiments of
esteem for the Emperor of the French. In proposing the health of the
London: JOB CAUDWELL, 335, Strand. W.C.
Simpkin, Marshall & Co., and Kent & Co,
�524
THE BOND OP BROTHERHOOD.
[September 1, 1865.
Emperor, I wish to speak not only in the name of the government of
any political party, but in the name of every enlightened Englishman.”
These noble words were uttered respectively by the representatives of
the French and English Governments at Cherbourg, under the guns,
as it were, of the allied fleets, and under the shadow of those gigantic
fortresses which were so dexterously used by the alarmists in this
country, a very few years since, as a bugbear with which to frighten
the English nation into a belief in the imminent danger of a French
invasion and the necessity of a vast increase in our English armaments,
and the erection of costly new coast fortifications with which to
menace and dishearten our French neighbours.
It must be re-assuring, we think, to every “enlightened Englishman”
—as the Duke of Somerset expresses it—to find the invasion panic so
suddenly displaced, and so happily succeeded by an entente cordiale,
ratified by the friendly union of the two fleets at Cherbourg and Brest,
at Plymouth and Portsmouth, and confirmed by the most enthusiastic
demonstrations of popular approval and sympathy in both countries.
Det us adopt the words of the French Minister of Marine as a suitable
inscription to be graven on the tombstone of the departed “Panic” !
Can anything be more appropriate ? “ The time of hostile rivalry
between the two countries has passed away : there now only remains
emulation in everything that can advance the cause of civilisation and
liberty ! ” Is it possible that idle prejudices of the past can avail to
deter the English and French people from turning to practical account
these wise words which offer a new standard by which to regulate the
future international policy of Europe. The friendly confidence of the
two governments will surely inspire mutual confidence between the two
peoples, and we shall cease to deem it necessary to squander millions
upon millions of the hard earnings of industry upon those gigantic
standing armaments, which, now that “ the time of hostile rivalry has
passed away,” can only be regarded as burlesques upon our own pro
fession of mutual confidence and goodwill, and as scandals upon the
civilisation of the age in which we live. It will not do to rest satisfied
with fetes on either side of the channel, and fraternisation speeches
made by great naval authorities. These must be followed up by joint
endeavours to realise some of the practical fruits which the people have
a right to expect from demonstrations so happily suggestive of a good
time coming; a time when
War shall be
A monster of iniquity,
In the good time coming,
and when the burdens of the poor shall be lightened by a simultaneous
reduction of the armaments of Europe, and by the impetus which will be
given to the trade aDd commerce of all countries by the universal
feeling of confidence and stability which a policy of disarmament will
inspire. The advocates of “ Peace, Retrenchment, and Reform ” will
surely take heart, and seek every opportunity to impress upon the new
House of Commons the necessity of early and vigorous effort to give
substantial effect to the hopes and expectations raised by the recent
fraternisation at the great French and English naval ports. No pains
�September 1, 1865.]
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
525
will be spared by those interested in maintaining things as they are to
prevent any practical issue in the shape of greater economy in the war
like expenditure of the nation. The patronage and pay of the military
and naval services have been too long and too extensively enjoyed to
be lightly relinquished or even diminished, but the new currents of
public thought and feeling which have been set in motion at Plymouth
and Cherbourg, at Brest and Portsmouh, can never again be lulled
absolutely to rest. They cannot, they will not rest, but will bear us on
to yet higher and greater and more comprehensive ideas of the privileges
and duties of international relationship; the mistakes of the past will
be rectified as they come to be looked at from the new stand-point, and
it will be discovered that national security, national prosperity, and
national honour can be established upon a far sounder and more satis
factory basis through the agencies of Christian civilisation than through
a fatuous dependence upon the insane rivalry which has been so long
pursued in the maintenance of armed force. May the “ noble flags of
Prance and England” continue to float peacefully side by side through
all future time, and may the peaceful alliance of England and France
be at once an incentive and an example to all other states to aim at the
final abolition of all war, and the establishment of permanent and
universal peace throughout the world !
_____________ _____
E. P.
The Inefficiency of Capital Punishment.
To the Editor of the “Bond”
Sin,—Notwithstanding “the great moral lesson” of deterrence just
afforded hy the execution of Dr. Pritchard and others, five murders
at London and Ramsgate, and three at Bankside, have been perpetrated
almost before the termination of the summer assizes, which have
resulted in the solemn display of the gallows.
Thus we have another striking instance of the frequently illustrated
fact that the occurence of an execution, or of a notorious capital trial
for murder constitutes a strong presumptive probability of the speedy
repetition of further similar crime.
It was so in the metropolis last autumn. Muller was executed
November 14th, and on the evening of the very same day William
Bessemer, an engineer, stabbed Leonard Blackburn, in Berwick Street,
exclaiming, presently afterwards, “ I will be hung for him, as Muller
was for Briggs.” The same week Elizabeth Burns cut the throat of
her son, in Southwark, and stated to the magistrate (Mr. Woolrych)
“ Yes, I intended to murder them all, as I wish to die—I want to be
ihung.” A few days previously, Wm. Greenwood, a soldier, attempted
to murder Margaret Sullivan, in Gray’s-Inn-Road, and, on his appre
hension, said to a policeman: “ I will be hung for her, I don’t mind
swinging with Muller for such as her.” Again, just after Muller’s
sentence, another foreigner (Kohl) committed the horrible murder at
Plaistow for which he was shortly afterwards hanged. And nine days
after Muller’s execution Alfred Jackson .murdered Thomas Roberts at
Clerkenwell, almost under the shadow of the gallows of the Old Bailey.
�526
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
[September 1,1865.
Yet another murder also took place at Hatcham, near London, in the
interval between Muller’s sentence and execution. Such an extra
ordinary outbreak of homicidal crimes in the metropolitan district is,
I believe, utterly unprecedented, and if capital sentences are efficient
to deter, the period of their occurence should have been the very last
one where they might have been looked for.
The notorious quadruple execution at Liverpool two years ago,
instead of deterring from murder in that place, for some considerable
subsequent period at least, was followed in a few weeks by five murders
and one attempt to murder; all the crimes being committed in the
same town.
In like manner a recent execution for the murder of a child at
Chatham, by Burton (who had expressed a wish to be hanged), was
followed in a few weeks by another murder of a child in the same town
by Alfred Holden, who also repeatedly uttered a desire to be hanged,
a wish which was not refused • and a third murder was perpetrated at
Chatham shortly after these two executions.
Space would fail for the number and details of similar illustrations
which might be adduced evincing the tendency of capital sentences
and executions to foster a morbid desire for notoriety or murderous
imitation.
Recent events strongly exhibit the anomalous and very irregular
treatment of murderers which is inevitably necessitated by the enact
ment of death penalties. Juries will persist in acquitting murderers
even in peculiarly atrocious cases. The Home Office is again and
again importuned by deputations and individuals ; and necesarily so.
Pleas of insanity are raised on murder trials, both rightly and wrongly
in various cases according to the respective circumstances, but equally
bewildering and undesirable, whether such pleas are well founded or not.
The result of all this is confusion, wide-spread dissatisfaction, and
encouragement to the most violent persons. Thus two men have just
been sentenced to death at Winchester. One (Hughes) was hung
whilst the mob outside the gallows were calling loudly for the authori
ties to bring out the other (Broomfield), whose sentence had been
commuted. At the last Lent Assizes at Exeter, when the atrocious
child murderess, Charlotte Winsor, was first put on her trial, the jury
could not agree, eight being for an acquittal and four for a verdict of
guilty. A second jury have now found her guilty on the same charge,
but the irregularity has necessitated her reprieve. At the recent
Maidstone Summer Assizes, 1865, the bystanders were astounded at
the extraordinary and most unexpected acquittals of Thomas Jones
and Elizabeth Inglis, both charged with murder on evidence apparently
clear and strong. By a like special uncertainty in the enforcement
of capital penalties, a Dr. Smethurst was acquitted, and a Dr. Pritchard
hanged. At the execution of the latter, the mob loudly cheered
Calcraft, whilst at Wright’s execution in Southwark, yells and groans
evinced the general sense of an inconsistent departure from the recent
precedents of the Hall and Townley commutations.
But if capital punishment were abolished, there would then be
removed the chief cause of nearly all this irregularity, this sympathy
�September 1, 1865.]
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
527
for the criminal rather than for the victim, this unwillingness of juries
to convict, this inevitable danger of sometimes visiting inherent mental
affliction or disease with a fatal punishment, and this widespread
popular apprehension of administrative partiality or inequitable dis
tinction.
May the repeated experiences of these evils more and more awaken
and direct public attention to the superior efficacy of severe secondary
punishments for murder, with certainty of infliction, rather than capital
penalties necessarilly and inevitably encompassed with uncertainty,
and with many chances of partial or total escape for the most atrocious
and dangerous of criminals !
I remain, Sir, yours truly,
William Tallack,
Secretary to the Society for the Abolition
of Capital Punishment.
63, Southampton Street, Strand.
The *’ Peace of God.”
The grievous famines, the consequent diseases which prevailed in
some parts of France at the close of the tenth century, and the general
belief that the end of the world was at hand induced the great feudal
lords and the people to promise to abstain from private warfare. The
Ecclesiastics continued to preach this Peace of God, as it was called,
after men, recovering from these calamities, had began to violate it.
Some years afterwards, says a contemporary, Glaubius, all Europe
suffered again from a terrible famine, in fact for more than sixty years
famine and its attendant mortality came upon them as terrible scourges,
and awakened religious zeal which held the wars prevailing in every
province of France as violation of the laws of Christianity. In 1035,
a bishop announced that he had received from heaven the command to
preach peace on the earth. “Soon,” said Glaubius, “the bishops, first
in Aguitamo, soon after in the province of Arles and in the Lyonnese,
then in Burgundy, and at last in all France assembled councils at
which the clergy and all the people assembled. As it had been
proclaimed that it was the object of these councils to renew or renovate
the peace of the sacred institutions of the faith, the people assembled
with joy ready to obey the orders of the pastors cf the church. In
those councils a description was drawn out in chapters, containing a
list on one hand of all that was forbidden, and on the other of all that
the subscribers engaged not to do by a devout promise to God. The
most important of these engagements was that to preserve an inviolable
peace, so that men of all ranks might thereafter go without arms and
without fear, notwithstanding any pretence whatever for attacking them
which might have been previously made.”
When a provincial council had established this “Peace of God,”
public notice was given by a deacon mounting the pulpit and pro
nouncing a curse on those who should break the peace,—“We
�528
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
[September 1, 1865.
excommunicate all the knights of this bishopric who will not pledge
themselves to maintain peace and. justice; may they and all those
who help them to do evil be accursed; may they be found with Cain
the fratricide, with the traitor Judas, with Dathan and Abiram, who
descended alive into Hell.”* The bishops and the priests who held
lighted tapers extinguished them on the ground whilst the people
exclaimed, as one man, “ May God thus extinguish the happiness of
those who will not accept peace and justice.”
This “ Peace of God ” was so opposed to national manners that soon
after it was but little observed. But those who had sworn to do so agreed
to re-assemble at the end of five years, to give it greater stability.
With this object, says Sismundi, several provincial councils met in
1041, in Aguitamo, at which the term “Truce of God” was substituted
for “Peace of God,” and it was sought rather to limit than to abolish
war.
“We have,” says Sismundi, “ the acts of the Council of Tuluges, in
Roussillon, of Ansome, of St. Giles, and of some others, for the estab
lishment of the “ Truce of God.” These acts are not entirely uniform,
but the principle which all maintained was always to limit the right to
carry on war, and to forbid, under the severest ecclesiastical penalties
(even at the moment when all laws seemed abrogated by war) those
actions which were contrary to humanity and to the rights of men.
Notwithstanding the diversity of these enactments of council, a general
law on war and on the Truce of God, was adopted in Europe. Hosti
lities, even between soldiers, were restricted to certain days of the
week, and certain classes of persons were shielded from these hostilities.
Every warlike act, every attack, all rapine, all shedding of blood, was
forbidden between the setting of the sun on Wednesday evening and
its rising on Monday morning, so that only three days and nights in
the week were allowed for the violence of war and of vengeance.
During Lent no one could commence new fortifications, nor work on
the old.
The clergy if not armed, and churches not fortified were to be always
safe from violence. Agriculture, also, was protected. It was no longer
permitted at any time to wound or to injure peasants, whether men or
women, nor to arrest them except according to law for individual
breaches of it. The instruments of tillage, the stack-yard, cattle, &c.,
were placed under the protection of the “ Truce of God.” Some of
these things could not be taken as plunder, and others which might be
taken to be used were not to be burnt or otherwise destroyed.
In several provinces of Erance, peace officers and an armed police,
supported by a “ pacata” or “ peace-rate” were appointed to repress
infractions of this law. But in the little territory of Henry I. this
Truce was not permitted; that weak king deemed it an infraction of
his right, although himself unable to protect his subjects.
*
* Concilium Lemovicense Secundum, t. ix., p. 891.
f Concilium Tulugreuse, t. xi.,p. 510, &c., Hist, of Languedoc, lib. xiv., ch. 9.
As quoted by Sismundi, vol. iv., p. 250.
J Sismundi Historic des Francois, vol. 1‘”
�Septemper 1, 1865.]
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
529
Sismundi says : “ This legislation was often violated, and ultimately
became a dead letter, and yet we must consider it as the most glorious
of the efforts of the clergy one which contributed most to the develop
ment of feelings of commiseration amongst men, to their sufferings and
to their enjoyments, of as much peace and happiness as seemed possible
with their state of society.
A Cow Trying it on.
An illicit distiller in America recently run the machine” in a small
way for private consumption and for his neighbours’ use. He had
turned out seventeen gallons of the fieriest kind of whiskey, and poured
it in a tub to cool outside his domestic distillery. A poor honest
cow, parched with thirst, coming up, thrust her head into it, and
drank it off to the last drop. She staggered home, literally “ beastly
drunk,” and for weeks was the most miserable wretch that ever tried
to walk on four legs in vain. Day after day she was raised up and
assisted to stand by several moderate drinkers of less physical under
standing, but as soon as they withdrew their hands she would collapse
just like a human drunkard, and show all the symptoms of his drivelling
misery. It was a sad and striking parody on his condition.
The Freedmen’s Association.
This Association, with its working centre in Birmingham, is sending
munificent gifts of clothing to the freedmen in America. It is truly a
noble enterprise, blessing all who take part in it, as well as the beneficaries of such large benevolence. It is fitting that the two great
families of the Anglo-Saxon race should be united in the effort to help
these suddenly emancipated millions through the wilderness they must
cross before they can reach the Canaan of freedom, and enjoy its rights
and privileges. There is a strong determination in the Northern mind
that they shall not fall back into bondage. The most desperate efforts
will be made by the old slaveocracy to reduce them to that condition as
nearly as possible. But the North is on guard to defeat this purpose.
General Howard, at the head of the Freedmen’s Bureau at Washington,
is the very man to watch over the rights and interests of the emanci
pated negroes. The old West Indian combination will be resorted
to by their former masters to fix the tariff of their wages so low that
they shall have as little pecuniary interest in freedom as possible.
But this policy will not be allowed by the government. They are
determined that the freedman’s labour shall be placed on the same
footing as that of the whites, to be paid for, not according to colour but
quality.
The education of the negroes is progressing very favourably, showing
an eagerness on their part to be taught. In the city of New Orleans
there are 200 teachers, 15,000 children in the day schools, and 5,000
adults in the evening schools. Thus a vast number of negroes of both
sexes and all ages are learning to read and write. We hope that if
any qualification be required to entitle them to vote, it will not be
property, but the ability to read. The right of suffrage thus acquired
will be the reward and evidence of merit.
�530
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
[September1, 1865.
“ Walk from London to Land’s End and Back.”
This volume has been delayed a few weeks in the press, but will probably appear
by the 1st of October, if not before.
Subscriptions to the Gratuitous circulation fund of the “ Bond of Brotherhood :”
P. C., Plymouth.......................... ,........................................ ,......... 10 0
SEPTEMBER, 1865.
The Re-action of Great Wrongs.
We have glanced at the peculiar aggravations of the great wrong
inflicted upon the Negro. We have seen wherein his lot of servitude
and suffering has been embittered beyond the experience of any other
subject class in Christendom. We have noticed how Religion, Science,
Commerce and Political Economy were brought into the general con
spiracy against him, to' degrade his being as well as his condition.
How could he arise under the burden put upon him? With his
oppressors there was pffwer—seemingly all power to press him down
to the dust for ever. What could he do ? What could he say, when
even the one among a million of the ic superior race ” who essayed to
speak for him, a thousand miles from the house of his bondage, was
gagged, mobbed and threatened with the halter ? He had no tongue,
no speech nor power. Never was a lamb led more dumb to the
slaughter than he to the auction-block as a chattel. Could a human
being be more utterly helpless and hopeless ? He is not a shorn or
bound Samson grinding in his prison-house. He never had any
strength of his own. He never saw an hour of free play for his sinews
as a free man. What can he do for himself ? With what or whose
strength shall he break off this bondage and stand upright in the bold
stature of a man among men ?
He shall ‘‘learn to suffer and be strong ’’—stronger than Samson a
thousand-fold. He shall stand still and see the salvation of Grod
wrought in his behalf. He shall show this to the world, that the
mightiest human being on earth is the man who bends under the
greatest wrong. His wrong shall work for him by night and day with
the strength of Grod’s archangels. It shall work right and left. It
shall make the highest places and strongest places of human power
tremble. It shall make a continent quake and smite distant nations
with its retribution. All this has come. It is not a prophecy; it is
the most vivid reality before the world at this moment.
The very science of common schools tries to make children under
stand what physical forces are concealed in little things ;—what a drop
of water, a particle of air, or a grain of powder may be made to do if
�September 1, 1865.]
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
531
pent up and set in action in a certain way. The moral force of a tear
of sympathy, or of a sigh of convicted conscience is an agency that does
not act with a sudden explosive or expansive power like these elements
of nature. It may seem at first the merest trifle in the world; but it
shall work itself to a strength that shall rive the fabric of a nation and
change the condition of a race. This it has done, and the doing is
marvellous in our eyes. Fifty years ago, the wrong put upon the
Negro had hardly begun to act upon the mind of Christendom. The
moral force that was to rend the structure of his oppression had hardly
as yet worked itself to the measure of a single tear of sympathy in his
behalf. Little by little the public conscience on both sides of the
Atlantic began to show a faint sensibility to his condition. The pent
up force was working. The little drop of sympathy for the Slave
produced small explosions of human nature here and there. The still
small voice in favour of his freedom called out a thousand strong voices
in favour of his bondage. Then the still small voice grew louder and
stronger at every utterance. It would not down. The tempest of
denunciation could not stifle it. The Power that made and moves the
world was in it, small as it was, as in the day of Elijah. Doctors of
Divinity cried “infidelity!” at it from the pulpit. Statesmen cried
“fire!” from the platform. Journalists re-echoed the cry and stirred
up mobs to club down the preachers of the new doctrine. The
merchants on’Change shouted “Great is Diana of the Ephesians!”
The battle was joined at every point of issue between the friends of the
Slave and the abettors of his bondage. The latter threw down the
gauntlet upon the opened Bible and challenged a discussion of the
subject between its leaves. Theologians, Physiologists, Social Econo
mists, Political Philosophers, College Professors and writers of all
grades of talent and position elaborated arguments of every texture to
prove that the Negro was in his right place. Why break up the
foundation of society and seek to set aside the ordinance of Providence,
to overthrow a divine institution, all out of a fanatic and useless
sympathy for him ? Then the Great Wrong began to show its power.
“ There was a dreadful sound in the ears ” of its perpetrators. The
restless pulse of an evil conscience threw up mire and dirt. They and
their abettors grew more and more desperate. South cried to North,
“Stop that voice ! Smite the Abolitionists on the mouth ! Stay this
fanatical agitation! ”
But the voice went on; for it was not the earthquake or the windy
tempest, otherwise it would have ceased. It was not loud, and it was
the breath of a June breeze compared with the voices that essayed to
drown it. It was still and strong, for it was the utterance of the moral
conscience of a constantly increasing host against the iniquity. Per
haps it may become the earthquake in the end. We shall see. The
struggle thickens and widens. The Negro is bending in silence to his
bondage. He hardly hears a distant murmur of the din of the battle
oyer him. His ears are stopped by his master ■ his lips are sealed ;
his hands are bound. Who so helpless and hopeless as he ? Indeed !
What one human being on the face of the earth is so strong ? Who
ever had more voices to plead for him, or hands to work for him, or
�532
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
[September 1,1865.
hearts to hope for him ? He has learned in silent waiting “ to suffer
and be strong.
How that strength makes the capitol at AVashington
tremble from door stone to dome! How it sways back and forth all
the millions of the nation from ocean to ocean! It moves every politi
cal and ecclesiastical assembly convened in the country. The national
Congress, the State Legislatures, Missionary Societies of every name
and denomination, are stirred to deep emotion by its action on them.
It deepens and widens over the silent Negro. The Continent is cleared
for action; it is cleared of all other questions of discussion. There is
not room for them; they are too small and temporary compared with
the principle involved in the Slave’s condition and rights. The nation
cannot talk of the routine details of political economy, of Bank, Tarifs,
Internal Improvements and the like, over him. He is still and meek,
and makes no movement towards righting himself. He does not even
consciously aid those who are labouring to right him. Ho simply
suffers, quietly and tongueless. But his Great Wrong has come to its
hour. Poor, reviled, oppressed and degraded being, the world has
called him. The world shall now see what his Wrong shall do. It has
come to its hour and to its full strength. The God of the oppressed
has nerved it with the sinews of His omnipotence. How puny were
Samson’s in comparison I It takes hold of the central pillars of a
mighty republic flushed with its growth and greatness. See how the
deep foundations quiver! See how the fabric reels, with all its
treasured histories, hopes and ambitions ! What a crash! What a
crash! What a rending and shivering of goodly timbers and stones
framed and carved by the old and venerated builders of the boasted
temple of freedom!
The Gbeat Whong- came to Judgment.
It spread its retributions with even-handed justice over all who had
participated in the guilt of the oppression, far and near. Every cotton
spindle in Europe felt the benumbing thrill of the shock. The pulse of
the weaver’s beam fell to a weak, slow beat; his shuttle lagged on its
way. Every man, woman and child in Christendom who had touched,
tasted and handled the produce of the Slave’s toil was reached in the
great inquisition. The burden of the judgment was heavy upon distant
nations. At one time it seemed as if the whole of Christendom would
be ignited into a blaze by the flying fire-brands from the burning house
of bondage. Thus the earthquake was in the still small voice. If the
Almighty ever walked over the world in a still small voice, He did in
that. Vox populi vox Dei. That was an axiom of the heathen world.
How much truer it is in this ! The voice of the people does not mean
a temporary and impulsive utterance, a sudden explosion of a fitful
thought or temper. It means the steadily-growing conscience, a deep,
earnest, active sentiment which grows to an irresistible power, mighty
through God to the pulling down of the strongest hold that Satan
can build on earth. The heathen maxim falls far short of the truth.
This public sentiment is not only the voice but the right arm of
Omnipotence among men. He works through no other agency in
overthrowing the great iniquities of the world. Before it Slavery falls
with the crash of a tremendous ruin. All the cupidities and sophistries,
�September 1,1865.]
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
533
all the stays and girders of Scriptural argument, all the beams and
Ibuttresses of Science, bribed by self-interest or prejudice, that were
(brought to compact and strengthen the great structure of oppression,
are flying hither and thither like straws on the wind. Before it War’s
turn to fall shall come in like manner. Before it the Great Red Curse
shall be drummed out of the world, as a disgrace to the ranks of
Humanity. Its butchering-irons shall rust in one everlasting grave'
with the broken fetters of Slavery; and the leech shall no more slake
its thirst at the veins of the human race.
Before it Intemperance, with its wider reign of moral ruin, shall beat
a retreat and call off its marauding furies, to prey no more upon the
homes of mankind.
Before it, Oppression, Idolatry, Superstition, and every other great
Organism of Sin or Ignorance, shall fall one by one. For the tide and
the strength of this mighty sentiment are arising. It gathers force
from every new grapple with Moral Evil.
We have dwelt upon the retributive re-action of Great Wrongs,—
upon the sure and inevitable judgment they bring upon their perpe
trators and abettors, punishing them in every interest they thought to
advance by their iniquity. In fact, we have confined our remarks
chiefly to the penal department of their issues. We have not yet
considered their Moral Mission proper. This we may make the subject
of another article.
E. B. -v
A Relic of Slavery.
■*
The Tower of London has its block of bloody history, on which many
a noble neck was severed by the axe. The Museum of the Natural
History Society, Boston, has recently had a block added to its relics
which in times coming may be looked at with the same feeling. It is
the Charleston auction-block, on which thousands of slaves have been
knocked down to new masters under the hammer. At the capture of
that southern city—the very seat and citadel of slavery—this block was
found at the deserted shambles, and conveyed to Boston. It was placed
for public view in the great Music Hall, and a meeting was held to
celebrate the triumph. When William Lloyd Garrison entered the hall,
and stood upon the block to address the audience, a scene ensued of
thrilling interest. Many were present who could remember when he
faced such persecution and obloquy in Boston as no other American ever
confronted, in his attempts to plead for the slave. Some may have
remembered the very words of that impassioned utterance in face of a
tempest of opposition: “lam in earnest, and will be heard!” He was
heard, and here he was at last, standing upon the central auction-block of
the South, a relic of the system against which he had laboured with such
heart and hope from his youth up. The whole assembly arose to their
feet and greeted him with a reception worthy of the man and of the
occasion. Charles Sumner, also, and other old champions of freedom
spoke from the same platform.
<
E. B.
�584
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
[September 1,1865.
The Victory of Defeat.
No defeat of the two great allies, Science and Art, ever carried away
so many of the best laurels of victory as the breakage of the electric
bond that was to connect the two hemispheres. It was a grand dis
comfiture, which brought out such latent and invincible energies or
human faith, hope, and courage on one hand, and such resources of
hitherto unfathomed science and art on the other, as a complete victory
could never have revealed to the world. All hail, say we, to that
sublime defeat, with its heroic antecedents and glorious subsequents !
It was grievous to the athletes of Anglo-Saxon pluck, who wrestled
with the elements of misfortune. It was a sore and heavy battle for
them. Never men before stood the strain of such a struggle. Tennyson
ought to celebrate it in verse of as lasting a memory as the Atlantic
itself. It would be a grander subject for his genius than the “ Charge
of the Six Hundred” at Balaclava. England and -America should pass
a joint resolution of thanks to the heroes, that they did not despair of
the cable when it fell back into its mid-ocean bed the last time, and
all their fishing lines and rods were broken. It was a loss heavy to be
borne by the stockholders: but who else would sell that experience
out of the history of the world for a million sterling ! The morale itself
is worth to mankind the value of a hundred of those ostentatious events
generally called victories. But the science that unmasked, in the battle
with the ocean, ingenuities that startle the imagination with their
subtlety and power will have for-ever a working value among men “that
cannot be meted out in words nor weighed with language.” Jason and
his companions did something in their day with a vessel which may
have been called a “ Great Eastern ” by the multitude. How small
its exploits, with all the help of the heathen gods to boot, compared
with the mighty sea-walker that trailed this electric cable across the
ocean’s bed to almost within sight of the other shore! If the victory
had been complete, if no little iron bodkin, no headless pin, concealed
in the coating of the lightning-courser, had pierced the cuticle and
punctured the vital vein, how small would have been the success,
brilliant as it would have been, compared with the results won for the
world in this actual issue of the expedition ? Who can measure, from
the standpoint of the present hour, those results, either in number or
importance ? Hundreds of hardy enterprises the world would not else
have thought of may grow out of one of the consequences of the great
experiment. Science, in the sublime crisis, changed its base. To use
the subtle phrase of a distinguished politician, it extended its forces
“ vertically" as well as laterally and magnificently in both directions,
which was a great improvement on his axiom. The Great Eastern did
not go out with any such idea in its head or at its stern; and if the
cable had not parted, the banks of Newfoundland would not have become
the grounds of a fishery never before dreamed of. The vast ship,
sidling backward and forward like a stealthy angler, trailing hook and
line to catch with its barbs a small electric eel buried in the mud at
the depth of two miles and more, and raising the slimy reptile half way
to the surface at the first trial—this is a picture, this is a power, worthy
�SeptemBCTisss.]
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
535
painter’s pencil and the poet’s pen. It is no fault of science that
the line broke once, twice, or thrice, and the hook went to the bottom
of the deep sea, with the heavy reptile in its clasp. Art will “ cut and
try” again. Art will make tackle that will fish up from the depths of
ocean heavier things than electric cables. Who can tell where and
■ft what this “ vertical extension of the suffrage” of science will end ?
What new fisheries will be opened, what hooks will be barbed and
baited for broken ships, and for treasure buried in seas never fathomed
before ? How Science will walk the ocean wild and wide, and trail her
dark lanterns along its undulating floor, peering into its caverned
mysteries, and exploring all its hidden biocracies ?
Then, putting aside these grander results of the defeat, it was worth
the breakage that the men of the Great Eastern were able to stick a
pin right over the place where the splintered end of the cable went
down—a pin with a great hollow head to it, called a buoy, and then to
sail all the way back to England with a good heart in them, believing
that, when fitted out with stronger hook and line, they would tread out
westward again and find that pin’s head among the rolling seas and
dank fogs, just where they left it. To do such a thing is a mighty feat
of science and art. To believe it may be done, and to make that belief
take hold of the hearts of common sailors and nerve them for a new
trial, this has its morale of great value to the age in which we live.
With these views, we repeat, all hail to the sublime defeat I The
genius of Old Ocean might say with Pyrrhus over a partial triumph ;
“ One more such a victory and I am lost.”
E. B.
“Wayside Warbles.”
By the Bideford Postman Poet.
We wish all our readers would read this volume of poems by Edward
Capern, the Bideford Postman Poet. He is the Robert Burns of
Devonshire, and we think some of his verses will equal anything the
Scotch bard ever wrote in the way of touching pathos and beauty. No
equal space in Ayrshire has been set to more joyous music of a poet’s soul
than the postal beat of Edward Capern. It extends six miles out from
Bideford to a small rural village called Buckland Brewer. This he
-has walked for many years, and he walks it now with his letter-bags.
And while he walks, he “ warbles by the wayside ” about everything he
sees—lads and lassies, flowers, birds and bees, and trees, and brooks, and
barn-yards, mills and rills. He gives them the pulse and voice of life,
and sets them a singing for very joy. While waiting for his little mail
in the village on the hill, he writes out these musings by the way;
sometimes carrying home with him two or three songs on different
subjects. On our recent “ Walk from London to Land’s End and Back,”
ye spent several days with him, and accompanied him on his postal
beat, and sat by him at the cottage table in. the village, on which he
Bias penned most of his poems, and saw many of the subjects of his
song. His muse is naturally as joyous as the lark’s, and sings as
spontaneously. A rich, rollicking happiness wells up in his verse on
bird, bee, brook or flower. The two concluding verses of “My Excuse”
explain his predilection for the scene and subjects of his singing:
�536
THE BOND OE BROTHERHOOD.
The lonely bird that wakes the night
Down in the dingle-bushes,
Ne’er imitates the skylark’s note,
Nor warble of the thrushes.
The linnets, too, have their own song,
The happy little darlings !
And next the oratorio
Loud chanted by the starlings.
*
«"
[September 1, 1865.
'
The storm-cock braves the wintry blast,
In his bold lay delighting,
And sings, like me, the loudest oft
When winds are cold and biting.
Each has its own delicious way
In trilling Nature’s praises ;
And I have mine, which sweetest sounds
Among my native daisies.
Up to a recent date all his verse was as mirthful as the laughter of a
meadow brook. It fairly bubbled over with a glory of gladness. But
suddenly a great and almost crushing sorrow fell down upon his spirit.
His only darling daughter “ Milly ” was taken away. “ Under the
shadow of this afifetion. his soul sat dumb ” for a season. Then his
muse began to J^reathe a strain never heard before. In a part of the
volume entitled (i Willow Leaves,” several poems touching on this
grief are given, which, to our mind, are as full of the mournful beauty
of sorrow as Burns ever put into verse. We subjoin one of these,
headed “ The Two Minstrels,” mostly for the two last stanzas :
THE TWO MINSTRELS.
Now while hedgerows, high and swelling,
All with clover sweetly smelling
In the new made hay;
,
Where the golden sunbeams shimmer
Through'the leafy lanes of “ summer,”
Drowsy with the heat and glimmer,
I betake my way.
List! is that the skylark soaring ?
What a passionate outpouring
Of his love and joy!
Hark! how loud his notes are trilling,
AU my soul with rapture filling !
So sang I with soul as willing,
When I was a boy.
See, along the plains of Heaven,
Mimicking the ’fields of Devon,
Snow white swaths are seen:
“ Hear me, unseen meader there,
With thy scythe so keen and bare,
Mowing down its lilies fair,
Lacking meadows green!
�September 1, 1865.]
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
537
Have you not a saintly stranger,
Freed from sorrow, death and danger,
Like a ray of light,
Fairer than your snowy showers,
. Visiting your pleasant bowers,
Gathering celestial flowers,
Like your blossoms white ? ”
If so, ’tis my maiden Milly,
And, I pray thee, tell that lily,
In the fields of God,
Tuneful, from this desert springing
Oft I fly, the bright air winging,
But, lark like, I cease my singing
When I touch the sod.”
The African BoyWhen Jesus came on the earth, he brought man a golden rule with him. He said,
“Do unto others as ye would that they should do unto you.” “ Overcome evil with
good,” and many other beautiful truths were brought and left on record for our
lasting benefit. Our Saviour acted on the law of kindness. He never spoke an
unkind word. “ When He was reviled, He reviled not again; when He suffered,
He threatened not.” His was indeed a bright example for all, for the young and
the old, the rich and the poor. How thankful then ought we to be, that we can
enjoy this blessed book, the Bible, undisturbed and at so cheap a price ! Some dark
countries have not yet enjoyed the light of the Gospel. How then can we be sur
prised if they give way to naughty passions, and are cruel and harsh to one another?
How different is your lot from theirs! and how different should your conduct be !
Compare your situation with that of the poor African,—the poor black negro! They
have a heart and a soul as you have ; there is feeling under the black skin as well
as under the white. The same Great King who made you—made them! Whyshould you have more advantages than they ? But so it is. Prize your high privi
leges, and pray for the poor negroes. Oh, you do not know, dear children, how
thankful, how delighted these poor creatures are when good white men carry the
blessed truths to them; and it was but the other day that I heard two gospel
ministers speaking of poor benighted Africa, where they have lately been travelling.
They said they had preached in many large assemblies, and seen many eyes bathed
in tears,—all anxious to hear of their dear Saviour. No doubt their kind words and
the blessed gospel that they preached touched the hearts of the poor blacks. Perhaps
many had never heard of Christ before. One little circumstance I must mention
that they related. A little boy about nine years of age, went out to service. His
mistress was a kind, pious woman. After a short time he became dull, spoke little,
and seemed as if a dark cloud was passing over his once bright mind. The lady
asked him what was the matter. “Oh!” said he, “my heart rough: my heart
bad; me no love Jesus! ” She encouraged him with kind words, and told him where
to look for help and comfort. A few days more passed, and again he seemed the
same happy creature. Upon his mistress inquiring as to the change, “ My heart
smooth; my heart smooth ; me love Jesus ! ” This is a simple little story, but one
of great interest. If ever you meet with poor negroes, treat them kindly; do not
laugh at them, as some wicked children do, because they differ from you. Try to
win them to Christ, and again I say, pray for them !
Lousia A.
�'
538
THE BOND OF BROTHERHOOD.
ond of-brotherhood,vol. xv.,
B
for 1864, bound in wrappers, imitation cloth;
price One Shilling and Fourpence, Post-free.
Job Caudwell, 335, Strand, London, W.C.
[September 1, 1865,
3s. per Annum post free.
THE HERALD OF PEACE.
Official
1 Organ of the Peace Society. 19, New BroadStreet, London.
Important Notice to Purchasers of Books.
Cheap Edition.
NY BQOK sent free on receipt of the THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS: Its
published price in stamps or Post-office
orders on the Strand Office, by Job Caudwell,
335, Strand, London, W.C.
GRIND YOUR OWN FLOUR!
N consequence of the great adulteration
of Flour and the poisonous compounds in
Bread, Job Caudwell, has manufactured some
STEEL FAMILY MILLS, to stand on a table
or fasten to a post, which, for cheapness, dura
bility, and execution, cannot be equalled.
Post
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No. 1 will grind lflbs. per hour 1 8 0 - 1 10 0
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Independent of the great benefit derived from
having pum bread, the economy effected will
soon repay the outlay. Wheat at 6s. per bushel
yields bread at 4|d. the 4-lb. loaf. See “Our
Daily Bread,” price 2d. P. O. Orders on the
Strand Office, in favor of Job Caudwell, 335,
Strand, W.C.
URTON’S UNFERMENTED WINE,
B
made from the juice of the finest Grapes,
is the best element for the Lord’s Table.
has been analysed and pronounced perfectly
free from Alcohol by Dr. Arthur Hill Hassall,
Dr. J. M. Davison,University College, T. A. Smith,
Esq., Lecturer on Chemistry, and other eminentmen, and is strongly recommended by the Revs.
Dr. Jabez Burns, Ebenezer Davies, Dawson
Burns, Isaac Doxsey, &c., &c.—Price, 2s. 6d. per
bottle; 24s. per dozen; Half-bottles, Is. 6d. each,
or 14s. per dozen.—Post-Office Orders to be made
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Job Caudwell, 335, Strand, London, W.C.
Third Edition, One Penny.
GETARIAN COOKERY for the
Million; containing what to eat, and how
to prepare it, with instructions and Recipes for
One Hundred and Sixty different Dishes, suitable
for families, bachelors, invalids, children, &c.,
showing the best, cheapest, and happiest mode
of living. By Job Caudwell, F.R.S.L. “Live
not to Eat, but Eat to Live.”
Job Caudwell, 335, Strand, London, W.C.
OB
J
CAUDWELL’S
HOMEO
-L Strength and its Weakness. By Edmuwd
Fey, Price 6d. post free.
London : Job Oaudwell, 335, Strand.
Fifteenth Thousand.
HY I HAVE TAKEN THE
W
PLEDGE ; or an Apology for Total Absti.
nence and the Permissive Maine Law. By the
Very Rev. Francis Close, D.D., Dean of Carlisle.
Price 3d. Two copies post-free for 6d.
London : Job Caudwell, 335, Strand, W.C.
Temperance
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Unfermented and entirely free from Spirit;
also Soda Water, Lemonade, Tonic Water
(Quinine), Ginger Beer, Soyer’s Nectar, Potash
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AND CO., 112, High Holborn, London.—Pricelists on application. Country orders must be
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Monthly, Eight pp. Super Royal Quarto,
Beautifully Illustrated. Now Ready, No. 16,
Price One Penny, the
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AT HOME. “A woman that feareth the
Lord, she shall be praised. Give her out of the
fruit of her hands, and let her works praise her.”
Proverbs xxi., 30-31.
Communications for the Editor can be sent to
Office of “British Workwoman,” 335, Strand,
London. W.C.
It
*** A Specimen Number sent to any address
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Temperance
spectator,
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star, Weekly,
Monthly, Twopence, post free, Threepence,
is an Independent Journal, advocating TotalAbstinence from intoxicating drinks and Prohi
bition of the Liquor Traffic. Contributions from
the best authors enrich its pages from time
to time, exhibiting the complete' harmony of
Teetotalism and Prohibition with the teachings
of Scripture, Science, and Experience. The
TEMPERANCE SPECTATOR is the recognised
monthly of the Teetotal and Prohibition world,
and consequently the best medium for adver
tisers. Three copies post free for Sixpence.
Vol I., II., m., IV., V. and VI., cloth, 3s. each.
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denounces Alcohol as a poison, and demands
the suppression of the traffic, as opposed to the
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�
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A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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Bond of Brotherhood Conducted by Elihu Burritt. Vol. XVI, No. 182, September 1865
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League of Universal Brotherhood
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Place of publication: London
Collation: [523]-538 p. ; 23 cm.
Notes: Also known as Elihu Burritt's Bond of Brotherhood. Contents include: L'Entente Cordiale -- The inefficiency of capital punishment -- A relic of slavery. Elihu Burritt was a temperance and anti-slavery activist. At top of title page: Registered for Transmission Abroad. From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Printed by Robinson and Waitt, Cannon Street, London.
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Job Caudwell; Simpkin, Marshall & Co.
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[1865]
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G5386
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Pacifism
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Burritt, Elihu [1810-1879] (ed)
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<img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /><br />This work (Bond of Brotherhood Conducted by Elihu Burritt. Vol. XVI, No. 182, September 1865), identified by Humanist Library and Archives, is free of known copyright restrictions.
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English
Conway Tracts
Peace
Slavery
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£23 36
I
NATIONAL SECULAR SOCIETY
CHRISTIANITY
AND
'
SLAVERY.
BY
JOSEPH
SYMES.
LONDON:
FREETHOUGHT PUBLISHING COMPANY,
28, STONECUTTER STREET, E.C.
1 8 8 0.
PRICE TWOPENCE.
�“ Slave-owners are worthy of all honor.”—Paul.
Slavery—“ That execrable sum of all villainies.”—John Wesley.
“ Slavery is no evil, and is consistent with the principles of revealed
religion; all opposition to it arises from fiendish fanaticism.”—Rev.
J. Thornwell, Wesleyan (Tract 19, “500,000 Strokes for Freedom”)
“Presbyterians, Baptists, Methodists, should be slaveholders ; yes
—I repeat it boldly—there should be members, and deacons, and
elders, and bishops, too, who were slaveholders.”—Rev. W. Winans,
Wesleyan (Ibid).
“If by one prayer I could liberate every slave in the world, I would
not offer it.'’—Gardner Spring, D.D. (Ibid).
“ In ancient Mexico no one could be born a slave.”—Bancroft’s
“ Native Races of Pacific States,” Vol. II., 221.
�CHRISTIANITY AND SLAVERY.
Christians—even some who ought to know better—are
very angry with me because I hold and declare that Chris
tianity favors slavery. Instead of waxing wrath will they
do their best to refute my opinion ? And, that they may
have the best of opportunities to do so, I subjoin the evi
dence on which that opinion is grounded.
1. Abraham, the friend of God, had slaves “ born in his
house,” and “boughtwith his money” (Genesis xvii., 12,13).
And it is evident that he claimed and exercised the right to
do as he pleased with them, for when he submitted to the
barbarous rite of circumcision, the slaves were subjected to
the same. Hagar, too, was evidently a slave, at the entire
disposal of her master and mistress.
Now, since Abraham was God’s friend, had God con
sidered slavery a wrong, he would, I presume, have men
tioned it to the Patriarch. And as Jesus, according to
orthodoxy, was living at that time, and as much Abra
ham’s friend as his Father, he, too, tacitly approved of
Abraham’s slavery. It is useless to plead that this slavery
was not so bad as that of America ; for you cannot prove
that—it may have been worse. The case of Hagar shows
what sort of slavery it was. And a man who could, with
impunity, sacrifice his only son (as Abraham almost sacri
ficed Isaac) was hardly the man to value the life of a slave,
except commercially.
2. By the law of Moses, divinely inspired, be it remem
bered, a man might sell his own daughter (Exodus xxi., 7).
It is curious, too, to note in passing, that that crude code,
so much bepraised by Jews and Christians—the Ten Com
mandments—contains no hint that parents owe any duty to
their children.
3. A Hebrew slave might claim his liberty if owned by a
countryman, at the end of six years’ bondage. But if he
married after his slavery began he could not take his wife
�4
Christianity and Slavery.
and children with him ; they belonged to his master, and he
must “go out by himself” (Exodus xxi., 2—4). I can
think of few things more atrocious than this ; perhaps
Christians can. And it should not be forgotten that it
was the “spirit of Christ” which inspired the prophets
(1 Peter i., 11), and Moses among the rest, I presume.
4. A Hebrew slave-master might kill his slave with im
punity, provided he took time enough. “ And if a man
smite his servant, or his maid (saints might strike females !)
with a rod, and he die under his hand ; he shall surely be
punished. Notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he
shall not be punished: for he is his money” (Exodus xxi.,
20—21). In these verses we see the worst features of
slavery. (1) A man might whip his slaves, male or female,
and to any extent short of murder on the spot. Here is no
shadow of provision made for any justice to the slave ; he is
not a man, he is only “ money.” (2) Life and death were
in the hands of the owner. In what part of the world has
slavery taken a worse form ? How can Christians pretend
that their religion is opposed to slavery, when their God
gave such instructions to Moses ? Let them have the decency
to repudiate the Bible before they grumble at our criticisms
on their religion I
5. The following verses are also exceedingly plain and
equally atrocious:—“Both thy bondmen, and thy bondmaids,
which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are
round about you ; of them shall ye buy bondmen and bond
maids. Moreover, of the children of the strangers that do
sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their fami
lies that are with you, which they begat in your land : and
they shall be your possession. And ye shall take them as
an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them
for a possession ; they shall be your bondmen for ever : but
over your brethren, the children of Israel, ye shall not rule
one over another with rigor ” (Leviticus xxv., 44—6).
No doubt a thorough-going defender of the Bible could
easily preach an abolition sermon from these three verses,
and prove therefrom that slavery is contrary to the whole
tenor of the Bible and an abomination in the sight of the
Lord.
6. Joshua, not able to kill the Gibeonites, enslaved the
whole tribe ; and made them “ hewers of wood and drawers
�Christianity and Slavery.
5
of water for the congregation, and for the altar of the Lord,
even unto this day, in the place which he should choose ”
(Joshua ix.). Here we find slavery consecrated. They were
“ cursed ; ” and without being asked whether they believed
in the Lord or not the whole nation is compelled, as a
punishment, and as a punishment for daring to save their
own lives by the only way known to them—for this they
are condemned to serve the Lord! A back-handed compli
ment, surely, to their deity and religion ! Or, if their God
sanctioned it, it shows that in those days he was quite
willing to be served even by slaves. This view of the case
is proved by Numbers xxxi., where the Lord’s portion or
“tribute” of the captive Midianites was 32, out of
32,000 (v. 40).
7. The whole Israelitish state or government was, like
Oriental governments generally, a pure despotism, where the
king was supreme, and the people all slaves, entirely at the
disposal of their lord. Samuel well describes this feature of
the state when protesting against the kingship (1 Samuel
viii., 10—18). Solomon could build his temple and other
works only by the aid of forced labor ; and he enslaved the
descendants of the Canaanites for that purpose (1 Kings ix.,
15—22). I do not remember that the Lord ever found
fault with this arrangement, nor did he decline to own a
temple raised by unwilling slaves, and possibly by men who
regarded him as an abomination. Will Christians explain
this ?
Perhaps I may be told that Hebrew slaves were all
liberated in the Year of Jubilee. But I am not aware that
that year ever arrived until the whole nation, slaves, masters,
and all, were carried into captivity. It is singular that the
Bible nowhere, so far as I remember, records the celebration
of the Jubilee. The Old Testament certainly protests
vigorously against slavery — when the writers and their
friends are the victims. It was a dreadful thing for the
Egyptians to enslave the family of Jacob; but Joseph,
though once sold himself, actually bought up the whole of
Egypt, the whole of the cattle, the whole of the money,
and the whole of the people as the property and slaves of
Pharaoh. Yet “ the Lord was with him.”
Perhaps—nay, for certain—Christians will urge that the
New Testament is essentially opposed to all slavery. If so,
�6
Christianity and Slavery.
then (1) It cannot have been inspired by the same God
who gave the Old; unless (2) that God became somewhat
civilized and improved in morals in the interval between the
writing of the two books.
(3) Any being opposed to
slavery would have repudiated the parts of the Old Testa
ment above referred to and quoted, if he had known them.
Was this ever done by the God or Gods of the New Testa
ment? (4) If Jesus was opposed to slavery, why did he
not say as much? The world was then full of the horrid
thing. Why did he not lift his voice against it ? Instead
of fulminating anathemas against unbelief and hurling
threats against riches, why did he never say, “ It is easier
for a camel to go through a needle’s eye than for a slave
owner to enter into the Kingdom of God ” ? This would
have stamped him a philanthropist, and a lover of liberty.
Let his followers explain how he missed so grand an oppor
tunity. He who uttered the parable of the Laborers, wherethose who worked but one hour received the same wage as
those who worked the whole day, because, forsooth! the
master wished it so, could have had no conception of liberty
and the rights of man. He who uttered the sentiments of
Matthew xxii., 1—-7, and endorsed them as the policy of his
own projected kingdom, must have been a bitter foe to
liberty. What liberty can there be when a city is liable
to a worse doom than that of Sodom for rejecting the
missionaries of Jesus ? Or where individuals are liable to
be damned for unbelief ? It is an outrage on common
sense to affirm that he who could threaten as Jesus did was
a friend of liberty.
The New Testament nowhere forbids slavery, or even
discountenances it. How was it Jesus omitted all mention
of it when he preached his Sermon on the Mount ? or when
he spoke parables founded on the relation of owner and
slave, as that of the talents ? The language of the New
Testament is saturated with the principles of slavery, while
those of liberty scarcely appear. The word SoSXos (doulos)
occurs about 117 times in the Greek Testament, and always
has the meaning of slave—at least I am able to find no
exception. On the other hand, the word p,ur0io<s (misthzos),
a hired man, occurs but twice at most. Doulos not merely
denotes the slaves of men but even of the Lord; indeed,
KvpLos (kurios), or lord oi' owner, and SoDXos (doulos)
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Christianity and Slavery.
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or slave, are corresponding words, and the one implies the
other. There cannot be a lord without a slave, nor slave
without a lord. Christianity is but a gigantic system of
the most absolute slavery on the one hand, and of the
most absolute despotism on the other. The Lord owns, in
the most complete sense, all his servants, and can do with
them whatsoever he will. Hence Paul does not blush
to dub himself the Slave of the Lord Jesus Christ
(Romans i., 1). Such a man knew not the meaning or the
value of liberty; he was content to be a chattel.
But the New Testament acquiesces in slavery, and enjoins
its continuance, as the following texts will show: “Ye slaves,
submit to your owners according to the flesh, with fear and
trembling, in the simplicity of your hearts, as to the Christ;
not with eye-service, as men-pleasers; but as slaves of
Christ, doing the will of the G-od from the soul; with good
will, slaving unto the Owner, and not to men; knowing that
whatever good a man does the same shall he receive from
the Owner, whether he be bond or free. And you owners,
do the same thing to them, forbearing threatening, know
ing that your Owner is in the heavens, and that there is no
respect of persons with him” (Eph. vi., 5—9). I have
revised this text in rather a literal fashion, but no Greek
scholar can say that I have strained it.
Here Paul either dared not recommend abolition, or was
not enlightened enough to understand its value; in the
former case he was a coward, in the latter a semi-barbarian.
In Colossians iii., 22—25, he gives nearly the same injunc
tion to the slaves. 1 Timothy vi., 1—5, runs thus : “ Let
as many as are slaves under the yoke count their own
despots (Greek, despotas) worthy of all honor, that the
name of God and his teaching be not blasphemed. Nor let
those who have believing despots despise them because they
are brethren ; but rather slave for them, for those who reap
the benefit are faithful and beloved. These things teach
and exhort. If anyone teach otherwise, and does not come
in to the sound doctrine which is of our Owner, Jesus
Christ, and to the teaching which accords with religion,
he is stupid, knowing nothing, distressed about questions
and word-battles, whence come envy, strife, blasphemies,
evil surmisings, perverse disputes, among men of corrupt mind,
and destitute of the truth, imagining that the religion is gain.”
�8
Christianity and Slavery.
Here (1) slaves are bidden to remain as they are, and
count their owners worthy of all honor. If a slave owner
is worthy of all honor, there can be nothing wrong in
slavery, except the bad conduct of the wicked slaves.
(2) The owners here referred to were, some of them, Chris
tians. Had Christianity been opposed to slavery, this could
not have been. Christians still hold slaves in some parts,
and they can defend their conduct by the New Testament.
(3) The latter part of the passage is levelled against aboli
tionists : they dispute, they raise questions, they disturb
existing institutions, they oppose slavery, and have evidently
been tampering with the slaves ; and the owners have as
evidently appealed to Paul to fulminate anathemas against
them. Hence the great Apostle of the Gentiles hurls his
thunderbolts at those “ stupid,” “know-nothing,” “corruptminded,” men, who would overturn society by liberating the
slaves. Paul was not an abolitionist when he wrote those
verses, and had he lived in modern England, how he would
have lashed the “ stupidity” and “ corrupt-mindedness ” of
those notorious “ know-nothings,” Clarkson, Wilberforce,
Buxton, and others, who wrought the death of that Chris
tian institution, slavery, in the British Colonies ! Had Paul
lived in America a few years back most likely Jeff Davis
had never been heard of, and Paul might have been elevated
to the throne of a slavedom.
In the Epistle to Titus (ii., 9) Paul holds the same
language :—Slaves must submit to their own despots ; must
please them in all things ; must not reply when corrected ;
must not steal, but be noted for fidelity. All this implies
that slavery was proper, that one man might justly own
another : the poor slave, who had been stolen, must not
steal; he who had no social or political rights, no pro
perty, himself the property of another—this poor chattel is
commanded to obey, and to behave himself well, for the
sake of the doctrine of God 1 Thus this man teaches that
his great father in heaven, as he calls his deity, approves of
the most heinous of all known crimes, slavery, and will hold
the slave guilty who purloins his owner’s goods, or fails to
slave for that owner to his utmost power 1
Thus I have shown what Christianity, as exhibited in the
New Testament, thinks of slavery. And now we may glance
at the Church in later ages. Guizot, while claiming for the
�Christianity and Slavery.
9
'Church much of the credit of abolishing slavery, says : “ It
has been often asserted that the abolition of slavery in
modern Europe was exclusively owing to Christianity. I
think that is saying too much. Slavery long existed in the
heart of the Christian society, without greatly exciting its
astonishment, or drawing down its anathema. A multitude of
causes, and a great development in other ideas of civilisation,
were required to eradicate this evil of evils, this iniquity of
iniquities ” (“ History of Civilisation.” Edition, Chambers,
1848, pp. 108—9).
The Church, in respect to slaves, was far behind the
empire. Slave marriages were not recognised by either
State or Church for many centuries. “ In the old Roman
society in the Eastern Empire this distinction between the
marriage of the free man and the concubinage of the slave
was long recognised by Christianity itself. These unions
were not blessed, as the marriages of their superiors had
soon begun to be, by the Church. Basil, the Macedonian,
(a.d. 867—886), first enacted that the priestly benediction
should hallow the marriage of the slave ; but the authority
of the emperor was counteracted by the deep-rooted pre
judices of centuries.” (Milman’s “Latin Christianity.” Vol.
II., p. 15.)
In this the Church followed Moses (Exodus xxi., 4). And
Jesus and his Apostles forgot to throw out the slightest hint
on this most important social subject. If the West Indian
and American planters held loose views on sexual morality,
as regards the slaves, the Bible certainly was not calculated
to correct them.
*
If Christianity was opposed to slavery, or the chief in
strument of its abolition, how was it it did not begin sooner ?
How was it it took so long to accomplish the work ? Had
the Bible condemned the crime instead of enjoining and en
couraging it, no doubt it would have influenced the Church
in the right direction. But the Church encouraged and
practised slavery, until the humanity of the world compelled
a change.
When abolition was proposed it was Christians who most
strenuously resisted it; and in doing so they entrenched
themselves in Bible ground, and fought with weapons drawn
* See Appendix.
�10
Christianity and Slavery.
from Holy Writ. A few examples shall close this pamphlet.
The quotations are selected from “ Five Hundred Thousand
Strokes for Freedom,” London: W. and F. Cash, 5, Bishopsgate Street, and Tweedie, 337, Strand, 1853. This work
comprises 82 Anti-slavery tracts, edited by Wilson Armistead, Leeds. Tracts, page 2, reports that at that period
the various Protestant Ministers and Church members held
no less than 660,563 slaves in America. No doubt they
understood the letter and spirit of the Bible as well as the
abolitionists. If not, how and why not ? The Rev. James
Smylie, A.M., of the Amity Presbytery, Mississippi, is re
ported to have said : “ If slavery be a sin, and advertising
and apprehending slaves, with a view to restore them to their
masters, is a direct violation of the divine law, and if the
buying, selling, or holding of a slave, for the sake of gain,
is a heinous sin and scandal, then verily three-fourths of all
the Episcopalians, Methodists, Baptists, and Presbyterians,
in eleven States of the Union are of the devil. They hold, if
they do not buy and sell slaves, and with few exceptions,
they hesitate not to apprehend and restore runaway slaves
when in their power.” Tract 8, p. 20.
The Charleston Union Presbytery, 7th April, 1836, “ Re
solved, that in the opinion of this Presbytery, the holding
of slaves, so far from being a sin in the sight of God, is
nowhere condemned in his holy word: that it is in accordance
with the example and consistent with the precepts of patri
archs, apostles, and prophets,” etc. Ibid. p. 23.
The Missionary Society of the South Carolina Conference
of the Methodist Episcopal Church, by their board of managers,
said: “We denounce the principles and practice of the
abolitionists in toto......................... We believe that the holy
scriptures, so far from giving any countenance to this delu
sion, do, unequivocally, authorise the relation of master and
slave.” Ibid.
The Hopewell Presbytery, South Carolina, issued a docu
ment affirming that “ Slavery has always existed in the
Church of God, from the time of Abraham to this day.”
Ibid.
The Presbyterian Synod of Virginia “ Resolved, unani
mously, that we consider the dogma, that slavery as it exists
in the slave-holding States is necessarily sinful, and ought
to be immediately abolished, and the conclusions which
�Christianity and Slavery.
11
naturally follow from that dogma, as directly and palpably
contrary to the plainest principles of common sense and
common humanity, and the clearest authority of the word
of God.” Ibid.
Professor Hodge, Princeton (N. J.) Presbyterian Theolo
gical Seminary, published an article in the Biblical Repertory
containing this : “At the time of the advent of Jesus Christ
slavery in its worst forms prevailed over the world. The
Savior found it around him in Judea, the apostles met with
it in Asia, Greece and Italy. How did they treat it? Not
by denunciation of slave-holding as necessarily sinful.” P. 24.
The Quarterly Christian Spectator, New Haven (Ct.), a
Congregational paper, in 1838, said: “The Bible contains
no explicit prohibition of slavery; it recognises, both in the
Old Testament and in the New, such a constitution of
society, and it lends its authority to enforce the mutual ob
ligations resulting from that constitution.” P. 24.
T. R. Dew, Professor in William and Mary College
(Episcopalian), said: “ Slavery was established by divine
authority among even the elect of heaven, the children of
Israel.” P. 25.
D. R. Furman, Baptist, in an exposition of the views of
his Church, addressed to the Governor of South Carolina,
in 1833, said: “ The right of holding slaves is clearly
established in the Holy Scriptures, both by precept and
example.” Ibid.
Tract 45 quotes the following from the Boston Emanci
pator, 1846, “ Rev. Dr. Taylor, at the head of the Theolo
gical School of Yale College, stated, in a lecture before the
Theological Class, that he had no doubt if Jesus Christ was
now on earth, that he would, under certain circumstances,
become a slave-holder! ”
Perhaps the following is the very “ richest ” morsel in
this collection: “ Advertisement in the Religious Herald, a
Virginia paper. ‘Who wants 35,000 dollars in property?
I am desirous of spending the remainder of my life as a
missionary, if the Lord permit, and therefore offer for sale
my farm, and the vineyard, adjacent to Williamsberg, con
taining 600 acres, well watered, and abounding in marl;
together with all the crops, stock and utensils thereon. Also
my house and lot in town, fitted up as a boarding establish
ment, with all the furniture belonging to it. Also about
�Christianity and Slavery.
12
(slaves'), mostly YOUNG and likely, and
To a kind
master, I would put the whole property at the reduced price
of 35,000 dollars, and arrange the payment to suit purchasers,
provided the interest be annually paid.—S. Jones.’” Tract76.
I have not met with the biography of this saint; but it is
to.be hoped the Lord did “ permit,” and that he entered the
mission field and proved successful in “ winning souls.”
Probably, before now, he is in glory with the sainted Abra
ham and other slave-holding “ brethren” of Bible times.
What can Christians reply ? The Bible unmistakably
commits itself to, encourages, and enjoins slavery; some of
the most devoted Christians (to wit, S. Jones, the intending
missionary,) have held slaves, and defended themselves by
Bible teachings. Do they not understand the Bible as cor
rectly as modern defenders of the faith, or as abolitionists ?
Are they less honest ?
I rejoice in abolition ; but I am bound to say that it is
decidedly anti- Christian. Wdll some good theologian show
that I am in error ?
40
servants
RAPIDLY INCREASING IN NUMBER AND VALUE.
�APPENDIX.
Not expecting my article to be republished from the N. R.,
I omitted, for brevity’s sake, much matter that might have
been inserted. The following are a few specimens.
Slave Marriages.
44 The Savannah River (Baptist) Association, in 1835,
in reply to the question: 4 Whether, in a case of in
voluntary separation of such a character as to preclude
all prospect of future intercourse, the parties ought
to be allowed to marry again ? ’ Answered: 4 That such
a separation among persons situated as our slaves are, is
civilly a separation by death, and they believe that, in the
sight of God, it would be so viewed.............The slaves are
not free agents, and a dissolution by death is not more
entirely without their consent, and beyond their control,
than by such separation.’ ”
The Shiloh Baptist Association held similar views upon
this subject; and the Rev. C. Jones, 4 who was an earnest
and indefatigable laborer for the good of the slave,’ says
of the slave marriage, 4 4 4 It is a contract of convenience,
profit, or pleasure, that may be entered into and dissolved at
the will of the parties, and that without heinous sin, or in
jury to the property interests of anyone.’ ” 44 Key to Uncle
Tom’s Cabin,” p. 393.
44 The Rev. R. J. Brickenridge, D.D., .... says, 4 The
system of slavery denies to a whole class of human beings
the sacredness of marriage and of home, compelling them to
live in a state of concubinage ; for, in the eye of the law,
no colored slave-man is the husband of any wife in par
ticular, nor any slave-woman the wife of any husband in
particular; no slave-man is the father of any children in
particular, and no slave-child is the child of any parent in
particular.’ ” Ibid, p. 406.
I quote the above to show how atrociously and completely
*
�14
Appendix.
the American Christians executed the Mosaic and Christian
principles of slavery. We are frequently informed that
Christianity is the safeguard of the family, the bulwark of
marriage. But this religion, in its ancient form, repudiates
the idea of slave marriage in its proper sense (Exodus xxi.,
3—5) ; in its New Testament form it tacitly endorses the
law of Moses on the subject; the marriage of slaves was not
recognised in the early Church, nor in the churches of
America. Thus in ancient, mediaeval, and modern times
this divine religion, this source of all blessings, this mira
culous system of doctrines and duties, has denied all liberty,
and even the advantages and rights of decency, to countless
millions of those beneath its sway. All its atrocities and
horrors it has perpetrated at the suggestion, the command,
or connivance of its divine book, and in the very name of
its God—a God whose temples were shambles, whose priests
were wholesale butchers, whose attendants have ever been
slaves—a God who solemnly revealed to Moses a whole
system of sacred cookery and devotional millinery, but
forgot to reveal the principles of right, of honor, of justice,
of liberty, or of decency.
Defence of Slavery.
I might fill many pages with quotations showing how
Christians have pummelled abolitionists with Bible principles,
and how other Christians have vainly tried to parry those
divine blows. When Clarkson’s Bill for the abolition of
the slave trade was carried to the House of Lords it is wellknown that Lord Chancellor Thurlow denounced it as con
trary to the Bible—as it really was.
“ The noblest eloquence was expended upon this subject
(the abolition of the slave trade) in vain .... At first all
the country gentlemen rose en masse against any interference
with it. The commercial body fought for it as if it were a
balance of exchanges in perpetuity. The lawyers defended
it as they would an entail. The army and navy stood up
for it as they would for the honor of the British flag.............
And then there were many strictly Christian people who,
like ants, made it a solemn law to themselves to follow in
the track over which the burden of their faith was first
carried, and who, holding the same belief that was held
before the Flood, were convinced, and not to be put out of
�Appendix.
15
their conviction by any human means, that the slave trade
(or slavery, for it was all one to them) was an old Scriptural
Institution, &c.” “Bell’s Life of Canning,” pp. 214—5.
“ The greatest stress of all was laid upon the antiquity of
slavery. This was a difficulty which paralysed many persons
of tender conscience. They felt with you, that slavery was
cruel, that it blighted human beings, crushed the god-like
part of. them, and reduced them to the condition of the
lower animals. But it was a Sacred Institution—it had
flourished in the earliest ages—it had a divine origin—and
was tabooed by the consecrating hand of time.” Ibid, p. 218.
Just so; not the hyprocrites, but the sincere and
“ conscientious ” believers in the Bible opposed abolition out
of respect to their divine book. And they were right, if the
book is right. This is proof positive that the Bible and its
influence tended only to prolong the evils of slavery; and
that the system would have had no feasible defence amongst
an enlightened people but for the Bible. Christians must
have felt, and did feel, that, in consenting to abolish slavery,
they were presuming to know better than their very God,
who sanctioned and enjoined it. What that Deity must
think of his presumptuous servants I do not pretend to
know. With what face they can meet him after deliberately
helping to destroy one of his institutions, is their . concern,
not mine.
London: Printed by Annie Besant and Charles Bradlaugh,
28, Stonecutter Street E.C.
�f
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�
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Christianity and slavery
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Symes, Joseph [1841-1906]
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Slavery
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Slavery
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Disbanding of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society.
The writer, who knew Mokeintimately and well for
years, once told the story of his
life and services, of his magnani
mity, generosity, integrity, and courage, to the celebrated historian,
Mr. Motley, and challenged him
to refer to his equal in any age or
’'history; he could not do it. Moketa-va-ta is without a peer, the true
hero, the true man ; he sleeps by the
side of his ever faithful and devot
ed wife, Vo-ish-ta, in his bloody
shroud, on the crimson banks of
the Wichata.
tion.
ta-va-ta
“ And thou wert slain. Whoever dared to trace
His name upon the order for thy death
Will wear the sting until his latest breath,
And bind the curse of Cain upon his*ace.”
Betrayed, assassinated, and muti
lated by our troops, in a massacre of
unparalleled atrocity and treachery,
applauded by the commanding gene
rals of the army as a glorious victory.
81
“ Moke-ta-va-ta, thy wrongs shall be redressed,
Thy viewless form fills all the vernal air;
Nor earth’s fair bosom, nor the spring more fair,
Can stay the footsteps of a race oppressed.
Their name is legion, and from mountain slope
And distant plain their fearless forms appear,
All conquering and all potent, without fear
They come with our proud nation now to cope.
And if the rivers shall run red with blood,
And if the plain be strewn with mangled forms,
And cities burned amid the battles' storms,
Ours is the blame—not thine, thou great and good.
Thy name shall live a watchword for all time—
A herald and a beacon-light to all
On whom the tyrant and the despot fall,
Making thy death a heritage sublime.
If of this noble line thou wert the last,
And stood on the extremest ocean verge,
Thy eloquence would all thy people urge,
And in one deadly conflict they would cast
Their gauntlet in our shameful, flaming face,
And then, without a thought of praise or blame.
Would perish to’avenge thy noble name,
And prove that thou wert of a kingly race.
A sound of war is on the western wind ;
The sun, with fiery flame, sweeps down the sky;
Athwart his breast the crimson shadows fly,
Of fearless forms no fetters e’er can bind.
Down through the golden gateway they have
The mighty scions of a nation come
In sweeping circles from their shining home.
With weapons from the battle-plains of Gc u.
DISBANDING OF THE PENNSYLVANIA ANTI-SLAVERY
. SOCIETY.
BY JOHN K. WILDMAN.
After the consummation of that
act in the progress of liberty which
banished political restrictions on ac
count of color, there seemed to be
nothing left for the anti-slavery so
cieties to do but disband. This be
came a willing service, grateful to
every member. They had witnessed
the fulfillment of the pledge made to
the colored people of the nation, and
saw that the grand purpose of the
anti-slavery movement was thereby
accomplished. All that was essenVol. i.—6
tial in the aim and scope of the con
stitutions of their societies had be
come absorbed in that of the United
States. It was therefore fitting that
they should meet together and ex
change congratulations and fare
wells.
The final meeting of the national
society was followed by that of its
auxiliary of Pennsylvania, which oc
curred on the 5th of May, just a
third of a century from the date of
its organization. Rare indeed was the
�82
Disbanding of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society.
interest on this occasion, which was
enjoyed by the fraternal multitude
with a zest and enthusiasm peculiar
to such an unwonted event. The
circumstances could not fail to kindle
among many of those present, if not
all, a glow of mingled emotions, an
alliance of gratulation and regret.
They could rejoice with profound
fervor over the brilliant fact that al
most dazzles the imagination, grand
ly conspicuous on the latest page of
our history; but their joy becomes
tinged and tempered with sadness
as they remember that it is the last
time that the society will summon
them together, seeming equivalent to
the dissolution of cherished memo
ries and associations. To some
among that small number still living,
who actively participated at the in
ception of the movement, the events
of to-day must give rise to feelings
of . serene satisfaction. To live to
see successive triumphs of justice
and freedom, and to witness at last
the crowning stroke that grafted
their paramount objects into the su
preme law of the land, is a privilege
that must awaken irresistibly the
deepest gratitude and gladness. ’ But
this experience was not realized by
all the early coworkers in the re
form.
Whittier, who was present at the
formation of the society, in his letter,
read at the meeting, wrote thus con
cerning the reunion : “ So many of
the founders of this society have
fallen by our side contending for the
unpopular truths of freedom, without
the priceless privilege which we en
joy of beholding with our living eyes
what they only saw with those of
faith, that this reunion for the last
time can not but bring with it some-
thing of regret and mournful recol
lections to temper the joy of victory.
Let us, however, believe that these
dear and true ones are yet with us in
the eternal fellowship of the spirit,
‘ Our brethren of all worlds, for, soul with soul
Communes in this vast business, and not one
Gazes down idly.’ ”
Other letters that were read, re*
ceived from Charles Sumner,
John C. Fremont, George W. Juj
lian, Robert Collyer, William D.
Kelley, and John W. Forney, con
tributed their measure of interest.
It was an interesting and remark
able fact that the initial meetings of
the three principal anti-slavery socie
ties of tl^is country—the New-Eng
land, the American, and the Pennsyl
vania—were all represented at this
commemorative meeting of the latter.
Of those twelve men who participat
ed in the formation of the New-Eng
land Society, in January, 1832, which
was parent of all the others, but one
person was present. This was Ben
jamin C. Bacon, who also attended
at the organization of the Pennsyl
vania Society. A paper of marked
interest prepared by him, detailing
his personal reminiscences of thirty
eight years ago, was read on this oc
casion. Three persons were present
who assisted in organizing the Ame
rican Society, namely, Lucretia
Mott, ^Robert Purvis, and Dr.
Bartholomew Fussell. The last
two signed the “ Declaration of Sen
timents” issued by the association 1
but the light of to-day concerning
the immunities of women had not
dawned even upon the liberal minds
of that period, and a woman’s signa
ture to the document would have
been an unusual toleration. . It was
not due to the absence of sympathy
�Disbanding of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society.
or willingness that Lucretia Mott
Eid not append her name. Robert
Purvis, who has been president of
the society since the death of James
Mott, presided over this meeting to
disband. Those who were present
that went to Harrisburg in January,
1837, to take part in the organization
of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery
Society, were Charles C. Burleigh,
Edward M. Davis, Benjamin C.
Bacon, William B. Thomas, Elijah
F. Pennypacker, John P. Bowers,
and Eli Dillin. William B. Tho
mas was one of the secretaries of that
meeting. The only colored man
among the number was John P.
Bowers, who narrated incidents of
the trip showing the prejudice against
color then existing, and which mani
fested itself in supercilious and vio
lent ways.
The name of another may here be
mentioned, one who has done faith
ful and courageous service in behalf
of the slave, now an. old man totter
ing beyond the eightieth mile-stone
of life—John Needles, of Baltimore,
who left his home to attend this final
meeting. It seemed like a dream to
hear him relate that he purchased
the type for Benjamin Lundy’s
Genius of Universal Emancipation
some time before Garrison appear
ed upon the scene as its joint editor.
Two objects of peculiar and re
markable interest, one of them of
rare value, were exhibited to the au
dience. These were well calculated
to quicken into fresh life recollec
tions of thrilling emotions, one of
stirring delight and the other of woe.
One of these, in the possession .of
Edward M. Davis, was the “ origi
nal ” of the original Proclamation of
Emancipation, in the handwriting
83
of John C. Fremont. How vivid
seems the memory of the day when
the light of that heroic act broke
upon the nation ! Robert Purvis
declared that Fremont was the ori
ginal emancipator. The other object
alluded to, which is now in the pos
session of William Still, was an
old walnut chest, large, heavy, and
rude, in which a slave girl escaped
from bondage. Who Gould look
upon such an uncouth and perilous
“ liberator” as this without a shud
der and a pang ? How it suggested
the horrors of slavery, the precious
value of liberty, and the hazards that
were voluntarily risked to flee from
one to gain the other !
Kindred reflections were elicited
by the paper read by William Still,
which possessed a painful interest.
It was the story of Henry Box
Brown, and. a number of others who
contrived to escape from the hated
thralldom, cheerfully accepting the
severest hardships and bidding de
fiance to death itself. The mourn
ful tales thus unfolded were like the
thrilling fantasies of romance, but
more harrowing because of their
reality.
On this occasion the speakers
were numerous. The fertility of re
source was adequate for a rich abun
dance and variety of eloquence.
There was wide scope and multiform
experiences from which to gather
materials, and to the audience it was
an opportunity of entertainment and
instruction. Prominent among those
who spoke was Charles C. Bur
leigh, who has devoted a life to the
work for which the society has exist
ed, and whose earnest and powerful
advocacy of the great truths of free
dom and right, amid all the vicissi-
�84
Disbanding of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society.
tudes of the strugg le, bravely en-tributary to present entertainment,
countering its worst features of oblo furnishing a rich store of treasured
quy, insult, and violence, has placed events. The incidents related were
his among the names of those cher manifold, and suggestive of the table
ished ones upon whom we bestow of contents of an important unwritten
our highest encomiums. He has history. There was a luxuriant of
been faithful from beginning to end, fering of reminiscences, either serious
and has labored with a zeal and per or diverting, which portrayed the
severance worthy of a cause so temper and aspects of the tragic
grand. This may likewise be said period, and reviving a long list of
of others who spoke at the meeting, gloomy and harassing experiences.
as well as of many more whose The revered names of many of those
voices in public never were heard, who have passed away were men
but who gave the movement their tioned with kindly remembrance,
best support and dutiful help.
whose labors in the good cause were
Mr. Burleigh’s evening speech given at times of urgent need. Some
was a masterpiece of glowing elo of these did not live to witness the
quence. It comprehended a concise red tide of rebellion sweep over the
statement of the conflict between land, while others lived just long
freedom and slavery through its suc enough to behold the breaking of
cessive phases, and gave a philoso that better day which heralded the
phic analysis of the movement from birth of a regenerated nation. The
the beginning down to the time retrospect was a solemn one. It
when the great wrong which over placed in glaring relief the great
shadowed the land received its change that has been wrought with
death-blow. Others spoke with force such marvelous quickness, and the
and impressiveness, and among the contrast between the old and new
’ number were Lucretia Mott, Ro redoubled the joy and gratitude felt
bert Purvis, Aaron M. Powell, to-day.
Frances E. W. Harper, Edward
The admirable series of resolutions
M. Davis, and Mary Grew, repre that were presented in the beginning
senting an honored and unbroken were not finally acted upon until a
record of anti-slavery service. All late hour at night. These were pre
■<of these, except Aaron M. Powell pared and read by Mary Grew.
and Mrs. Harper, have long been Let the impressive words from her
associated in the Pennsylvania Anti lips at the parting moment, the last
Slavery Society, cooperating as mem that were uttered before the society
bers of its executive committee.
disbanded, find a record here :
Of the various speeches it may be
“The vote with which we shall
said, glancing at them with a general respond to these resolutions will be
view, that they teemed with an afflu as the farewell spoken by travelers
ence of personal recollections. There who have journeyed together over
were admonitions in regard to the one pathway from sunrise to evening,
work yet before us, the duties that be sharing its difficulties and dangers,
long to the hour; but chiefly thought and parting at its goal. Friends,
turned to the past, which became our work is done, and there remains
�The Radical Club—Boston.
for us only to look into one another’s
faces for the last time as members
of an anti-slavery society, to clasp
hands once more in mutual congra
tulation and benediction, and to ren
der up to God the trust received
from him, and go our ways to other
work.”
Its mission fulfilled, the society
has passed into history. Those who
were its members are admonished
that the work is not yet complete.
Among the letters read at the meet
ing was one from Charles Sumner,
85
in which these words occur: “ But
all is not yet done. The country
must be lifted in deed and life to
the level of the great truth it has
now adopted as the supreme law of
the land. In this cause it is an
honor and a delight to labor, and I
assure you that I shall persevere to
the end.”
Emulating this noble example,
and inspired by a kindred purpose,
let each aid in what remains to be
accomplished.
THE RADICAL CLUB, BOSTON.
The April meeting of the Club
was held at Dr. Bartol’s, and a pour
ing rain seemed not to diminish the
customary good attendance.
The essay, by Mrs. Ednah D.
Cheney, was on the development
and' organization of religious ideas.
Referring to the beginnings of
things in the material world, she
spoke of the germ and the cell, the
foundation of all vegetable growth
and the commencement of all animal
life. Whence, she asked, comes this
germ power—this life, enabling the
new structure to appropriate to it
self whatever around is fitted to its
inward nature ? The materialist can
not answer this question. He has
to stop short in the chain of cause
and effect, and refer this power to a
source which he may name but can
not understand. The spiritual think
er answers that it is the power of
the divinity within us. It is the
consciousness of this inheritance of
divinity which gives us our innate
faith in immortality. The idea of a
divine heritage is expressed in all
the mythologies, and, however false
in fact, is true as a symbol. Thus
the typical man is the direct child of
God. In all genuine organizations,'
whether of church, state, or commu
nity, there must be a central root
running down to the divine source,
and there must also be a circum
ference, limited by circumstances,
and absolutely requiring from time
to time to be broken up to give place
to new life. And it is not in the
centre but in the circumference that
creeds and nations differ so widely.
In the deepest spiritual communion,
Jew and Greek, Christian and Mo
hammedan, alike draw near to the
divine centre, and meet there.
Every human soul has access to
God, and affinity with him. It is
individual peculiarities which make
sects differ so widely.
�
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A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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Title
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Disbanding of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society
Creator
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Wildman, John K.
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: [Chicago]
Collation: 81-85 p. ; 24 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. From The Standard, Vol. 1, no. 2., June 1870. Printed in double columns.
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[s.n.]
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[1870]
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G5443
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Slavery
Human rights
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English
Anti-Slavery Movements
Conway Tracts
Slavery
United States of America
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faeb5eb6aeab5c7bb5cb00a83d298b57
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Text
EMANCIPATION
IN
THE
WEST INDIES
F. B. SANBORN.
CONCORD, MASS.
Mabch, 1862.
��EMANCIPATION
IN THE
W E ST
INDIES.
The substance of the following Essay was given in the form of a Lecture at
Concord, and afterwards in Boston, where it was printed in The Pine and Palm.
The writer has likewise furnished eight articles for the Springfield Republican, em
bodying the same views, but presented in a different form.
He wishes, in this way,
to contribute to the public information concerning a matter
understood even in New England.
unhappily but little
Doubtless there are errors in these pages, but
they are not those of intention.
Concord, March 27th, 1862.
Sidney Smith mentions a critic who would
never read a book till after he bad reviewed
it; “because,” he said, “reading is apt to
bias the mind.” King James I. used to
wonder that his judges could decide any case
after they had heard both sides; “for if I
hear but the one party,” said he, “my judg
ment is clear; but when they have both told
their story, by my saul 1 I canna tell what to
say.” Something like the wisdom of these
two sages seems to have taken possession of
the American mind on the question of Eman
cipation. There are people enough to ad
vance the theory; there are more than enough
to denounce it, and cry out on its dangers
and horrors; but few of either party have
taken the trouble to inform themselves of the
facts. For the abolition of Slavery is not a
mere theory, like the hypothesis of an open
sea at the North Pole, which they say Lieut.
Maury believed in, because he heard there
were whales in Baffin’s Bay, with their noses
pointing to the north,—no, it is a great his
torical fact, and we are to judge of it as we
do of other facts, less by the arguments ad
vanced in its favor than by the results which
have attended it. Let us consider, then, this
most important topic—Emancipation as a Fact,
not as a Theory,—confining the inquiry to
Negro Emancipation in the West Indies.
What should we think of a man who
should today gravely raise the question
whether the Atlantic can be crossed by steam
ships,—whether a Sharpe’s rifle is better
than a crossbow, or a power press than a
monk’s inkhorn and sheepskin ? Should we
not imagine he had strayed away from Ken
tucky or the office of the Boston Courier ?
Yet the facts which prove the safety and
profit of Emancipation are less recent than
the success of ocean steamships, against
which Lardner prophesied in vain ; nay, they
are older than the bold contrivances of Ful
ton, which, within half a century, have revo
lutionized commerce and maritime warfare.
They lie at our very door ; we have only to
look at them to be convinced.
Yet, so inveterate are the prejudices which
our unfortunate political and commercial sins
have brought upon us, that not one person in
a hundred, it is safe to say. is acquainted
with-the truth of the West Indian experiment
of freedom. In the British, French, and
Danish West Indies, and in Hayti, together
with the South African colonies of Bourbon,
Mauritius and the Cape of Good Hope, about
1600 000 slaves of the African race, have
been set free since 1792, or within seventy
years. Of these, half a million were libera
ted in Hayti, in 1793 ; 100 000 more in the
same island a few years later; 770 3i0 by
England, in 183*4-5 ; and about 260 000 by
�France, Denmark, and Sweden, in 1848. mingo by two commissioners, Sonthonax and
It is. then, 14 years since the last act of lib Polverel, was on the point of losing the rich
eration, 28 since the. most important one, colony. The commissioners had but a thou
and 69 since the first. There still remain in sand French soldiers, a few hundred mulat
Slavery, about 6750 000 Africans on the toes, and the fragment of loyal slaveholders,
continent and islands of America ; that is to to oppose so many enemies. At this crisis,
say, nearly 4C00 000 in the United States, by a bold act of justice, the very thought of
nearly 2000 000 in Brazil, 750 000 in Cuba, which they had repelled four months before,
and Porto Rico, and 50 000 in the Dutch they brought to the French cause the power
possessions.
ful aid of 500 000 negroes. On the 29th of
The slaves ot Sc. Domingo were set free August. 1793, they declared all the slaves
under martial law, amid the disorders of the free. Just three weeks after, the English
first French Revolution; those of Great troops landed, but it was too late. On°the
Britain were led into liberty in time of pro 4th of February, 1794, the National Con
found peace, by carefully prepared statutes ; vention confirmed the proclamation of the
those of France and Denmark during the Commissioners, and abolished slavery in the
Revolutionary year of 1848, but without the other colonies. In June of the same year,
interposition of martial law. We have here, Toussaint L’Ouverture, with 5000 men,
then, all the possible conditions of a commu who till then had fought under the Spanish
nity,—peace, war, and that intermediate flag, forced himself into the chief city, re
state which we call Revolution. If the ex leased the drench General, and put himself
periment had failed in any of these cases, we and his negro soldiers at the orders of the
might think it owing to peculiar circum Republic. From that hour the fortune of
stances ; if it had failed in all we might the war was changed. The English were
think the policy a mistaken one, at least, so driven out, (1798) the Spanish retired, and
far as these Islands are concerned ; if it has early in 1801, Toussaint proclaimed the
succeeded in all, shall we not say it will also French Republic in the Spanish portion of
succeed every where ? Let it be noticed that the Island, already ceded to France by the
the number of slaves set free is about two- treaty of 1795, thus confirming the liberation
fifths of those in this country ; or, to be more of 100 000 more slaves who bad been own
exact, as many as are now in the States of ed by the Spaniards.
Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Virginia,
. In the meantime, war alone had not occu
Tennessee, Missouri, Arkansas, Louisiana, pied the great genius of this negro warrior
Texas, and Florida. But while the 1 600- and statesman. Having become virtually
000 freedmen occupied an area of less than Governor of the colony, in 1796 he had set
300 000 square miles, these ten States have himself to the task of organizing free labor,
an area of 600 000 square miles,—a circum —a work begun by the French Commission
stance very favorable to Emancipation ; while ers in 17 94. Sonthonax, returning from
the climate of none of them is such as to ex an absence in France, in 1796, was astonished
clude the white man from active labors, as in at the prosperity which he saw. After the
the West Indies.
expulsion of the English, in 1798, Toussaint
At the period of emancipation, St. Domin recalled the fugitive planters, gave them their
go presented a condition of things somewhat former slaves for hired laborers, and opened
Like our own at this moment, but much more the ports to free trade. To direct and enforce
like what ours may be a year hence if we do his regulations, he put the whole Island under
not avail ourselves of the teachings of expe military government, and supported his sys
rience. ■ For three years the colony had been tem of labor, when resisted, by the bayonet.
torn by civil wars between the whites and The fruits of this sagacious policy were in
mulattoes, in which the negroes had taken stantly visible. Commerce returned to the
little part. The Spaniards, in alliance with unfortunate Island; labor flourished; the
the revolted slaves of 1791, and in the inter planters grew rich ; the condition of the la
est of the exiled Bourbons, had invaded the borers was wonderfully improved ; the Gov
country, and occupied several important ernment was respected, and every thingplaces.
The English, then as now eager to promised well for the future.
destroy a commercial rivals were in treaty
Suddenly, all this prosperity was again
with the planters to invade the island also. destroyed—not by the negroes, who had cre
The French Republic, represented in St. Do ated it—but by the stupendous folly of Na-
�13
There was a derangement of commerce and
agriculture for a few years. The trade of
the colonies fell off 40 per cent, in 1848, as
compared with 1847, which was a very pros
perous year. At the same time, the trade of
France fell off 25 per cent. From 1848-53
there is a falling off of 10 per cent., as com
pared with the five years before Emancipa
tion ; but in the five subsequent years, from
1852-57, there is a gain of nearly 50 per
cent., and the four colonies are steadily gain
ing in wealth and numbers. We have al
ready spoken of the effect of slavery to di
minish population in the West Indies. Since
emancipation, this tendency has been checked
in the French colonies, though it still con
tinues in some of the English islands. The
population of the French possessions, in
1836, was 376 296; in 1846, it had fallen
to 374 548 ; in 1856, it had risen to 387821, exclusive of immigration.§
The Dutch colony of Guiana, where slaves
are still held, gives a most atrocious example
of this loss of population. || About 1800
there were 80 000 slaves there, producing an
annual value of $7 000 000 ; in 1845 there
were but 43,285 slaves and 9712 free
blacks; a decrease of 46 per cent, in 45
years, or, if we include the free blacks, of 34
per cent. But these 43 000 slaves only pro
duced in 1845 a value of $700 000. Of
917 plantations 636 have been abandoned.“IT
and the production has fallen away nine-tenths;
yet Emancipation has never troubled the
Dutch sugar growers.
From the Danish colonies since Emancipa
tion we have few statistics, but those are all
favorable to freedom. We know that St.
Thomas is a rich emporium, and that Santa
Cruz flourishes. Some disorders, by which the
negroes were the greatest sufferers, attended
emancipation ; but they were occasioned by
the ill temper of the planters, and were soon
quieted by the excellent government. For
the past ten years we hear no tidings of tu
mult or distress from them.
In 1859 when Theodore Parker visited
Santa Cruz and St. Thomas, a member of
his family wrote thus of the freed slaves :||||
“I often think how delighted you would
be with the results of Emancipation, as we see
them all around us, and have abundant op
portunity to examine them ; twenty thousand
§ Cochin, Tome I., p. 276.
'
||8ee Cochin, II.. p 267.
^Edinburgh Review, April, 1859.
!l||27th Report of the Am. A. 8. Society, N. Y., 1861—p.
309-10.
people raised at once from the condition of
cattle to that of responsible beings,—pro
tected and assisted, if need be, by the Gov
ernment. The thrifty and industrious al
ready succeed in laying up enough to put
them forward in the world, build a comforta
ble little home in town, and bring their
children up to trades. They have great
pride in being independent. . . . They
are gradually acquiring a pride of matrimony.
A noble young man here, an Episcopal
minister, has established a day school for
the colored children of his parish, and I was
never so pleased with any school I have ever
visited. The progress has been surprising
indeed.”
“Here, as elsewhere,” says Cochin, “Slav
ery did no good, and Emancipation no harm.
A hurricane, or the change of a single degree
in the thermometer, would have had an in
fluence more hurtful and more lasting, than
the fortunate release of 25 000 or 30 000
men, unjustly enslaved.”
In the single Swedish island of St. Bar
tholomew, there were in 1846, 531 slaves,
out of a population of 1700. These have all
since been freed by purchase gradually made
by King Oscar, $10 000 a year having been
voted for this purpose by the Swedish Par
liament. We have no information about the
effects ; if they had been bad, we should, no
doubt, have heard of it.
We have now spoken of the condition of
all the West India Islands where Emancipa
tion has taken place. It has been shown
that all from -which we have statistics, except
Jamaica and Hayti, are more wealthy than
during slavery, and that all, without excep
tion, are increasing their trade and produc
tion ; that the ruin of Hayti and Jamaica, so
far as it exists, is owing to many other causes
than Emancipation,—chiefly in the one case,
to the cruel policy of Napoleon, and the un
generous course of France, Spain, and the
United States,—and in the other, to the folly
of the planters, and the evils begotten by
slavery. It has been shown, too, how delu
sive is the assumed prosperity of Cuba and
Porto Rico—islands now passing through the
hot fit of the slaveholding fever, but which
must soon be let blood by Emancipation, as
in Hayti, or pass into the ague fit and mel
ancholy decline of the Dutch colonies, which
slavery still curses. It has been shown that
the negro is not bloodthirsty, that he is not
idle, that he is capable of civilization. Let
us add that he is not a pauper,—contrary to
�14
the theories of many Americans, who fear to
do an act of justice, lest we of the North
«hall be overrun by black paupers from the
South. No, the paupers of the South are
clothed in soft raiment, and live delicately,
and are, or would be, in Kings’ houses. It
is a curious, but well attested fact, that
among the free colored people of the British
West Indies, in 1826, the proportion of
paupers was one in 370, while among the
whites it was one in 40.* In many places,
the proportion was still more surprising. In
Barbadoes, there were 14 500 whites, and
4500 free blacks; there were 996 white pau
pers, and one black one ! In Berbice, there
were two colored paupers out of 900, and sev
enteen white ones outof 600. In Jamaica, the
free colored were to the whites as two to one,
while the white paupers were to the colored,
as two to one. In Massachusetts, in 1855,
the number of paupers was one in 148. No
return was made of colored paupers, but we
are told that the returns of Philadelphia,
where there were in 1850, about 20 000 col
ored persons, show a much greater proportion
of white, than of colored paupers.
Many authorities have already been quoted
to show the happy results of Emancipation,
and we have been careful to take the testi
mony of enemies as well as friends. Let us
add a few more to the list.
In 1839, De Tocqueville wrote thus
“Many persons, preoccupied by the recollec
tions of St. Domingo, are led to believe that
the Emancipation of the slaves will occasion
bloody collisions between the two races,
whence the expulsion or the massacre of the
whites may soon follow. Everything leads
to the belief that these fears are imaginary,
or at least, much exaggerated. Nothing
which has taken place in the English colonies
leaves room to suppose that Emancipation
would be accompanied with the disasters
which are dreaded.”
In the Encyclopedia Britannica, a work of
the highest authority, occurs this passage in
the article on Slavery, published in 1859 :
“There can be but one opinion regarding
the results of Emancipation entertained by
any man who will dispassionately investi
gate the condition of the colored populations
in the West Indies; and that opinion will
redound, in the highest degree, to the sa* Blue Book, May 9,1826. Quoted in The Tourist 1882.
t lieport on the Abolition of Slavery in the French Colo
nies. By Alexis De Tocqueville. (Translation) Boston, 1840.
p. 26. This is a pamphlet of 54 pages.
gacifcy of those who then advocated the de
liverance of the slave. England, by freeing
her slaves, performed a politic, as well as a
very jdst act.”
Mr. Sewell, who has already been quoted,
says, at the close of his book, written in 1860 :
“The act of British Emancipation has been
widely abused; but its detractors must live
among the people it disenthralled, if they
would learn the value at which it can be es
timated. Time, which develops the freedom
that aot created, adds continually to its lustre.
Freedom, when allowed fair play, injured
the prosperity of none of these West Indian
colonies. It saved them from a far deeper
and more lasting depression than any they
have yet known. It was a boon conferred
upon all classes of society; upon planter and
upon laborer; upon commerce and agricul
ture ; upon industry and education; upon
morality and religion. And if a perfect
measure of success remains to be achieved,
let not freedom be condemned; for the ob
stacles to be overcome were great, and -the
workers few and unwilling.”
The Hon. Charles Francis Adams, in a
letter written July 21st, 1860, says :
“West India Emancipation is gravely pro
nounced a failure. I have heard it so de
scribed on the floor of the House of Repre
sentatives. The only reason given, is that
the British Islands do not produce so many
pounds of coffee and sugar as they did when
they could force them out of the bones and ■
muscles of slaves. Now mankind may, by
possibility, be tolerably well off, and yet do
entirely without coffee and sugar. But how
can they be happy without good security for
their right to seek happiness in their own
way ? . . .Yet they tell us, because
coffee and sugar fail there is no good in
Emancipation. If, by reason.of this failure,
it could be shown that there was misery and
famine in the land, that starvation was in a
fair way to turn the garden into a wilder
ness, I should be ready to concede something
to the argument. But I hear of no such
thing as that.”
The Hon. Charles Sumner, in a letter of
July 30th, 1860, says :
“Well-proved facts vindicate completely
the policy of Emancipation, even if it were
not commanded by the simplest rules of mor
ality. . . . Two .different Governors of this
island (Jamaica) t have assured me that, with
tSee New York Independent of March 20, for an impor
tant letter of Gov. Hinks on this point.
�15
all their experience there, they looked upon
Emancipation as a blessing.”
Here ends our chapter on the West In
dies. What inference can be drawn from all
this ?
We answer—First: That Emancipation
in the United States is safe. If it was so in
Jamaica, where the whites were as one to fif
teen, will it not be in Maryland, where they
are more than three to one, in Kentucky,
where they are nearly four to one, in Mis
souri, where they are nearly ten to one ?
Second: It will he politic. If the free
ing of half a million of slaves in 1793,
saved St. Domingo, from falling into the
hands of England, the freeing of four mil
lions, in 1862, may save the Cotton States
from a like fate, which even our recent and
brilliant victories perhaps may hasten.
Third: It must not be attended by forced
colonization. If the great want of the West
Indies is labor, with what expectation can we
ship out of our Southern States two-thirds of
the laboring population ? Immigration is
the demand in the West Indias, it would be
folly for us to try emigration.
Fourth. It must not be gradual, but im
mediate and complete. If the experience of
Antigua and Jamaica teaches anything, it
Teaches that simultaneous and entire emanci
pation is the safest, the cheapest, and the
wisest course.
Fifth. It will attract more white men to
the South than it will send black men to the
North. This is the opinion of a sensible fu
gitive, to whom we owe the statement; but
the history of immigration to the West In
dies, and to Mauritius and Bourbon proves
it true. Why should the negroes come here
after emancipation? On the contrary, reasons
both of climate and of political economy will
carry them South in great numbers, not only
from the border States, but from the North
and from Canada.
Finally, these facts prove, what no man of
lofty virtue ever can doubt,— That justice is
always expedient.
The Greeks had a story which devout old
Herodotus has preserved, that Glaucus, the
Spartan, wishing to commit an injustice, and
to confirm it by an oath, asked of the oracle
if he might do so. “Glaucus, son of Epicydes!” answered the priestess, in her solei®n
chant, “for the present perjury is profitable,
and theft; swear, then, for death lies in wait
for the just and the unjust. But there is a
nameless child of perjury, without hands,
without feet, yet swiftly she pursues till she
clutches and destroys thy race, and all thy
house. But the race of the just man flour
ishes forever.”
Thus the oracle. “And now,” adds the
narrator, “there is no descendant of Glaucua
at all, nor any branch of the stock of Glaucus;
but he has been cast forth from Sparta, root
and branch.”
Centuries earlier, the wise Athenian law
giver, in grave verse, which Demosthenes
loved to quote, had warned his countrymen
of the same truth.*
My soul, Athenians, prompts me to relate
What miseries upon injustice wait.
Riches by theft, and cozenage to possess,
The sacred bounds of Justice ye transgress ;
Who silent sees the present, knows the past,
And will revenge these injuries at last.
But Justice all things orderly designs,
And in strict fetters the unjust confines.
What’s sour she sweetens, and allays what cloys.
Wrong she repels, ill in the growth destroys,
Softens the stubborn, the unjust reforms,
And in the State calms all seditious storms.
Bitter dissensions by her rule supprest,
Who wisely governs all things for the best.
And earlier yet, the stern warnings of the
Hebrew sage, who led forth his despised peo
ple from the oppression of Egypt, had an
nounced the eternal law with no doubtful
voice:
“Beware that thou forget not the lord thy God, in not
keeping his commandments and his judgments, and his sta
tutes which I command this day ; lest when thou hast eaten
and art full, and hast built goodly houses, and dweit there
in;
And when thy flocks and thy herds multiply, and thy
silver and thy gold is multiplied, and all that thou hast is
multiplied;
Then thine heart be lifted up, and thou forget the Lord
thy God. . . . And thou say in thine heart, my power and
the might of my hand hath gotten me this wealth.
And it shall be, if thou do at ail forget the Lord thy God,
I testify against you this day that ye shall surely perish.
As the nations which the Lord destroyeth before your
face, so shall ye perish ; because ye would not be obedient
unto the voice of the Lord your God.”—[Deuteronomy viii.
*Demosthenes. False Legation, 255. Stanley’s Trans
lation in the History of Philosophy.
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Emancipation in the West Indies
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Sanborn, F.B.
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Place of publication: Concord, Mass.
Collation: [3]-4, 13-15 p. ; 23 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Printed in double columns. Includes bibliographical references. "The substance of the following Essay was given in the form of a Lecture at Concord, and afterwards in Boston, where it was printed in The Pine and Palm". [Title page]. Incomplete copy - pages [3]-4. 13-15 only.
Please note that this pamphlet contains language and ideas that may be upsetting to readers. These reflect the time in which the pamphlet was written and the ideologies of the author.
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[s.n.]
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1862
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Slavery
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Caribbean
Conway Tracts
Slavery
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Text
If
LA ESCLAVITUD
. k4x<.
TRAFICO DE ESCLAVOS
SUS EFECTOS SOBRE LA CONDICION
DE LOS
NATURALES DE AFRICA,
Y
J
5
loBRE EL CARACTER DE LOS PRINCIPALES JEFES Y DE LOS
OTROS AGENTES DE TAN CRIMINAL COMERCIO.
COX
ALGUNAS PARTICULARWADES ACERCA DEL COMPORT AMIENTO DE LA MULTITUD
I.T BERTA DA RECIENTEMENTE EN LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS DE LA AMERICA DEL
NORTE, LO QUE DEMUESTRA QUE LA COMPLETA E INMEDIATA
ABOLICION DE LA ESCLAVITUD EN TODAS PARTES ES
Kaff
PRACTICABLE AL PAR QUE DESEABLE.
FOLLETO TRADUCIDO DEL INGLES
’ ’■»
«■
GIBRALTAR:
JMPRENTA DE
LA BIBLIOTECA
1865.
JIILITAK,
�'Es propiedad del Traductor.
�jAlL pueblo Espanol respetuosamente dedicamos el presente folleto, en la creencia de que
ignorando lo ocurrido en otras partes, fuera de Espana, y desconociendo sus terribles
efectos sobre el genero liumano, ha permitido tanto tiempo, y lo pennite aun hoy legalmente su Gobierno, sostener una injusticia que otras naciones y Gobiernos Cristianos han
Kconoeido y desechado ya como un crimen; y con la esperanza asfmismo de que no falta-
ran entendimientos nobles y activos que salgan a la palestra, y se dediquen a investigar
si estas cosas son reahnente ciertas (como las esponemos en este folleto), con. la deter-
minacion de no cejar en su proposito hasta que logren borrar el oprobio quepesa sobre cl
pueblo Espanol (nacion por lo demas civilizada, y que profesa ser miembro de la Iglesia
de Jesu Cristo), por estar envuelto con la complicidad de su Gobierno en sostener la es-
clavitud y el trafico de esclavos.
UN INGLES.
��OBSERVACIOXES PRELIMINARES.
L compilador erec indispensable, por via de introduccion, algunas observaciones que conducirau al desenvolvimiento de la especial evideucia que ha escogido, para ilustrar el objeto indieado en el titulo de este
folleto; evidencia presentada en forma de abreviados estractos, tornados de las narracioues publicadas por
Moore, Barth, Du Chaillu, Livingstone, &a.
Pretendieron (probablemente desde un principio), y pretenden aun hoy constantemente hombres cuyo
profuudo egoismo los hace siempre iudifereutes a los sufrimieutos del genero huiuauo, y otros guiados solo
por su propio interes y deseo de ganar, que la esclavitud esterna y el trafico de esclavos, que despuebla y
asola el Africa con su’incesante esportacion, no agrava en lo mas minimo las miseries de la vide humane,
que esperimentan los Africanos en su pais; que si esto fuera un mal 6 un crimen, serialo solamente tai
como lo han tenido que sufrir los Africanos en su propia patria.
Por esta razon hemos escogido nosotros las pruebas evidentes, contenidas en las siguientcs p&ginas, las
cuales demostraran que no hay analogia alguua entre la condicion y circunstancias de los Africanos, como
esclavos domesticos en su propio pais, y la de estos mismos cuando son arrancados de su patria, sumidos en
la eselavitud, v obligados por interminables horas al trabajo diario en paises cstranjeros, bajo el vugo opresor de otras razas, que por la mayor parte profesan ser y se Hainan Cristianas; y que bajo la corruptora influencia del execrable trafico negrero el estado de la sociedad humana en Africa ha ido degradandose
constantemente desde su principio, hasta que ahora, en pleno siglo XIX, ha llegado a estar envilecido de tai
manera que en realidad mas bien parece diabolico que humano.
Por las relaciones del agente Moore sobre la condicion de los pueblos de Gambia en 1780, se ve que ha*
bia desmejorado grandemente durante el siglo anterior, despues que abrieron alii los Portugueses un comercio de esportacion de esclavos ; y sabemos que la tai desmejora acaecio por todo el siglo XVIII., quedando
el pueblo reducido a un barbarismo y postraeion total, en que permanecen sus descendicntes. Estas relaciones manifiestan que en su dia la mayor parte de las tribus tenian un gobierno propio, en cl que cada uno
tenia alguna influencia, v el cual proporcionaba.a todos bastante seguridad en sus vidas y haciendas ; que el
pueblo era suficientemente industrioso para proporcionarse todas las comodidades de la vide, tanto en ali
mento como en vestido, por la agriculture y las artes manufactureras; que las tribus quo han venido a ser
Mahometanas no eran del todo iiiteratas, aunque tocante a este pufito, sin duda rctrogradaron con la deca*
dencia de los principals centros de la sabidurfa y riqueza Arabes, Fez, Marruecos y Timbuctoo, euyas dos
primeras ciudades, en los siglos XIII. y XIV., sobresalieron probablemente en grandeza y en iustituciones
para instruir a las capitales contemporaneas de Europa; que en Gambia se usaban entonccs bestias de
carga, tales como camellos, asnos y caballos, con los que coudrtcian sus mercancfas a la costa y a las partes
mas remotas del interior ; que sus esclavos domesticos eran nias bien criados, depbhdientcs 6 asoeiados que
esclavos estrictamente hablando, porque los tales tenian sus mujcres'6 hijos, de los cuales no les podia separar la voluntad 6 capricho de sus duenos, y por la rnaygr parte eran tan bien tratados rcspceto a la
comida, vestido y demas comodidades, como la clase mas privilegiada de la tribu 6 nacion; no estaban
acostumbrados a sobrellevar penosas fatigas por muchos dias seguidos, ni menos a trabajar sin dcspanso
durante largas horas y bajo el latigo opresor; y ademas de esto, si sus derechos y usos reconocidos eran
invadidos en ocasiones escepcionales, podian acudir y obtenef Ik proteceion de otro jefe o tribu, euyo dere
cho de asilo jamas fue rehusado 6 violado en el caso de una injuria por opresion no acostumbrada.
No aparece que en el tiempo de Moore las poblaciones de la Gambia se hubiesen envilecido hasta adopter
lo que ellas creian ser una practica de la raza blanca, el canibalisino ; ni que inmolasen vidimus humanas
en la rnuerte de sus jefes ; horrible costumbre practicada hoy con tanta ostentacion por la mayor parte de
los reyes de la costa, quienes tuvieron mayor roce con los traficantcs de esclavos, y cuyas riquezas se deril
varon principalmente del comcrcio esclavista con los estrangeros.
Aparece empero, que mientras al principio de la venta de los Africanos a los traficantcs blancos, solo eran
.■xportados los que se habian hecho reos de algun crimen en aquellas circunstancias; como despucs los pelidos fueron aumentando en desproporcion del numero de los crimeues, ocasionaronsc con frecuencia
muchas acusaciones de crlmenes falsos; y cuando este artificio no produjo tanipoco suficientes victimas con
que apagar la insaciable codicia de los traficantes blancos y de los jefes, aficionados en demasia d la bebida,
hechos estos dependientes de los primeros por los pedidos que les hacian de brandy y ron, todos vinieron
i hacerse igualmente insensibles a las suplicas del corazon humano y al testigo puesto por Dios en cl alma;
, y en consecuencia llegd a no ser ya raro el que los mismos reyeB atacasen c incendiasen las poblaciones de
/jus tribus y de las agenas, con el objeto de prender a sus habitantes al huir de las llamas y entregarlos entdn_-es a los traficantes blancos. Siendo las armas, las municiones y las bebidas espirituosas, que formaban el
arincipal pago en cambio de estos seres desdichados, lo que habilitaba a los jefes, haciendolos crueles y
ao-enos de la piedad, para despreciar los antfguos derechos civil y politico del pueblo, y para usurper y
! ejercer la potestad de tiranos absolutos, como lo demuestra Moore en el ejemplo del rey de Barsally.
| La tta.rrae.ion de este agente es tan poco conocida aun entre nosotros, que parece muy probable no la
B
E
�6
leyesen Barth, Du Chaillu ill Livingston™ NQ WstaiiTOMWMMllwW^raMlWH|WWMiW|MMI en
cada una de las cuales se explore una parte distinta, y hasta entonces no descrita^del MaBmSMWMWi
confirman con su testimonio el de Moore en todos los puntos ya especificados.
Asimismo todos ellos concurren a demostrar que Dios en su sabiduria y bondad infin itft^SIMflado a sus
hijos de Africa un pais en estremo agradable para vivir en el, sieudo, conio les es, analogo su clinia ; y quo
solo el ser arrancados de alii para siempre, deberia causarles un dolor insoportable. TgnalinenlWBMSmifeM
en representarnos la condicion de los domesticos llamados eclavos, eomo casi igual a la de sus ilnaMGHM
pecto al descauso y comodidades; y estan eontestes en que el trabajo continuo y forzado es desconocido
entre ellos.
De aqui se sigue, que la naturaleza de los trabajos a que se sujetan los esclavos importados en Cuba y el
Brasil es mas violenta v contraria a sus anteriores habitos e inclinaciones, que lo seria en el caso de Qtta
dueiioe de esclavos, los hubiesen obtenido, no del Africa, sino de Europa 6 de la China.
No se crea sin embargo que el trabajo forzado en la esclavitnd es el unico crimen contra cl hombre, idcado por los calculos humanos; ni que la abolicion de la eselavitud legalizada pondria ]>ara siempre fin a la
injusticia. La raiz del mal estriba en la escesiva ambicion de poder v de riquezas; y los siervos del Prin
cipe de este Mundo, para satisfacer sus deseos y para gozar de los scduetorcs placercs de la lujuria, son in
cansables en sus incesantes csfuerzos, ya para evadir las leves que puedan eoartarlos, ya para inventar nuevas
e injustas condieiones de servidumbre, bajo la cual los operarios se vean tambien compelidos por su ignorancia 6 pobreza a trabajar por una desproporcionada remuneracion.
Que inedidas sean necesarias para completar y asegurar los derechos de todos los hombres, cs una cuestion agena de los propositos de este folleto.
En el solamente nos proponemos llainar la atencion sobre los graves perjuicios que por tanto tiempi sc
han irrogado al Africa con la esportacion de sus habitantes.
No es ellenguaje bastante fuerte v espresivo para delinear los erueles sufrimientos v la cnormidad del cri
men que se han acarreado al Africa con el trafico esterior de esclavos, y mucho inenos auu para censurar el
pecado de los que, en vez de promover la paz en la tierra y la bnena voluntad entre los hombres, connwM
profesion de cristianos lo requeria, originaron y sostuvieron y estan todavia secundando un crimen tan atroz.
Cuanto mas observen nuestros lectores la pasada y presente condicion de los Africanos cn su propia patria,
tanto mas claramente vendran a conocer, que es casi imposible exagerar los males, inseparables con respect"
a lo pasado, que se les han ocasionado eon la esclavitud v el trafico de esclavos. Aquellos pucs, que den a
nuestras palabras la nota de exageracion, experimenten su exaetitud, considerando mas bicn ahora, cual hubicra sido probablemente el resultado para los habitantes del Africa, si cl procedcr de las naciones cristiansH
hubiese sido enteramente diverso del que ha sido.
Ahora, toeante a los derechos del Africa para con los cristianos, se ve claramente, que ya
el siglo
XIII un eaballero espanol dio un ejemplo notable de escitacion al reconocimiento de tales derechos. Kaimundo Lull nacid en la isla de Mallorca y hasta la edad de 30 alios vivid cn la corte del rev Jaime, sin mas
elevado objeto que los placeres ordinarios de un cumplido cortesano; mas despues de asegurarse de que la
voluntad de Dios era, que se dedicase al servicio de Jesucristo, aplicdse con verdadero celo a promover las
misiones, y trabajo vivamente y con entera solicitud abogando por el Cristianismo, a fin de que la razon
fuese condueida a la obediencia de la fe. Su fervoroso espiritu se interesd especialmeute a favor de los judios
y Sarraeenos; y desde que los Cruzados hubieron procurado vanamente subyugar a los Islamitas con el po
der de la espada, deseaba el con mayor ansia que 1’uesen subyugados con cl poder del amor de Cristo. Y
llegd a convencerse de que los cristianos, lejos de llevar la muerte a los gentiles, debiaji mas bicn sacrificar
sus vidas para la salvacion de los demas.
En su obra sobre la “ Contemplation de Dios,” ( dice: “Por estar envueltos los cristianos v sarraccnos
)
*
en una guerra espiritual, una guerra carnal ha sido la consecuencia, por lo cual inuchos son heridos, sumidos
en esclavitud y muertos, lo que no sucederia, si la tai guerra no existiese; aquellos pues, 6 Seiior, que anhelan, cesen los males que de esta guerra resultau, deben primeramente poner fin a este conflieto, y en con
secuencia la paz estema sea una preparacion para la paz espiritual. Porque mientras ellos no terigan paz
esterna, no podra haber discusion alguna con respecto a la fe, ni menos podran, por la fuerza de la verdad v
la gracia del Espiritu Santo, conducirlos al camino de la verdad. Oh Padre Celestial! cuando tu enviastaa
tu Hijo al mundo, haciendo que se revistiera de nuestra naturaleza humana, El y sus discipulos estaban esterionnente en paz con los Judios; no esclavizaron a nadie, no dieron muerte a ningun hombre, no compelieron al incredulo a seguirles por fuerza. Es, pues, seguramente razonable que los cristianos recordasen
siempre esto, y procurasen mantener la paz esterna, a fin de glorificarte a ti, 6 Sefior, que venciendo la earne, trajiste la paz espiritual al mundo.” Dice el asimismo despues: “ Por lo tanto, si por nuestra culpa
permanecen ellos en las tinieblas de la incredulidad; ellos se quejaran a ti, 6 Senor, con este motivo en el
dia del Juicio, por el mal que les causamos en no predicates, ni instruirlos, a fin de que pudiesen abandonar
su error.”
Tres veces paso este noble caballero al Africa, donde espuso con franqueza a los sabios maliometanos, que
el venia a discutir con ellos sobre la verdadera fe; y cuando en Tunez el ano 1292 fue inmediatamente encarcelado por el fanatico celo de los que, amando la persecucion y el dominio de la intolerancia, hubieran
querido prohibir toda libertad de investigar y discutir; uno de los Alfakies (j-) mahometanos, mas sabio y
(*) El autor, no teniendo a mano la obra original Espanola, se ha valido de la segunda pa^^ala obra
Alemana del Profesor Neander, titulada, “ Denkwurdigkeiten aus der Geschichtc des christlichen Lebens.”
(t) Alfaqui, Doctor, 6 Sabio.
�magminimo que los de su propia clase, lo defendid y libro, diciendo: “Que como ellos adrnirarian el celo de
un mahometano que se atreviese entre los Cristianos a convertirlos a la verdadera fe, asi tambien no podian
dejar de honrar en el cristiano un celo semejante en difundir la religion que el creyese ser la verdadera.”
En 1315, Raimundo Lull en su tercero y ultimo viage de mision, habiendo vuelto a Buggia, de donde
habia sido ya anteriormente espulsado, y ejercitandose alii con gran celo en exhortar al pueblo a que abandonase su fe en Mahoma, fue apedreado.
Los preceptos pues, y los ejemplos de este fervoroso cristiano vienen en apoyo del objeto presentado en
este folleto. Porque lo que el, por amor a Dios y al prdjimo, hizo entre los sarracenos en las costas septentrionales de Africa, eso mismo desed que se hieiese en toda ella por una sucesion no interrumpida de misioneros Cristianos, hasta que el Evangelio fuese predicado por todas partes. Pero en vez de seguir su ejemplo,
en vez de favorecer v fomentar el cumplimiento de su obra y deseo, tanto la suya como muchas de las naciones maritimas de Europa, estorbaron subsiguientemente y en gran manera su cumplimiento. Durante los
siglos XVII y XVIII, aquellos que cspecialmente se apellidan Cristianos, no cesaron de inducir a los gentiles
afrieanos a nuevas y mas grandes iniquidades de las a que ellos estaban propensos; sumergiendolos asi en
las mayores profundidades del crimen, y trastornando por este medio todo buen gobierno y toda seguridad
de vida y propiedad: seguridad sin la cual son esteriles los moviles de la industria.
Se ha dicho con frecuencia para justificar la esclavitud y el trafico de esclavos, que fueron sancionados
por un eminente fikintropo, el obispo espanol Las Casas.
Pero quizes no se sabe tan genoralmente, como
es debido en justicia a su reputacion, que, aunque el reconocid que habia favorecido en un principio la trasportacion de negros a las Indias Occidentales, para evitar el que los Indios naturales del pais pereciesen bajo
la cruel opresion de sus invasores, y esto, considerando entonces a los negros como prisioneros legales, cogidos por los Portugueses en estado de guerra; inudo sin embargo de opinion en el asunto ( y declare qua
)
*
la cautividad de los negros es tan injusta como la de los Indios. Y aun despues manifesto el temor de que,
aunque el habia caido en el error de favorecer la importacion de esclavos negros en America por ignorancia
v por motivos de compasion hacia otros, no podria despues de todo, presentarse (f) completainente escusado
por esto ante la divina Justicia. j Cual, pues, no huhiera sido su horror, si liubiese podido prever toda la
estension de violencias e iniquidades, que por dos siglos consecutivos han sumido en la ruina a los naturales
del pais oprimidos en esta vida, y en la futura, quizas, a los estrangeros opresores!
La estabilidad y prosperidad tanto de naciones como de familias, estan en relacion intima con sus designios y conducta hacia otros hombres. Los mahometanos no tienen libertad para esclavizar a sus correligionarios, lo que es por su parte una admision tacita de que la esclavitud es un mal y una injutiscia para los
Esclavizados; pero si pueden, y voluntariamente infieren esta injuria sobre los que consideran como infieles,
agenos de la verdadera iglesia.
Y algunas naciones cristianas no han estado exentas de hacer todo lo posiH® para encubrir su iniquidad bajo un alegato tan indigno del Cristianismo. Porque a quien puede dejar
de conocer que la obligacion de mayor humanidad y clemencia hacia otros esta en proporcion directa de la
entidad de luces y privilegios recibidos y poseidos ?
Comparando ahora el caracter y circunstancias de los mahometanos en Africa, descritas en su tiempo por
Africano, y los de la nacion cristiana Portuguesa en el siglo XVI, con sus respectivas aspiraciones y
condicion actual; tomando el testimonio del Dr. Barth con respecto a la accion de los mahometanos en el
Africa Central,y el del Dr. Livingstone respecto del influjo y accion de Portugal en el sud-este y sud-oeste
de Africa ; sera evidente no solo que el mal causado por los hombres, vive aun despues de ellos, sino que cae
■atalmente de rechazo sobre ellos y sobre los hijos de sus hijos.
Si el alfaqui, que aplaudio el celo por el conocimiento de la verdad que indujo a Raimundo Lull a visitarlos en el siglo XIII, hubiera podido animar tan solo una activa minoria con su aprobacion sana y magnanima de la libertad de investigar y discutir, j quien puede dudar que se habria diferido, que se habria alejado
la decadencia del poder Arabe, y que habria venido a ser enteramente cristiano, con la ventaja de esta liber
tad de discusion ?
De igual manera, si Portugal que tiene un nombre para vivir, se huhiera guiado en realidad por el poder
viviente de Cristo, en el mismo amor a la verdad y a la justicia, que en su vida manifestaron Lull y Las
Casas, i quien duda que su eminencia entre las naciones habria sido tan estable, como brillante era en su
Bujncipio ?
Asi tambien, si cuando Francia e Inglaterra dieron a las demas naciones cristianas el por tanto tiempo
diferido ejemplo de renunciar a la esclavitud (crimen que un cristiano Ingles eminentemente util ha calificado de suma de todas las villanias), las hubiese emulado en su conducta el pueblo de los Estados L’nidos,
j quien duda que habrian evitado por este medio las calamidades y horrores de la rebelion que esta dcsolando
■ctuahnente su repuhlica? Solemnemente conmovedora y apropiada es la alusion, que a este proposito ha
hecho cl Presidente Lincoln en su discurso inaugural del 4 de Marzo, (j) reconociendo la rectitud del juicio
de Dios sobre la Nacion, por su persistente injusticia (hacia dos razas de sus semejantes).
Y Espana tan favorecida por la naturaleza para alcanzar y para mantener el puesto de una gran potencia,
<i se hubiese visto sometida a la humillacion y miserias de Una invasion estrangera, a las calamidades de una
guerra civil, y mucho mas aun a los execrables horrores que alimentaba en su propio seno el tribunal de la
KiiclEfeicion ?
i No es el orgullo verdadera locura que rehusa el arrepentimiento y reparacion, que provoca los mas duros
(*) |fte|g^as vidas de Espanoles Celebres. tomo 3.° apendice.
(t) ease S. Juan, cap. V. v. 24.
(j) Vease la pagina.
Madrid, 1833.
�castigos, que quiere persistir en las antiguas sendas de la ignorancll y de la iniquidad, tentando la demen
tia del Altisimo, el eual hara que caiga su propia maldad sobre el malo, que lo desafia en su obstiuacion ?
El Salmista, prediciendo la destruccion de los opresores, dice:
B*‘ <j Juntarase contigo el trono de iniquidades, que forma agravio en el mandamiento ? ”
“ Y el hara tornar sobre ellos su iniquidad, y los destruira por su propia maldad.” (Sal. 94, y,
Hasta los sabios gentilicos parece haber creido en una segura justicia retributiva, daudo por snpnSBnhB
el malo nunca podra sustraerse al castigo merecido por su mal obrar.
Los hombres de todas las naciones tienen grande necesidad de mirar mas alia de la estrecha esfera de la
esperiencia personal, adquirida en su iglesia 6 nacion solamente, para conocer la evidencia de las causas del
favor 6 indignacion de Dios, el cual ha dicho:
“ Entended ahora esto, vosotros los que os olvidais de Dios, no sea que os haga pedazos, sin que hava
quien os libre.” (Salmo 50, v. 22.)
Se nos da para nuestra instruction en el libro del Profeta Jonas un senalado ejemplo de la cuidadosa providencia de Dios. Bien sabia Jonas que Dios era compasivo y de largo sufrir ■ por esto se alarmo su amor
propio, no fuera que viniese a aparecer como un falso profeta si Dios no enviaba el castigo que a el se le
habia ordenado proclamar como inminente; y sin duda le repugnaba a este profeta llevar un mensaje que
claramente manifestaba no estar limitados a sola la nacion Hebrea el favor y compasion de Dios. Grande
fue la sabiduria del Rev de Ninive, quien en vez de tomar consejo de la soberbia herida, recibio con rcverencia hacia Dios el mensaje pronunciado por un estrangero. Por esto a el y a su,pueblo les fue penlonadM
su iniquidad, cuando manifestaron con humildad un arrepentimiento sincero.
De todo esto se deduce que sera el verdadero patriota aquel que sea mas diligente en trabajar para que su
nacion venga a ser un pueblo aceptable delante de Dios.
“ Porque solo la justicia engrandece a una nacion.” (Prov. xiv.—34.)
EXTRACTOS DE UNA DESCRIPCION
DE LAS VARIAS NACIONES COMPRENDIDAS EN EL
ESPACIO DE 600 MILLAS SOBRE EL RIO
CON UN ESTRACTO DE LOS ESCRITOS DE LEO AFRICANUS,
POR FRANCISCO MOORE,
POR ALGUNOS ANOS DE LA COMPAfJlA REAL INGLESA EN AFRICA.
GAMbB
AGENTE
PUB. EN 1738.
A.D. 1730.
OS diferentes reinos de las riberas del Gambia estan habitados por varias razas, tales como Mundingocs,
JJ Jolloiffs, Pholeys, Eloops y Portugueses. Al sud del Gambia, entre los rios Cabata v Ventain, se halla
situado el imperio de Forria, gobernado por dos emperadores de la raza Banyoon, que viene a ser una clase
de Floops. En lo interior es muy grande; pero al hablar de imperio, debo observar que cn un principio,
cuando fueron descubiertos estos paises, eran grandes y dignos de aquel nombre; mas ahora son muy reducidos, no solamente en estension de territorio, sino tambien por haber vendido en esclavitud infinitos numeros de sus vasallos.
Cuando este pais fue conquistado por los Portugueses sobre el ano de 1420, algunos de estos se establecieron en el reino de Mundingoes, y sus descendientes son casi tan negros como los naturales. Los Jolloiffs,
cuyo pais es vastfsimo y se estiende hasta el rio Senegal, son mas negros y hermosos que los otros naturales 11
de este pais.
Los Pholeys son de un color moreno, edifican ciudades, tienen cscuelas donde se ensena el Arabe, no es
tan sujetos a ninguno de los reyes del pais aunque viven en su territorio; pero tienen jefes de entre si
mismos, los cuales gobiernan con tai moderation, que cada acto del gobierno mas bien parece un acto del
pueblo que de un solo hombre. El pueblo es de un caracter bueno y tranquilo, v csta tan instruido en lo
J
que es recto y justo, que un hombre que obra mal es la abominacion de todos.
Cerca de sus casas cultivan el tabaco v algodon en campos cerrados, y detras estan sus campos de grano,
del que cosechan cuatro clases ; maiz, arroz y el mas grande y mas pequeno grano de Guinea. Son muy
industriosos, y recolectan mucho mas grano del que consumen. Son asimismo hospitalarios y bondadosos
para con todos, de tai manera que, el tener una ciudad de Pholeys en su contorno es considerado por los
otros naturales eomo una bendicion. Como su humanidad se estiende a todos, son doblemente bondadosos
para con los de su propia raza, tanto que si uno de ellos tiene noticia de alguno que ha sido hecho esclavo,
todos los Pholleys contribuyen a redimirlo. Y la suavidad de su caracter no procede de falta de valor, pues '
son tan bravos como otro pueblo cualquiera de Africa; y los Jolloiffs y el Rey de Barsally
a
entrometerse con eRos. Son mahometanos rigidos, y por ninguna causa heberian brandy y ron. I Crian
ganados, y son muy diestros en manejarlos; ordenan las vacas ■ son buenos cazadorcs, y matan leones,
�9
tigrcs, elefantes y otras bestias salvajes. Son muy particulares en su vestido, usaudo solamente trajes
blancos de algodoii que ellos mismos haeeu ; v esta.11 siempre muy limpios, en especial las mtigeres, WSm
[feME casas con mucho aseo.
El lenguaje mas general es el Mundingoe, quo se habia mas arriba en el pais de Joncaes (alias mercadores), llamados asi por el gran numero de esclavos que tracn anualmente para vcnderlos a los blaucos, hacicndo no menos que un viaje de seis semanas de camiiio desde el fuerte James.
El principal trafico de estc pais consistc on oro, esclavos, colmillos de elefante y cera virgen. El oro es
de muy buena calidad, en barras pequenas formando anillos. Los comerciantes son negros Mundingoes.
El oro 110 estraen, diceu ellos, de la arena, sino que lo sacan del mineral; alii las casas son de piedra, y
se fabriean alfanjes y cuchillos de muy buen acero. Los mismos eomerciantcs traen algunos anos esclavos
(sobre linos 2000 anualmente) conduciendo colmillos de elefante, &a. Ellos los compran de los difereutes principcs, que los haeen prisioneros en tiempo de guerra; y muchos de ellos proceden de lejanas
regiones del interior. Puede haber unos cien traficantes que comercian en lo interior del pais, y estos usau
bien asnos, 'bien esclavos, para conducir sus mcrcaneias.
Muchos otros esclavos se compran en las ribcras del rio, ascendiendo su numero a unos mil por alio,
ora son cogidos como los primeros, cn guerra, ora son hombres condenados por criminales, d ya tam
bien gente robada, como sucede con frecuencia. Desde que sc propagd el trafico de esclavos, todos los castigos sc cambiaron por el de la esclavitud; y ellos exajcran cn gran manera la enormidad del crimen para
nfearcl benelicio de vender al criminal! No solamente cl homicidio, el robo, el adulterio, sino tambien
otros delitos de poca monta, se castigan vendiendo al supuesto criminal. En el distrito de Cantore sucedid
que, disparando un hombre contra un tigre que se estaba comiendo un veuado, se desvio la bala y rnatd a un
hombre. En su consecuencia, cl Iley condend no solamentc al matador, sino tambien a su madre, y a tres
hcrmuuos, y a ires hermanas, a ser vendidos como esclavos! Trajeronlos a mi en Yamyamacunda, pero con(plidse mi corazon y no los coniprc : por lo cual lueron remitidos cn direccion del rio y vendidos a otros
buques de traiicantes en Joar, y cl Iley tomd los generos que constituian el precio de la venta.
1 arios de los naturales tienen aqui muchos csclavos nacidos en sus familias; pero los nacidos en otras
partes de Africa son vendidos, lo cual cs niirado en Gambia como una cosa mala. Si hay muchos esclavos de-familia, v uno de ellos coinete un crimen, no puede el amo venderlo sin el consentimiento de los
demas; porque si lo hace todos huiran y seran protegidos por el reino a que se acojan.
Los hombres v mujeres solian vendersc mas caros que los ninos v ninas; pero de algunos anos a esta
parte ha sido tai la afluencia de buqnes en el rio en demanda de esclavos jdvenes para trasportarlos a Cadiz
y Lisboa, que hoy apenas se nota alguna difcrencia de precios.
La coinpania Franccsa de Indias tiene establecida una factoria en Albredas, situada a algunas millas mas
abajo del luertes James, la cual habia conveuido no dar por los esclavos masque 40 “bam” de generos por
cabeza. Pero habiendo ultimamente grandes pedidos de esclavos para el Mississippi, se rompio ese convenio, y dieron un aumento de generos hasta el valor de 10 libras esterlinas.
Noviembre, 14 de 1830.—Sobre la media noche fue llamado nuestro alferez por los centinelas queestaban
M^guardia, para impedir la fuga de nuestros csclavos que habian roto una de las bams de hierro de la ventana de la casa depdsito; y al dia siguiente se lc mandd dar cien latigazos al cabecilla de aquella conspiraeion, que era un antiguo delincuente.
El Iley de Barsally, en cuyo reino esta Joar, ciudad donde reside la Factoria principal de la Compania,
suelc vivir comunmcnte en Cobone, distante 100 millas, y ccrca del mar. Siempre que hecesita brandy 6
ron, y que por lo regular cs dos 6 tres veces al ano, inanda a decir a nuestro Gobernador en el fuerte James,!
que le euvie un falucho con un cargamento. Al arribo de este, sale el rey y saquea algunas poblaciones,
capturando a los habitantes para venderlos para algunas eomodidadcs que necesita; estas comodidades por
lo regular son: brandy, ron, fusiles, pdlvora, balas, pistolas y sables para sus soldados, y coral v plata para
sus mujeres v concubinas.
Febrcro, dia 22.—El “Ruby ” ha llegado al fuerte Janies, habiendo vendido fodos los caballos que traia
de la isla del Cabo Verde: la generalidad de los caballos importados son de las costas de Berberia.
Abril, dia 11.—La “Arabella,” traficantc separado, bajd de Joar y salid para Maryland cargado
EKcsclavos entre los que se eneontraba uno de la raza de Pholey llamado Job Ben Salomon, hijo del sacerdote de Bundo en Foota; el eual viajando por el lado sud del rio, habia sido atrapado por el rey del
pais, y vendido y embarcado en Joar; enviandolo l’uera del rio antes que llegase a los Pholeys la noticia de
su captura.
Idem, 19.—-El “ Sierra Leone ” se hizo a la vela para la Carolina del Sud, habiendo dejado el cargamento y recibido en pago 180 esclavos.
Mayo, dia 4-.—El “ Herbert ” salid para Virginia.
Dieienibre, 5 c—El “ William y Betty ” salio para las Indias Occidentales.
Idem, 22.—El “Elizabeth,” traficante separado, se did a la vela para la Carolina del Sud, cargado tambien de csclavos.
Junio, 4. El “ Sea Nymph,” falucho, bajd de Geregia con una buena cantidad de algodon y cera virgen.
Este dia vinieron dos Jolloiffs a vender telas. Estos hacen la mejor clase de telas de algodon y en granmMjgidades. Las piezas tienen comunmentc 27 yardas de largo por 9 pulgadas de ancho. Limpian qa
algodon de seuiilla con las manos, v lo hilan y tegen. Seis tiras de 5 yardas cada una, unidas unas con
uticientes para la ropa del hombre o de la mujer. Algunas de estas telas finas y tenidas con
colores brillantes valen 30 chelines. Sus colores son azul d amarillo, pero siempre vivos y de firmeza
Setiembre.—El “ Greyhound,” traficante separado, vino de Joar, donde habia comprado solamente 75 es-
�in
elavos, entre los cuales habia algunos que, siendo fibres, hal®nwK>
al cruzar el rio en una canoa.
Idem, 9.—El rey de Barzally vino a Joar, acompanado por 30 de sus henna nos, mas de 100 hombres de
a caballo, y se hospeda en la factoria, donde bebe brandy hasta que se emborraeha.
Otros mahometanos moriran antes que beber licores fuertes; pero el rey y toda su comitiva ntolM
antes que beberlos flojos, cuando pueden atrapar de lo fuerte. En el lugar de su residencia ordinaria, Cobo
ne, va a bordo de un falucho de la Compania; y cuando despues de beber esta ya dispuesto para ca-z.a
para por via de entretenimiento contra todas las canoas que cruzan, matando uno 6 dos hombres
frecuentemente. Su regimen ordinario de vida es: dormir todo el dia hasta ponerse el sol; despues se
levanta a beber y duerme otra vez hasta la media noche; entonces se levanta y come, y se sienta y bebe
hasta el amanecer. Pero cuando tiene licores almacenados, se sienta y bebe por cinco 6 seis dias conseqmivos, sin probar boeado en todo este tiempo.
Esa insaciable sed de brandy es a la que sacrifiea la libertad de sus vasallos; pues muehas voces sale con
sus tropas, pasando por una ciudad durante el dia, y retrocediendo por la nochc, 1c pega fuego por tres lados
apostando sus guardias en el cnarto para prendcr a los habitantes al huir de las llamas, y atandoles entdnees
los brazos a la espalda, los envia a Joar 6 Cobone para venderlos.
Joar, 12 de Novieinbre.—-Vi un avestruz con un hombre cabalgando sobre su espalda, quicn lo llcvaba
al fuerte James para regalarselo a nuestro Gobernador de parte de Mr. Conner, que lo comprd durante™
trafico en Fatatenda.
Dia 3 de Enero de 1732.—La “ Gambia,” goleta de Nueva Inglaterra, arribd con cargamento de sal
y ron.
Idem 18.—He visto un grande camello perteneciente al rey de Barsally.
Idem 21.—Ayer ataco el rey a una de sus propias ciudades, y habiendo hecho muchos prisioneros, los
trajo aqui para venderlos a un traficante separado.
Joar 14 Febrero.—Ha llegado el buque de gran porte “ Andaluzia ” con el objeto de comprar esclavos
para el Brasil.
Tres millas distante de Joar al traves de una llanura verde esta Cower, ciudad estensa de grande trafico; esta
dividida cn tres cuarteles, de los cuales, dos estan habitados por mahometanos en su mayor parte, y el tcrcero por los Jolloiffs que fabrican aqui muy buenas telas de algodon de precio bastante caro, pero muy esffl
madas por todas las mujeres de la Gambia.
I.a ciudad de Joar esta habitada por Portugueses; pero muy disminuida de pocos anos a esta parte.
En el verano es muy agradable pasear por las cordilleras que la circuven. En la ensenada hay buenoJ
peces, y en la pradera buena y abundante caza, siendo el agua del rio muy estiinada por lo buena. Hay
muchos cocodrilos, que los naturales estiman mucho, como tambien sus huevos, los cuales dicen ellos que
son mejores si contienen cocodrilitos chicos del tamano de un dedo: este es uno de sus platos favoritos.
Pero su comida ordinaria es el alcuzcuz, hecho de grano majado en almireces de madera, y cernido hasta que
quede lo mismo que la harina gruesa, puesto despues en un plato de barro agujereado, y cocido a vapor, con
lo que se endurece la harina. Les gusta tambien mucho el pescado secado al sol 6 ahumado, y mucho mas
aun si hiede. Apenas hay cosa que no coman; culebras grandes, guanas, monas, pelieanos, aguilas, cocodri-l
los y caballos marinos son para ellos un manjar esquisito. Sus licores son vino de palma, vino de mieljj
cerveza; brandy y ron los beben cuando los pueden obtener. Pero los rigidos mahometanos se deleitan solo
tomando sendas pociones de agua con azucar.
Hay muchos bufalos, jabalies y venados. Las perdices, codornices, palomas, gansos silvestres y patos
abundan en sus respectivas estaciones.
Algunos individuos tienen gran numero de esclavos domesticos, lo cual es para ellos mayor gloria y riqueza; y estos viven tan bien y con tanta tranquilidad, que es imposible el poderlos distinguir de sus amos 6
amas, yendo muchas veces mejor vestidos que ellos, y en especial las esclavas, que llevan en sus in anos «
munecas coral, ambar y plata, por valor de 20 6 30 libras esterlinas.
Los naturales, realmente, no son tan desagradables en sus modales, como nosotros solemos imaginar.
Cuando yo iba a cualquiera de sus ciudades, venian casi todos a darine la mano, v me invitaban con frecuenl
cia a ir a sus casas. Si alguno es molestado, debe acudir al hombre principal de la ciudad, 6 alcalde, y vera
que se le hace justicia.
El alcalde goza de grande autoridad; porque teniendo casi todas las ciudades tierras cultivadas en comun
para cosechar grano v arroz, el senala el trabajo del pueblo. Los hombres labran los campos de trigo, y las
mujeres y muchachas los del arroz; y como trabajan todos igualmente, divide tambien el alcalde iguahnente el
producto entre ellos. Y en el caso de que algunos necesiten mas, los otros les suplen, con lo cual no hay
temor de que mueran de hambre.
Cassan es una pequena ciudad, ( a unas tres millas al norte de Joar, situada en un pais pintoresco y
)
*
fortificada. Sus habitantes eran en un tiempo guerreros y agresivos; pero desde que en 1724 fueron
hechos prisioneros muchos de ellos, ha venido a ser este lugar uno de los mas paeificos de la Gambia.
Al llegar alii con Mr. Harrison, cuando todo el pueblo hubo acudido a nuestro alrededor, preguntd este
caballero al jefe (llamado alii el Slatee), (jeomo se habia atre vido a matar a un capitan de la goleta de Nueva
Inglaterra ? A lo cual contesto : “ Algunos anos hace era este lugar un puerto de mucho trafico, a donde
(*) No hallamos palabra bastante exacta para traducir la voz Inglesa “ town,” que viene si ser uu medio
entre aldea y ciudad.
�ffl
acudian muchos buques ; con frecuencia^Pportaban"llos muy mal coil nosotros, robando a la fuerza a
algunos de nuestros parientes y amigos, sin que hubiera provocacion alguna por nuestra parte. Ann
un tai Capitan Stoneham robo uno de mis sobrinos. Ahora 1'iltimamentc el capitan de
[MBWbBFdfe Nueva Inglaterra, empezo a enganarme deteniendo abordo uno de mis esclavos que yo no
[habBjjg|mdido. Marche a mi casa, reuni a toda mi gente y les refer! el caso ; y entonces enumerando y
considerando los muchos ultrajes que habiamos recibido de otros traficantes, resolvimos vengarlos todos
tomando esta goleta; en la accion fue muerto el capitan, lo que sent! mucho.” Esta fue la respuesta del
ISOfe por lo cual comprendimos que estaban resueltos a defender lo que habian hecho.
Nackway, 8 de Julio.—El Capitan Boys vino de Brucoe por tierra a caballo, para participarnos que su
falucho habia llegado a dicha ciudad con 100 medidas de sal y 200 galones de ron.
s
k Idem, 28.—Recibi el ron, habiendo alquilado una canoa con seis remeros jdvenes para traerlo aca,y'porque es el mejor genero para traficar en la estacion de las lluvias.
/
Idem, 30.—Fui invitado al funeral de un grande hombre del pais, que murio de repente esta nfanana.
Hace una semana que necesitando grano para la subsistencia de su numerosa familia, habia vendido temerariamente un esclavo, del cual habia prometido no deshacerse nunca. Los naturales afirmaban que el Dios
Todopoderoso Id habia muerto por haber quehrantado su promesa. Fui al entierro, que fue celebrado con
decencia propia.
Cuando muere alguna persona principal hay un tiempo senalado para el llanto, durante el cual se reunen
muchos en la casa del difunto ; los que viven cerca les mandan^cas, abuudantia de gallinas y arroz, &a.,
para que coman cuantos acudan al duelo. Asi, empieza este coji lagrimas wfeaba con canciones y danzas.
Octubre.—Pensaba haber ido de Fatatenda a Nackway por el lado dekriorte, pero por la inundation de
Hjensenada me fui por el lado del sud. Entre Burda y Bassy pase por feontanas de tan escarpada pendiente cual no las habia visto en mi vida: un no interrumpido penasco Jab piedra de hierro, poblado, no
obstante, de arboles. En Bassy atravese el rio y me dirigi :a Nack way a la luz de la luna, despache mi
negocio aquella noche, a la manana siguiente volvi a Bassy, e inmediatamente regrese a Yamyamacunda,
quo supongo distara de Fatatenda unas cuarenta millas por tierra.
En toda la estension del rio estan las mujeres ocupadas-enja siega del arroz ; estas, despues de separar
una cantidad suficiente para el uso de la familia, venden lo restante, que es propiedad suya; lo mismo hacen con las gallinas, que crian en grandes manadas, quedandose con el importe de la venta, sin que intervengan en nada los maridos.
Idem, 31.—Camine por tierra unas cuarenta millas; desde lYamyamacunda a Brucoe. Despachados
mis negocios, sail de esta ultima en la noche del tercer dia, y volvi a la primera al dia siguiente por la tarde.
Diciembre 18.—Llegd un mensajero con la noticia de que se habia incendiado la factoria en Brucoe. Salt
a caballo a las ocho de la noche, y llegue alia al dia siguiente por la manana. El ahnacen de la factoria no
Kuquemo.
Junio de 1733.—Ha bajado el falucho “Bumper,” dcspues.de traficar dos meses en Yamyamacunda. Los
naturales han intentado varias veces apresarlo, y matar al capitan por las muchas injuries que dicen haber
recibido de el; y particularmente el ano pasado, en que aseguransfiaber el acunado duros de aguila de peltre,
Hfladolos en trafico como si fueran de plata; lo que los acaloro /tanto, que estan resueltos a vengarse, si es
posible. Con este llegd tambien el “James,” faluchoj de la Compania, qpevenia de comprar grano en el
rio. Despues de una corta detention siguio adelante el faluchoxf' Bumper,
durante la noche fue atacado
por unos cien negros en lo mas estrecho del Gambia, teniendo la buena suerte de poder escapar con solo la
Bgydida del sobrecargo, que fue herido y murid al dia siguienfe.-#'.
Julio 15.—Habiendo desembarcado en Cuttejar, alquilamos alii qaballos para ir por tierra a Samy. A la
manana siguiente intentamos cruzar el rio Samy y cabalgar hasta Fendalacunda, pero los duenos de los caballos no nos permitieron echarlos a nado por temor a los cocodrilos.
Diciembre.—(Una larga y minuciosa descripcion del edificio de la factoria en Yamyamacunda construido
por los naturales, concluye como sigue):—Heme estendido tanto en esta descripcion, porque pense agradaria al lector ver cuan facilmente aquella gente, que llamamos barbaros, pueden proveer a las comodidades de
la vida.
Se ha construido aqui una casa con una sala de 40 pies por 13; dos cuartos, cada uno de 20 por 13 pies;
tres cuartos muy fuertes para almacenes, de los cuales uno esta a prueba contra los ladrones y el fuego, aunque se queme el techo, como sucedio en Brucoe; todo ejecutado sin instrumentos de hierro, sin trullas, sin
escuadras 6 medidas de carpintero, con el menor gasto de la Compania ;»»hecho solamente por siervos nativos, escepto un hombre que se ajusto para refinar la mezcla. Su interior es cdmodo, bien limpio y sin alberKffir bicho alguno; tiene el edificio muy buen aspecto, porque la mezcla es dura, unida y fina, y toma muy
bien la cal.
Dia 12 de Enero de 1734.—A borbo del falucho para el fuerte James. En el 19 llegue a Rumbos, puerto cercano a Joar, donde el “French Snow,” traficante separado, estaba entonces buscando esclavos, habien
do comprado en menos de un mes 75 de los mejores para Cadiz y Lisboa,
Idem, 27.—Dejando el fuerte James, volvi a hacer un viage de trafico porel rio. Estando enCuttejar
MaMl mes de Mayo, recibi aviso del fuerte, de que se habia vendido un cargamento de esclavosa un tai Capitan Smith de Liverpool, al precio de cuatro onzas de oro por cabeza.
El falucho “ Sea Nymph ” ambo aqui, y en su viage habia sido atacado por un considerable numero de
negCos que prendieron un bello muchacho esclavo y algunas escopetas y pistolas. La verdadera causa de
esta aprehension fue que, habiendo el capitan echado menos una escopeta eu su camarote, hizo cargo del
robo a la tripulacion, y habiendolo ellos negado, los obligo a meter las manos en agua hirviendo para descu-
�13
brir al culpable y el resultado fue que saliesen todosflon las manos
1
capitan encontrd la escopeta perdida; en su consecuencia Uno fe los negrosWl^iMMjMtiei! '
falucho, y se quejo al alcalde.
‘1
Cuttejar, 13 de Julio—A la manana lcve anclas v me hice a la vela para el fuerte James.
Agosto 8. El Dolphin arribo piocedente de Inglaterra con cuatro cscribientes y un aprendiz para l*i
Compania, y con el negro. Job Ben Salomon, Pholey de Bundo en Foota, quien (como diuimos antes) fud
prendido cn 1731, al tiempo de conducir un rebano, y llevado a Joar v vendido al capitan Pyke.
por cste a Maryland, fue vendido a un plantador; alii eseribid una carta en arahe que fue diritrida a Iivriaterra, y viniendo esta afortunadamente a manos del Sr. Ogelthorpe (escelcnte filantropo, que abori-eM^M
esclavitud quiso prohibirla despues siendo Gobernador de la Colonia de Georgia, A. del N.,)
balTero tan buena opinion del pobre esclavo, que pronto lo redimio comprandolo. Llegado a Imjlatcrra
encontrd Job tambien amigos en Sir Hans Sloane y el Duque de Montagne, quiencs adinmados de
leza, y genio y capacidad, lo introdujeron en la corte, donde fue recibido eon agrado por la Beal familia v
muchos de la nobleza, los cuales le colmaron de favores y regalos; y la compania real Africans orflHH
sus agentes le mostrasen los mayores respetos.
El 23 me embarque con un cargamento para Joar, llevando conmigo a Job Ben Salomon. En nucstro
viaje nos detuvimos en Damasensaj y en la tarde del 26, estando mi amigo Job v yo sentados bajo .mlM
corpulento, vinieron por alii seis 6 siete de la misma gente que habia robado y‘esclavizado a Job Ires aims
antes. Apenas podia este contenerse, y estaba a punto de echarse sobre ellos "con su sable y pistolas Me
costo mucho trabajo el sujetarle, pero le persuadi al tin que en vez de acometerles, hicicse como que no los
conocia y les preguntase algo con respecto a si mismo. Ellos le dijeron que el rev su amo habia muerto, v qne
entre los generos que recibio por la venta de Job habia una pistola, que acostumbraba despnes llevar’pendiente del cuello, la que accidentalmente se disparo un dia, v hcrido por la bala murid instantancameutc.
Al fin de esta relacion estaba Job tan conmovido, que se hineo de rodillas y did gracias de que estc hombre
hubiese muerto por los mismos generos que habia recibido vendiendolo en esclavitud. Despues, volviendosc
a mi, me dijo : “ Y sin embargo debia yo perdonarle porque de otro modo no tendria conocimiento de la
lengua Inglesa, ni de Inglaterra; ni de esc pueblo tan noble y generoso.”
Al llegar a Joar, deseaba el que enviasemos un mensajero a su pais para que informase a sus amigos de
su llegada. Halle para este objeto un Pholey, que conocia a Job y a su padre el saeerdote. Sc manifesto
muy alegre por su salva vuelta de la eselavitud, siendo este solamente el segundo hombre que habia vuelto
despues de haber sido llevado por los blancos. Su vuelta disminuyo el horror con que los Pholeys mir.-iR.-JM
la esclavitud en pais estrangero, pues se habian imaginado que los eselavos eran devorados 6 ascsinados, vfeto
que nadie habia vuelto.
Octubre 16.—Estabamos alarmados con la noticia de que estallaba la guerra entre el rey de Barsally y
su hermano Haman Seaca. Este ultimo era fuerte y activo, de airoso continente, su piel d’e la mas negra,
su nariz altiva, linos sus labios. Montaba un hermoso caballo bianco de una pulgada sobre lamarca^lM
hands high), eon una cola que barria el suelo y esplendidamente enjaezado. Sobre cste cored podia el ejecutar suertes de equitacion que parecerian increibles al que no las hubiese presenciado. Tiene Haman Seaca
dos hermanos menores, el mas joven llamado Lloyt Eminga, v una hermana que es tambien absolute c int
dependiente; y tanto el como ellos tienen sus propios y respectivos soldados que les obedecen implicitamente, aunque por falta de botin cambian muchas veces de rey.
Abril de 1735.—Mr. Conner llegd a Joar para sustituirme. [Antes de partir para el fuerte James des
cribe Moore con toda minuciosidad el regimen de su casa, v prosigue:] Tenia yo una cama hecha de telas
de algodon basto, rellenas de algodon seda (silky cotton down), y la hermana "del rey de Barsally me did
unas telas de algodon de 6 yardas de largo por 3 de ancho, que yo cmplec en sabanas, ademas de una
Especie de pabellon de tela fina para preservarme de los mosquitos.
En el dia 6, paseando a un cuarto de milla de la factoria de Joar, encontre el pie de un animal, euvo
cuerpo, segun creo, habia sido devorado por algun leon; era del tamafio del pic de un hombre v csta'ba
recien despedazado y cubierto de pelo de una pidgada de largo. Los naturales dijeron que era el pic de un
hombre salvaje que raras veces se encuentra, aunque hay muchos de ellos en el pais, que son tan altos
como un hombre, tienen pechos como las mujeres, poseen cierta especie de lenguaje, y andan sobre sus
pies como criatnras humanas. (Seria sin duda el Gorilla.) Tambien menciona otro oficial de la Compania
lo siguiente :—“Mientras permaneciamos aqui (Barracunda) nucstro cazador mato un venado llamado por
los Mundingoes Tonoong; su maguitud y la de su cornamenta eran estraordinarios, siendo tan corpulento
como un caballo pequeiio; tenia una crin negra y tiesa de 4 a 5 pulgadas de altura, y su carne era dulce fl
sabrosa.”
[En el apendiee al Diario de Moore hay unas pocas cartas de algunos otros cmpleados de la ComiMBfte. H
La primera menciona los descubrimientos hechos en el rio Vintain, que se une al Gambia a 3 leguas por el
la do del sud del fuerte James :] “A considerable distancia mas alia de la Gercgia encontrc uu pais muy
fructuoso, v la gente muy afable v mucho mas industriosa. Como su pais es mas fructifero, son tambiun
mas numerosas sus ciudades, y sus ganados y gallinas son de una casta mayor. Creo que alii podrian
curarse una gran cantidad de algodon, anil y algunos cueros. Tcngo cn mi posesion una muestra de
goma de la que prometen grandes cantidades los naturales de aquel pais.”
Fuerte James, Julio de 1735.—La persona que Mr. Hull euvid desde Ganimarew al pais de los grandes 1
Jolloiffs para comprar camellos, volvid con cuatro. Con estos camellos piensa Mr. Hull cstablcccr cn cl
proximo Noviembre una factoria en el interior, lindante con el bosque de las gomas, &a.
�DE LA RELIGION
DE LOS MOROS Y OTROS AFRICANOS ANTLGUOS, SEGUN LEO AFRICANUS. (
)
*
Ano 1490.
OS ' antiguos Africanos eran muy dados a la idolatria, y en tiempos pasados tenian teniplos erigidos en
honor del sol y del fuego.
Los Africanos de la Libia y Numidia adoraban cada uno a un planeta particular, al cual ofrecian oraciones y sacrificios.
Otros de la tierra de negros adoraban a Guighima, esto es, el Seiior del Cielo; cuya sana religion no
les fue dada por ningun profeta, sino que les fue inspirada por Dios mismo.
La ley hebraica prevalecio despues entre ellos por muchos anos; posteriormente profesaron el Cristianismo hasta el ano 208 de la Egira (a.d. 830), en cuyo tiempo, enganados por algunos discipulos de
Mahoma, abrazaron su opinion, y todos los reinos de los negros contiguos a la Libia se volvieron mahometanos, matando a todos aquellos que no profesaban su misma fe. Asi que, hasta ahora, no hay enteramente Cristianos entre los negros; y los que cstan inniediatos al mar (el Atlantico) son grandes idolatras,
con quienes los Portugueses mantienen y han inantenido por largo tiempo un grande trafico.
[Con respecto a su orfgen, Leo Africanus diceJ :—“ Los negros son todos descendientes de Chus, hijo de
Ch im, el cual lo era de Noe. No obstante la diferencia entre los inoros y negros, todos han tenido un
mismo origen ; pues los negros desciendcn de los Eilisteos, y estos de Mesraim, hijo de Chus, mientras
que los moros desciendcn de los Sabeos, y Saba fue engendrada de Rama, el hijo mayor de Chus.”
L
—
-->»«?:-
EXTRACTOS
ABREVIADOS
DEL DIARIO DE UNA ESPEDICION AL AFRICA CENTRAL EN LOS ANOS 1849 HASTA 1855,
BAJO LOS
AUSl’ICIOS DEL GOBIERNO DE S. M. BR1TANICA, POR ENRIQUE BARTH, DOCTOR EN FILOSOFLA
Y LEYES, ETC., LOS CUALES PRESENTAN ALGUNAS OBSERVACIONES DE
ESTE
DISTINGUIDO VIAJERO CON RESPECTO A LA ESCLAVITUD' Y AL
TRAFICO DE ESCLAVOS.
UNQUE los naturales de Africa capturados y esclavizados por las tropas que el Dr.
Barth y su companero el Dr. Ovenveg acompahaban, no fueron probablemente despues mandados a los puertos de la costa occidental para la exportation, hay abundantes
razones para creer que la devastation cruel, tan brutal y prddigamente destructiva de la
viday de la propiedad, atestiguada por Barth y Overweg, no constituia atrocidades escepcionales; por el contrario, lo que entonces ocurrio representa con exactitud la horrible suma
de miserias y erhnenes que acompanan a toda espedicion armada, como quicra que en
Africa son tales las organizadas para capturar y esclavizar seres liumanos.
S: hubo algun rasgo escepcional en la ocasion narrada, puede suponerse que liaya sido
una escepcion por el lado de la clemencia, pues los jefes del saqueo sabian muy bien que
stis hjespedes Europeos estaban especialniente acreditados para manifestar el horror con
que cl gobierno de S. M. Britanica miraba la esclavitud y la trata de esclavos.
El ejercito. que salid de Bornu para desolar las aldeas y prender los habitantes estaba
®
*
copuesto
de 10,000 soldados de caballena y un numero mayor de infantena.
A
Tom. ill. pag. 118, cap. XLII.
Dia 25 de Novieinbre de 1851.—Diez dias despues, habiendo yo regresado a nuestro cuartel general dej
(*) ill autor fuc llcvado a Roma en el pontificado de Leon X, y convirtiendose al cristianismo, el Papa
fuc su padrino v lc puso por nombre Juan Leon.
D
�14
fatigoso viage a Kanem, sail otra vez de Knkawa para juntarme a nna nneva espedieion militar. El Sheikh
(titulo arabe) v su visir habian salido ya eon la parte principal del ejercito. La ruta no habia sido aun detenninada, o a lo menos era generalmente desconocida.
Siendo el verdadero motivo de esta empresa, el que los tesoros y los depdsitos de los grandes hombres
estaban vacios y se necesitaba un nuevo refuerzo, de donde se obtendria este, era una cuestioMd<BSnl
importancia.
Diciembre 1.—Esta tarde al hablar con el visir, v recayendo nuestra conversacion sobre los medios quel
quedaban para que Bornu llegase una vez mas a su primitive grandeza, vinieron a ser el tema de la discusion
las espediciones devastadoras y las cacerias de esclavos; y yo entonces me tome la libertad de indicar, en
oposicion al sistema hasta ahora seguido, la necesidad de un gobierno bien establecido, capaz de estender sn
dominio. Poique desde que el rio que atraviesa su territorio, proporciona comunicacion ventajosa con el
mar, un energico gobernador nativo, que basase su poder sobre el comercio, como facilitado que esta por el
rio Benuwe, podria muy bien estender su dominio por una grande parte del Africa Central.
Desde este punto de nuestra discusion hubo una transition facil al de la abolicion de la esclavitud, y aqui
mi llorado amigo Overweg pronuucid un discurso el mas eloeuente sobre esta importante cuestion. ’El visir
iio pudo alegar otro argumento en su defense, sino que el trafico de esclavos les provcia de medios para com
prar escopetas. ’ Aunque deplorable, es esta ciertamente la verdad; pues aun en la costa occidental, el trafi
co de esclavos tuvo su origen en la ambicion de los naturales por procurarse annas de los Europeos.> Tai es
la historia de la civilization! Al principio querian armas de fuego, como los medios mas seguros en la apariencia para mantener su estado independiente ; pero en el curso progresivo de sus negocios, ainbicionaron
estos instrumentos de destruction, para poder con ellos dar caza a otras tribus, y con un refuerzo de esclavos
asi obtenido, procurarse los goces de la civilization europea (apenas menos perniciosos), con la cual habian
tenido ya contacto (en la costa).
Esta es la grande y aciunulada deuda que tiene el europeo para con los infelices africanos; porque despues
de haber causado, 6 al menos aumentado este trafico nefario, sin ningun otro efecto en un principio, que el
de la desmoralizacion, debia ahora recompensarles, familiarizandolos con los efectos beneficiosos e importaW
doles el poder de una verdadera civilization. Penetrando por lo tanto, en las miras de nuestros ejercittiB
les dije que su pais producia otras muchas cosas eon que podrian verificar su comercio, sin devastar los p.-nUH
vecinos y sin derramar la miseria y la calamidad sobre tantos millares de sus hennanos.
Diciembre 6.—Por fin, despues de una prolongada permanencia, dejamos nuestro campamento en DikowJ
Zogoma es el pais mas lejano del territorio de Bornu en esta direccion: al dia siguiente acampamos en un
distrito llamado Maza. Varias aldeas de Shuwa estan diseminadas a cortas distancias unas de otras. En el
camino vimos algunas plantaciones de algodoti v campos eon rastrojos. El principal producto agricola de
Maza consiste en el “sabade” (sorghum saccharatum). Sorprendidme en estremo la grande elevation de
sus tallos, que median por lo coinun 14 pies ; pero posteriormente los vi doble mayores en los fcrtiles valles
de Kebbi.
Esta tarde me regalo el visir con el meollo del sabade, que en blancos pedazos de nieve estaba colocado
con aseo en una cubierta de paja. No hav duda que el sabade daria un rico producto de azucar. La cana
misma de azucar crece salvaje en varies regiones de la Nigricia, y un nativo de las cercanias de Sokoto tiene
una pequena plantation de ella con su correspondiente ingenio.
Diciembre 8.—Pasamos esta mafiana por cstcnsos campos de grano, cuyas mieses eran de la mas exuberante vegetacion.
En Diggera nos participo el visir que la cnestion con Mandara habia tornado el mas favorable aspecto, v
en consecuencia el Sheikh volveria con una pequena parte del ejercito, mientras que el, el visir, con la mayor
parte tenia que avanzar hacia el pais de Musgu, y nosotros, por supuesto, debiamos acompanarlc.
Estabamos nosotros bien informados de que el pkgeto de csta espedicion era capturar esclavos; pero prcscntandosenos una oportunidad .tan favorable de convencernos, sobre si lo que se decia de la crueldad de los
mahoinetanos cn tales espedi^iones, era vlr-da'de^p 6 exagerado, nos decidimos a acompanar al visir. Era
ademas de la mayor importancia el vi^ir esta region, y no habia posibilidad alguna de visitaria por nos-,
otros iuismos. Estabamos ya cn la dowviccion deque el pais de Musgu no es una region montanosa e inaceesible ; pero no teniamos idea de lo fertil que era este pais, ni de euan lejos estaban sus habitantes de ese
estado de barbarie que se les atribuia-(teomo paganos).
Prosiguiendo nuestro camino hallamos todo el desierto, aunque no con frecuencia, poblado de arbolcs, lleno
de charcos de agua y estensos campos de arroz, del cual la inteligencia de los elefantes bastaba para tomar el
mejor, dejando lo resfrahte para la gente.
Diciembre 19.—El pais que atravesamos despues de haber dejado nuestro campamento, era encantador y
en estremo adecuado a las tribus'pastoriles, como las de Shuwa y Fulbe; y hasta se notaban alii huellas de
cultivo y algunos campos de algodon.
Alli montado en mi noble corcel, esperimentaba yo con placer un sentimiento indescriptible de libertad no
restringida, que embargaba mi espiritu. Paseabame silenciosamente por el lado del estrano y abigarrado.
ejercito, contenlplando, ora el hermoso y variado pais, ora las preciosas escenas de la vida huniana, banadas
por los raudales de luz que despedia el brillante sol de la manana.
Aun no se habia derramado una sola gota de sangre bajo el furor de estos soldados; ni la miseria, la
desolation, ni el horror de un pueblo arrojado de sus hogares, elamaban todavia contra ellos. Cada uno
parecia pensar solamente en pasatiempos y diversiones. Todos los habitantes del distrito eran de la tribu
fehuwa del Benese.
Diciembre 23.—Era un dia importante, v muchos de la gente principal habian trocado sus vestidos ordi-
�narios por un atavio mas espleudido. Entramos en el pais de Musgu, poniendonos al mismo tiempo en contacto con los fragmentos de la tribu Fulbe 6 Fellata, (pie, habiendoseestendido desde lo mas remoto del occiitad de Africa, estaban oprimiendo y abrumando las tribus pagauas del interior, y siendo
arrojados de Bornu, han eehado aqui los l'undamentos de un nuevo imperio. For supuesto, en esta oeasion
la politica de los jetes de Fulbe estaba de acuerdo con la del pueblo de Bornu.
Prosiguiendo nuestra mareha, Hegamos hacia el medio dia a la parte mas septentrional de la aldea de
Musgu, llamada Gabari, rodeada de fertiles campos de grano indigena de las especies coloradas de “holcus”;
pero todo presentaba alii el triste aspecto del saqueo y la desolacion ; v no se veia a ninguno de sus habitaiM
tes. Este espectaculo era tanto mas conmovedor, cuanto que la aldea mostraba cierta apariencia de bienesEgyBSma evidencia de la iudustria de sus habitantes.
La espedieion acampo en la inmediata aldea Kdrom, v permanecio alii los dos dias siguientes. Fue esto
un bien; porque a no haber mediado este descanso, hubieran sido aniquilados casi todos los iufelices naturales, perseguidos por una incursion subita e inesperada.
La nacion de Musgu esta cercada de enemigos por todas partes. Al norte estan los Kanuri, poderosos en
caballeria y annas de fuego ; al oeste y sud-oeste los Fulbe, continuamente invadiendo el territorio ; al este
^Hsalvajes Bagrimnra, orgullosos con su sonada preeminencia en religion, y avidos por las ganancias que lea
rinde el trafico de esclavos. Todas estas gentes, dandole caza por todas partes, acabaran con el trascurso
del tiempo por estenninar aquella tribu infortuuada.
Diciembre, 27-—Salimos de un espeso bosque a estensas praderas de lozana yerba, sembradas de huellas
HBelefantes. Alli cazamos gran numero de gallinas de Guinea. Despues de una marcha de seis millas fue
cuando vimos la primera palmera-deleb, en el pais de Musgu ; la hermosa palmera de abanico. Los habi
tantes de este pais la Hainan “uray,” y aunque eii otras partes se halla solitaria, aqui es el representative*
mas predominante del reiuo vegetal. Acampamos en una aldea llamada Barea: el pais era hello, pero el
lugar estaba desierto, habiendo abandonado los habitantes sus alegres casas para buscar la seguridad en la
fuga.
Diciembre, 28.—File ciertamente una lastima el que nosbtros no pudiesemos proccder bajo nuestro verdadcro caracter de viajeros pacificos, ansiosos de favorecer a todas las gentes con quienes nos pusiesemos en
contacto, cn vez de teller que jnntarnos a estc ejercito de cazadores de esclavos, sanguinarios y sin miserieordia, que, sin atender a la hermosura del pais ni a la jovial lelicidad de sus moradores, solo llevaban la
mini de enriquecerse con los despojos de los habitantes.
El pais era agradable en estremo; Uegaiuos a otra pequena aldea, y aHi vimos nuevas senales de saqueo v
Hestruccion.
■■Vvanzando en nuestra marcha, salimos de un espeso bosque para entrar en otro distiito bien cultivado y
poblado. Aqui hubo una escena de salvaje desordeu : los ginetes sc lanzaban en veloz carrera por en medio
de los cercados de la aldea ; aqui se veia a un pobre indigena, perseguido por sanguinarios encmigos, huir
con ciega desesperacion para salvar su vida ; mas alia otro arrojado de su lugnr de refugio. Mieutras miraba con ansiedad tales atroeidades, oi el rcdoble de Un tambor, y siguiendo eon la vista la direccion del
sonido, descubri un considerable numero de ginetes, imposible de describir por su pintoresca variedad de
trajes, reunidos eu un campo abierto. Entdnccs recibi la ajarmante noticia de que los paganos habian roto
por el punto mas endeble la linea de mareha.
Los conductores de• camellos del ejercito liuveron, y los camellos apenas pudieron librarse de ser capturados, habiendo vuelto a reunirse los paganos a retaguafdia del cuerpo principal -del ejercito. El visir
acampd en la aldea de Kakala, uno de los lugarcs mas considerables de la region Musgu.
En este dia se hizo un grande numero de esclavos, y en el curso de la tarde, despues de varies esearamuzas eu que murieron algunos ginetes de Boruu, se aprehendieron otros muchos mas : deciase que todos
Bmtos vendrian a ser unos mil, y por lo que yo vi ciertamente no bajaban de quinientos.
Para completer el horror de aquella tragedia, no menos de 170 hombres fueron inhumanamente destrozados a sangre fria, dejandoles a muchos de cllos desangrarse hasta morir, despues de haber arrancado del
ftronco una de sus piernas. Muchos de ellos eran hombres altos v fornidos : no teuian la frente deprimida,
sino muy salicnte, v recta la linea de la care; pero sus faceiones no eran por lo general muy agradables.
Diciembre 30.—Este era el ultimo dia de marcha de nuestra espedicion al sud. El proyecto de atacar a
Kf aldea de Dawa fue abandonado despues de cuatro horas de camino en su direccion, por ser sus habitantes,
que no son de la raza Musgu, muy fonnidables en la guerra^tey toiiiando unaminueva direccion al este, prosiguid el visir hacia Demmo, aldea de Musgu, cerca de la cual nos aproximainos a una vasta pero poeo
profunda corriente de agua, ancha de mas de dos millas, en la que navegaban sin rumbo fijo dos canoas de
indigenes.
Pocos, empero, de los que componian nuestro ejercito habian penetrado jamas hasta este punto. Muchos
de ellos vieron por consiguiente contrariado su intento, pues el agua les impidio perseguir a los pobres paEfiriqs de los cuales los liras agiles y fornidos tuvieron con pocas escepciones el tiempo suficiente para
escapar. Fueron sin embargo capturados un gran nuniero de mujeres y ninos pequefios ; pues ami los
mismos hombres no empezaron a huir hasta que vinieron a comprender, por las densas uubes de polvo que
levantaba nuestro ejereito, que no era esta una de aqueHas pequenas espediciones que solian venir a atacarlos, y a las que ellos cstaban acostumbrados a resistir. Adeinas del botin de seres humanos, se tomaron
muchos ganados y potros salvajes.
ltetrocediendo sobfe nuestros pasos, dejamos el rio,—cuvas aguas dan vida y animacion a millares de
millones de mo: qu'' os, y acampamos entre las humeantes ruinas de Demmo. Esta aldea, qae pocos momentos antes era el albergue de la trauquilidad y de la dicha, quedo toda consumida por el fuego y asolada.
�16
Hombres destrozados, con los micmbros separados de los troncos, vaciiw por todas partes, y harian estreKecer de horror al viagero que por all! pasase. j 'l'al es el curso de los aeouteeimientos
ragiones !
Pequenos cuerpos de caballeria ligera trataron aun de perseguir a los naturales, v bubo alii aquella tarde
Egun a pelea, pero sin mas resultado que la perdida de algunos hombres del ejereito de Bornu.
Dcmmo, 2 de Enero.—Habiendo pcnnauecido qnictos por algunas boras de la mafiana, probablemente
Bara haeer ercer a los principales de las cercanias que no teniamos inteneion de mover, marchamos subitamente con la mayor parte de la caballeria v una poreion de los Kauembu laneeros.
La priinera aldea a donde llegamos estaba easi desierta; v a la verdad era muy natural que todos estuviescn alcrta en aquellos alrededores. El paisaje era hcrmosisimo; v para nuestro asoinbro encontramos el
terreno cultivado con tanta inteligencia, que hasta el abono se habia puesto en los campos con toda regularidad, esparciendolo por su superticie a una grande estension. Los habitantes habian tenido tanto tiempo
para verificar su fuga, que habian dejado muy poco detras para satisfacer la voracidad de sus invasores; pol
io tanto continuamos nuestro camino sin demora alguna. La siguiente aldea a que llegamos habia gffll
igualmente abandonada por sus mora_dorcs. Sin niuguna dctencion siguid la cspedicion su marcha, con la
esperanza de dar alcance a los fugitivos antes de que hubiesen estos cruzado el rio, de lo cual dependiiaM
salvamento ; pues nosotros estabamos casi inmediatos a la orilla occidental del rio Logon, que generalmente,
pero con error, es llamado Shari. Despues de algunos minutos nos situamos en sus riberas. El rio era
entonces aneho de 400 yardas, y tan profundo, que seis ginetes que en su veloz carrera se habian atrevido
con el ansia del botin a vadearlo, fucron arrastrados por la corriente y hechos facil presa de doce cnfurccidos naturales, que en dos eanoas cruzaban el rio en todas direcciones acechando al enemigo. La orilla sobre
que estabamos nosotros tenia unos 25 pies de elevacion sobre el nivel de las aguas.
Interceptado de esta manera todo ulterior progreso por nuestra parte, volvimos grupas, v retrocedimos BOH
el mismo camino que antes habiamos llevado, descontentos y taciturnos nuestros companeros con el disgusto
de haberseles escapado de las manos la deseada presa. Muy ansiosos caminahan ellos de hallar algun objeto
sobre que. deseargar su cdlera, cuando poco de&pues, al cruzar otro rio, se divisaron cuatro indigenes, que refugiados en lo mas profundo de las aguas, estahan en ohservacion para informarsc de los movimientos del
enemigo. Entonces determind este sacrifiear a su venganza aquellos cuatro heroes. Pero todo el fuego de
los malos tiradorcs del ejercito era inutil, especialmente porque los Musgu se sumcrgian con agilidad, evitaffl
do asi la punteria. Por ultimo, el visir ordeno a algunos laneeros penetrar en el agua, y despues de una
prolongada lueha, el numero superior de los Kanembu triunfd de los pobres Musgu, viendose los troncos de
tres de ellos flotar en la superficie de las aguas.
Despues de esta deshonrosa victoria, prosiguid el ejercito su marcha en direccion a su pais, haciendo alto
en su anterior campamento. Aqui permanecimos durante los dos dias siguientes, mientras se veriticaba la
reparticion de esclavos aprehendidos en toda la espedicion. Era csta una eseena desgarradora y que partia
el corazon, por el gran numero ■ de infantes y ninos arrancados sin piedad del regazo de sus madres, para
nunca mas volverlas a ver. Entre los cautivos distribuidos, apenas habia hombres propiamente dichos.
Entdnces tramaron un migyo ataque contra el Tuburi, especialmcnte los Fulbe que constituian una parte
del ejercito, y que aborrecian de muerte a los Tuburi que lbrmaban nna tribu indepcndiente y pagana. El
srisir, empero, no quiso conscntirlo, alegandonos a nosotros por motivo, que el era contrario a destruir eon
sus propias manos esta ultirna barrera que se oponia a las iutrusiones de los Fulbe. (Postcriormente* en
1854, fueron invadidos los Tuburi; estando presente el Dr. Vogel).
Enero 5.—Abandonando su campamento, siguto el ejercito una direccion nord-este, lanzandose al son de
los cuernos y tambores por el dilatado distrito de Wuliva, hallando cn esta como en la enterior marcha tod®
las aldeas abandonadas por sus habitantes. En su anticipacion por hallar vadeahle el rio Serbewuel, vier«
asimismo frustrados sus intentos. . Un nuinero no pequeno de aguerridos indigenas ocupaban la orilla opue®
ta, v se burlaban de nuestra Insuficiencia para atravesar el rio, pareciendo dispucstos a haberselas con cualquiera que se atreviese a intcntarlo, y teniendo a la vela cuatrd canoas, la mayor de las cuales estaba trip®
lada por diez Musgu. Sobre el medio dia prosigid el ejercito la marclia en direccion a su pais, a la verdad
no sobrecargado de botin, pues apenas se habian tornado quince personas, y estas mayormente mujeres deerepitas. Los soldados descargaron su cdlera y ^esentimiento sobre las habitaciones de los naturales, cuyas
alegres viviendas fueron todas devoradas por el fuego. Asi vausaban grandes perdidas a la poblacion, no
tauto respecto de las cabanas que poitian fSicilmente reedificarse, euanto con respecto a las trojes, pues cstaba
ya el grano recolcctado. Observando por lo tanfo, los horrores de estas cacerias de esclavos, debemos nos
otros considerar no solamente los suft-jmientos de los esclavizados y la horrible agonia de los destrozados
moribundos, sino tambien el hambre y las calamidades a. que quedan reducidos los que lograron escapar del
la invasion.
.
.
(El Dr. Barth concluye el capitulo manifestanilo su confianza en que la region vendra pronto a ser mejor
conocida, cuando Ips vapores suban anualmente el rio Benuwe, y sea este un punto que habilite a los viageros para emprender de nuevo el viage a otras regiones del interior.)
Cap. XLV.
Enero 7.—Volviendo por fm, a dejar nncstro campamento de Demmo, por un camino mas al este y asps
ccrca del rio Logon, que en nuestra marcha anterior, observamos en las tierras cultivadas de la primcra aldea, ademas del grano negro, tabaco y algodon aun cn los misnios campos. En este v en los siguientes dias,
pasando por un fertilisiino y hermoso pais, hallamos las aldeas desiertas, y al transitar por ellas, nuestro
ejercito las entregaba todas a las llamas.
�17
i Aqui volvi a hablar con el visir accrca <le su tan manifiesta falta de politica en devastar de tai modo cstas
regiones.
Los esclavos son el unieo articulo que los conquistadores quicren de las tribus subyugadas; llevando a la
esclayjtud grande numero de ellos, los ftierzan a la sujecion, v aun el tribute que despues cxigen, consiste en
FSclaVgSf. Todo esto cambiara tan pronto como se abra a lo largo del rio Benuwe un comercio legitimo y
Rgular. cuando estara en pedido eonstante el producto natural de estas regiones, consistente en algodon,
anil, leguinbres, manteca, eera, euernos, cuejos, &a., &a.
El visir, aunque muslim rigido, estaba bastante ilustrado para querer esparcir a la fuerza el Islam ; pero
la ebnviccion de que los desgraciados naturales merecen tai tratainiento por ser paganos, embotd su sensibilidad respeeto de sus sufrimientos.
[Mas adelante observa] : Todo el pais, aldea tras aldea, estaba muy bien cultivado y poblado en gran
manera; su aspeeto era el mas plaeentero, y en esta ocasion estaban j.ustamente las plantas de tabaeo en
toda su efloresceneia. El Wuliya es sin disputa una de las regiones mas fertiles y abundantes en riego del
mundo.
Dejando el Wuliya entramos en el distrito llamado Barea, habitado por la tribu de Abare ; v es una seEHI caracteristiea del poco roce pacifico que existe.entre las varias tribils pcquenas, el que la de Abare no
tuviese aviso alguno de la aproxiniacion del enemigo hasta que nosotros nos echamos subitamente sobre ella;
asi que, sus individuos apenas tuvieron tiempo para cscapar con sus familias de la aldea, v guarecerse en la
Ijjpesura de un bosque situado hacia la parte del este. Fueron perseguidos y vencidos despues de una corta
resistencia ; v el botin de este dia, especialmente en ganado, fue considerable. Tambien se hizo un grande
Efiniero de cautivos, en particular ninos y nifias. A nosotros, empero (Barth y Overweg), lo lejano del lu,gar do combate nos ahorro el presenciar la matanza de los hombres.
El visir aeainpd entre las ruinas de Baga, que habia sido saqueada el ano anterior. Aqui permanecimos
por varios dias, siendo la costuinbre repartir el botin antes de que la espedicion vuelva a entrar en el territorio amigo.
Aunque no muv prdspera la cspedicion, sin embargo el botin comprendia, ademas de 10,000 cabezas de
ganado, un considerable numero de esclavos. Los jefes se vanagloriaban de que este numero habia llegado
a 10,000 ; pero yo me alegre de ver que esto era una exageracion, si bien conte no menos de 3000! De
estos tres mil esclavos el visir recibid uiia tercera parte.
En el 17 dos ofieiales abandonaron el campamento, so color de forrajear en las aldeas vecinas ; pero a la
tarde volvieron con cerca de 800 cautivos vgran numero de ganado. Esta incursion fue llevada a eabo con
El.Consentimiento del jete de la aldea saqueada, que en terminos degradantes se esforzd eu conservar su
corta v precaria autoridad, indicando para este sacrificio aquellos de sus vasallos que eran los menos cclosa*
mente afectos a cl.
El 19 de Enero dimos la vuelta a Kukawa, entrando en la capital el 1 -® de Febrero.
t.it
J. r
a
EXTRACTOS COMPENDIADOS
DE LA OBRA INTITULADA
“ VIAJES Y AVENTURAS EX EL AFRICA ECUATORIAL,” POR M. PAUL
du chaillu.—(Edicion
Francesa : Paris, -:1863.)
OS misioneroS romanos v protcstantes se dividen la ensenanza religiosa en el pais del Gabon. Los primeros son<eoadyuvados por liennanas, cuya caridad eontinua la obra de proselitismo comenzada por
la predicacion de los religiosos. La mision protestante de Baraka, sobre el rio Gabon, fue establecida en>
1842 por el Rev. J. L. Wilson. Baraka es un nombre Mpongwe, derivado de “ baracon,” factoria 6 parque de esclavos. Muy admirable es que ese mismo lugar, donde hoy se predica el evangelio a esos africanos
sumidos aun en las tinicblas,. y donde se crian sus hijos en el conocimiento y practica de los deberes del
Eristianismo y de la civilizacion, fuese en otro tiempo, y no muy lejano por cierto, el sitio de un mercadcr
de esclavos, donde con tanto ardor y tanto exito se cjcrcia cl cruel trafico de negros ! Alli se les ensena i.
leer las santas escrituras en Mpongwe ; y muehos de los discipulos se hacen iiotar por una instruccion bastante adelantada: poseen buenas nociones de lristoria y geografia, saben leer el ingles y aun escribirlo. En
general prestan 'mticha atencion a la instruccion religiosa ; y leyendoles, esplicandoles e inculcandoles los
preeeptos de la Biblia, es como se esfuerzan en establecer solidamente en sus entendimientos los principios
esenciales de la religion de Cristo.
Una Escursion al Cabo Lopez.—Ilallabame yo ansioso de ver por mi mismo los “ baracones ” 6
mercados de esclavos, como tambien de ir a cazar en las praderas del interior. Cuando todo estuvo dispuesto, deje el Gabon, y en una de csas inmensas piraguas que construven los Mpongwes nos dirigimos haE
L
�19
cia la caleta de Imbata, donde estan situadas las plantaeiones de Rompoehombo,6 Dionfsi^’feJ de los
Mpongwes. Los negros son muy hospitalarios y agasajadores, pero en general muy pobres; siendo los subditos del rey Dionisio, los mas acomodados de los Mpongwes. Suyas eran las plantaeiones en qnglsnafiM
encontraba, siendo tambien las mas florecientes que he visto sobre la costa. El pueblo situado a la entrada
de la caleta esta rodeado de una fertil pradera que rinde su cosecha todos los anos. Aqui se veian a derecha
e izquierda y a muchas leguas de distancia, en todas direcciones, eampos de “ arachides,” bananas, trigo,
Banas de azucar, jenjibre, batatas, manioc y calabaza (manjar favorito de los negros) ; mientras que cerca
de sus chozas se crian el papayo, los limoneros, los naranjos silvestres, entremezclados con una grande
abundaneia de bananos y de ananas. Parece que tambien crian animales domesticos, pues he visto por
todas partes cabras y gallinas. El rey Dionisio vivia en su pueblo sobre la costa, pero habia dado ordenea
para que se me acompaiiase hasta el Cabo Lopez.
En fin, preparado todo, marchamos. En el espacio de diez 6 doce millas encontramos una hermosa pra
dera, entrecortada por los accidentes del terreno; magnifico pais de cultivo. Prosiguiendo, llegamos por
casualidad a uias chozas de bambus, donde vivian esclavos, lejos de sus duenos Mpongwes que se hallaban
s ibre la costa; ellos cultiv in el terreno por su propia cuenta, y envian el tributo de sus productos al litoral,
siempre que sale alguna canoa de Imbata para dirigirse allt. Me parecieron completamente felices; y a la
verdad, para esclavos, los encontre muy independientes. Los ancianos y las mujeres estaban fumando perez isamente recostados delante de sus viviendas; por cada lado se estendian risuenas campinas cubiertas de
bananos, manioc, pistachos y batatas...................... .
..................................................................................I
Li region conocida generalmente con el nombre del pais del Cabo Lopez, comprende todas las costas y
otras tierras del interior hasta 30 6 40 millas. Es un buen territorio, y si el rey Bango no fuese un vagab mdo, podria ser una comarca feliz. Detras del litoral, el terreno se eleva y cubre de colinas, en las giia
I is mangles dejan sitio a los bosques de palmeras y otros arboles utiles; mientras que hermosas praderas
resaltan aqui y alii con unavegetacion ex uberante. El distrito en toda su estension esta consagrado al tra
fico : produce, aunque en pequenas cantidades, marfil, ebano, cera, &c.; pero el mercado de esclavos es ell
principal establecimiento colonial, y la compra, la venta y el trasporte de esclavos a los “ baracones ” del
Cabo son el genero de negocios mas lucrativo.
Sangatanga esta situada sobre una colina bastante alta que mira al mar; en lo mas elevado estaba la residencia real; alii vivia Bango, el rey de esta tribu de los Oroungous, que los blancos llaman los habitantes
del Cabo Lopez. Al dia siguiente me preparaba para hacer una visita al rey Bango. ...... J
El rey llevaba sobre su cabeza una corona, regalo de alguno de sus amigos los traficantes portugueses. La;
corona era de aquel genero modelo que acostumbran usar los actores en la escena, y bien habria costado 50
francos. Muy orgulloso estaba el con su corona, y sentado sobre un sofa ; tenia en la mano una cana que
representaba el cetro real. La mayor parte de sus mujeres, que estaban preseutes, vestian de seda. Bl reyj
hizo la observacion de que el comercio de esclavos no se hallaba en vias de prosperidad, y se quejaba de los
ingleses, que eran la causa de tai paralizacion, y manifestaba el temor de quedarse al cabo de algunos anos
sin parroquianos.
Al dia siguiente, despues del medio dia, vino el rey a hacerme una visita. Entdnces sus gentes le saearon
de su hamaca, v le colocaron sobre un asiento que yo habia preparado. Rodearonlo seis de sus mujeres,
teniendo en sus manos los abanicos ; el resto de su familia, que se hallaba presente, se agrupo tainbien a su
alrededor : al cabo de algunos minutos me apercibi de que todas las inujeres estaban ebrias. Su Majestad,
viniendo a mi casa, se habia parado en una de sus factories de esclavos, y alii habia distribuido ron a toda
su comitiva : evidentemente las damas de la corte se lo habian arreglado de manera que bebieron mas de lo
que les correspondia. Bango estaba vestido como el dia anterior, con la escepcion de llevar una nueva
corona; era tambien un oropel de teatro, pero con adornos de oro que valdrian a lo menos 5000 francos.
llSsta corona me dijo el que un celebre traficante de esclavos en la costa, bien conocido bajo el nombre de
DonJose, se la habia enviado como un regalo de parte de una de las casas de comercio mas ricas de Rio Janeiro,
con la cual habia hecho muy buenos negocios. Al fin de la conversation todas las mujeres empezaron a pedinne
ron, pero yo me negue a ello ; y despues de habcr tornado algunos refrescos salio el rey de mi casa. No
sin trabajo pndieron elevar so pesada mole sobre la hamaca. A la noche siguiente did el un baile en mi
honor. Cuando llegue encontre reunidas unas 150 mujeres suyas, algunas de las cuales pasaban por las
mejores bailarinas del pais. Trajeron entdnces a la sala un barril de ron, y practicandole un agujero, se
did un vaso lleno a cada mujer. Por lo demas, el principal objeto de la emulacion de todas las bailarinas
era llegar con sus posturas hasta el ultimo grado de la indecencia.
Al dia siguiento fui a visitar los “baracones” 6 parques de esclavos. El Cabo Lopez esun grande almaeen
de negros, y tenia yo naturalmente una gran curiosidad de ver como se operaba este trafico. El Cabo
Lopez se envanece de tener dos mercados de eselavos: visite uno de ellos tenido por Portugueses, y habiendo
pasado la puerta, me encontre en medio de un gran numero de cobertizos rodeados de arboles, bajo los1
cuales estaban acostados aqui y alia bastantes personas para poder poblar una grande aldea de Africa. Los
esclavos varones estaban atados de seis en seis por medio de una pequefia cadena muy sdlida, pasada en los
collates de cada uno de ellos. Despues de este patio, habia otro para las mujeres y ninos, quienes no tenian
atadas las manos, y podian andar a su voluntad por este recinto, protejido tambien por veijas. , *1 fl
Para aumentar todavia mas el horror de su situacioi?, estaban ereidas estas pobres gentes que nosotrbs, los
blancos, los comprainos para comerlos. En todos los paises del interior donde es conocida la trata, se cree
que los blancos de Ultramar son grandes canibales, y que importan los negros para la carnicerfa. Los escla
vos parecian -ser de diferentes tribus, y poebs de ellos se comprendian mutuamante. El trafico de negrosba tomado tales proporciones, que se estiende desde esta costa hasta el centro del continente. Al signieute
�19
dia visitela otra factoriade esclavos : el lugar era mas limpio y adecuado. Mientras estaba alii, trajeron a
dos mujeres jdvenes y uu muchaco de 15 aiios, que fueron comprados por el Portugues. El muchacho fue
vendido por una pipa de ron de 100 litros poco mas 6 menos, algunas variis de cotonada, y un buen nu
mero de euentas; las mujeres fueron pagadas mascaras. A las dos de la tarde izaron uua bandera en lo alto
KlHwBfi.'cio del rey; esta es la senal de la aparicion de algun negrero. Se conocio que era una goleta de
170 toneladas; arribo pronto, echo el ancla a algunas millas de la playa, e inmediatamente vi salir de
unb de las factorias rebanos de esclavos encadenados. Aquellos pobres seres estaban todos en un estadb
KsiaeM&itible de trastorno y susto : jamas he visto un espectaculo mas digno de lastima. Estaban aterrados hasta perder el sentido; y aun aquellos que habia yo visto antes en la‘ factoria contentos y satisfechos
con su suerte, veialos ahora con los ojos desencajados, y presas de un susto tan terrible que nadie habra
visto ni sentido igual.......................................................
Los traficantes de esclavos y los inspectores de la costa son en general Espafioles y Portugueses. La‘
■rata esta realmente en vias de decadencia : los Brasilenos son los que le han dado el golpe mas terrible. Y
si pudiese estar estorbada con iguales trabas en Cuba, esta medida conduciria mas a la estincion de este trafico
que el bloqueo concertado por todos los buques del mundo.
Lo que denota evidenteinente la decadencia de este trafico es, que los empleados en el empiezan a euganarse thutuamente. Mientras florecio la trata, se entendian todos a las mil maravillas, pero desde que se
han hecho precarios los beneficios, sieinpre estan a punto de desollarse unds a. otros. El comereio licito ha
■eeniplazado en el norte del Ecuador al trafico de esclavos ; y si el gobierno Frances esta al fin convencido
de los abusos del sistema de los empenos voluntaries, pronto decaera tambien en el sud el comereio ilieito.
Un dia que habia yo salido a tirar a Ids pajaros eh un pequeno bosque basfante cerca de mi casa, divise
una procesion de negros que salia de uno de los baracones. Al acercarse vi dos bandas de esclavos, cada
una de seis hombres encadenados juntos por el cuello, llevando el cuerpo de otro esclavo. Lo llevaron al
limite del bosque y lo colocaron sobre la tierra desnuda. Andando yo hacia aquel cadaver, oi crujir algo
bajo mis pies; miro al suelo y veo que estaba en medio de un campo de craneos. Una multitud de esqueletos y partes' de csqucletos se presentb igualmente ante mis ojos. Este lugar servia desde mucho tiempo
atras para el mismo uso, y en los baracones la mortandad es alguml®veces terrible! . Penetraudo lhas alia
en los matorrales vi muchas pilas de huesos. El Africano libre mi ra este lugar con tanto horror y repugnancia como el viajero bianco. Los funerales de un Oroungou son una gran ceremonia : es conducido a la
tierra con cuidados infinitos y depositado en un lugar especial preparado de antemano. No hay mayor in-;
sulto para el que el suponer que sus restos podrian dormir eii ilii campo de reposo igual al horrible osario de
los baracones !
[El autor, dejando el Cabo Lopez y dirigiendose al interior, llega al pais de los Fans, y dice] :—Los Fans
tienen el cutis menos negro que los Bakelais, los Shakianes y las otras tribu$ eircunveeinas ; tieneu el tipo
de los negros y el cabello lanoso. Son muy habiles en la fabricac®n del hierM; no einplean el hierro Europeo 6 Americano, sino el suvo propio, para fabricar sus mejores cuchillos y las puutas de sus flechas ; sus
hojas de cuchillo, bien acabadas por lo general, estan adornad$S*@|>iLeinceladuras hermosas que sorprenden
por ser producto de un pueblo tan grosero. Fuman unas hojas qfl® Me parecieron ser una especie de tabaco
silvestre, muy abundante, segun parece, cn el pais. No venden los cuerpos de sus jefes, de sus reves, ni
de sus grandes hombres; todos estos reciben la sepultura acostumbrada entre lgs negros : asi, los Fans no
se comen todos los muertos ! La esclavitud parece no dominar entre ellos, aunque se vende cierto numero
de Fans todos los anos a los trafifeantes de la costa con® reos de hechiceriasj' adulterio, deudas, &a., &a.
Eii estos ultimos anos los buques Franceses destinados a la “ emigracion voluntaria ” trasportaban Fans en
numero muy considerable. Como he dicho va, tienen ellos mismos pocos esclavos, lo que esplieo por el
hecho de que se comeii a los prisioneros de guerra. Las tribus no canibales no se casan con las antropdfagas, cuyas priicticas les dan horror. El comereio, sin :<hibargo, Sbmpera probablemente esta barrera. A
pesar de su horrible costumbre, la impresion que los Fans me ban dejado es, que de toda el Africa occiden
tal, es el pueblo que tiene mas porveuir; me han dado una hospitalidad cortes, y sn henevolencia no se
desmintid. Creo que tienen en un grado mas alto que todas las demas tribus esa fuerza vital que a un pueblo
grosero lo liace apto para recibir una civilizacion estrangera. Energicos, ardientes, belicosos, dotados al
mismo tiempo de valor y habilidad, son enemigos terribles. La grande familia 6 naeion, de la que ellos no
son mas que los vastagos, y que debe habitar las montanas&cu^-hadena se prolongs sobre el eontiuente, ha:
detenido probablemente el curso de las conquistas mahometanas fen esta parte del Africa. Los Fans son co-,
noeidos en el litoral bajo el nombre de Paouen.........................
» ,.b.llay dos suertes de esclavos en todas las tribus que yo pude visitar. La primera es la de los siervos de la
casa, que nunca son vendidos para fuera, que gozan de una gran parte de libertad y tienen cierta influencin'El el pueblo. Los ath09 son raras veces Severos con sus esclavos, presto porque temen que el eschvo.se..'
vengue encarcelandoles. Muchos de los csclavos gozan de la confianza de sus ainos^, y eu general se mauifiestan siempre fieles. LaS tribus que tienen relaciones eh el litoral y al mismo tiempo un mercado de esWhvna para el cstranjcro, se ocupaii eh comprar esclavos de las otras tribus para surtirlo: esta es uua clase
H esclavitud enteramentc diversa de la otra. Hoy la trata esta sostenida casi completameute por las llegadas del interior, y los negros son trasportados de tribu en tribu y de mano en mauo, lo mismo que un diente
de marfil 6 un palo de ebano. Como se puede pensar, los pedidos de esclavos por parte del estranjero tienen;
por resultado multiplicar entre las tribus vecinas al litoral las acusacioiies de hechiceria u otras, que conducen a la' esclavitud y a la venta.
J
La mas grande calamidrld de estos paises es la creeucia en la hechiceria y la magia. El negro cree firmemente que la muerte es’siempre una violent-ia contra la naturaleza; no puede concebir que un hombre, que
�SfrIBMmit" quince dins antes, pueda ser llevado pdofl enfermcdad a las puertas del sepulero, a menos
qne un hechizador poderoso no liaya intervenido y por cualquier maleficio atacado el
■tesejieadcnado el inal. Si un Africano llega una vez a poseerse de la idea de que estii heehizado, trasfdrmase
completamente su caraeter y descontia de sus mejores amigos.
A l.i inuertc de un hombre libre, son inmoladas dos 6 tres personas; pero cstos sacrifieios no tienen lugar
a la mucrte de las criaturas, de los niiios, ni de los eselavos. En cuanto a la proseripcion de los
Bfcinza sin distincion a todo el mundo, principe, eselavo li hombre libre, varon 6 hembra.
Sobre las orillas del Rembo, eerea de Ovenga, he encontrado Baealais, que sc habian coneertado para arreglar sus eontiendas por arbitraje; y lo que mas me sorprcndio file que este arreglo habia pasado a ser uua
costumbre. Comprendi, empero, que el jefe Quengueza, senor de todos estos paises, y que sabe imponerles
su voluntad, habia mctido mano en esta revolucion saludable; piles desearia que sus sdbditos no sc b.-itiwJM
por quo ha eomprendido que el comercio y la guerra son incompatibles.
El Pais de los Ashiras.—El 29-de Setiembre a la caida de la tarde empece a notar algun cambio mH
Kspecto del pais. Veianse de tiempo en tiempo algunas plantaciones ; el terreno era mas areilloso; eft tin,
salimos del inmenso bosque, y desde lo alto de una colina vi de repente desplegarse ante mis ojos la grande
pradera quc forma el pais de los Ashiras, llanura inmensa sembrada de numerosas aldeas. Largo rate quede
Btonteinplando este paisaje, uno de los mas hermosos que he visto en mi vida. Toda la cstension a qirfuffl
vista podia dilatarse, no era mas que un prado onduloso. Como he sabido mas tarde, cuenta esta llanura
cerca de 55 millas de largo por 10 de ancho. En su superficie estan diseminados multitud de grupos de
fepequenas cabanas. Las alturas v valles estan llenos de seuderos, semcjantes a cintas que se eruzan ; a lo
lejos se destacan montanas tan altas como jamas he visto, y euyas eumbres se pierden entre las nubes.
Forma todo esto un cspectaculo grandioso.
El 9 de Novieihbre lo emplee en ver v ser visto. De las 150 aldeas de la llanura afluia ineesantema^fl
un gentio avido de contcmplar al espiritu (el hombre bianco). Se acostaban de noche por el suelo fuera de
la aldea, y se reunian por la maiiana en derredor de mi. La llanura de los Ashiras que he esplorado esta
semana, es uno de los mas hellos y deliciosos paises del Africa. La tierra es ligera, pero bastante bueiflfe y
la riegan niuchos pequenos arroyos. Las aldeas estan diseminadas de tai inodo por la llanura, que n® lie
podido averiguar su numero; pero debe haber de 150 a 200, v son las mas aseadas que he visto en Africa.
Las chozas son pequenas, pero bien dispuestas y const.ruidas eon cortezas de arboles. Cada aldea se compfl|
iie generalmente de una calle larga con chozas a cada lado. Las calles estan conscrvadas con aseo, v el
terreno detras de las chozas cuid ldosamente liinpio. Detras de cada aldea, v especialmente cerca de lns'litSI
des de los bosques hay plantaciones cultivadas con esmero, donde cl tabaco, el pistacho, la banana, las patafeas y la cana de azucar creccn en cantidades considerables sobre un terreno bastante fertil, para que el
hombre no conozea jamas la calamidad del liambrc; por ultimo, se ven tambien por todas partes plantas de
algodon silvestre.
Esta region, una de las mas bellas del Africa, forma evidentemente una nacion a parte. El color del
Ashira es un negro de .carbon; las mujeres sobre .todo son notables por sits bellas proporciones. El traje de
los hombres v de las mujeres casadas collate en uu vestido llamado “ udengue ” qne fabriean con eiertii
planta textil; cuya buena y sdlida calid^d nq esperimentado yo en varias circunstancias. Sus telqres son de
im mecanismo bastante complieado; los suspenden eiitre dos arboles 6 de la fachada de una chbzh. Esta
fribu fabrica muchas eosas de alfareria, confecciona utensilios de cocina, v tambien cantaros destinados a
Irontener el agua y demas bebidas. Trabajan taiiibien el hierro, y fabrican "gran numero de haehas, lanzas,
cuchillos, &a. Algunas de e(tas arms son notabilisimas y de una eleganeia rara. Algunos de sus vestidol
son naturalmente de color negro ; otros estan tefiidos por un ingenioso proeedimiento.
Como no veia a ninguna gsclava desde que estabacn casa de Olendo, jefe de los Ashiras, empece a creer
que no las habia; pero supe pronto que las infelices a la notieia de mi llegada quedaron poseidas de uh
terror panico. Se figliraban qife venia yo ei| busca de ellas, con el intento de llevarlas a la eosta para sei
engordadas, trasportadas despues al pais de ldOlum-qsy comidas finalmente por estos. Aun los esclavos
creian que yo. mis.mo en mi permanhiwia no tenia otro objeto sino probar uu poco de su carne: he ahi el uso
que, segun ellqs,..hacen los blancos de sits eselavos. Por esta razon habian htiido a las plantaeiones, donde
permaneeian ocultos, bicn decididos ii no dar sejial de vida. Nada del mundo, ni seguridades, ni installs
cias por mi parte, fueron bastautes a sacarlos de sus escondites; hasta sus mismos amos se divertian con
su terror.
Los Ashiras son muy aficionados a las bebidas fermentadas, y la grande abundancia de bananas les perinite satist'acer su gusto, llay otra bebida hecha de iniel silvestre y de agua, v una tercera llamatH
“ membo,” que es el vino de palmera. Las nmjeres eultivan la tierra entre los Ashiras, como en todas par
tes. Sou muy industriosaa y me pareeieron teller modules mas suaves que las mujeres de las otras tribus w
uua complexion mas robusta. No se casan Ijasta llegar a una complete pubertad, lo que espliea su hermosura relative v esa superioridad intelectual que demuestran, asi en sus manufacturas de lienzo como en su
mancra de vivir prudente y bieu arreglada.
El 18 manifesto a Olendo que deseaba tener algunos hombres para subir al elevado pico de Nkoomoo Naliouali, que se divisa a 40 millas de alii. Pusose a reir, y me respondid que era cosa imposiblc, porque
moriria yo de hambre en el camino. Sin embargo, mi propdsito de yisitar aquella montana era inqttebrantable. Como no habia medio de sacar a los eselavos de su escondite, me dirigi a los hombres libres y pude
ganar eierto numero de ellos, qne consinticron en servirme de guia al traves de los irnpcnctrableJmsqnJ
qtie se estiendeu desde la llanura hasta la einra del gran monte. El 21 partimos. El 24 durante la noche
�21
continuamos nuestra ascension: ;, hasta donde ? no lo se. .... Me decidi a no arrostrar •poWffias
tiempo el hambre y la muerte, y peuse en la retirada. El 27 por la tarde vnnos al fin delante de nosotros
la llanura. Al dia siguiente volvimos al lado de Olendo, y fuinios recibidos con todos los honores debidos
a personas que habian estado a punto de morir de hambre.
]Du Chaillu prosigue su mareha mas hacia el interior.]
El 6 de Dieiembrc tuvo lugar nuestra partida. Por la maiiana temprano Olendo nos reunid en toriio
suyo, y rccomendd a sus hijos el euidado de mi persona; despues el venerable anciano nos did su bendicion,
deseandonos un exito feliz. Yo coucedi 12 varas de cotonada a eada uno de los Ashiras que debian acompaiiarme al pais de los Apingis.
Olendo me did una eseolta eu la que iiguraban tres de sus hijos. El 7 a la puesta del sol llegamos a liu
t ^ ’bando ” techo hospitalario para los viajeros. Este baudo estaba ocupado por una cuadrilla de Apingis,
que al verme huyeron atemorizados.
El 9 y 10 continuamos nuestra mareha por el lado del este, siendo un estimulo que nos impelia en nues
tro eamino, la falta de viveres que esperimentabamos. Como es eostuinbre en Africa, todas las provisiones
que habiainos podido llevar con nosotros, no debian durar mas de tres dias. En la tarde del 10, al pasar por
un bosque muy fcspeso, oimos hablar bastante cerca de nosotros, e inmediatamente nos encontramos en presencia de Remandje, jefe de la tribu de los Apingis. Era un negro viejo de buen aspeeto. . . .
* BE1* 11 se calino un poeo, nos dijo que habia ido alii para una partida de pesca, y nos indied fueseinos a en)
contrar a sus mujeres que habia mandado delante, v que llevaban viveres. Nos indicd un bando que se
hallaba no muy lejos de alii, donde debia el pasar la noche, porique su aldea estaba a bastante distaneia.
El 11 partiinos temprano, y despues de tres horas de mareha, abridse de repente el bosque para dejarnos
ver un magnifico rio, el Rembo-Apingi. Los Apingis no tienen aldeas mas que en la ribera oriental. Baje
a una piragua que fue condueida eon mucha destreza por los barqueros Apingi. Al llegar, fui instalado en
la mas hermosa cabana de la aldea principal. Pronto Remandje se presentd en mi cabana, seguido de todos
los ancianos de la aldea y de los jefes de las aldeas comarcanas. lie traia 24 gallinas, algunos racimos de
bananas y varios canastos de manioc; depositdlo todo a mis pies, y dirigiendose a mi: “ Os doy la bienvenida,” me dijo, “oh hombre bianco, oh espiritu!” Despues, volviendose a Minsho: “Doy gracias a vuestro
padre,” anadio, “ por haberme enviado este espiritu, porque nada mas afortunado podia liabernos sucedido.”
Despues replied: “Se contento, oh espiritu, y come lo que vamos a ofrecerte.” Subio de punto mi asombro,
al ver que me presentaban un eselavo maniatado, y que Remandje continuaba: “Matadlopara vuestra cena;
’ esta tierno y gordo, y vos debeis tener hambre.” Necesite algun tiempo para volver de mi sorpresa, v dije
a Minsho, que tenia horror a los pueblos que se mantenian de carne humana, y que ni yo, ni mi nacion
habiainos eometido jamas tai crimen. Aqui Remandje replied sencillamente: “Nos han dicho siempre que
vosotros los blancos, comeis los hombres, i Porque, pues, venis de tan lejos a buscar nuestros hombres,
nuestras mujeres y nuestros hijos ? Por eso os doy cste esclavo; podeis matarlo y regalaros con el, si bien
os place.” Eue muy dificil haeerle creer que estaba completamente en un error. “ Si no comeis vuestros
eselavos, ci para que os sirven?” Esto es lo que repetia sin cesar. (
)
* e
•
Cuando estuvo lista mi eena, vino Remandje a probar los manjares y el agua que me1 habian servido.
Esta es una costumbre observada por todas las tribus.
'
El pais de los Apingis esta lleno de eocotcros, cuyo fruto muy dulce produce aeeite. Nunca habi’a yo visto tai cantidad de palmeras, cargadas de cocos maduros. Se podrian facilmente mandar sobre balsas hasta
el litoral, millares de botas de aeeite, si llegase a estar libre alguna vez el comereio. • El Apingi come los
cocos, que parece 1c satis facen muy bien, y me inclino a creer que este regimen es favorable a la fecundidad
de las mirjeres de este pais.
Son muy aficionados al vino de palmera, y van por lo regular a procurarselo en los bosques. En el curso
de mis viajes v cacerias, he visto con frecuencia un ealabacino suspendido de un tubo enclavado en el eorazon
de un arbok no sacrifican aqui unaibd para obtener el licor. I.os hombres gustan de emborracharse, pero
se debe decir para honor de las mujeres, que estas ticncn mucha mas templanza. Las mujeres tienen una
manera de pintarse 6 marcarse el cuerpo, que les parace inuy elegante; trazanse diferentes lineas, y cuanto
mas variadas son, tanto mas hermosas se crcen. No deben llevar mas vestidos que dos de los pequenos cuadrados que constituyen las piezas de tela de los Apingis. Sus maridos por el contrario, estan algunas voces]
anipliainente vestidos. En vano busco el origen de csta eostumbre de pintarse. No. parecian tener el menor
6entimiento de vergiienza (con respecto a la desnudez), aunque por otra parte no son disolutas, ni pro,vorativas.
Los Apingis} para Africanos, son un pueblo muy industrioso. Los hombres tienen aqui verdaderas ocupaciones; lo que se ve muy raras veces en el Africa Occidental. Utilizan las partes filainentosas de la hoja de
• ciftrta palmera que creec en abundancia en todo el pais, para fabricar una hermosa tela que tiene nombradia
entre todas las tribus. Es una poblaeion sedentaria; no le faltan mas que rcbahos y animales domestieos
para llegar a ser una nacion llorecicnte. Entre las otras tribus de que he hablado en cste libro, una aldea,
no es mas que una permaneneia temporaria en un lugar, abandonado en cuanto la muerte aparece alii. El
B lector comprendera, pues, con cuanto placer salude a un pueblo que vive en un mismo punto desde varias
generaeiones, que cultiva los arboles, que proelama la propiedad, y que fabrica telas. Todos son tegedores
(*) Ei lector no puede menos de ver por esto, que el trabajo forzado es desconocido entre las nacioncs del
Africa qua no han sido desmoralizadas por los cstrangeros. Los Apingis estaban completamente inoeentes
del canibalismo; su jefe en esta ocasion solo pensaba satisfacer los deseos de su huesped europeo!
�22
entre los Apingis. Su telar, bastante complieado, se parece mueho al dequese sirven los Ashiras, quienes lo
han tornado sin duda de estos sus industriosos veeiuos. El telar esta estendido bajo el cuerpo delantero de
Rkabana. Es un espectaculo agradable v regocijador, euando uno se pasea por la calle, ver a todos estos
trabajadores ocupados en teger una hermosa v escelente tela. Los Apingis gozan, en efecto, la reputaciou de
fabriear la tela mas suave que se encuentra en todo este pais. Algunas de sus muestras de colores, son muv
hermosas. Para aplicar los colores, empiezan por tenir los hilos, y los disponen luego muy ingeniosagrol
en sus tegidos. Los naturales prcfieren esta tela a la cotonada del comercio. Los Apingis no gustan mucO
de cambiar las telas indigenes por las nuestras, y encuentro que tienen razon.
Trabajan tambien el hierro, y fabrican cuchillos igualcs a los de los Ashiras, y haclias cuyas guarnieiones
estan acabadas con gusto. Pero la industria principal de este pueblo es, como hemos dicho, la fabricaciaffl
de felas.
[Mr. Du Chaillu menciona la llegada de csclavos escapados, a quienes sc concedid el derecho de asilo,
recibiendolos formalmente el jefe de la nacion y dandoles en lo future derecho a su proteccion. El compilador siente la perdida de la descripcion de este incidente, que ilustra las actuales relaciones entre los esclavos
y los hombres libres en Africa.'
EL DOCTOR LIVINGSTONE SOBRE EL AFRICA Y EL TRAFICO DE ESCLAVOS.
STE distinguido esplorador v misionero en Africa, recientemente llegado de su espe
dicion al Zambesi, leyo un discurso a una asainblea numerosa, durante la sesion
que en Setiembre de 1864 tuvo en Bath la Asociacion Britanica para promover las cien-l
cias. De este discurso tomamos los siguientes estractos:—
E
En toda esta esploracion el principal objeto que me propuse no fue meramente el descubrir objetos que me
causasen algunos dias de admiracion, como el observar y ser observado por los barbaros (pues yo no darial
un bledo por descubrir ni aun una tribu con colas); pero caminando a lo largo de la costa occidental, con el 1
fin de encontrar algutia vereda que^condujese al mar, v por la cual pudiera ser introducido el comercio legal
para coadyuvar a los esfuerzos de los misioneros, quede muy adinirado observando que la decidida influencia
de esa que es conocida como la politica de Lord Palmerston cxistia en algunas partes de la costar, a muchos
centenares de millas del oceano. Halle que se habia estinguido la pirateria, y que la trata de esclavos hacia
tanto tiempo ya que estaba suprimida que no se hablaba de ella sino como una cosa del pasado; que el co
mercio legal habia aumentado desde 20,000 libras esterlinas, en marfil y polvo de oro, hasta dos 6 tres
millones, de cuyo capital se empleaba uu infflon cn aceite de palma para nuestro propio pais (Inglaterra) J
que se habian establecido mas de veinte inisiones, con escuelas que daban la ensenanza a doce mil alumuos ;
que la vida y la propiedad estaban seguras en la costa, v la paz comparativamcnte establecida en cstensas
regionesdel interior; y todo esto en un tiempo en quo, por la leetura de los discursos pronuneiados en Ingla
terra por personas bien informadas, habia yo venido a sacar la conclusion de que nuestros cruceros no habian
hecho nada sino agravar los males del trafico de esclavos. Pues bien, no hallando lo que deseaba en mi
escursion a la costa occidental, baje, siguiendo el curso del Zambesi cn direccion a la costa de levante, v
alii encontre el pais cerrado. Los mismos esfuerzos habian hecho nuestros cruceros alii que en la costa
occidental; pero en consccuehcia de estar privados los estrangeros de penetrar en el pais, ni los comerciautcs
ni los misioneros habian podido. establecerse cn el. Conoci que los naturales del pais estaban casi todos
descosos de traficar, y aun amistosamente v con suavidad, siempre y cuando se hallasen fuera de la influeucia del trafico de esclavos; que el terreno era feraz, v que el algodon y otros productos sc cultivaban en
grande cscala. Comprendi por lo tanto, qne si yo llegaba a abrir esta region al comercio legal supliria los
esfuerzos de nuestros cruceros, de la misma manera que lo habian hecho los comerciantes v misioneros enla
costa occidental, y prestaria asi un buen servicio al Africa. Poder efectuar csto fue mi principal intento
en la reciente espedicion al Zambesi. El primer descubrimiento que hicimos fue una entrada navegable al
Zambesi, sobre un grado al oeste del rio Quillimane, el cual habia sido siempre representado coinot la
einbocadura del Zambesi. Tan pronto como pudiinos, marchamos hacia las corrientes mas rapidas del.
Zette, sieudo nuestra primera intencion llegar hasta el Victoria Falls (una catarata) v hacer lo que pudiesenios con la tribu de Makololo; pero nuestro vapor no podia navegar el rio por un espacio de cuatro millas.
Entonces nos volvimos a un afluente del Zambesi, que desemboca en el a unas cien millas del mar: se llama
Shire, y a mi entender nunca ha sido esplorado por Europeo alguno antes de nosotros. Penetra en un valle
de doscientas millas de largo por veinte de ancho: cordilleras de montanas cierran el paisage por ambos
lados, mientras que el rio serpentea por entre pantanos. En una de las colinas prdximas distinguimos
ochocientos elofantes, que se presentaban a la vista todos a un mismo tiempo. La poblacion era muy nu-
�13
armados de arcos y fleehas emponzonadas, cubrian las orillas, y parecian
estar dispuestosa hostilizarnos al primer agravio que les infiriesemos. Pero con euidado v buen trato, no
fesfl^maBasion para comenzar las hostilidades, aunque una vez estuvieron ya a punto de d i sparar
arcos.
Despues, en una segunda visita, los encontramos ya mas amigables, y aparecieron las mujeres y ninos.
Nos habiamos grangeado tanto su eonfianza, que dejamos el vapor cerca de la catarata de Murchison. Ijfl
Doctor Kirk y yo, caminando a pie hacia el N.N.E., descubrirnos el Iago Shirwa. No es este muy grande ;
dicen que no tieue salida, y esta es probablemente la causa de que sean algun tanto salobrcs sus aguas :
Ernfflia en peees, hipopotamos y san piijuelas. La escena que se presenta a su alrededor es muy bella : las
gifiOtfw18 este sc elevau a la altura de ocho a nueve mil pies. Estabamos entdnces entre Maugauja, trib.it
no visitada antes por los Europeos; y como me preguntau con frecucncia en Inglaterra que clase de geute
son estos salvajes, puedo contestar que estan tan pbco civiliz ados como todos los que encontramos escepto los de la raza 6 tribu de Bushmen ; pero que todos cultivan el terreno para su sustento. Cosechin
grandes cantidades de inaiz, y otro grano que creee en tallos de diez d doce pies de altura, llamado por los
Arabes dura (Holcus georghum); otra clase de grano (tentjisjtum); varias especies de habas, ealabazas v
melones ; cohotnbros, de cuyas pepitas se estrae un aceite nifty lino ; casaba, de la que se hare nuestra tapioca; caeahuete, que da un aceitc bueno para guisar; aceite de palmaehristi, con que ellos ungen sus
cuerpos; y tabaeo y canamo de India para fumar.
El laboreo de Los campos parece ser heeho por toda la familia, viendose generalmeute en el campo todos
juntos, hombres, mujeres v nines. Cada familia tenia un trozo de tierra plantado de algodon, como nuestros antepasados lo tenian de lino; v este algodon lo hilaban y tegian los hombres mientras que las mujeres
preparaban y molian la cebada y hacian la cerveza. Cerca de muchas aldeai habia hornos de fundicion para
estraer el hierro del mineral, y se hacian eseelentes azadon'gs, muy baratos. Todos ellos eran traficantes
muy aetivos, hallandose muy pocos que tuviesen por unidtffprofe^jji la ca^fijy asfque, apenas pueden llamarse
salvajes, aunque sin duda alguna estaban bastante degradados. Siempreme ha parecido que vi,vian recelosos de que otras tribus los atacasen y vendiesen en esclavitu 1, lo cual les hacia creer que podrian ser llevados, cebados v comidos por los blancos. El trafieante de e®lavos los llama bestias y salvajes, y ellos por su
parte creen que los traficantes son canibales. Tambien vivtfh fenerososSe hechizos v brujerias, v a las
personas sospechosas se les obliga con frecuencia a beber el agua-llamada opdelia, que viene a ser un inodo
tan sencillo y adeeuado para descubrir brujerias como nuestro antiguo medio de zambullir en un estanque.
Si la persona sospechosa vomita al beber el agua, es inocente; si n® criminal. Y sinembargo nos reimos
nosotros de corazon por haber creido nuestros antepasados que si la mujer iba al fondo era inocente, y cri
minal si sobrenadaba : justamente coino hacen los monomauiacos con sus ilusiones.
Cultivando grandes espacios de tierra para grano, su modo favorite de emplear el producto es convertirlo
en cerveza. No tiene inucha fuerza que digamos esta hebida ; pero cuando beben en gran cantid id llegan
a ponerse un poquito alegres. Cuando una familia h.acela cerveza, es costtimbre convidar para beber a muchos amigos y veeinos, los cuales traen consigo sus azqdones para cavar con alegria, despues del convite, el
campo de los amigos.
Ninguna riiolestia nos causo aquella gente. No se pediara tributes, ni sc exigian multas. Por la Manganja se portaban con nosotros coil una completa indiferetigfc, mu^diferentes en verdad de lo que con
sorpresa nuestra vinieron a ser despues. Todos nuestros aetosse eneaminaban a grangearnos la amistad de
las diferentes tribus, v a dar los cotisejos qne pudiesenios eon el fin de inducirlos a cultivar el algodon para
Bigfesportacion. Ya hemos dicho que cada familia teuia un pedaza de terreno plantado de algodon; y algunos de ellos poseian una estension considerable. Uno de estos campos cercabsulh catarata Zedrane, v tenia
630 pasos de largo por un lado; su algodon era de SffiBletW'tfalidad, no requeria replantarlo mas de una
vez en cada tres aims, v no estaba espuesto a los rigores del hielo. DespttdJ; de un euidadoso y detallado
examen, no me cabe duda alguna al asegurar que alii tenemos uno de los mejores terrenos para algodon que
hay en el mundo.
Arguvendo con los jefes contra la venta de los naturales para la esclavitud, se justificaban siempre alegando que no vCndian mas que a los crimiuales. El Dr. Kirk habia heeho un viage desde la catarata del
Murchison hasta la Zettc, aldea portuguesa situada sobrtf*®! ZambeJR v entdnces fueron enviados en direceion
de su ruta los cazadores de esclavos con la saneion del Gobieruo local, y llamandose a si mismos “ mis
MBOS?’ los muy truha nes 1 Juntaronse con otra J.®W*illamnid^^1a'®a, qqi^migraba entdnecs del sud este,
y que habia estado acostumbrada a coger esclavos mas abajo
Quillimaffte^sitros establecimientos de la
costa. Proveyendo de arinas v muuieiones a est^ tribu,que ella arrastrase con faeilidad a su
Kaesencia a los que no tenian mas annas que el arco y la Heefe®^puando el Dr. Kirk, Mr. C. Livinastone
y yo fuimos a conducir al obispo Mackenzie a las mohthfiu^Wdontrainos- una partida de aquellos Portucazadores de esclavos, que venian con. 84 cautw(fe*-4esfeiados y-^onducidos a Zette. Al jefe de la
H^tida lo conoeiamos nosotros por haberlo tenido a nuestr®’servicio en dicha aldea. Niugun paso dimes
para libertar a estos cautivos, pues hasta los esclavos del Gobernador conocian que estaban obrando mal, v
huyendo, los dejaron a todos en nuestro poder. El trafieo de esclavos es el mal por esceleneia que nosotros
encontrabamos en aquel pais, y no podiamos dar un paso sin que por tolas partes hallasemos hombres ea] ■>
turados y mujeres atadas, y muchas veces con mordazas en la boca; por consiguieute no se puede haceif
BM»MH>ien si no se arranca antes el mal que claina coutinu uneute por remedio.
El buen obispo Mackenzie tenia a su disposicion sobre 200 personas, y pronto hubiera podido presentar al
BSajsJaBBtologiie una soeiedad- libre, sostenida por su propia industria y bieu obrar, que indudablemente
habria tenido una grande influeneia.
�21
En las montaiias del oeste hubo una ascension el ano ultimo, y se hallo que cran solo los hordes de una
gran ineseta a 300 pies de elevaeion sobre el mar. Aqnella region goza de una tentpcrattira templada, tiene
Kbundante riego, y esta bien poblada por las tribus de Manganja y Maori, de euyos iudividuos hay algunos
que poseen reb mos; y no tengo duda alguna de que pasados los primeros trabajos, edifieadas viviendas y
asegurado el mantenimiento, eneontrarian alii los curopeos todas las eomodidades que requiere la vida. Esta
parte de Africa tiene exactamente el mismo aspeeto que la India Occidental hacia la parte de Bombay; eon
la (liferencia tan solo de haber aqui mayor elevaeion y temperature mas fresca. Pues bien, teniendo ahora
un buen eamino para lo interior de las montanas, por medio del Zambesi y Shire, y un curso navegable por
el rio y Iago, a traves de los euales se sacaban los esclavos para el mar Rojo v el golfo I’ersico, y tambien
algunas voces para Cuba ; y conocicndo adenns actualmente la manera de cultivar el algodon casi todflg loM
habitantes de aquella bien poblada comarca, pareee probable que de su fuerte propension al trafieo, se podria
saear eon facilidad mucha ventaja para el estrangero -tanto como para su propio pais. Y aqui debo observar,
volviendo a mi objeto, que en mi primer viage solo vi alguna que otra plantacion de algodon ; pero en este
lie visto niuchas mas de lo que me habia imaginado. El algodon es de fibre corta, fuerte, semejan e a la
liana, y tan bueno como el de superior ealidad amerieano. Se ha introducido una segunda variedad, como
se ve por el nombre dado al algodon estrangero; y en medio del eontinente, cn la comarca de Makololo se
ha encontrado otra de muy superior calidad, de filanicntos muy largos, que se creia eomunmente perteneeer
a la America del Slid. I'na de estas plantas tenia ocho pulgadas de diainctro y era del tamaiio de un md&J
zano ordinario. No se replantan mas que una vez cada tres anos, ni corren peligro de quemarse sus viista
ges por las esearchas.
Sin embargo, aun no habiainos empezado nuestros trabajos entre la Manganja, euando los Portugueses
Afrieanos, instigando a la tribu de Ajaxva eon las annas y municiones que le daban en pago de los esclavos,
produjeron la mayor confusion. Aldea tras aldea fueron atacadas e ineendiadas ; pues los de Manganja,
mados tan solo con arcos y flechas no podium lfacer frente a las armas de fuego. Puestos los hombres en
l'uga, quedaron entdnccs eautivas las mhjeres y ninos. Esta espedieion de caza de esclavos durd por algunp^
lueses, y despues un terror ptinico se apodero de la nacion de Manganja. Todos huyeron a lo largo del rio,
anhelando tan solo ganar la orilla opuesta ; pero se habian dejado detras toda su comida, viniendo por esta
causa a pereeer de hambre muchos in ilia res. El valle de Shire, donde vivian muchos miles, al tiempo de
jiuestra primera visita, habia sido despnes convertido literalmente en un valle de hucsos seeos. No podiaInos caminar una milla sin ver algun esqueleto humano: cualquiera choza que se abriese, dejaba ver en su
Interior cadaveres insepultos. Yo halle dos en algunas que abri...................................... .....
Yo he repugnado siempre cl que se de a otro la culpa de no habcr uno logrado lo que.deseaba, por la eonviceion de que el hombre debe salir airoso en todos los proyectos factibles, a pesar del mundo entero; y
ademas para que no se erea que-echamos un borron sobre la nacion Portnguesa. El vizconde Lavradio, y el
vizeonde de la Bandeira, v otros anhelan tanto como pudicra desearse la abolicion del trafico de esclavos: per®
el nial se hizo por la ascrcion cn Europa del dominio en Africa, euando sc sabe posit.ivamente que ellos eran solo
unos cuantos mestizos hijos de renegades y mujeres negras, los cuales tienen que pagar aetualmente tributo a los
naturales puros. ; Dieron ellos aeaso el mas pequeno heneficio a Portugal? Si alguno liubicra hecho algu
na vez una fortuna. y vuelto a su patria para consumirla en Lisboa, 6 si el Gobierno Portugues hubiese
hallado algun jdaeer en gastar amialmente 5000 libras esterlinas para Gobernadores indigentes que todos
connivian en el trafico de esclavos; esto va podriamos entendcrlo. Pero Portugal no gana nada sino uil
Hombre malo y horrible, por ser el primero que comenzd’ el trafieo de esclavos y el ultimo que lo acabara.
Es muy serio para nosotros tl considerar cuanto ha prospered© la politiea Britaniea cn el occidentc, al paso
que ha sido tan neutralizada en la costa del este. Ina naeion grande como la nuestra; no puedc desenteJ
*
derse de las obligaciongs. qpe se deben aiotros lniembros de la grande comunidad de las machines. DebemOs
mantener la policia del mar; y si dejamos de eviar sin ihtermision eiuccros para suprimir el trafico de los
esclavos, pronto nos veremos oldigados a enviarlos para suprimir la pirateria; pues ninguno engendra tantos
desdrdencs como este otfioso trafico.
No tengo intencion algjina de desistir. Si los obstaculos me hubieran hecho perder'alguna vez el animo,
nunea me liabria presentado aqui en la posicion que por vuestra bondad oeupo ahora. Me propongo haeer
otra tentativa; pero csta vez al norte de los Portuguescs; y me siento animado en gran manera por el inte-l
res que demostrais. que no puede ser por mi liuinilde persona, sino de vuestra simpatia por la causa de la
libertad humana. Nos sorprende contemplar a jgna gran naeion. por cuyas venas corre nuestra propia sangre, despucs de haber desprceiado por inuehos anos los derechos del Afrieano a la humanidad, agitarse poderpl
samente en una guerra por el, y Juebar despues con igual poderio por la abolicion de los principios de la
esclavitud. Despues de todo amaestrando a los Afrieanos para la pelea 1 Ningun evento poderoso como
csta terrible guerra tuvo lugar jamas sin darnos leccioncs terribles ; de las euales puede ser una la de que,
aunque, “ del lado del opresor esta el poder, puede haber del otro lado un poder mas alto.” Con respeeto al
Afrieano, ni la bebida, ni la enfermedad, ni la eselavitud pnede arrancarle del mundo, Nunca tuve una idea
exaeta de la prodigiosa destruccion de la vida humana, que subsigue a la caceria de eselavos, hasta que Io vi;
y como esto esta aconteeiendo ya por siglos, da una idea inaravillosa de la vitalidad ( de esa nacion.
)
*
(*) Probablemente solo en los ultimos anos los eazadores de eselavos se han habituado a matar muehos
mas naturales, de.los que condueen a la eselavitud, y destruir las mieses y las trojes; y asi, faltando la comida, vieneii a pcreeer de hambre, los que habian podido eseapar de la captura.
�/
SEGUNDA
EEC TUR A.
N el salon de la ciudad de Mansfield, y bajo los auspicios del Comite de la Institution
de Artesanos, se celebro un meeting numeroso la noche del Martes 3 de Enero de
1865, al que asistierou el Doctor Livingstone (el renombrado viagero de Africa), v el
Doctor Kirk, naturalista de la espedicion al Zambesi. Lo presidio Mr. W. F. Webb.
EeVantandose el Doctor Livingstone fue saludado con grandes aplausos, y dijo :—-
E
Creia an tiempo la gente que el interior del Africa era un vasto v desierto arenal, pero nosotros vimos
que era un pais muy diferente. Hallamos que era una region tertil, v que sus habitantes estaban deseosos
Kgsomunicar con los blancos; por lo tanto yo les propuse (esto es, a los de Makololo) que podriamos hallar
EEcamino hasta el mar por la costa occidental (.
)
*
Estaban ansiosos de probarlo, v partinios veinte y siete
de nosotros para la espedicion, einpleando bueves para la conduction de nuestras galeras.
La idea dominante en el Africa es que nosotros somos eanibales. Esta idea de los negros haee el trafico
Mfe esclavos mas aflictivo que nunca, porque cuando el esclavo eamina hacia el mar esta persuadido de que
va a ser devorado ; y cuando se les da alinieuto suponen que es con el fin de engordarlos v hacer de ellos
un plato deliciosisiino para el hombre bianco : anadiendo asi la opresion del animo a la cruel opresion del
jeuerpo.
Desde alii volvimos al pais de Makololo, tomando un buen surtido de cnentas y calico; pcro cuando lleEamos a nuestro destino lo habiamos perdido todo, y solamente poseiamos unas cnantas ideas nuevas. DesEues examinamos la costa oriental con cl fin de busca^ unfeaffiMno; que uj^jidujese al mar en direction. del rio
Zambesi, En el interior este rio es casi tan audio como el Tamesis en Richmond, pero multitud de afluentes desaguan en el antes de que llegue a la costa oriental. La -gtiite entre la cual viajabamos, v que no se
Eabia ocupado en el trafico de esclavos, era atenta v cortes, y nada tenia de salvaje, como nos habiamos
figurado. Ellos pensaron que nosotros eramos canibales, y nosotros ereiamos que ellos eran salvajes; pero
todos nos equivoeamos. Son por lo general agricultores, y mi^f poco^ggi dediean enteramente a la eaza :
Eav entre ellos herreros, fundidores de minerales para la estraccion del hipfb, fabricantes de azadones, cuchillos, mangos v tijeras. Yo lleve una vez al Cabo . . . un pequeiio eencerro, y el pueblo no queria
creeralli que fue'se fabricado por negros, tan bien trabajado estaba, pero yo mismo lo vi hacer. Tambien
Epn buenos caldereros, y estraen el cobre del correspondiente mineral. Cultivan el algodon, pero no en
grande eantidad, y los hombres lo hilan y tejen ; pudiendose ver en casi todas las aldeas personas sentadas
que se oeupan en este trabajo. Tambien cultivan una grande variedad de granos, y el suelo en muchas
partes es escesivamente ried. En el desierto de Kaliari es casi todo arena, pero en la region mas lejana es
Eon- fertil. Tambien son aficionados en estremo al trafico, y viajan a largas distancias para cambiar sus
producciones por alguna otra cosa. Hay abuudancia de tabaco, v les gusta aspirar el humo de esta planta
favorita. Ahora pues, hallando un pueblo tan civilizado como este, deseoso de trafiear, y habil en el cuw
tivo, me parecid que de su disposition para el trafico y el trabajo se podrian sacar ventajas tanto para ellos
como para otras naciones.
j
Pero encontramos que los puertos de levante estaban cerrados por el gobierno Portugnes.
Traer a los naturales a un estado de civilization, era el objeto de la espedicion al Zambesi, y con esta idea
aseendimos aquel rio; pero hallando algunas eataratas un poco mas alia del Zettc, nos fue iinposible seguir
al pais de Makololo, como intentabamos. Asi, pues, fuiinos por el rio Shirwa, v despues de haber navegado
300 millas, llegamos a un Iago del mismo nombre. 300 millas mas alia, llegamos al Iago Nvassa y navegamos por el 280 millas: es de agua dulce v esta rodeado de montanas. Ascendiendo a ellas, vimos que
Bormaban solamente los hordes de una estensa meseta a 3000 pies sobre el nivel del mar. En una de estas
montanas fue donde el difunto obispo Mackenzie trato de establecer una mision; v no dudo que, si el hubiera
tivido, 6 se hubiese cuidado un poquito mas, podria haber tenido su obra un exito feliz. Tenia a su disposicion un gran numero de cautivos libertados, a los que hubiera podido hacer miembros de una familia
cristiana. ........... Siempre qne vayais a unaWilonia donde la esclavitud exista,
cncoutrareis alii el trabajo caro. Asi sucede en las cercanias del Zambesi y el Shirwa; porque todos los brazos que pueden dediearse al trabajo son esportados en esclavitud, y de esta manera no queda alii nadie para
Mbprecisa labor del pais.
El efecto del trabajo del esclavo sobre el esclavo riiismo, es tambien digno de notarse; porque ellos, pobres
geutes! haeen lo mejor que pueden, y esto es, no hacer nunca nada, si pueden dejar de hacerlo. Esto es
muv natural, y yo tambien haria lo mismo. 'Pero cuando les asalariamos por un mes, son los criados mas
scrvieiales y atentos del mundo. La esclavitud es por consiguiente un error trascendental.
(*) El Doctor Livingstone habia establecido una mision al norte de la colonia del Cabo, en nn lugar 11amado Kolobeng. Esta easa de misiones fue asaltada y robada por Ios hostiles Dutch Boers. Despues de lo
Livingstone, peuetro mas al norte haeia el interior central, hasta que hallo naturales que no
habian tenido roce alguno con los traficantes blancos de la costa sudeste ni de la del oeste.
G
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El Dr.Livingstone concluyo especificando algunos otros productos del Africa ; protestando contra la mezquindad de esos espiritus apocados, que, mientras daman contiuuamente que la “ Caridad comienzapor la
■Er,” ni ejercitan la virtud alii, ni en ninguna otra parte; y manilestando con urgencia quo el
acreedora a la proteceion de Inglaterra.
NOTICIA RECIENTE DE LA COSTA OCCIDENTAL DEL AFRICA.
E ha recibido una carta muy interesante del obispo Crowther, negro de pura raza, en la que da una relaeion
satisfactoria de su primera espedicion al Niger, desde que salio de Inglaterra en el ultimo Agosto. El
obispo da cuenta de la distribucion de iiiuchos de los regalos que llevd eonsigo, que le han sido de graudisima utilidad para formar nuevas casas de misiones, ,y para obtener una concesion de tierra del llev del pais
de Igiira, y para reconciliar un jefe hostil de la Delta, el cual esta ahora en relaciones amistosas con los
misioneros.
El vapor correo real “ Armenian,” que vino de la costa occidental del Africa y arribo a Liverpool el 10
ultimo, trajo la noticia de la iiiuerte del explorador Africano el lamentado Doctor Baikie, que fallecio de un
pequeno ataque de tiebre y disenteria en Sierra Leona el dia 30 del pasado Noviembre. La mala anterior
trajo la noticia de que el Doctor Baikiej despues de residir y viajar por seis anos en el interior de Africa, v
despues de haber establecido una eolonia de naturales sobre la confluencia del Niger y del Chadda, liabi'a
vuelto a Lagos el dia 21 de Octnbre a bordo del buque de guerra “ Investigator,” que ha navegado en corso
a 400 millas por el Niger. El Doctor Baikie pensaba volvefc a Liverpool por el ultimo correo; pero viendose
obligado a ordenar y arreglar la aeuinulacion de sus colecciones, hechas durante un viaje de seis anos por
nn pais incivilizado, tuvo que permanecer en la costa liasta el proximo correo. Este caballero nacio en
Arbroath, Escocia, y estudid la carrera de medicina en la universidad de Edinburgo. A su muerte podria
con tar linos cuarenta anos de edad.
En Whydah habia unos 1500 esclavos con grilletes a punto de ser embarcados. El buque de guerra
I*4Zebra” permanecia fuera dbl puerto, y sus botes estaban cruzando en busca del esperado barco negrero,
quo, segun dicen, es un vapor de grandes dimensioues, que ha hecho varios viajes eon exito, y causado a
nuestros cruceros grandes pero vanos esfuerzos para aprehenderlo en varias ocasiones.
S
• Nota.—Para la completa lectaa de las precedentes relaciones del Doctor Livingstone, vease el “Anti
Slavery Reporter ” de Octubre 1864,;jj Febrero 1865, periodico mensual bajo los auspicios de la “ British
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society,” publicado en Londres, New Broad Street, N 27.
NUEVAS NOTICIAS DE LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS DE AMERICA
ACERCA DEL ASUNTO DE ESTE FOLLETO.
ASHINGTON, Estados Unidos de America, Febrero de 1865.—El Honorable Mr. Sumner ha sometido a la deliberacion del Senado la siguiente proposicion :—
“ Que el Congreso declara por lo tanto que la deuda 6 emprestito de los Estados rebeldes es simplemente
una operacion de la rebelion, que los Estados Unidos nunca podran, bajo ninguna circunstancia, reeonocer
en ninguna parte ni de modo alguno.”
El Senado ha aprobado esta proposicion.
Marzo.—La Casa de los Representantes ha concurrido en la aprobacion de la antedicha resolucion del
Senado.
W
�k7
LA ESCLAVITUD ABOLIDA EN LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS DEL NORTE DE AMERICA.
/ KmMRo de 1865, por una mayoria de 112 votos contra 67, la Casa de los Representantes en Congresoaprobo,como una enmienda de la Constitucion, la proposicion siguiente :
“ Se ha resuelto por el Senado y la Casa de los Representantes de los Estados Unidos de AineriS^H
Congreso reunido, concurriendo dos terceras partes de ambas Casas, que los siguientes articulos sean propucstos a los Legisladores de los varios Estados, como una enmienda de la Constitucion de los Estados
:
cual, despues de ratifieada por tres cuartas partes de diehos Legisladores, sera valida para todos
los casos y electos que haya lugar, como parte de dicha Constitucion, a saber :
“Articulo 13, Seccion la.—Ni la esclavitud, ni la servidumbre involuntaria, escepto como un castigo
pqr crimen, podrun existir en los Estados Unidos, ni en otro lugar alguno sujeto a su jurisdiction.
“Seccion 2a.—El Congreso tcndra poder para hacer obligatorio esle articulo por una legislation especial/l
Para que la abolition de la esclavitud en toda la jurisdiction del gobierno federal, hasta donde pueda ser
ggffliada por la legislation, tenga lugar sin demora, ha sometido cl Honorable Mr. Sumner eiertas proposiciones al Senado, con el fin de que solamcnte los Estados representados actualmente en el Congreso sean
reconocidos como en derecho para ser consultados sobre una eumjjgnda de la Constitucion.
De las euales proposiciones, una declara que “ cualquiera otra ley eXigiendo la participation de los EstaMgsmebeldes, ademas de no ser ldgiea ni razonable, es dafiosa en sus conseeuencias, por cuanto todos los
recientes decretos presideuciales, incluyeudo el de la emancipacion—como tambien todos los actos recientes
E^Eongreso, inclusos los que crean la deuda national y establecen la circulation national,—v asimismo
todos los tratados recientes, comprendiendo el celebrado con la Gran Bretana para la estincion del trafico
de fiSelavos, han sido hechos, decretados, 6 ratificados respectivaniente sin ninguna participation de los
lEatados en rcbeldia.”
LOS ESCLAVOS EMANCIPADOS EN GEORGIA.
El General Sherman, en su drden reservando localidades especiales para los negros emaneipados, dice,
que cuando un negro se hubiere alistado en el servicio militar de los Estados Unidos, podra acomodar a su
familia cn uno cualquiera de los establecimientos de negros, a su election, y adquirir una casa propia y todos
los demas derechos v privilegios de un colono, como si estuviera presente en persona. Del mismo modo
pueden los negros establecer sus families, y despues emplearse a bordo de las lanchas canoneras, 6 eu la
pesca, 6 en la navegacion de las aguas interiores, sin que pierdan por esto uingun derecho a la tierra 6 a
cualesquiera otras ventajas derivadas de este sistema.
Publieado en Enero de 1865.
El Coronel Eaton, Superintendente General de los emancipados, en cl departamento del Tennessee y el
Sista do de Arkansas, hate la siguiente interesante relation :
‘‘ Esta Superintendencia, comprendiendo el territorio dentro de las lineas de nuestro ejercito, contd en su
solicitud durante el ano pasado, 113,650 emancipados.
“ Estos ahora estan colocados como sigue : en el servicio militar, como soldados, cocineros, asistentes de
oficiales y trabajadores en los varios departamentos del estado mayor, 41,150; eu ciudades, en plantacioues
|Vkeo aldeas de emancipados, 72,500.
“ De estos, 62,300 estan sostenidos enteramente por si misrnos, como plantadores, artesanos, cocheros,
carreteros, &a., conduciendo empresas por cuenta propia 6 como trabajadores asalariados.
“ Los 10,200 restantes reciben su subsistencia del Gobierno. 3,000 de estos sou individuos de familias
cuvos cabezas se ocupan en plantaciones, y tienen bajo cultivo 4,000 acres (*) de algodon, para indemuizar
Ej&obierno por su presente subsistencia, de los primeros productos de la coseeha. El resto 7,200 incluve
■Sffpobres, como son los ancianos, los tullidos y enfermos ; y los empleados en cuidarlos. Pero aun estos
ultimos no estan sin producir, sino que tienen actualmente bajo cultivo 500 acres de grano, 700 de vegetales
y 1,500 de algodon, ademas del trabajo en aserrar maderas, &a.
“Mas de 100,000 acres de algodon estan repartidos bajo eultivo: de estos, sobre 7,000 estan cultivados
y arrendados por negros.
“Seria imposible al presente manifestar con exactitud la cantidad de madera cortada por la gente en esta
gfeintcndeucia: debe ser enorrne. El pueblo ha reeibido de | a 2| dollars por cada monton de lefia (cord) para cortar. Esta madera ha sido de una utilidad importante para las operacioues comerciales y militares en el rio.
“De los 113,650 emancipados arriba dichos, 13,320 han estado instruyendose; de los cuales, unos 4,000
han aprendido a leer bastante bien, y sobre 2,000 a escribir.”
A. P. Ketchum, Registrador, dice al Brigadier General R. Saxton, Gobernador Militar, en Beaufort, Caro-
(*} Acre, med :da Inglesa de tierra, equivalente a 4,840 varas cuadradas.
�1
28
“ Es un heeho satisfaetorio, que donde cl negro emancipado esta establecido en hacienda Suva propia,
prospcra; que es mas feliz y ambicioso cuando se le pennite ser indepcndiente, que cnan«lH|j0MlSOiidc>
eonio un simple trabajador por cl hombre bianco.”
ESTRACTO DE UN D1SCURSO PRONUNCIADO POCO HA POR EL GENERAL BUTLER EN LOWESL
MASSACHUSETTS.
Por los trabajos de este ano (1864) heinos demostrado qne la poblaeion esclava arrendataria del Sud,
puede sostenerse por si misma, aunque no comprendiendo una grande proporeion de hombres sanos v robust.os. Heinos ahorrado de las raciones solas del Gobierno, que debian darse a ellos, 100,000 dollars", v Iodo
esto en dos distritos, (estando ineluidas las mujeres y ninos emancipados, en numero de 80,000).
Dentro del mismo espaeio de tiempo hemos conseguido demostrar que estos negros son capaces de reeibir
educaeion.
Ayudados con el trabajo voluntario de preceptores bcnevolos del Norte, millares de ninos han aprendipo
alii a leer, y tambien adultos, que nunca habian leido hasta ahora: asi el negro ha sido habilitado para la
imeva condicion de libertad y ciudadania a que ha sido elevado.
Talcs son algunos de los lesultados de esta guerra !
ESTRACTO DE ALGUNAS OBSERVACIORNES ESCRITAS DESPUES DE UNA VIS1TA A LOS
ESTABLEC1M1ENTOS DE EMANCIPACION DE VIRGINIA Y CAROLINA,
15 DICIEMBRE 1864.
La csperiencia de cada dia y las observacioncs sobre el terreno han confirmado mi conviccion del valorwa
la raza Africana cn nuestro pais y del brillante porveuir, fecuudo en htienos resultados, qne se le ofrcce.
Creo que csta raza es de gran Valor industriahnente, v que posee aquellas cualidades de alma y corazon,
que harau de ella un elemento de fuerza v hermosura en la nueva nacion, cuyas murallas se estan fabricandol
en tiempos calamitosos. Siu embargo, ninguna profecia de mal agiicro ha sido proferida con mas empeno
en este pais por un tercio de siglo, que la de la holgazaneria de los negros, si llcgaban a ser inniediatamente
emancipados.
Ahora se han eniancipado inmediatamente muchos centenares de miles, en medio de las escenas de guerra
nunca favorable para el adelantamiento: y con que resnltado industrial ? ri Trabajara la gente emancipada ?
Los millarcs de pequenas cabanas con bien eultivados terrenos a su alrededor, que han aparecido subitamenfal
sobre los campos desolados por las marchas v eombates de los ejercitos, y la actividad con que los negros son
empleados en todas partes, asi por simples particulares, como por el Gobierno, serviran de suficiente respuesta. Todo cuanto previamente sabia de oidas, me ha sido abundantemente contirmado por las prol'undas ob
servacioncs que he podido hacer.
Yo he vivido tiempo atras cn cabanas de madera y rodeado de privaeiones, en estableeimientos fronterizos;
pero nunca he visto tanta fuerza de voluntad ni valor tan, inpomable en la construction de casas entre los
otros hombres blancos, como he observado por todas^.partes entre los emancipados.
“ Vd. sc aplica mucho,” dijo elcolro dia una preccptora cn Norfolk (Virginia) a un muchacho de 20 anos
reeien escapado de las inmediaeioucs de Charleston (Carolina del Sud). “Mrs. W***,” respondio el,
brillando su rostro perfectamente negro, “ Yo estar ardientemente fervoroso.” Eue dicho eon propiedad,
no solo por el mismo, sino por su raza, la cual con el estan pisaudo los liuevos senderos del conoeimiento.
Decir qne nuestras cscuelas han sido prdsperas, es lo mdnos que de ellas se puede decir. Tenemos muchas,
muchas escnelas, v su buen exito pondra ampliamente el sello a la sabiduria de un pueblo que se levanta asi
al eoHoeimicnto y la vida.
[De la correspondencia del “ New York Tribune.”]
Nueva Orleans, Louisiana, 20 de Enero 1865.—Los plantadores de estc Estado, que han sido talcs toda
su vida, y los improvisados del Norte que ban venido aqui recicntemente para hacer dinero, parcccn estar
bastante animados, a pesar de laj^fdida universal (de plantas de/algodon) sufrida cl ano pasado. He liablado con muchos (pie cstan envjucltos en deudas por la perdida aludida, los males creen que la cstacion
venidera compensara lo pasado, y quqjrtm su abundante producto scran realizadas sus espera nzas (de ganar).
Ena cosa es cicrta ; que la grande ohjecion heclia contra el sistema del trabajo libre, a saber, que los negros
no trabajarian sino por fuerza, ha quedado dcstruida. Yo estoy en comunieacion casi diaria eon ancialms,
plantadores toda su vida,—hombres nacidos y asociados en el Sud, qiiienes me dicen que han hallado con
sorpresa a los trabajadores eontentos y obedientes, y que en muchos casos el interes en la cosecha reeojida
ha incitado al trabajo alegre a muchos que, bajo cl sistenia opresivo, cran inutiles v de ningun valor. Debe
tambien tenerse presente, que los negros emancipados que trabajaban en nuestras plantaeiones de kuLouM
siana el aiio pasado eran pagados en parte con ropas y provisiones, y tenian que scrlo ademas con un convenido tanto por ciento de la sunia realizada sobre la cosecha que se exportase. Los emancipai^Kompren|
dieron perfectamente este arreglo eon sus empleadores, y la csperanza de una remuneracibnjffljfe^da hacia
�29
clStrabajo y brotar de sus labios numerosas canciones. La pobre gentMHKCT
demasiado esperanzada ! El. gusa.no y las hcladas destruyeron sua brillantes perspcctivas : ellos vieron que
los elcmentos estaban en contra suva. Frustradas sus esperanzas, no se quejaban sin embargo, sino que
sobrcllcvaron sus perdidas eon paciencia, y estaban prontos para empezar de nuevo, fiados en sus iuertes
brazos y recien adquirida libertad, y esperando salir en bien eon la bendicion de la Providencia.
CONDVCTA DE LOS EMANCIPADOS EN SEA ISLANDS.
[Correspondencia del “ Star.”]
El progreso de los emaneipados establecidos en las islas (Sea Islands) es muy favorable. Durante 1863
HB64 Eduardo S. Philbrick se empled en el cultivo de algodon en este distrito. En 1863, aunque la sieinbra;
tuvo lugar tarde, las plantas fueron remunerativas y la eosecha tan abundante como se deseaba. El ano pasado
uSplantas fueron muy bien cultivadas v prometian una buena cosecha hasta el mes de Agosto, cuando un
enemigo conocido aqui como el “ ejercito gusano ” (army worm) barrio todo el Sud, visito las semillas
sembradas por los emancipados, v destruyo a lo menos una initad de las plantas. Este enemigo del plantador de algodon no es por fortuna un visitadoi' frecuente, y por esto se aliinentan grandes esperanzas para el
ano proximo. Ann -en 1864 se obtuvieron no menos de .160 halas de este algodon de buena calidad, haWKndose vendido un poco a 2| dollars la libra. La suma invertida en salaries durante el mismo ano fue
sobre 30,000 dollars. El trabajo hecho por los emancipados Se pagaba en metalico al fin de cada mes, y
los cultivadores negros se proveiau para sus necesidades domesticas de un almacen estahlecido por Mr.
Philbrick. All principio los pobres emancipados compraban harina de trigo, como uu manjar delicado desconocido para ellos en los dias de su esclavitud; despues-came y mej ores vestidos. Al paso que obtienen
propiedad, se multipliean rapidamente sus necesidades,
presente estan llenando sus cabanas con articulos de utilidad domestiea, gozados hasta ahora solo en el Norte, donde han prevalecido las ideas de los
Yankees, mientras cubren sus mesas con una variedad de alimentos saludables completamente desconocidos
para esta pobre gente durante los dias de su opresion y cautiverio. El negro del Sud, cuando esclavo, podia
solamente recrearse con dos generos de viandas : por seis meses del ano se alimentaba con patatas dulces y
por los seis restantes se le permitia regalarse con el “ hominy,” 6 comida de maiz machacado. Por las
faeturas de las remesas einbarcadas de tiempo en tiempo durante los dos anos pasados, aparece que se han
llevado a las plantaciones libres de Mr. Philbrick los siguientes generos, que se han vend, lo todos :—361
barriles de mclaza, 149 barriles de arroz, 9a barriles de azucar, 140 cajas de velas, 60 cuevanos de loza,
130 cajas de jabon, 416 barfiles de harina v galleta, 54 fardos de tabaco; ademas de grandes cantidades
de generos secos y ropa, sombreros y gorras, tocino ahumado, carne, cerdo, arenques, haleches, objetos
de madera y cofres, importaudo todo la suma de 61,249 dollars. En adicion a esto, que se ha vendido todo
K los emancipados, acaba Mr. Philbrick de cargar v despachar otro cargamento, por valor de 24,350
dollars, para surtir sus almacenes vacios. Estos negros emancipados- han adelantado tan rapidamente que
muchos de ellos disfrutan ya no solo de los articulos de primera necesidad, sino tambien de las comodidades
y placeres de la vida. En las Sea Islands no se han empleado esclusivamente los emancipados en el cultivo
del terreno. Se han establecido alii escuelas que presentan hoy un aspecto el mas favorable, y Mr. Phil
brick me dijo que casi todos los ninos de 10 anos de edad que cncontrd durante el ano pasado sabian leer inte J
Bgiblemente,—que los ninos tienen un grande interes en sus libros, y asisten a las escuelas con regularidad, poniendo todos los medios posibles para presentarse deeentesy limpios donde quiera que se requiere la atencion
v discipline. He visitado niuchas de estas escuelas, y puedo dar testimonio del metodo admirable con que
la regeneracion del Sud. Aparecen alii un movimiento y-una animation acerca de la raza de color que prometen una especie de posicion ventajosa para su progreso en el estado de emancipacion. Con respecto a
ellos no debe temer la nacion : ellos fonnaran un pueblo eampesino industrioso, alegre y prdspero. Yo he
visto ya los resplandorcs de la inteligeneia en inillones de frentes.
ESTRACTO DEL DISCURSO INAUGURAL DEL PRESIDENTE LINCOLN
EN 4 DE MARZO DE 1865.
“Una octavaparte (le toda la poblacion de los Estados Unidos, eran esclavos de varios
colores, no distribuidos generalmente sobre la Union/’sino colocados en la parte del Sud.
Estos esclavos formaban un peculiar y poderoso interes. Todos sabian que este interes
Mgndria a causar de algun niodo una guerra. Fortalecer, estender y perpetuar este interesJ
era el objeto por que querian los insurrectos dividir la Union con guerra; mientras que el
Gobierno no sostenia otro derecho que el de restringir el eugrandecimiento territorial de
ella. Ninguna de las partes esperaba la magnitud o duration a que ha llegado ya; nina
guna de las dos previd que la causa de la guerra pudiera cesar antes de que cesase la misl
H
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ma guerra. Cada una esperaba un triunfo mas fiieu, "uu resultado menos radical v
asombroso. Ambas leen la misma Biblia y orau al mismo Dios. Cada una invoca su
ayuda contra la otra. Parccera estrauo que algun hombre se atreviera a pedir la asistencia
de un Dios justo, en adquirir por violencia el pan del sudor del rostro de otros hmrJM|M
pero no juzguemos, para que no searaos juzgados. Las suplicas de las dos no podian ser
■scuchadas; ninguna de las dos lo ha sido plenamente, porque el Todopoderoso t iene sus
propios e inescrutables designios. “ Ay del mundo por causa de los escandalos, porque es
necesario que vengan .escandalos; pero, ay de aquel hombre por quien el escandalo viene.”
Si suponemos la esclavitud en America como uno de esos escandolos que es precisoffiucH
vengan, y que habiendo continuado por el tiempo prescrito, es ahora la voluntad de Dios
■ que desaparezca,—y que el da a ambos, Norte y Sud, esta guerra terrible, como era debiHH
a aquellos por quienes el escandalo vino, comprenderemos claramente que hay algun desa-74^
cato a los atributos que los creyentes en Dios vivo le atribuyen siempre.^ Nosotros espe. ramos con ansia, nosotros rogamos con fervor que desaparezca cuauto antes este terrib^H
azote de la guerra; pero si la voluntad de Dios es que continue, hasta que se liunda la
riqueza amontonada por los esclavos en 250 afios de trabajo no recompensado, y hasta que
cada gota de sangre vertida con el latigo, sea pagada por otra, vertida con la espada; como
se dijo 3000 anos atras, asi debe decirse aun hoy, que los juicios del Seiior son verdaderos
y justos al mismo tieinpo.
“ Sin rencor hacia nadie, con caridad para con todos, con finneza en lo justo, tai cual Dios
nos lo hace ver,- trabajemos para poner tin a la guerra que 110s aqueja, para cicatrizar las
llagas de la nacion, para cuidar de aquellos que han sobrellevado los combates, y de las
viudas v huerfanos, y hacer tddo lo que conduzca a alcanzar y conservar una paz justa y
feterna entre nosotros misinos y con todas las naciones.”
APENDICE.
fCESE que recientemeiilej en el Sepado de Madrid, el Sr. Ministro de Marina, contestando al Sr. Po
sada Herrera, ha espresado lasjsiguientes ideas sobrqfel asunto de la emancipacion:
“Lejos de-mi la idea de declararnie detensor de la esclavitud. La obra de la emancipacion es la obra del
Cristianismo, ni tampoco puedo negar que es una parte muy esencial de la doetrina evangeliea. Siu em
bargo, cuando el Cristianismo fue anunciado, la mayor parte del genero humano era eselava. j, Dond^l
penetro primero la predicacion del Salvador? En esta masa de esclavos; no obstante la historia no nos
ofrece ni un solo ejemplo de alguna insurreecion de esclavos.”
Ahora nuestros leetores comprenderan faeilmente que talcs premisas, como estan aqui admitidas por cl
Ministro de Marina, condueen a conclusiones enteramente opuestas a las que el se esforzo en inculcar en
aquella ocasion.
Si los eselavos, siendo proselitos Cristianos, se veian por el espiritn de su religion coartados de rebelarse
contra sus amos gentiles, r; con manta mayor razon no scrian tambien coartados los amos (algunos de los
cuales eran asimismo proselitos) de llcgar a scr 6 continuar siendo duenos de esclavos, como lo ordena el
, Cristianismo, mandando que hagamos con todos los hombres como deseamos que hagan con nosotros!
mismos ?
Y si la obra de Ja emancipacion es la obra de Cristo, r; cuya es la obra de cazar eselavos, y la de forzarlos
despues por largas horas al trabajo diario, hasta que la muerte arranea a las victimas de las manos de sus
opresores ?
Pero los hombres y mujeres sujetos a la servidumbre no eran los solos eonvertidos, euyos corazonqi fueron renovados bajo la primera predicacion del evangelio por el poder transformador del amor de Cristo,
. puesto que el apostol Pablo, dirigiendose a Filemon, y evidentemente contiado en que lo cumpliria, exige J
D
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de fl quo recibaaOnesimo, no como aun siervo sino como a un hermano amado ■ tambicn el mismo
apdstol manda que todo aqucl que invoque el nombre de Cristo debia separarse de la iniquidad; sin em
bargo, el Alinistro de Marina ignora con respecto a Espana que despues de haber abrazado 6 profesaa] el
Cristianismo fue cuando ella se empled en el maldito tratico de esclavos y establecid la iniquidad de la es
elavitud por una ley.
Ademas, las naciones gentiles de Grecia y Roma, con respecto a la eondicion usual de la servidumnH
WBropcllaron los derechos de la huinanidad con la misma estension que lo han hecho muehas nacionM
llamadas Cristianas despues del deseubrimiento de la America,}’ como lo Lacen aun hoy en Cuba y el Brasil.
Ilemos leido que cl Sr. Ministro de Marina’ ha dicho tambien que la mayoria de los esclavos reeien impoftados de Africa eran iddlatras y hasta cambales.
Tocante al canibalismo y otras brutalidades, en cualquier grado que prevalezean, hemos manifestado en
Mprecedentes paginas qiie debeu su origen probablemente a las iniluencias viciosas del traiico de esclavos
estrangero, estorzandosc los Africanos en imitar, como ellos imaginan, las eostumbres de una raza a la vez
mas poderosa v mas corrompida. Sea esto como quiera, no puede alegarse ninguna razon valida a favor de
un pueblo realmente cristiano para prolongar una injusta v no compensada servidumbre, 6 para no restituirlos de una vez, si ellos lo preiirieren, al pais de doude fueron arrancados por la violeneia.
No es tiempo el presente para medias medidas de justicia limitada, ni para pretextos especiosos que sirvaa
BBescusa para diferir la justicia inmediata por un deereto de emaneipaeion.
La sangre de millares y la ailiccion de millones pueden ser motive sufieiente para que se ejecute cuanto
antes el juicio por tanto tiempo diferido.
Espanoles! desde que Inglaterra v Francia abolieron la eselavitud, mas de 30,000 esclavos, segun el
edmputo hecho, han side anualmente desembarcados en Cuba, y sin embargo uo ha crecido con esto el ntiBem de la poblacion. j Tales la horrible destruccion de la vida humana en Cuba! 6 Que nos admira,
pues, que en Africa scan por todas partes considerados los Europeos como cauibales ?
II.
Aun mas recientemente ha apareeido en los periddicos una carta del Scnador Sr. Oldzaga aceptaudo la
presideneia de la “ Soeiedad Abolicionista Espanola.” En cuya carta se hallan espresiones de simpatia
liacia los may y por largo tiempo oprimidos Africanos, espresiones que le hacen honor como hombre v eoino
politico. Nosotros sin embargo no podemos dejar de espresar un sentimiento profundo porque esa soeiedad
tenga por presidente a eualquier hombre que se manifieste el mismo como opuesto a un acto inmediato de
^mapleta justicia en la abolicion de la eselavitud; convencidos, como estamos, de que la esperieueia demuestra que la abolicion inmediata es no solo practicable sino realmente la mas ventajosa para todas las
partes interesadas. Pues es sabido que bajo los arreglos de una abolicion gradual, el espiritu de los reglaBmntos es evadido en la practica, la inteneion burlada ; y como los amos de esclavos viven en la esperanza
’ de un paso retrdgrado haeia la esclavitud legalizada, ni se preparan, ni se prepararan a si mismos ni a sus
esclavos para las futures relaciones mjltuas en uu estado de libertad. Dejando aparte la consideracion de
los derechos de la Religion y de la moral, cualquiera que lea las memories de las profundus investigaeionel
de Mr. Olmsted sobre los resultados econdmicos de los trabajadores eselavos en los Estados Unidus de
America, hallara abundantes pruebas de que para todo amo de esclavos benigno (al menos) seria mas proK echoso einplear a los esclavos como trabajadores libres, adeeuada y puntuahnente retribuidos. Puede ^er
que no suceda asi eon respecto a la ganatieia inmediata para aquellos tenedores de esclavos, que los haedh
trabajar hasta una muerte prematura, reemplazandolos eon otros recien importados de Africa; pero nosotrod
no creeremos que tanto el Sr. Oldzaga como el ministro de Marina permitiesen que los intereses d resultadoa
■basados en una practica tan criminal pudieran intluir en sus opiniones acerca de los intereses respectivos de
los eselavos v sus duehos. Dcbe, sinembargo, tenerse presente siempre que, con respecto a la oompensacionl
esta de parte del esclavo la primera y suprema reelamacion.
III.
Mientras estabah en prensa las anteriores paginas, se ha recibido la noticia del asesinato de Abraham
| Lincoln, Presidente de los Estados Unidos del Norte de America. Ilombfe que entre los potentados coutemporaneos no ha tenido superior en la verdadera sabiduria, con la eual estaban combinados un genio tan
agradable, tai dulzura de caracter, tai desnudez de reneor v de egoismo y tai amor a la justicia, que en todos
los corazones, eseepto en aquellos de la malignidad mas diabblica, habria desarmado el odio y la mala voluntad. Parece como que el martirio de esc hombre justo era neeesario para convencer al insensible y al egoista
del genero humano, de las profundidades de la depravidad en que se hallan sumergidos los que, sin la apoloBgia d<L herencia, se han hecho defensores y partidarios de un crimen tan horrendo contra el hombre, la
esclavitud.
Por oausa de sus preeminentes virtudes le odiaba el mundo ! Durante su carrera oficial fue atacado por
, grande numero de periodistas de America y de Europa con ineesante falsedad, irrision y mofa.
; Sienko ultrajado, el no devolvid el ultraje. Grande es seguramente su recompensa en el eielo.
£ '■' 1A miserable asesino y Sus complices, hombres de corazon depravado, como debian serlo ya previamente
�32
MMS1 pugresivo poder del pccado, no son dignos de nuestra atencion. Elios son abora censurados
inente por aquellos mismos pcriodistas v correspqn sales malvados, quieucs por su incesante malignidad w
Kdumniosas mentiras contra el Presidente (un dia, pretendiendo ridiculizarlo por incompetencia, otro,
tfenuuriandole por abuso de poder), son reallocate los autorcs responsables de esc crimen tan atroz.
4 Cuando sera que llenen tambien estos la medida de su iniquidad ? Ya han resumido ellos su camin«™
tai crimen, y los mas viles y sin pudor liasta sc han atrevido a espresaren su impotente malicia, la esperanll
de que los distinguidos y patridticos varones, los generales Grant v Sherman, puedan arrancar el Gobiernil
de manos de su Presidente legal. Anadiendo el insulto a la injuria, han tenido la desfachatez de elogiar las
virtudes del martir, ninguna de las males quisieren reeonocer, mientras en su carrera publica estaba el trabajando por el bicn de su patria y del genero huinano, bajo el peso de no or.dinarias tareas ofieiales. Y estil
su alabanza no dimana de amor alguno a la virtud, no; es el mero artiticio de calumniadorcs habitualcs,
tingiendo presentar un contraste, para daiiar de esta manera, cuanto este en su poder, la reputaeion J
influencias de sti sucesor el actual Presidente.
Los verdaderos amigos de la libertad y fclieidad del genero humano, no quedaran en cl dcsaliento; ellos
rccordaran que los que tuvieron el aeierto de reelegir a Abraham Lincoln para Presidente de los Estados
Lnidos en medio de las ausiedades de una terrible y prolongada guerra civil, eligieron tambien para ViccPresidente a Andres Johnson eon un presentimiento solemne de la probabilidad de la muerte del prhnero, y
auu podemos decir que apreciando bien el caractcr del ultimo, eomo en preparation para' un evento tail
calamitoso.
Confiamos en que cl actual Presidente no frustrara las esperanzas de sus electorcs. El rcspeto a ellos v a
si mismo le hara einular en amor al bien de su patria y de los oprimidos en todas partes, el ejemplo de sitj
martir predeecsor.
Quiera Dios coneederle en abundaneia todo lo que le hace falta. Y los que amaban al hombre y reverenciaban al Gobernador justo, que ha pasado del trabajo a la recompensa, adunense ahora con mayores esfuerzos para completer la obra benetica por la quo el murid. No ofendamos a su sagrado espiritu eon nuestra
indecision 6 lrialdad. Que las palabras pronuuciadas por el, cuuido su cruel muerte estaba ya premeditada,
permanezcan vivas en nuestra memoria. Sobre las tumbas de los muertos en Getty sberg, el Presidente
Lincoln dijo :
“ Nosotros poclemos anadir muy poco honor a estos nobles muertos. Lo que mas bien
nos incumbe a liosotros, es, dedicarnos a la obra que ellos tan noblemente comenzaron; es
consagrarnos enteramente a la causa por la cual han dado ellos hasta la ultima medida de
su amor; es resolver noblemente que la causa por la que ellos perecieron no nntera; y asegurar tanto cuanto estc en nosotros, que el gobierno del pueblo por el pueblo y para el
pueblo, no perecera jamas sobre la tierra.”
Yr en otra ocasion, cuando ya estaba designado para el saerificio, dijo con respecto a la einancipaeion:
“ Si este pais no puede salvarse sin renunciar a ese principio, vo quisiera ser asesinado
inmediatamente, mas bien que abandonarlo...........................................Nada he dicho, sino
aquello por lo que estov contcnto de vivir, y de niorir tambien, si esa es la voluntad de
lYios.”
En la celestial Jerusalen entre los espiritus de los justos, hechos ya perfectos ('llebr. xii., 231, el vclara
Kiasta su cumplimiento, por el progreso de su no terminada obra, con mas poder sin duda para ayudar a su
t^iunfo, del qne poscia mientras habitaba su mortal cuerpo.
Otro u otros de los mas eminentes y tides Republieos de cste gran Gobierno Federal, podrtin eaer bajo los
golpes de conspiradores asesinos ; esto solamente hara. el triunfo eventual mas complete. Por cada victima
, asi saerificada, diez tan voluntaries v capaces estarau prontas para llevar el manto, porque al tin estan
Kmvueltas en el no solamente la futura libertad v felicidad de los Africanos, sino de la humanidad entera.
IV.
La Confereneia de los Pastores de las dos Tglesias Evangelinas Catdlicas v nacionales de Francia, ha ens
viado a Mrs. Lincoln una carta de pesaine, que conclave asi:
“ Nosotros rogamos a Dios que os consuele como El solamente puede consolar, y que os muestre, por la
fe, a aquel cuya perdida lloramos con vos, en aquella gloria eterna del reino celestial, donde Dios congrega a
todos sus hijos, ilustrcs ii obscuros, al rededor de Jesueristo, que did su vida por la salvacion del mundoj
llogamos asimismo, que la indignaeion causada por tan abominable crimen, no cambie los peusamientos de
caridad quo pueden coronar la obra de la libertad. Complete Dios esa obra, y derrame sus bendiciones sobrh
cl pueblo de los Estados Lnidos tan cruelmente atribulado; sobre vos, seiiora, de cuya atliccion participamos ; y sobre tantos millares de almas que han ofreeido el tributo de sus sufrimientos en la convulsion xje
su patria.”
........
Gibraltar 1Mayo 1865.
,
�
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Victorian Blogging
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A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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La esclavitud el trafico de esclavos; sus efectos sobre la condicion de los naturales de Africa. sobre el caracter de los principales jefes y de los otros agentes de tan criminal comercio
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Ivars, Juan Bautista Cabrera
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An account of the resource
Place of publication: Gibraltar
Collation: 62 p. ; 23 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Folleto traducido del ingles por Juan B. Cabrera. [From title page]. Signature on dedicatory page: Frederick Tuckell (?), 4 Mortimer Street, London.
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La Biblioteca Militar
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1865
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G5241
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<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (La esclavitud el trafico de esclavos; sus efectos sobre la condicion de los naturales de Africa. sobre el caracter de los principales jefes y de los otros agentes de tan criminal comercio), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
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Spanish
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Slavery
Conway Tracts
Slavery
Slavery-Africa
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Text
7. r(i
i.
NEGRO’S PLACE
IN
BY
JAMES HUNT, Ph.D,, F.S.A., F.R.S.L., F.A.S.L.,
FOREIGN ASSOCIATE OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF PARIS,
HONORARY FELLOW OF THE ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON,
CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE UPPER HESSE SOCIETY FOR NATURAL AND MEDICAL SCIENCE,
ETC., BTC.
AND PRESIDENT OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON.
[Read before the Anthropological Society of London,
Nov. 17th, 1863.]
LONDON:
PUBLISHED FOR THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
BY
TEUBNER AND CO., 60, PATERNOSTER ROW.
��vii
DEDICATION.
men who are competent to give any decided opinion as to the
value of my communication. We have had plenty of African
travellers, but there is perhaps no other man living who, by
previous education and study, is better able than yourself to
paint the Negro and other African races as they exist, regard
less of what we may consider should'be their state.
I was necessarily confined to a limited space in my paper,
but you will see that I have added notes in support of my
views. I have also thought it desirable to print all the import
ant passages in M. Pruner Bey’s admirable Memoir on this
subject. As Physician to the Viceroy of Egypt, he had
ample opportunities of studying the anatomy and physiology
of the Negro. The only part of his paper I have omitted is
some descriptive matter relating to the variety of races in
Africa: not the object of the present inquiry. I shall feel
grateful if you will state my great obligations to the author
of Wanderings in West Africa, should you meet with its accom
plished, agreeable, and unbiassed author.
In conclusion, I am glad to inform you that the Society whose
birth you witnessed only requires one thing for its complete
success, viz., that you should return to England and give to
Anthropology not only the benefit of your large stores of
knowledge, but also that you should preside over the affairs of
a Society destined under such a Presidency to accomplish
the great and important objects for which it was established.
Believe me,
My dear Burton,
Yours very faithfully,
JAMES HUNT.
Ore House, Hastings, England.
December 9, 1863.
N.B.—I ought to tell you that I had a goodly number of
supporters among the audience at Newcastle ; and amongst
numerous letters I have since received, I give the following
extract from a letter, just written to me by a lady who as-
�viii
DEDICATION.
sisted in the microscopical investigations of some scientific
men in the Confederate States of America.
Some of the
notes taken on the occasion referred to were to the following
effect:—
“ The skeleton of the Negro can never be placed upright. There is always
a slight angle in the legs, a greater in the thigh bones and still more in the body,
until in some instances it curves backwards. All the bones of the legs are
flattened and wider than in the European ; and the arm-bones have always a
tendency to fall forward, while the head stoops from the shoulders, and not
from the neck, as in other nations. To make the skeleton stand equal in its
weight on all parts, you must give it these inclinations.
“ The blood is vastly dissimilar,—the red corpuscles are greatly in excess,
and the colourless have an extraordinary tendency to run together: the mole
cular movement within the discs differs in every respect, and when tried with
a solution of potass, the protrusions from the cell-walls take every inter
mediate form, reverting with great rapidity to the normal condition. It is
an attested fact, that if there is a drop of African blood in the system of a
white person, it will show itself upon the scalp. The greater the proximity,
the darker the hue, the larger the space : there may not be the slightest,
taint perceptible in any other part of the body, but this spot can never be
wiped out, no intervening time will ever efface it; and it stands in the courts
of law in the Southern Confederacy as a never-failing test, unimpeachable as
a law of Nature.
“Their eyesight decays very early, failing generally after thirty, but
very few become totally blind; and in the three instances I ever met, they
were blind to light, but found their way easily through the streets and over
their dwellings during the hours of darkness. The hair is very peculiar;
*
three hairs, springing from different orifices, will unite into one; it is very
friable, like moss, the ends splitting up.”
The above intelligent remarks, although they contain nothing
new, are chiefly valuable from the fact that ladies in the Con
federate States seem to be better informed on the subject than
many men of science in this country.
In time the truth will come out, and then the public will have
their eyes opened, and will see in its true dimensions that
gigantic imposture known by the name of “ Negro Emancipa
tion.”—J. H.
* See, also on this, the able memoir by M. Pruner-Bey, communicated to
the Anthropological Society of Paris: De la chevelure nornrrn' caractdristique
des races humaines, d’apres des recherches micros copiques. 8vo. Paris, 1863,
�ON
THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
I propose in this communication to discuss the physical and
mental characters of the Negro, with a view of determining not
only his position in animated nature, but also the station to
be assigned to him in the genus homo. I shall necessarily have
to go over a wide field, and cannot hope to treat the subject in
an exhaustive manner. I shall be amply satisfied if I succeed in
directing the attention of my scientific friends to a study of
this most important and hitherto nearly neglected branch of
the great science of Anthropology.
It is not a little remarkable that the subject I propose to
bring before you this evening is one which has never been dis
cussed before a scientific audience in this Metropolis. In
France, in America, and in Germany, the physical and mental
characters of the Negro have been frequently discussed, and
England alone has neglected to pay that attention to the
question which its importance demands. I shall, therefore,
make no apology for bringing this subject in its entirety
under your consideration, although I should have preferred
discussing each point in detail. I hope, however, this even
ing to bring before you facts and opinions that will lay a good
foundation for future inquiry and discussion. Although I shall
dwell chiefly on the physical, mental, and moral characters of
the Negro, I shall, at the same time, not hesitate to make
such practical deductions as appear to be warranted from the
facts we now have at hand, and trust that a fair and open
discussion of this subject may eventually be the means of re
moving much of the misconception which appears to prevail on
this subject both in the minds of the public, and too frequently
in the minds of scientific men. While, however, I shall honestly
B
�2
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
and without reservation state the conclusions at which I have
arrived, I shall at the same time listen with deep attention and
respect to those who differ from me, and who support their
opinions by facts, by the opinions of some travellers, or by
their own observations. Heretofore, however, it has hap
pened that much human passion has been introduced, not only
into public discussions, but especially into the literature on this
subject. Even such a generally fair and philosophic writer as
Professor Waitz has accused men of science with promulgating
*
scientific views which are practically in favour of the so-called
“ slavery” of the Confederate States of America. Many other
scientific men could be named who have equally been guilty of
imputing such unfair and uncharitable motives. While, on
the other hand, writers who are thus accused retort by apply
ing to their opponents all sorts of epithets. One author, for
instance, exclaims : “ How I loathe that hypocrisy which claims
the same mental, moral, and physical equality for the Negro
which the whites possess.”-)- No good can come of discussion
conducted in such a spirit. If we wish to discover what is the
truth, we must give each other credit for scientific honesty, and
not impute base or interested motives.
In the first place, I would explain that I understand by
Negro, the dark, woolly-headed African found in the neighbour
hood of the Congo river. Africa contains, like every other
continent, a large number of different races, and these have
become very much mixed. These races may be estimated as a
whole at about 150 millions, occupying a territory of between
13 and 14 millions of square miles. I shall not enter into any
disquisition as to the great diversity of physical conformation
that is found in different races, but shall simply say that my
remarks will be confined to the typical woolly-headed Negro.
Not only is there a large amount of mixed blood in Africa, but
there are also apparently races of very different physical characters, and in as far as they approach the typical Negro, so
* See Introduction to Anthropology, edited from the first volume of
Anthropologie der Naturvolker, by J.Frederick Collingwood, F.R.S.L., F.G.S.,
F.A.S.L., and Hon. Sec. of the Anthropological Soc. of Lond., 1863, p. 92.
f Negro Mania: being an examination of the falsely assumed equality of
the various races of man; by John Campbell, Philadelphia, 1851, p. 11.
�ON THE NEGRO’S PLAGE IN NATURE.
3
far will my remarks apply to them. But I shall exclude en
tirely from consideration all those who have European, Asiatic,
Moorish or Berber blood in their veins.
My object is to attempt to determine the position which one
well-defined race occupies in the genus homo, and the relation
or analogy which the negro race bears to animated nature
generally- We have recently heard discussions respecting
Man’s place in nature : but it seems to me that we err in
grouping all the different races of Man under one generic
name, and then compare them with the anthropoid Apes.
If we wish to make any advance in discussing such a subject,
we must not speak of man generally, but must select one race
or species, and draw our comparison in this manner. I shall
adopt this plan in comparing the Negro with the European, as
represented by the German, Frenchman, or Englishman. Our
object is not to support some foregone conclusion, but to en
deavour to ascertain what is the truth by a careful and con
scientious examination and discussion of the facts before us.
In any conclusion I may draw respecting the Negro’s cha
racter, no decided opinion will be implied as to the vexed ques
tion of man’s origin. If the negro could be proved to be a
distinct species from the European, it would not follow that
they had not the same origin—it would only render their
identity of origin less likely. I shall, also, have to dwell
much on the analogies existing between the Negro and the
Anthropoid Apes; but these analogies do not necessarily in
volve relationship. The Negro race, in some of its characters,
is the lowest of existing races, while in others it approaches
the highest type of European : and this is the case with other
savage races. We find the same thing in the Anthropoid Apes,
where some species resemble man in one character and some in
another.
The father of English Ethnology, Dr. Prichard, thought that
the original pair must have been Negroes, and that mankind
descended from them. His words are: —“ It must be con
*
cluded that the process of nature in the human species is the
transmutation of the characters of the Negro into those of the
* Researches into the Physical History of Mankind, 1813, p. 233.
B 2
�4
ON THE NEGEO’s PLACE IN NATUEE.
European, or the evolution of white varieties in black races of
men. We have seen that there are causes existing which are
capable of producing such an alteration, but we have no facts
which induce us to suppose that the reverse of this change
could in any circumstance be effected. This leads us to the in
ference that the primitive stock of men were Negroes, which
has every appearance of truth/’ It is not a little remarkable
that although Blumenbach and Prichard were both advocates
for the unity of man, they materially differed in their argu
ments. Blumenbach saw, in his five varieties of man, nothing
but degeneracy from some ideal perfect type. Prichard, on
the contrary, asserted he could imagine no arguments, or knew
of no facts, to support such a conclusion. Prichard, however,
was not alone in this supposition; for Pallas, Lacepede,f
*
Hunter, J Joornik§, and Link,|| were also inclined to the same
view. We muSt^not dwell on such speculations; for on the
present occasion we shall not touch on the origin of man: it
will be enough if we assist in removing some of the mis
conceptions regarding the Negro-race existing in the minds
of some men of science. It is too generally taught that
the Negro only differs from the European in the colour of his
skin and the peculiarity of his hair; but such opinions are not
supported by facts. The skin and hair are by no means the
only characters which distinguish the Negro from the European,
even physically; and the difference is greater, mentally and
morally, than the demonstrated physical difference. In the
first place, what are the physical distinctions between the
Negro and the European ?*
§
* Travels through the Southern Provinces of the Russian Empire, in 1793-4.
t Vue Generate, etc. Paris, 1822.
’
j Disputatio inauguralis de Hominum Varietatibus et earum causis exponens
etc. Joannes Hunter. Edinburgh, 1775.
’
§ Wysgeerig-natuurkunding Onderaoek, etc. Amst., 1808.
|| On this point Link (Die Urwelt, etc.,Berlin, 1821-2) says
Soemmerings
investigations (Die Korperliche Verschiedenheit des Negers, Frankfurt,
1785,) show how much more the Negro in his internal structure resembles the
Ape than the European. The latest productions of the animal world were
mammals, and it stands to reason that the most recent race should be that
which is the most remote from the other mammals, and that race should be
the oldest which approaches them most, namely, the Negro. Colour- also
confirms tliis everywhere, when we observe white and black animals of the
same species. The latter always form the original stock, the former the
deviation.”
�ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
5
The average height of the Negro is less than that of the
*
European, and although there are occasionally exceptions, the
* “ The stature of the Negro approaches the middle size. The tribes above
the middle stature are probably more numerous than those below it. I know
of no instances of dwarfism among Negroes, though, the monuments of Egypt
show that there were dwarfs among the Negroes at. a very remote epoch.
Nevertheless, giants and dwarfs occupy a certain place in the ideas and stories
of the Negro, as well as tailed men. We know what to believe as regards
the latter point. With respect to dwarfs, the Bosjesmen seem to answer the
ideas of the Negroes, for they play in their stories the same part as the
Hyperboreans in the traditions of ancient Greece. _ Obesity is exceptionafiy
found in males of high rank, and more frequently in the women. The dis
position to grow fat is less rare among the short than among the tall Negroes.
The taller are frequently lank and very angular.
“ On examining the physiognomy of the Negro, I would first observe that
the palpebral fissure is narrow and horizontal; but the aperture of the nostrils
presents instead of a raised triangle a tranverse ellipsis; that the point of the
nose is obtuse, round, and thick; that the ear is small, detached from the
head, with a lobule little separated. To this must be added the cheeks
stuffed by the masseters, the conformation of the jaws and lips, and the
ensemble of the physiognomy of the Negro presents a singular mixture. The
inferior part reflects sensuality, not to say more; above the mouth we might
say it is the face of a new-born child enlarged. The absence of expi’ession
in the features produces the effect of an unfinished work. The change of
colour, so significant in the white man, that mute language, but more effective
than the spoken word which moves us, is almost entirely absent in our
African brothers. The black veil which covers the whole,_ even withdraws
the play of the muscles from the eye of the observer, unless it be in moments
of passionate agitation.
.
_
“ The eye alone enables us to judge what passes in the depth of the mind.
This mirror is sufficiently bright to enable us to distinguish two classes,
which may be compared to the choleric and phlegmatic temperaments. The
travellers who have observed the Negro in his native country indicate some
expressive, and, so to say, national shades, which distinguish the peoples of
the Sudan. This is in harmony with the differences in features, stature,
we shall speak of in the sequel. We find thus among the authors the terms,
“dignified and proud, jovial and gay, intelligent and cunning;” also,
“ insignificant and inexpressive, melancholy and morose, dull and stupid.”
Thus the Negro participates also in this respect largely of the nature of man
in general; but it cannot be said of him what was applied to the American,
“ Gentleness hovers on his lips, and ferocity gushes from his eyes.”
“ The neck of the Negro is generally short; it is scarcely 8 to 9 centimetres,
excepting very tall subjects, when it attains 10 centimetres; the prominence
of the larynx is rounded; the shoulders are less powerful than in the Turanian
or Aryan. The Negro prefers carrying his burden on the head. The Negro
is shrunk in the flank, the abdomen frequently relaxed; the umbilicus,
situated nearer the pubis than in the European, is slightly prominent.
“ After these short remarks on the conformation of the trunk, we must fix
our attention on the limbs. AVc have already indicated the proportion of the
parts which compose them. It now remains to describe their particular form.
The arm and the forearm of the Negro present neither the muscular contours
of the European nor the rounded shape of the American. The palm of the
hand, as well as the sole of the foot, are always of a bistre colour. The palm
is narrow and flattened; that is to say, the thenar and hypothenar eminences,
as well as the tactile cushions, are little developed. The folds of the palm
are very simple and rudimentary. The fingers are elongated; of little thick
ness at the ends ; the nails are flat, bistre coloured, and rather widened at the
end.
“ In the inferior limb we observe the fold of the buttocks less rounded, the
�6
ON THE NEGRO'S PLACE IN NATURE.
skeleton of the Negro is generally heavier, and the bones larger
and thicker in proportion to the muscles than those of the Euro
pean. The bones are also whiter, from the greater abundance of
calcareous salts. The thorax is generally laterally compressed,
and, in thin individuals, presents a cylindrical form, and is
smaller in proportion to the extremities. The extremities of the
Negro differ from other races more by proportion than by form :
the arm usually reaches below the middle of the femur. The leg
is on the whole longer, but is made to look short on account of
the ankle being only between lgin. to l^in, above the ground;
this character is often seen in mulattoes. The foot is flat, and
the heel is both flat and long. Burmeister has pointed out the
resemblance of the foot and the position of the toes of the
Negro to those of the ape. The toes are small, the first sepathighs more angular' in front and specially at the back; the knees approxi
mated ; the calf usually weak, short, and laterally compressed; the feet spread
out; the heel wide and prominent; the lateral borders of the feet straight,
their anterior portion widened; the great toes short and small. The foot is
rarely highly arched; on the other hand it is elongated, and what it wants in
height is made up by the tibia, which is longer in proportion.
“ This conformation of the foot of the Negro has induced a learned
naturalist to take the foot as the starting point to fix the type of races. But
the particulars given by M. Simonot, on the diversities met with in this re
spect among the peoples of the Senegal, which accord with the reports of
other travellers and my own observations, throw doubt upon the constancy of
the conformation. On the other hand, it is certain that the type of the inferior
limb, as I have described it, is the appanage of the majority of Negroes. The
flat foot is, however, also met with in a large number of races approaching
more the Aryan than the Negro; for instance, in some tribes of America and
Polynesia. It is also frequent in Russia, and it frequently influences the re
form of the military service in the rest of Europe. The shortening of the
great toe, combined with a slight distance from the rest, has been noted in
the Negro, in some races of Malaisia, and the Hottentot as a constant character
approaching these peoples to the ape. The importance of the great toe is in
contestable, for it is the first bone which disappears from the extremities on
descending the animal series. I think it therefore necessary well to examine
this point as regards the Negro. Now it is true that the great toe in the
Negro rarely rises above the second, but neither is it often shorter. This
applies also to the pretended lateral distance which may moreover be owing
to the employment of thongs in their shoes, as done by the Arabs, for instance.
It is clear that all that has been asserted relative to the opposition of the
great toe of the Negro is reduced to the simple question : Is there a muscle,
or at least an aponeurotic tendon, subservient to this pretended use ? No
where, and never has anything like it been discovered in the human genus.
But a slight shortening of the great toe undoubtedly exists, not merely among
the Negro tribes, but also in ancient and modern Egyptians, and even in
some of the most beautiful types of Caucasian females I have seen. This
character is not merely constant in the ancient Egyptian statues, it is also
seen where art has fixed the characters of the ideal man, namely, in the
sculptures of Greece. I am, however, as far from wishing to establish the
identity of the foot of the Negro with that ideal type, as I am to class the
inhabitants of Alsace among the Negroes, because many of them present
the same peculiarity. (Pruner Bey. Memoire sur les Negres, 1861.)
�ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
7
rated from the second by a free space.
*
Many observers have
noticed the fact that the Negro frequently uses the great toe as
a thumb. The knees are rather bent, the calves are little deve
loped and the upper part of the thigh rather thin. The upper
thigh-bone of the Negro has not so decided a resemblance to
the ape as that of the bushman.j- He rarely stands quite up
right, his short neck and large development of the cervical
muscles give great strength to the neck. The shoulders, arms,
and legs are all weak in comparison to the corresponding limbs
in the European. The hand is always relatively larger than in
* “ In most of the Africans the heel projects. From the skin of their feet
being often of a horny hardness, sandals appear to me much better adapted
than the shoe, as it allows of greater flexibility and movement. Lawrence
in his ‘ Lectures on Man’ says, that the calves of the leg in the Negro race
are very high, so as to encroach upon the hams. His observation I can fully
corroborate, as well as Dr. Winterbottom’s remark respecting the largeness
of the feet, and the thinness and flexibility of the fingers and toes.”—Sierra
Leone, by Kobert Clarke, p. 49. Mr. Louis Fraser also says, “ He will pick up
the most minute object with his toes; his 'great’ toe is particularly flexible.”
t “ It is quite certain that the ape which most nearly approaches man, in
the totality of its organisation, is either the chimpanzee or the gorilla.; and
as it makes no practical difference, for the purposes of my present argument
which is selected for comparison, on the one hand, with man, and on the
other hand, with the rest of the primates, I shall select the latter (so far as
its organisation is known) as a brute now so celebrated in prose and verse,
that all must have heard of him, and have formed some conception of his
appearance. I shall take up as many of the most important points of differ
ence between man and this remarkable creature, as the space at my disposal
will allow me to discuss, and the necessities of the argument demand; and I
shall inquire into the value and magnitude of these differences, when placed
side by side with those which separate the gorilla from other animals of the
same order. In the general proportions of the body and limbs there is a re
markable difference between the gorilla and man, which at once strikes the
eye. The gorilla’s brain-case is smaller, its trunk larger, its lower limbs
shorter, its upper limbs longer in proportion than those of man. I find that
the vertebral column of a full-grown gorilla, in the Museum of the Royal
College of Surgeons, measures 27 inches along its anterior curvature, from
the upper edge of the atlas or first vertebra of the neck to the lower ex
tremity of the sacrum; that the arm, without the hand, is 31) inches long;
that the leg, without the foot, is 26) inches long; that the hand is
inches
long; the foot 11.) inches long. In other words, taking the length of the
spinal column as 100, the arm equals 115, the leg 96, the hand 36, and the
foot 41. In the skeleton of a male Bosjesman, in the same collection, the
proportions, by the same measurement, to the spinal column taken as 100,
are—the arm 78, the leg 110, the hand 26, and the foot 32. In a woman of
the same race the arm 83, and the leg 120, the hand and foot remaining the
same. In a European skeleton I find the arm to be 80, the leg 117, the hand
26, the foot 35. Thus the leg is not so different as it looks at first sight, in
its proportions to the spine in the gorilla and in the man, being very slightly
shorter than the spine in the former, and between one-tenth and one-fifth
longer than the spine in the latter. The foot is longer and the hand much
longer in the gorilla; but the great difference is caused by the arms, which
are very much longer than the spine in the gorilla, very much shorter than
the spine in the man.”—Evidence as to Man’s Place in Nature, by T. H.
Huxley, 1863, p. 70.
�8
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
the European : the palm is flat, the thumb narrow, long, and
very weak.
It will be seen from Dr. Pruner Bey’s table that the humerus
and the femur in the Negro and European, of equal height, are
shorter in the Negro than in the European: while the tibia,
the foot, the radius, and the hand are more elongated than in
the Negro race. That the fingers and arms are longer has
long been affirmed, and Negroes are quite conscious of this
fact, but we have to thank Dr. Pruner Bey for the absolute
*
proof.
The great distinguishing characters of the Negro are the fol
lowing’ : the forehead is flat, low, and laterally compressed. The
nose and whole face is flattened, and the Negro thus has a facial
angle generally between 70-75 degs., occasionally only 65 degs.
The nasal cavities and the orbits are spacious.f The skull is very
* M. Pruner gives the following measures of the bones of the limbs in
centimeters.
Designation
of
Measures.
Mean Measures.
Negroes.
Europeans
Individual Measures.
Negroes.
Males.! Fe Males. Fe Man.
males.
males.
Total height of Skeleton.... 160'04 148'66 172'23
Femur................................... 44'72, 42.50 47'00
38'09 35'33 38 76
Tibia........................
I.ength of foot ................... 24'50 21'83 25'00
31'27. 29'50 33'72
H umerus........ .
Radius.................................. 24'63; 23'00 25'46
Length of hand................... 18'54! 17'00 18'84
164'42 160'0
44'00 43'0
37'71 39'0
23'37 23'5
34'57 31'5
24'85 24'5
18'14 19'0
Europeans.
Wo
man. Man.
Wo New Child
born
man. Infant 5 yrs.
old.
1560
41'5
38'5
21'5
31'0
25 0
18'0
157'0
42'0
360
23 0
31'0
21'0
17'0
160'0
45 0
36 0
240
34'0
27'0
20'0
42'25
67
6'0
1010
25 0
220
2
*
6
5'75
18'0
13'0
N.B.—“ The preceding measures having been taken on skeletons, are only
strictly correct as regards the isolated bones: femur, tibia, humerus, and
radius. The lengths of hand and foot, and the total height of the skeleton,
can only be approximative, as they are more or less modified by the mounters
of the skeletons.
“ By the side of the mean measures I have placed six individual measure
ments, viz.: a Negro and European of the same stature, and a European
female and a Negress of the same height; and also a new-born European
infant and a European child five years old. I wished to add a European child
from thirteen to fifteen years old. It is at that age, according to M. Carus,
that our children most approach the Negro by the relative dimensions of their
extremities.
“ The skeletons of the European females, which served for measurement,
are in the gallery of the museum, having been placed at my disposal by the
kindness of M. Quatrefages. Nearly all of them are those of females above
the middle height.”
f Facial cranium.—“ Before considering the anatomical details of the facial
cranium, it is indispensable to note the disproportion existing between the
size of the face and the cerebral cranium. This character, already indicated
by Cuvier, depends chiefly on the excessive development of the jaws and the
size of the cavities of the organs of sense. The orbits are large, funnel-shaped,
�ON THE NEGRCTS PLACE IN NATURE.
9
hard and unusually thick, enabling the Negroes to fight with
or carry heavy weights on their heads. The coronal region
with obtuse angles; their inferior margin is thick, round, more advancing
than the superior margin ■, the inferior is flattened; the depression lodging
the lachrymal gland is very deep. The lachrymal canal is large, and almost
exclusively formed by the nasal apophysis of the maxillary. The bones of the
nose are short, narrow but quadrangular, very rarely triangular, and ex
ceptionally soldered together, always joined at obtuse angles; they are some
times on the same plane. The nasal aperture is large, of an irregular
triangular form, wide, without a spine, or only the rudiment of one. The
root of the depressed nose is only exceptionally in a right line with the fore
head ■, the width of the root of the nose increases the distance between the
eyes a little more in the Aryan, but less than in the Turanian race. Some
times the nose of the Negro resembles, by its round aperture, that of the
Hottentot. The cornets, especially the middle, are swelled out ■> the vertical
lamina of the ethmoid is spread out, and the vomer stands out.
“ The malar bones are neither large nor high, but are either embossed in the
centre of their external surface, or distorted outwards by their inferior
border. The superior jaw presents frequently in its malar apophysis a
vertical pit,- then the cheekbones form an angle, and their prominence
appears great. When, on the contrary, the apophysis is flattened, and the
inferior border of the malar is much advanced, this character, joined with the
narrowness of the forehead, gives to the face a form approaching the pyra
midal shape. The prominence of the external orbital apophyses of the
coronal, the projection of the malar bones, and the antero-posterior direction
of their frontal apophyses produce a malar angle less open than in the Aryan
race whilst, on the contrary, the lateral compression of the anterior lobe
of the brain is marked by rather a right angle formed by the external wall,
of the orbit with the temple. The ascending apophyses of the maxillary
have their internal border more or less curved according to the shape of
the nose.
“ Prognathism, that is to say, the inclination of the alveolar border of the
superior jaw downwards and forwards from behind constitutes one of the most
constant characters in the skeleton of the Negro. Three degrees are dis
tinguished :—
“ (1.) The alveolar arch, elliptic instead of parabolic, generally convex
throughout, rarely concave at its external part, is alone inclined, and the
teeth are vertical.
“ (2.) The direction of the teeth is that of the jaw. In these two cases the
superior incisors pass a little beyond the superior dental arch.
“ (3.) The highest degree, which may be called double prognathism, presents
itself when the inferior incisors are, like the superior, projected obliquely;
then the junction of the two rows of incisors form the angle of a chisel. This
latter form is not the most frequent. But in double prognathism, cases have
been observed where, by a slight shortening of the horizontal rami of the
inferior maxillary, the superior incisors presented upon their posterior sur
face triangular facettes produced by the points of the inferior incisors.
“The molar teeth of the superior jaw descend sometimes lower than the
incisors, or are at least at a level with them, but rarely do the molars in the
Negro participate in prognathism, as is the case with some Australians,
or Oceanic Negroes. Never is, to my knowledge, the prognathism of the
Negro confined to a simple inclination of the alveoli. I have only remarked
this disposition in some female crania of the Aryan race of India.
“ The palatine arch, and especially the alveolar apophyses are not merely
much elongated, but more enlarged in the Negro than among the Aryans.
This arch is, on the average, about sixty-five millimeters in length in the
Negro, and only fifty-eight in the Aryan.
“ The inferior jaw, always more or less massive, is distinguished by a chin,
retracted, generally large and rounded, rarely pointed, and by the thickness
�10
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
is arched, but not so much developed as in the European
woman. The posterior portion of the skull is increased,
in proportion to that of the anterior part being diminished.
But M. Grratiolet has shown that the unequal development of
the anterior lobes is not the sole cause of the psychological
inequalities of human races. The same scientific observer has
also stated that in the superior, or frontal races, the cranial
sutures close much later than in the inferior or occipital races.
The frontal races he considers superior not simply from the
form of the skull, but because they have an absolutely more
voluminous brain. The frontal cavity being much larger than
the occipital, a great loss of space is caused by the depression of
the anterior region, which is not compensated for by the in
crease of the occipital region. M. Gratiolet has also observed
that in the frontal races the sutures of the cranium do not
close so early as in the occipital or inferior race. From these
researches it appears that in the Negro the growth of the brain
is sooner arrested than in the European. This premature union
of the bones of the skull may give a clue to much of the mental
inferiority which is seen in the Negro race. There can be no
and length of its external rami. Its ascending rami are large, short, and
then’ junction with the horizontal are rarely at right angles. The coronoid
apophyses are always large, with an elliptic surface, flattened or oblique on
its external half. The glenoid cavities are large and mostly of little depth.
The teeth of the Negro are long, large, strikingly white, and not easily used
up. The inferior molars sometimes present five tubercles, an anomaly which
is sporadically found in all races of mankind. The jaw of the Negro never
presented to me any trace of an intermaxillary bone (I owe to M. E. Rous
seau’s kindness the firm conviction of the non-existence of the intermaxillary
bone in man in the normal state. His treatise places this important fact,
now for ever acquired by anatomical science, beyond any doubt), though
the incisive suture may be perfectly distinguished in the adult Negro at a
period when the cranial sutures are mostly obliterated.
“ The consistence of the cranial bones of the Negro is always considerable;
but their thickness varies much, chiefly according to the volume of the
cranium. Placed by the side of the Oceanian Negro, for instance, the cranium
of the African would in this, as well as other respects, produce the impression
of belonging to a civilised man, opposed to that of a savage, if this term be
applicable to a man who, more or less, lives in a state of nature.
“ Before quitting the examination of the cranium, I cannot pass over the
facial angle of the Negro. It naturally varies, as in the other races, accord
ing to the greater or lesser inclination of the face, according to the develop
ment of the frontal sinuses; and, as regards the conformation of the face, it
sinks, though rarely to 70°. But, on the other hand, the frontal angle of the
Negro reaches to 80°. We, however, attach but a relative value to these two
angles, for though the median fine of the forehead is rather vertical in the
Negro, the cranium is faulty, as regards the forehead, by an evident lateral
contraction.” (Pruner-Bey).
�ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
11
doubt that at puberty a great change takes place in relation to
^psychical development; and in the Negro there appears to be
an arrested development of the mind exactly harmonising with
the physical formation. Young Negro children are nearly as
intelligent as European children; but the older they grow the
less intelligent they become. They exhibit, when young, an
animal liveliness for play and tricks far surpassing the European
child. The young ape’s skull resembles more the Negro’s head
than the aged ape: thus showing a striking analogy in their
craniological development.
It has been pointed out that there were four forms of the hu
man pelvis, and that they might be classified under the following
heads :—The oval (European), round (American), square (Mon
gol), and oblong (African). The latest researches of Dr. Pruner
Bey enable him to affirm that this law is perfectly applicable
to the Negro. The head of the Negro is the best type of the
long skull, with small development of the frontal region. The
form of the pelvis is narrow, conical, or cuneiform, and small
in all its diameters. Vrolik has asserted that the pelvis of the
male Negio bears a great resemblance to that of the lower
mammalia. With respect to the capacity of the cranium of
the Negro, great difference of opinion has prevailed.
*
Tiede*. Dr. Pruner-Bey gives the following interesting summary of the Osteological peculiarities of the Negro race:—
Of the Cranium.—“ Cerebral cranium.—The antero-posterior diameter of the
cerebral cranium approaches 19 centimeters; the transversal diametei’ is
about 13.6; the face measures, from the chin to the hair, 18 centimeters;
and the distance of the zygomatic arches is 13 centimeters. I class the
cranium of the Negro in the category of harmonic dolichocephali.
Cerebral Vertebrae.—“ The coronal bone is rather short and narrow than re
ceding backwards, frequently distinguished by slender superciliary arches,
rarely by frontal bumps, but usually by a protuberance on the median line,
which corresponds with the third primordial convolution of the brain. A
slight compression is clearly marked on the two sides of the protuberance.
The nasal apophysis is always more or less large, according to the conforma
tion of the nose. The orbital apophyses, large at the base, are more curved
downwards than outwards. The temporal portion of the coronal presents
frequently on the top a slight dilatation, at the bottom on the contrary it is
compressed. The contours vary, according to the general form of the cranium,
when this is very much elongated and compressed on the sides, the coronal is
more elliptic, and more parabolic when the contrary is the case. The frontal
sinuses exist; they are but moderately developed as all the aerial reservoirs.
The summit of the cranium presents along the sagittal suture an ogival or
flattened, rarely vaulted, conformation. The great extent of the second
cranial vetebra, and its predominance over the first and third, is clearly de
fined, specially at the posterior part where the parietals slope gently down
towards the occiput, whilst their descent towards the temples is always very
N
1 I
�12
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
mann’s researches, although very limited, have until recently
been accepted as satisfactory. He stated it as his opinion that
“ The brain of the Negro is, upon the whole, quite as large as
that of the European and other human races; the weight of the
brain, its dimensions, and the capacity of the cavum cranii prove
abrupt. In cases where the cranium of the male negro approaches the female
type, the posterior descent of the parietals approaches a vertical line, and the
horizontal section represents a wedge, instead of an ellipsis, which predomi
nates in the typical form of the Negro cranium.
“ When the cranium is viewed in profile, the temples appear deeply hollowed
in front, flattened or elongated backwards. The anterior margins of the
temporals are frequently joined to the coronal, on account of the shortening
of the great alee of the sphenoid. The parietal knobs are lower and less
marked in the male than in the female, and the superior semicircular lines,
though well marked, reach rarely the arch of the cranium. The squamous
part of the temporal is relatively low and long its margins are irregular.
The zygomatic arches are convex, rarely flattened ■> the meatus auditorius
presents a large and usually round orifice. The greatest width of the cranium
is thus as frequently found at the posterior and superior angle of the squamous
temporal as at the level of the parietal protuberances. Taken from this
point, the cranium diminishes in breadth towards the occiput, especially when
the latter projects, which is seen in most cases. There is a rather striking
parallelism between the coronal and the superior part of the occipital squama;
the latter being relatively small, curved, narrow, like the frontal squama and
in the elliptic crania it is arched in the centre. In this case its margins
intercept an obtuse angle; in the contrary case they are parabolic. The
Wormian bones may be met with in the crania of Negroes, and even form a
complete series along the lambdoid suture; but these cases are rare.
“ The base of the cranium is always relatively narrow; that part of the
occipital squama where the muscles are attached, presents sometimes a hori
zontal, but more frequently a slightly inclined, long, and narrow plane. In
the first form the superior part of the squama rises more to a right angle
towards the lambdoid suture than in the second form. The surface of the
squama, marked by the imprint of the muscles, represents a truncated pyramid
the base of which touches the anterior border of the great occipital foramen.
This aperture, always of a more or less elongated shape, is slightly inclined
from before backwards, so that its posterior border at least is above the level
of the palatine arch. Its position in relation to the centre of gravity is in
accord with dolichocephaly. (The distance from the occipital hole to the
base of the nose and the alveolar margins of the incisors, is naturally more
considerable in the Negro than in the orthognathous races; but the distance
of this hole to the base of the forehead, presented only slight differences. In
the brachycephalous races, on the contrary, especially in those with flattened
occiput, the occipital foramen is farther back. It is, moreover, difficult to
find crania in which this aperture corresponds exactly to the centre of the
cranium, as asserted by some anatomists.) The condyles of the occiput are
elongated, narrow, much inclined. The petrous portion of the temporal volumi
nous. The basilar bone is long, narrow, slightlyinclined from before backwards.
The development of the mastoid apophyses corresponds with the greater or
lesser massiveness of the cranium; the styloid apophyses are frequently much
elongated; the pterygoid apophyses are large, distant, and more or less in
clined. The union of the palate with the maxillary is usually formed by an
indented or undulated, instead of by a plain suture. The palate is elongated,
elliptic rather than parabolic, superficial, or deep. It is only in exceptional
cases that its width exceeds its length. All the apertures at the base of the
cranium are very spacious. We are at the same time struck by the elliptic
contours of this base and its general flatness, which renders the elevation of
the borders of the occipital foramen more perceptible.”
�ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
13
this fact.”* All recent researches have, however, done much
to show that Tiedemann’s investigations are not only unsatisfac
tory, but that his conclusion is not warranted by the facts which
we now have at hand. Blumenbach’s, Knox’s and Lawrence’s
conclusions did not accord with Tiedemann’s. But the most
satisfactory researches on this point are those made by the late
Dr. Morton, of America, and his successor, Dr. J. A. Meigs, of
Philadelphia. Dr. Meigs, in following out the researches of his
predecessor, has found that in size of the brain, the Negro
comes after the European, Fin, Syro-Egyptian, Mongol, Malay,
Semitic, American Indian, and the Esquimaux; but that the
brain of the Negro-race takes precedence of the ancient civilised
races of America, the Egyptian of all periods, the Hindoo, the
Hottentot, the Australian, and the Negroes of Polynesia. Thus
we see that the Negro has at least six well-defined races above
him and six below him, taking the internal cavity of the skull
as a test. Pruner Bey says that his own experience with the
external measurements did not yield essentially different results.
But we now know that it is necessary to be most cautious in
accepting the capacity of the cranium simply as any absolute
test of the intellectual power of any race.
The recent researches of Huschke on this point are most sig
nificant and valuable. He gives the following mean measure
ments of the surface of the cranium, viz. :—
Male Negro.
53206 square millimetres.
Female.
49868
,,
„
Male European.
59305 square millimetres.
Women.
53375
„
„
Relative size of three cranial vertebra) expressed in hun
dredths (1).
1st Vertebra
2nd and 3rd together -
Negro.
■ 7-7
92-3
Negress.
8-1
91-9
Male
European.
9-7
90-3
Female
European.
9-68
90-32
100-0
75-7
24-3
100-0
76-4
23-6
100-0
72-7
27-3
100-00
74-1
25-9
100-0
2nd Vertebra alone
3rd Vertebra
100-0
100-0
100-0
“ It is surprising,” says Pruner Bey, who quotes these tables,
* Philosophical Transactions, 1836.
�14
ON THE NEGRO S PLACE IN NATURE.
“ to observe to what a degree the mean capacity of the Negro
*
cranium approaches in its ensemble that of the European female,
and particularly how much in both the middle vertebra pre
dominates above the two others; whilst on the contrary, in the
European male, the posterior vertebra, and particularly the
anterior, are more developed in relation to the middle vertebra
than they are in the Negro and in the European female. It
* Pruner Bey quotes the following Table respecting the cerebral cranium
of the Negro.
*
Mean Measures in Millimeters.
DESIGNATION OF MEASURES.
Mean of
12 Negresses.
Mean of
24 Negros.
1°. DIAMETER (by Compass).
186.4
124.8
100.0
113.4
125.0
112.7
134.2
117.7
Antero-posterior
Vertical
rlnferior frontal .
Superior frontal .
Transverse Bi-temporal
Diameters Bi-auricular
Bi-parietal
-Bi-mastoidian
2°. CURVES (by Metrical
176.4
511.7
305.2
504.0
105.0 0
136.5 V 355.9
114.4 )
492.5
295.5
489.8
108.3 0
128.3 V 364.5
109.9 )
95.8
108.7
119.2
108.0
130.0
111.6
tape).
Horizontal circumference
Transversal bi-auricular curve
Vertical antero-posterior circumference
Frontal part
Decomposed in:
Parietal part
1°. Middle part Occipital part
f Length from the occipital
foramen .
„o t r? •
Distance from the ante2 • Inferior
rior margin of the foraI men to the frontal emit nence
34.0.
V 138.3
104.3'
3°. OTHER MEASURES.
Distance in a straight ) to Nasal eminence .
line from the meatus I to occipital protubeauditorius .
. ) rance
Dimensions of the occipital r length .
foramen
.
.
.1 breadth
113.1
107.1
110.9
35.9
30.3
107.0
34.0
28.0
4°. MILLESIMAL RATIO.
o
( horizontal circumference . 1000
Circumferences | yertical
.
985
f length (antero-posterior diameter) 1000
Diameters •! breadth (parietal diameter)
720
(height (vertical diameter)
669
1000
984
1000
737
585
* See Memoires de la SociAtd d’Anthropologie, 1861.
�ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
15
should be remarked that the occipital vertebra of the Negress
is more spacious than that of the Negro.”
Tiedemann affirmed that the brain of the Negro did not
resemble that of the Oran-utan more than that of the Euro
pean, except in the more symmetrical distribution of the gyri
and sulci. Tiedemann also denied Sommering’s assertion that
the nerves of the Negro are larger, in proportion to the brain,
than in the European; but Pruner Bey has confirmed Sommering’s opinion.
There seems to be, generally, less difference between the
Negro and the Negress, than between the European male and
*
female: but on the other hand, the Negress, with the shortened
humerus, presents a disadvantage “which one might be tempted
to look at as a return to the animal form” (Pruner). Law
rence says,f “ the Negro structure approaches unequivocally
* The Negress.—“ Before reviewing the chief varieties which the Negro type
offers to travellers, it is necessary to cast a glance at the Negress.
“ She possesses a cranium shorter, rounder, and wider in the posterior part
of the middle vertebra; the parietal protuberances are more prominent, the
apertures of the orbits frequently nearly circular, characters which approach
her a little to the European female. As regards stature and the length, of
the hair, as well as in the proportions of the parts composing the inferior
limb, the Negress resembles her husband more than the European female re
sembles her husband. As regards the latter point, it is not rare to find also
in Europe, fem a,les of high stature and a muscular aspect. The features of
the face do not, in the two sexes of the Sudan, present the same differences
as in the Aryan race. The mammae are less rounded, but already more
conical in early age. Their relaxing is rapid and excessive. This peculiarity
is, however, though in a less degree, found in Oriental females in other places,
and of different, origin. The pelvis presents, as regards width, some advan
tage over that of the male; the iliac bones are inclined towards the horizon,
thinning towards the centre, without, however, being transparent; the
haunches are rounder, steatopygy (fatty lumps on the buttocks) is only ex
ceptionally met with. The neck of the matrix is large and elongated; the
aperture of the vagina has a forward direction, despite of the inclination of
the pelvis.” (Pruner Bey.)
t Mr. Lawrence thus summarises the chief physical characters of the Negro
“ The characters of the Ethiopian variety, as observed in the genuine Negro,
tribes, may be thus summed up :—1. Narrow and depressed forehead; the
entire cranium contracted anteriorly; the cavity less, both in its circumfer
ence and transverse measurements. 2. Occipital foramen and condyles placed
farther back. 3. Large space for the temporal muscles. 4. Great develop
ment of the face. 5. Prominence of the jaws altogether, and particularly of
their alveolar margins and teeth; consequent obliquity of the facial line.
6. Superior incisors slanting. 7. Chin receding. 8. Very large and strong
zygomatic arch projecting towards the front. 9. Large nasal cavity. 10. Small
and flattened ossa nasi, sometimes consolidated, and running into a point
above.”—Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History of Man,
1819, p. 363.
�16
ON THE NEGRO’S PTACE IN NATURE.
to that of the apewhile Bory St. Vincent, and Fischer f
*
do not greatly differ in their description of the anatomy of
the Negro from the facts I have adduced.
There is no doubt that the Negro brain J bears a great re
semblance to a European female or child’s brain, and thus
* Bory de St. Vincent (L’homme, Paris, 1827) says:—“Large; the skin black
and entirely glossy, with the rete mncosum of Malpighi thicker and also
black; hair black, woolly, felted together; the anterior part of the skull very
narrow; flattened on the vertex, and rounded behind; eyes large, subrotund,
prominent, always damp, cornea yellowish, iris tinted of a chestnut black, eye
brows very short; nose flat (nasal bones flattened); zygomatic arches pro
tuberant ; ears of moderate size and prominent; lips thick and brown; inside
of the ears bright red; jaws, especially the lower one, projecting; incisor
teeth procumbent; chin short, round, receding; beard rare; breasts pearshaped, loose during milking; thighs and shanks partially curved.”
•f Fischer (Synopsis Mammalium, 1829-30), says:—“ The brain is less, and
the origins of the nerves thicker than in the American races, an opposite con
dition prevailing in the Japetic races; skull-cap one-ninth less ample than in
the European, sutures more narrow; all the bones whiter; intermaxillary bone
inclining above the chin; pelvic bones broad; muscles, blood, and bile of deep
colour; fcetid sweat; filthy; voice sharp and shrieking; nervous-phlegmatic
temperament.”
+ Pruner-Bey makes the following observations respecting the brain:
“ Soemmering had already observed that the peripheral nerves are larger,
relative to the volume of the brain, in the Negro than in the white man.
This fact is demonstrated in all its details by the beautiful preparation from
the skilful hand of M. Jacquart, exhibited in the gallery of the Museum of
Natural History.
“The brain, narrow and elongated, presents on its surface always a brownish
tint on account of a considerable injection of venous blood. The superficial
veins are very large, and resemble by their stiffness the sinus of the dura
mater. The grey matter shows in the interior a clear brown colour; the white
substance is yellowish. I am inclined to attribute this colour rather to the
blood than to a special pigment. Melanotic patches may be met with in the
meninges as elsewhere. Soemmering has observed blackish spots on the
spinal marrow. The cortical layer of the grey substance of the cerebral
hemispheres is of less thickness than in the European. Regarded in front
the brain presents a rounded point; from the top the parts appear grosser
and less varied than in the European. The convolutions, especially the
anterior and the lateral, are flat and of little depth, excepting the primary
convolution, the curvature of which produces the frontal eminence. In fol
lowing the undulations from the front backwards, we remark less lateral
deviations in the convolutions, which render the Aryan brain a real labyrinth.
In the middle lobe the convolutions seem considerably raised, but they are
coarse. The posterior lobe has always appeared to me flattened on the top,
as the anterior at the base. Viewed in profile, it is chiefly the direction of
the fissure of Sylvius and its interior which has occupied the attention of
anatomists. (Huschke cites with reserve the observations of Van der Kolk,
who places in parallel some peculiarities of this region of the Negro brain with
the disposition existing in apes. This part of cerebral anatomy has as yet been
little cultivated, and before arriving at conclusions we should wait until the
modifications which the human brain undergoes in all the periods of its develop
ment are better known than they are at present; hence I confine myself
simply to draw attention to Van der Kolk’s remarks. In order to establish
race characters upon such data, we should not forget what Rousseau says of
the hrs,in of Cuvier: “ Multiplied convolutions were in the centre, sur-
�17
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
approaches the ape far more than the European, while the
*
Negress approaches the ape still nearer.
With regard to the chemical constituents of the brain of the
Negro, little that is positive is yet known. It has been found,
however, that the grey substance of the brain of a Negro is of a
mon-nt,<■.fl by a mammilated exuberance, which formed an integral part of these
convolutions.” Are we on that account disposed to assume that this great
man belonged to another race ?) With regard to the former, I have never
been able to observe any appreciable difference between the brain of the Negro
and that of the Egyptian, which I have placed side by side in order better to
study the relation of the parts externally. The superior part of the brain
above the corpus callosum is relatively little elevated. The cerebellum has a
less angular form than in the European; the vermis and the pineal gland
are very large. Finally, the consistence of the cerebral mass is unquestion
ably greater in the Negro than in the white man.
“ The inspection of the Negro brain shows that the convolutions of the
centre are clearly marked as in the Aryan foetus of seven months (Reichert),
and that the secondary details are less distinct. By its rounded apex, its
less developed posterior lobe, it resembles the brain of our children; by the
prominence of the parietal lobe it resembles that of our females, only that
the latter is broader in the European female. The form of the cerebellum,
the volume of the vermis and the pineal gland also place the Negro by the
side of the Aryan child.
“ Having indicated the general characters relating to the external form of
the great nervous centre, I must say a word with respect to its weight and
the relative proportions between cerebrum and cerebellum. The number
of observations on this point is very restricted, nevertheless we obtain some
important points. First, the extremes present a scarcely credible difference,
were it not confirmed by the great diversity in the measurement of the hori
zontal circumference of the cranium. Mascagni gives 738 grammes as the
weight of one brain and 1587 grammes as the weight of another. The results
obtained by Scemmering and Cooper seem to approach the average weight:
1354,5 and 1458 grammes. The mean for the weight of the cerebellum com
pared to that of the cerebrum would be : : 13,83 : 85,93. Measurement shows
that the cerebellum of the Negro, in accord with the general form, excels by
3,13 in length that of the European, which is, however, broader. Weight and
measurement establish that the two sexes present less differences in both
respects in the Negro race than in the Aryan race.”—Pruner Bey.
* “ The situation of the foramen magnum of the occipital bone is still a
matter of dispute. Dr. Prichard thought it to be ‘the same in the Negro as
in the European/ and so it may be, if no allowance be made for the face.
The situation of the foramen magnum of the occipital bone is not the same
in the Negro as in the European. Dr. Prichard says it is exactly behind the
transverse lines, bisecting the antero-posterior diameter of the base of the
cranium. Supposing this measurement to be correct, which it is not, it has
nothing to do with the pose or position of the head upon the vertebral column,
which, all must know, depends on the position of the condyles of the occipital
bone. A line bisecting the antero-posterior diameter of the skull, and divid
ing into two equal parts, passes in the European head through the centre
of the condyles of the occipital bone; and the same measurement applies
nearly to the antero-posterior diameter of the entire head. Not so in the
coloured races. In speaking of the base of the cranium, I am not quite sure
to which Prichard and his followers allude; for very generally in anatomical
works the base of the skull, including the upper jaw, is confounded with the
true base of the skull.” Robert Knox. Anthropological Review, vol. i., p. 266.
C
4
�18
xj
r?
THE NEGRO 8 PLACE IN NATURE.
darker colour than, that of the European, that the whole brain
,has a smoky tint, and that the pia mater contains brown spots,
which are never found in the brain of a European. M. Broca
has recently had an opportunity of confirming the truth of this
*
statement.
With regard to the convolutions, there is unani
mous testimony that the convolutions of the brain of the Negro
are less numerous and more massive than in the European.
Waitz thinks that the only resemblance of the Negroes brain
to that of the ape is limited to this point.fi Some observers
have thought they have detected a great resemblance between
* The following observations by M. Paul Broca on the brain of the
Negro is extracted from Bulletins de la Soc. d’Anthropologie, 1860. Before
reading a manuscript addressed to the Society by Professor G-ubler, of the
Faculty of Medicine, M. Broca stated the circumstances which induced Pro
fessor Gubler to present it. A negro died in the Hospital de la Pitie. The
body was brought to the amphitheatre of Clamart, when M. Broca asked of
the prosector of the hospital to examine the brain of that body. Owing to
the great heat of the month of August, the body was already in an incipient
state of decomposition, and the brain was too soft to study the convolutions.
M. Broca had, therefore, to confine himself to examining the colour of the
substance. In order to render the examination more easy, M. Broca opened
at the same time the cranium of a white subject, which was brought in the
same day. The pia mater of the Negro presented in certain spots a brown
tint; nothing of the kind existed in the white subject. The white substance
of the Negro brain had a smoky tint, but it was especially in the grey sub
stance that the brown tint was marked. The two brains were placed in two
separate vases containing the same quantity of alcohol. After three days
they were sufficiently firm to be examined. The difference of coloration
was then as decided as on the first day. In order approximately to de
termine the relative weight of the two brains, they were, after the re
moval of the membranes, dried upon some linen during a few minutes, and
placed in the scale. The brain of the white subject weighed 1003 gram
mes, that of the black weighed only 925.5 grammes, being a difference
of 8.3 per 100. This individual fact would be insignificant if it did not
accord with the known data. Thus it is well known that the measure
ments of the capacity of the cranium made by Meigs, according to Mor
ton’s method, gave an average of 93} cubic inches for European and AngloAmerican crania, and only 82-} for Negro crania, being a difference of
11} cubic inches; that is to say, that the cranial capacity of the Negro being
represented by 100, that of the European is represented by 111. M. Broca
had preserved in alcohol the least altered portion of the Negro brain, and
presented it to the Anthropological Society; but fearing that the long contact
with the alcohol might modify its coloration (which, however, it did not),
he showed it when fresh to the Biological Society. Already, some ten years
ago, M. Bayer made to the same Society an analogous present; and it is
known that since Meckel in 1753 published a paper on this subject in the
Memoirs of the Prussian Academy of Science, many authors have stated that
the brain of the Negro is notably of a darker colour than that of the white
man.”
fi See Introduction to Anthropology, by Dr. Theodor Waitz. Edited from
the first volume of Anthropologie der Naturvolker, by J. Frederick Colling
wood, Esq., F.G-.S., F.B.S.L., F.A.S.L., Honorary Secretary of the Anthropo
logical Society of London, p. 93.
�19
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
the development of the temporal lobe in the Negro and ape;
but much further observation is required on this important
subject.
The eyes are more separated than in the European, but not
so much so as in the Mongol. The aperture of the eye is
narrow, horizontal, and both eyes are wide apart. All the
teeth, especially the last molars, are generally large, long, hard,
and very white, and usually show little signs of being worn.
In some Negro-skulls there has been found an extra molar
in the upper jaw. There is also sometimes a space between
the incisors and canine teeth of the upper jaw. The inferior
molars sometimes present in the Negro race five tubercles, and j
this anomaly is sporadically found in other races. It has been ’
*
noticed in the European and the Esquimaux, but is affirmed by 1
my friend Mr. Carter Blake to be more frequent in the Negro
and Australian than in any other race. Sometimes Negroes
*
* “ An exa.-mi-nation of the teeth in a considerable number of African Negro
m-nnin. has enabled us to draw the following conclusions :—In the African
Negro the teeth are usually of large, but not excessive, size ; they are regular,
commonly sound, although caries is occasionally observed, and they seldom
present that extreme amount of wearing down of the cutting and grinding
surfaces which may be found so commonly in the Australian and Polynesian.
The incisors are large, broad, and thick, but not of greater absolute dimen
sions than in numerous individuals amongst the white varieties. The teeth
do not depart from the human type in their relative proportions for whereever the incisors and canines are of considerable size, the true molars are
likewise large, and maintain that superiority which is a distinguishing feature
of the teeth of Man. The lateral incisors are well formed, and in the perfect
entirety of them outer angles they adhere more invariably to the human type
than do the same teeth in some more civilised races. The canines are not
proportionally longer or more pointed than in the white man. The premolars
agree in configuration and relative size with the typical standard. The true
molars are usually of large size, generally larger than in the European ■, the
dentes sapientiee, although smaller than the other molars, are in the majority
of instances of greater relative and actual dimensions, and the fangs of the
last-named teeth are usually distinct in both jaws. But in the character of
their grinding surfaces and their general contour, the molars of the African
Negro present no departure from the typical configuration, and, as in other
races, there are many instances in which a general description will not entirely
apply............ We would observe that, according to our limited experience, the
general characteristics of the African Negro dentition are best exemplified
(albeit liable to exception) in the Negroes of the Western Coast. The teeth
in the crania we have seen from Eastern Central Africa, and from the Mozam
bique, appeared to us to present less markedly the minor differences above
noted. The prognathic development of the jaws also, and the consequent
obliquity of implantation of the incisor teeth, though common in a varying
degree to all African nations, not excluding the Egyptians, attains its greatest
development in crania from the Western Coast.”—F. C. Webb. Teeth in Man
and Anthropoid Apes, p. 41.
c 2
fl
�20
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
have thirty-four instead of thirty-two teeth. The skin between
the fingers, according to Van der Hoeven, reaches higher up
than in the European. The skin is also much thicker, especi
ally on the skull, the palm of the hand, and the sole of the
foot. The rete mucosum, which is the chief seat of coloration,
presents nothing particular as regards structure.
*
The hair of
* M. Pruner thus speaks of the skin:—“ Having now indicated the more
prominent characters of the skeleton, I pass to the examination of the Negro
with his integuments.
“ The skin, supple and cool to the touch, presents a velvety aspect (besides
the shades of colour already mentioned). Upon the abdomen such pro
minences form zigzags and broken fine lines; on the forearm they are seen
in the form of small lozenges, and even in the extremities the skin is not
altogether smooth. This aspect is partly the consequence of the great deve
lopment of the glandular apparatus, indicating a great turgescence of the
tissues. Thus the skin of the penis does not merely present simple folds, but
mainmilated eminences. The dermis is thicker than in the other races,
specially on the cranium, the palm, and the sole. The epidermis of an ashgrey colour is very resisting. The rete mucosum, which is the chief seat of the
coloration, presents nothing particular as regards its structure. Its contents,
viz., the pigment, is deposited in a shapeless mass, or in granules, chiefly
around and in the interior of the nuclei of polyhedric cells, which are dis
posed in numerous irregular layers. The pigment presents shades of colour
according to the position of the cells. The deeper and more coloured cells
are of a blackish brown, whilst those approaching more the dermis of a more
or less dilute yellow resemble the serosity of the blood (Koelliker). The
coloured web may be considered as the complement of the epidermis, to
which it adheres more closely than to the dermis, so that it is detached in
blistering, though some patches usually remain on the dermis. The colour
of the cicatrices in Negroes differs according to the colour of the individual,
and the time elapsed since the cicatrisation. I have observed nothing
noteworthy in this respect. It is known that the lines in tattooing present
a deeper colour than the skin from the materials rubbed in.
“ The Negro loses a portion of the pigment on being transported to the
north. It is always upon the prominent parts, such as the nose, the ears, &c.,
that a slight diminution is observed in dark subjects. I have, however,
never observed this change in individuals with a velvety black skin which
has sometimes a blueish shade. But in chronic diseases the diminution of
the pigment is very perceptible; thus the Negro grows, in a certain manner,
pale like the European. It is a general rule that the deeper coloured a
Negro is, compared to other individuals of his tribe, the better is his health.
With regard to the relation between the degree of coloration and the
intellect, the accounts of travellers do not agree. Thus, Dr. Barth asserts
that in the centre of the Sudan, the most glossy jet black skin belongs to the
most intelligent tribes. The example of the Yaloffs seems to confirm this as
regards the West. Mr. Speke, on the contrary, states with regard to the
Eastern populations between Mozambique and Lake Nyassa, that the tribes
of a lighter colour, though Negroes in all other respects, by far excel in
activity, bravery, and intelligence their jet black brothers. Very probably
both versions are correct; for we see in India, as well as Arabia, the two
extremes of colour combined with the same intellectual capacities in peoples
evidently congeners.
“ The intensity of the colour does not depend on the geographical latitude
in the tropical zone of Africa. The extremes of the chromatic scale are
in juxtaposition in the principal spots, on the Senegal as well as on the
�ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
21
the Negro is essentially different from that of the European,
and consists of coarse, crisp, frizzly sort of wool, growing
Gaboon, north of the Niger and south of Lake Tsad, towards the Bay of
Biaffra as in Mozambique, where M. Froberville counted thirty-one different
shades of colour. Continued displacements have so much intermixed the
tribes, and amalgamated entire nations, that it would be vain to determine,
even by approximation, the primitive country of the true Negroes, and to
derive therefrom any theory regarding the influence of geographical latitude
on coloration. It is equally impossible to establish the degrees of inter
mixture which the representatives of the chromatic map have undergone.
But, taking the deep brown or black Negro as the starting-point, can we
attribute his colour to the soil, the air, the position of the sun, the great
fluctuations between the diurnal and nocturnal temperature, an aliment rich
in carbon such as the butter-tree, fermented liquors, &c., on one side, and
the physiological reaction of the organism on the other? Must we, as
regards the latter point, take in account the important part which the skin
a,nd the liver take in the respiratory functions according as we proceed from
north to south? Must we admit that, in this respect, extremes meet, so
that in turning to the high north, we find the coloration increase as we
approach the pole ? Science is as yet not in possession of the necessary facts
to solve this question; experimental physiology must encounter it. As regards
the etiology of the colour of the Negro, we must recur to the laws ofheredity.”
The same author makes the following remarks respecting the distribution of
the pigment on the mucous membranes, the subcutaneous tissue, and the
viscera:—“ The pigment is in the form of black patches, found not merely
upon the tongue, the velum, the conjunctivae, and the external angles of the
eye, but also upon the mucous membrane of the intestinal canal, etc.
“ The cellular tissue is very abundant, especially on the erectile organs. The
mammiE, penis, lips, ears, and nostrils. The colour of the conjunctivae, always
more or less injected, is more or less yellowish; the fat is always of a wax
colour. An analogous coloration is observed in all the cellular and fibrous
membranes and even in the periosteum. The development of the muscles,
excepting the masseters, the external muscles of the ear, the larynx, and
sometimes of the temporals, are not in proportion to the weight of the bones;
their colour is never of the bright red of the European, but rather of a
yellowish tint, sometimes approaching the brown. M. Eschricht has found
the muscles of the larynx very strong, the crico-thyroidei are especially large;
he has moreover found that a portion of the fibres of these last muscles ascend
to the internal surface of the thyroid cartilage. Should that be a trace of the
internal crico-thyroid muscles of the hylobate apes ? The visible mucous
membranes of the mouth, the nostrils, etc., are of a cherry colour, excepting
the lips which are bluish.
“ As upon the skin, so is the glandular system much developed in the internal
integument; the intestinal canal always presents a broken aspect, especially
in the stomach and the colon. The intestinal mucus is very thick, viscid,
and fatty in appearance. All the abdominal glands are of large size, especially
the liver and the supra renal capsules; a venous hypersemia seems the ordi
nary condition of these organs. The position of the bladder is higher than in
the European. I find the seminal vesicles very large, always gorged with a
turbid liquid of a slightly greyish colour, even in cases where the autopsy
took place shortly after death. The penis is always of unusually large size,
and I found in all bodies a small conical gland on each side at the base of the
fraenum.
“ The vascular apparatus is very strong; but the nervous system visibly
predominates over the arterial. The small arteries present everywhere numer
ous flexuosities.
“ The heart is powerfully organised and the right cavities are always very
spacious. I have never observed here the least anomaly. The blood of the
�22
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
in tufts like the wool of sheep. It is rarely more than three
inches long, and generally not nearly so much.* The larynx
in the Negro is not much developed, and the voice resembles
sometimes the alto of an eunuch. In the male the voice is low
and hoarse, and in the female it is acute and shrieking; at
least, this is the opinion that has generally been given by
Hamilton Smith and others : but there appear to be exceptions,
for Dr. R. Clarkef says that ec a pleasing manner, soft and win
ning ways, with a low and musical laugh, may in strict truth
be declared to be the heritage of most of the Negro women.”
There is a peculiarity in the Negro’s voice by which he can
always be distinguished. This peculiarity is so great that we
Negro (apart from anaemia and the dropsy) is always very thick, viscid,
and pitchy; it rarely is projected in a jet in bleeding; it strongly adheres to
the vessel, and always presents a serosity of a more or less dark yellow colour.
The lungs relatively much less voluminous than the viscera of the abdomen,
are usually melanose and pushed in by the stomach, the spleen, and the liver ;
it might be said that the latter organ usurps their place.”
* “The hair of the adult Negro is very fine, hard and elastic; generally
black, exceptionally of a fiery red, resembling wool, in describing several
circles from 6 to 8 millimeters. Its length in the male is usually from 9-12
centimeters. In the Negress of East Africa it rarely descends below the
shoulders. These women wear the hair in small tresses, carefully greased.
In the male the hair frequently has the appearance of a regular wig. Its
insertion seems to follow another law in the Negro than in the white man.
In the lattei’ it presents irregular lines which converge and diverge in cross
ing, whilst in the former it is always circular. From this disposition fre
quently result separate tufts as in the Hottentot, and this peculiarity is very
common among the Negresses of which I have spoken.
“ The hair of the Negro is not cylindrical. Transversal sections show that
its circumference is always an ellipsis, the large diameter exceeds the small
diameter by l-3rd to 3-5th. What is, moreover, remarkable, is that the large
diameter, examined in different sections, does not remain parallel to itself; it
turns as it were around the axis of the hair, so that the summits of these
small ellipses, instead of being disposed in a straight line, describe around the
hair two spiral curves (Koelliker). It is to this disposition that the crisp
state of the hair of the Negro is due. With regard to the elementary micro
scopic structure, the hair of the Negro differs from that of other races only
by its medullary portion. The central medullary and aeriferous canal which
is clearly seen in hair with elliptical circumference, and of which some traces
are found in the cylindric ham of Turanians, is absent in the Negro, even in
those of his race which have red hair.
“ In the Aryan race, the hair of the same individual presents different shades
in different parts of the body, but it is certain that the hair of the Negro is
finer, elliptical and crisp, and that I have never found in it any trace of a
medullary canal. The Negro race has, moreover, no down upon the body;
and but few hairs on the pubes and armpits. The beard comes late in the
male; it is silky or slightly crisp on the upper lip, more or less frizzled on the
cheeks and the chin. The eyelashes curved; the eyebrows but little furnished
are generally but little arched. The contrary is, according to Dr. Barth, ob
served in the Mousgous.”—Pruneb-Bey.
f Transactions of the Ethnological Society, vol. ii of New Series.
�ON THE NEGRO
h
PLACE IN NATURE.
23
can frequently discover traces of Negro blood when the eye is
unable to detect it. No amount of education or time is likely
ever to enable the Negro to speak the English language with
out this twang. Even his great faculty of imitation will not
enable him to do this.
Having thus briefly recapitulated the anatomical peculiarities
of the Negro, we now come to the physiological difference be
*
tween the Negro and European.
* Mr. Plainer Bey gives the following :—Physiological Fragments.—“ The
penetrating odour which the Negro exhales, has something ammoniacal and
rancid; it is like the odour of the he-goat. It does not depend on the aqueous
perspiration, for it is not increased by it. It is probably a volatile oil dis
engaged by the sebaceous follicles. This odour much diminishes by clean
liness, without, however, entirely disappearing. We are not aware whether
this race-character changes by a uniform diet, as is the case with the fishers
and opossum hunters in Australia.
“ The observations on the temperature of the internal cavities of the Negro
race are not numerous enough to draw conclusions. It is, nevertheless, use
ful to note the results of the researches of M. d’ Abbadie. In Upper Ethiopia
this celebrated traveller found at all seasons, in the buccal cavity of the Negro,
a higher temperature than in individuals belonging to other races. The young
Negresses always preserve in Egypt this excess of temperature; not so the
young Negroes: these have the mouth warmer than young men of other races
in hot weather, but colder, on the contrary, in cold weather.
“The pulse of the Negro in Egypt nearly corresponds to that of the other
inhabitants, being, from 60-70 pulsations per minute. The contrary is obseiwed
in male children, from 10-13 years, and in young females from 14-20: for the
former 74-96; for the latter 84-104 pulsations per minute.
“ The senses of the Negro are not developed as in other races which are
nearer to the state of nature, or live in a different climate. Vision does not
in the Negro surpass that of the European; the flattening of the cornea
renders the Negro rather presbyopic than myopic. From his inclination and
talent for music, hearing seems his most developed sense; at any rate he ex
cels, in this respect, the Egyptian. To judge from the extent of the nasal
cavities, smell ought to be very acute, such, however, does not appear to be
the case. This applies also to the sense of taste; the Negro is omnivorous
Touch, this general corrector of the white races, is little developed in the
Negro, which accords with the flattening of the tactile cushions. But the most
striking phenomenon with regard to general sensibility, is the apparent apathy
of the Negro as to pain. In the most serious affections of internal organs,
the Negro, arrived at a certain point, cowers on his bed (at least in the
hospitals) without responding by any sign to the care of his physician. How
ever, in a state of civilised slavery, where he has acquired some knowledge,
he becomes more communicative, without, however, betraying any manifesta
tion of pain. Bad treatment causes the Negro, the Negress, and the child to
abundantly shed tears, but physical pain never provokes them. The Negro
frequently resists surgical operations, but when he once submits, he fixes his
eyes upon the instrument and the hand of the operator without any mark of
restlessness or impatience. The lips, however, change colour and the sweat
runs from him during the operation. A single example will support our view.
A negress underwent the amputation of the right half of the lower jaw with
the most astonishing apathy; but no sooner was the diseased part removed,
than she commenced singing with a loud and sonorous voice, in spite of our
remonstrances, and the wound could only be dressed after she had finished
her hymn of grace.
�24
ON THE NEGRO S PLACE IN NATURE.
The assumption of the unity of the species of man has been
based chiefly on the asserted fact that the offspring of all the
“ The phases of development present in the Negro race some peculiarities
which appear to me worth notice. We know next to nothing of the embryo
nic state. The Negro infant is born without prognathism, with an ensemble
of traits which is more or less characteristic as regards the soft parts, but
which is scarcely marked in the cranium. In this respect the Negro, the
Hottentot, the Australian, the Neo-Caledonian, do not indicate in the osseous
system the difference which will arise later. The new born Negro child does
not present the colour of the parents; it is of a red colour mixed with bistre
and less vivid than that of new-born European children. This premature
colour is, however, more or less deep, according to the regions of the body.
From reddish it passes to slate-grey, until sooner or later, according to the
climate and soil, it corresponds to the colour of the parents. In the Sudan
the m eta.m orph osi s. i.e., the development of the pigment, is generally completed
at the end of the first year; in Egypt only at the end of three years. The
'hair of the Negro baby at first is rather chestnut than black; it is straight and
slightly curved at the point. I was unable exactly to determine the extent
of the fontanelles, but to judge from the cranium, the difference in this
respect from the Aryan child is not appreciable.
“ The first dentition commences nearly at the same epoch as with us. I have
however, observed in Egypt cases of precocious as well as retarded dentition.
Suckling continues during two years at least. After the first dentition, we
already observe upon the cranium certain distinctive characters, viz.:—The
median line of the forehead raised, the chin retracted, the superior jaw slightly
inclined, the nose widened, the occiput prominent. Still the young Negro
presents, until the time of puberty, a pleasing exterior. Puberty supervenes
in girls between the ages of 10-12, and in boys between 13-15 years. It is
then that the great revolution in the forms and proportions of the skeleton
rapidly proceeds. This process and its results follow an inverse course as
regards the cerebral and facial cranium. The jaws are enlarged with
out any compensation for the brain: it is not meant that there is an arrest
of development—no, the difference of race manifests itself merely by a dif
ferent order of increase in the growth of the respective parts. Whilst in the
Aryan man the moderate increase of the jaws and the bones of the face is
abundantly compensated and even surpassed by a development or rather en
largement of the brain, specially of the anterior lobe: the contrary takes
place in the Negro. Great compression, chiefly lateral, produced from with
out inwardly by the muscles destined for animal life; small reaction in the
interior on part of the brain, and we have the mould of his cranium and his
brain formed as we have described it. Everything is in harmony with the
organism. No doubt this mode of viewing the conformation of the Negro
cranium is open for discussion.
“ The course taken by the obliteration of the cranial sutures, furnishes a
significative commentary to these phenomena. The medio-frontal suture as
well as the lateral part of the coronal suture is in the Negro invariably closed
already in early youth. In the adult Negro the union proceeds then to the
middle part of the coronal suture and the sagittal suture—or as I have ob
served on crania in East Africa—on all sutures at once. The lambdoid suture
is that which remains open longest, especially on the summit. At the base of
the cranium, on the other hand, the basilo-sphenoid suture is frequently found
open. As regards the incisive suture, it not only persists in the infant Negro,
but is very distinct in many Negro crania of an advanced age. The obhteration
of the sutures seems in the Negro race to be more rapidly effected in the
female than in the male.
“ Prognathism has been, and may be considered, at least partly, as the result
of the action of the inferior jaw on the concentric arch of the superior jaw.
At any rate, the mode of articulation of this bone with the temporal, seems
�ON THE NEGRO
b
PLACE IN NATURE.
25
mixtures of the so called races of man are prolific. Now this
is assuming what yet has to be established. At present it is
only proved that the descendants of some of the different races
of man are temporarily prolific; but there is the best evidence
to believe that the offspring of the Negro and European are
not indefinitely prolific. This question is one which must be
dealt with separately and proved by facts. At present we find
that all primd facie evidence is against the assumption that
permanent mixed races can be produced, especially if the
races are not very closely allied. This subject, however, merits
a special discussion, and belongs to that large and important
question—human hybridity. We, therefore, cannot agree with
much to contribute to it; for I have met with this conformation preferentially
in the races in which the glenoid is large but of little depth, and the condyles
of the maxillary more or less flattened, or at least elliptic; it coincides with
a more or less pronounced harmony of the row of teeth. These conditions
facilitate the movement of the jaw from behind forwards, whilst in the cranium
with deep and contracted glenoid cavities, and with condyles more or less
rounded or pointed, the movement of the jaw is preferentially vertical. I am,
however, well aware of the insufficiency of this etiology, and I ask myself
whether prognathism is not simply the expression of a movement towards
animality. It has been thought that prolonged lactation may in the Negro
favour prognathism but I must observe that this custom prevails among many
Oriental nations which are orthognathous. Moreover, it is known that the
conformation is not exclusively peculiar to the African Negro. The majority
of human races, whether dolicho- or brachycephalous, participate in it, as well
as some civilised peoples : for instance the Peruvians, the Chinese, and JavanoMalays, at least the plurality of individuals comprising those nations. We
And also exceptional cases more frequently in the ancient and modern Egypt
ians, less among the Jews, and less still in Western Europe. In all these
cases, this conformation, however, does not exceed the first degree of the
three distinct degrees we have established.
“ It must also be observed that the relative depression of the middle part of
the face joined to the prominence of the jaws, is the essential condition of
prognathism, and of the results derived from the measurement of the facial
angle. We thus comprehend that the two straight lines drawn from the
meatus auditorius to the forehead, and the alveolar border of the palatine
suture, rarely present in favour of the latter a difference of two millimeters.
This shows us that the depression of the nose in the Negro is as essential to
produce prognathism, as the increase of the jaws from behind forwards. Par
turition, and lactation ordinarily give but little trouble to the Negress. Her
fecundity seems to be great, for she produces up -to ten children; but the
manners and even the institutions much reduce the mimher of offspring.
Decline commences in the Negress between thirty-five and forty. Whilst the
ugliness which accompanies age in the female is excessive, we find that in
the male the hair blanches early, and at an advanced age his external aspect
loses its harmony. Even in the races of the Sudan, with clear complexions
and expressive features, as for instance in the Foulahs, which some hesitate
to place among the Negroes, Dr. Barth remarks on the ugliness they exhibit
in old age. He observes that their face has something of the ape at that
period, and he makes similar observations as regards the old ladies of the
Maghis tribe, whose harmonious features when young he so much admired.”
�26
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
the asserted statement, especially when we find that the two
scientific men who have in recent times paid the most atten
tion to this subject—I allude to Messrs. Broca and Nott—
have come to the conclusion that the offspring of the Negro
and European are not indefinitely prolific. With the permission of the Society, I will enter into that question at some
future day.
M. Flourens asserted that the Negro children were born
white; but recent observation has shown that this is not the
case. Benet, ex-physician of Runjeet Singh, and Dumoutier,
affirm that the children are born chestnut colour. M. Primer
Bey confirms this fact from personal observation.
In the Negro race there is a great uniformity of tempera
ment. In every people of Europe all temperaments exist; but
in the Negro race, we can only discover analogies for the
choleric and phlegmatic temperaments. The senses of the
Negro are said to be very acute, especially smell and taste;
but Pruner Bey says that there has been much exaggeration
as to the perfection of the senses of the Negro, and that his
eye-sight in particular is very much inferior to the European.
The most detestable odours delight him, and he eats every
*
thing.
While the anatomical and physiological questions must be
decided by actual facts, there still remains to investigate the
psychological peculiarity of the Negro. It is here, perhaps,
that the greatest amount of misconception exists in the minds
of the public generally, and not unfrequently in the minds of
some men of science. Wedded to the theory of a single pair
for the origin of man, they attempt to show that there is in
mankind no variety, nothing but uniformity.
To show I do not exaggerate on this point, I will quote the
words of an esteemed friend, which he read last year at Cam
bridge. He says :—“ Eor as God made of one blood all the
nations of the earth, and endowed them all with the same
animal, intellectual, moral, and religious nature : so has he
* Mr. Louis Fraser informs me that this is not always the case, and that
sometimes a Negro will leave a vessel on account of a disagreeable odour,
saying, “ Cap’n, your ship stink too much, I can’t stop.”
�ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
27
bound them all together—in accordance with the high behest
that they should increase and multiply and replenish the earth
—in one common bond of universal brotherhood?' ’
Mr. Dunn, however, it must be acknowledged, does not carry
out the principles he here enunciates, for he fully admits the
fact that, practically, Negro children cannot be educated with
the whites. He also admits that some of the lower races are
not able to receive complex ideas, or have little power of think
ing, and none of generalisation, although they have excellent
memories.
The assertion that the negro only requires an opportunity
for becoming civilised, is disproved by history. The African
race has had the benefit of the Egyptian, Carthaginian, and
Roman civilisations, but nowhere did it become civilised. Not
only has the Negro race never civilised itself, but it has never
accepted any other civilisation. No people have had so much
communication with Christian Europeans as the people of
Africa, where Christian bishops existed for centuries. Except
*
some knowledge of metallurgy they possess no art; and
their rude laws seem to have been borrowed and changed to
suit their peculiar instincts. It is alleged that the Negro
only requires early education to be equal to the European;
but all experiments of this kind have proved that such is not
the fact. With the negro, as with some other races of man, it
has been found that the children are precocious : but that no
advance in education can be made after they arrive at the age
of maturity, they still continue, mentally, children. It is appa
rently of little consequence what amount of education they re
ceive, the same result nearly always follows, the reflective
faculties hardly appear to be at all developed. The dark
races generally do not accept the civilisation which surrounds
them, as is shown in the South Sea, where they remain the
uncivilised race by the side of the Malays. The opinion of
Dr. Channing of America, is often quoted respecting the
Negro. He says:—<c I would expect from the Negro race
when civilised, less energy, less courage, less intellectual origi
* It is said that when the Negro has been with other races, he has always
been a slave. This is quite true: but why has he been a slave ?
�28
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
nality, than in ours; but more amiableness, tranquillity, gentle
ness, and content.” Now, if it were possible to civilise them,
there is no doubt they would show less energy, courage, and
intellectual originality (of which they would be utterly deficient)
and, as to their amiableness, tranquillity, gentleness, and con
tent, it would be more like the tranquillity and content shown
by some of our domestic animals than anything else to which
we can compare it. It has been said that the present slave
holders of America“ no more think of insurrection amongst their
full-blooded slaves than they do of rebellion amongst their cows
and horses ! ”* It has also been affirmed (and I believe with
truth) that not a single soldier has been required to keep
order in the so called “ Slave States” of America.
The many assumed cases of civilised Negroes generally are
not those of pure African blood. In the Southern States of North
America, in the West Indies and other places, it has been fre
quently observed that the Negroes in place of trust have Euro
pean features,and some writers have supposed that these changes
have been due to a gradual improvement in the Negro race
which is taking place under favourable circumstances. It is
assumed that great improvement has taken place in the intellect
of the Negro by education, but we believe such not to be the
fact. It is simply the European blood in their veins which
renders them fit for places of power, and they often use this
power far more cruelly than either of the pure blooded races.
At the same time, there are doubtless many exceptions to this
rule; depending perhaps on the amount of mixture of blood
and inherited peculiarities. It has been affirmed that occa
sionally there are seen Negroes of pure blood who possess
* “ The Southern planter, with a consciousness of superiority that would be
ashamed to resort to fiction or imposition of any kind, takes off his coat and
works in the same field and at the same labour as his ‘ slave.’ The thought
of the latter contesting his superiority never once enters his mind. As
said by a sound statesman and gallant soldier of the South, ‘ we no more
think of a Negro insurrection, than we do of a rebellion of our cows and
horses.’ The planter rules as naturally as the Negro obeys instinctively;
the relation between them is natural, harmonious, and necessary, and their
interests being indivisible, there can be no cause or motive, either for the
abuse of power on the part of the master, or of rebellion on the part of the
servant.”—Negroes and Negro “ Slavery.” By J. H. Van Evrie, M D Nev
York, 1861, p. 29.
�ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
29
European features : but I believe such not to be the fact,
and Pruner Bey also says that “ with regard to the re
gular Caucasian features, with which some tiavellers have
endowed certain Negro peoples, I must state that among many
thousand Negroes who have come under my own observation,
there was not one who could lay claim to it.”
Instances have often been quoted of reputed European
skulls with Negro characters. Such an instance there is in
the College of Surgeons, another in Morton’s museum, and
one in Gall’s collection; but if we admit these to have be
longed to the pure race, we shall only be admitting that in
*
one character the European skull sometimes resembles that
of the Negro; but there will be plenty of other characters to
show that they did not belong to the same race or species,
and it ought simply to caution us not to base our ideas of race
or species upon one character. We know that species of the
mammalia frequently cannot be distinguished by the form of
the skeleton, and we must therefore not be surprised to find
that we are unable to prove a distinction of species in mankind
if we take the cranium or even skeleton as a sole test.
We now know it to be a patent fact that there are races
existing which have no history, and that the Negro is one of
these races. From the most remote antiquity the Negro race
seems to have been what it now is.fi We maybe pretty sure
* A large amount of mixture has continually been going on between the
natives and the traders, especially on the rivers. The traders are not the
finest specimens of their race, and much of the immorality of the settlements
may be owing to this mixed blood. The following custom has existed for
ages, and render most uncertain the parentage of some Africans who even
come direct from the interior:—“ The European stranger, however, travelling
in their country, is expected to patronize their wives and daughters, and
these unconscious followers of Lycurgus and Cato feel hurt, as if dishonoured,
by his refusing to gratify them. The custom is very prevalent along this
coast. At Gaboon, perhaps it reaches the acme; there a man will in one
breath offer the choice between his wife, sister, and daughter. The women
of course do as they are bid by the men, and they consider all familiarity
with a white man a high honour.”—Wanderings in West Africa, vol. 2, p. 24.
f As a proof that the African race has not changed during the last 2,000
years, the following description of an “ Aunt Chloe” of the days of Virgil
may be interesting:—
Afra genus, tota patriam testante figura,
Torta comam, labroque tumens, et fusca colorem;
Pectore lata, jacens mammis, compressior alvo,
Cruribus exilis, spatiosa prodiga planta;
Continuis rimis calcanea scissa rigebant.
�30
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
that the Negro race has been without a progressive history;
and that Negroes have been for thousands of years the uncivilised
race they are at this moment. Egyptian monuments depict
them as such, and holding exactly the same position relative
to the European. Morton truly observes : “Negroes were
*
numerous in Egypt, but their social position in ancient times
was the same that it now is, that of servants and slaves.”
Some writers have assumed that the Negro has degenerated
from some higher form of civilisation, but we see no evidence
to support such an assertion. We, however, fully admit that
there are found traces of a higher civilisation, especially along
the coasts visited, during all ages, by Europeans. The working
of metals and imitation of European manufactures also exist in
many parts of Africa. Indeed, there seems to be a great same
ness in this respect throughout all Africa. Consul Hutchinson
has given an interesting account of the finding of some imple
ments used by the natives of Central Africa exactly resembling
those used by the Anglo-Saxons.
Consul Hutchinson thus describes them :f—“ You will be
surprised, no doubt, to hear that I brought down with me from
the tribes of Filatahs, in Central Africa, iron heads of spears
with wooden shafts and iron spiked ferules, heads of javelins
and arrows, double-edged swords, knives, beads for orna
ments, potteryware for culinary purposes, exactly similar in
pattern to those that are described by Mr. Wright, in a paper
on f Fausset Antiquities,’ which he read before the British As
sociation at Liverpool, in 1856, and which antiquities I need
scarcely tell you were excavated at Canterbury, as well as
proved to have been used in this country before the introduc
tion of Christianity to our shores. Even the cowrie (the shell
As it is the fashion to quote Cowper on the Negro in the anthopological dis
cussion, I append his translation of the above, which although feeble, yet
conveys the spirit of the original.
“ From Afric she, the swain’s sole serving maid,
Whose face and form alike her birth betrayed;
With woolly locks, lips tumid, sable skin,
Wide bosom, udders flaccid, belly thin,
Legs slender, broad and most misshapen feet,
Chapped into chinks, and parched with solar heat.”
* Crania jEgyptiaca. Philadelphia, 1844 (eighth conclusion).
f Transactions of the Ethn. Soc., vol. i, new series, p. 328.
�ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
31
of the Cyprcea moneta), which is described in. Mr. Wright’s paper
as having been found among other relics of our Anglo-Saxon
forefathers, is in this very day the currency among the Filatahs.
It may perhaps increase the interest of my statement, which
can be demonstrated by the articles I brought home (being de
posited at the Royal Institution museum at Liverpool), when I
add that they were obtained from tribes who had no record of
ever having been visited by any white man previous to the time
of our voyage at the end of 1854.”
There is good reason to believe that, like all inferior races,
there has been little or no migration from Africa since the
earliest historical records. The European, for ever restless, has
migrated to all parts of the world, and traces of him are to be
found in every quarter of the globe. Everywhere we see the
European as the conqueror and the dominant race, and no
amount of education will ever alter the decrees of Nature’s
laws.
We hear much of late in this country of the equality of the
Negro and European, because we have little real knowledge of
the Negro; but in America the Negro is better known. As
Dr. Van Evrie observes : “ In the United States, among a
*
people almost universally educated, and where the fact of
‘ equality ’ is almost universally understood and acted on, per
sonally as well as politically, the advocacy of woman’s ‘ equal
ity,’ in the sense that they (in England) argue it, or c equality ’
of the Negro to the white man in any sense whatever, is in
excusable on the ground of ignorance; and those thus warring
against the laws of nature and progress of society, deserve to
be treated as its enemies, or as absolute maniacs, and irre
sponsible for the evils they seek to inflict upon it.” It has
been assumed on very insufficient evidence that the Negroes in
America improve in intelligence in every generation, and that
they gradually approach the European type. M. Quatrefages
recently directed our attention to this point, as did Sir Charles
Lyell many years ago. It is affirmed that the head and body
also approach the European without any mixture of the races.
* Negroes and “Negro Slavery.”
New York, 1861, p. 10.
�82
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
M. Quatrefages quotes the following from M. Elisee Rectus :
*
“We do not intend here to touch upon the question of slavery,
we would merely state a certain fact—the constant advance of
Negroes in the social scale. Even in physical respects they
tend gradually to approach their masters; the Negroes of the
United States have no longer the same type as the African
Negroes; their skin is rarely of velvet black, though nearly all
their progenitors have been imported from the Coast of Guinea;
their cheekbones are less prominent, their lips not so thick,
nor the nose so flattened, neither is the hair so crisp, the
physiognomy so brutish, the facial angle so acute as those
of their brethren in the old world. In the space of one hundred
and fifty years they have, as far as external appearance goes,
passed one-fourth of the gulph which separates them from the
white race.” We believe such not to be the fact, and that no
improvement takes place after the second generation.
On this point Dr. Nott f has very judiciously observed:
“ Sir C. Lyell, in common with tourists less eminent,, but on
this question not less misinformed, has somewhere stated that
the Negroes in America are undergoing a manifest improve
ment in their physical type. He has no doubt that they will,
in time, show a development in skull and intellect quite equal
to the whites. This unscientific assertion is disproved by the
cranial measurements of Dr. Morton. That Negroes imported
into, or born in, the United States become more intelligent
and better developed in their physique generally than their
native compatriots of Africa, every one will admit; but such
intelligence is easily explained by their ceaseless contact with
the whites, from whom they derive much instruction; and such
physical improvement may also be readily accounted for by the
increased comforts with which they are supplied. In Africa,
owing to their natural improvidence, the Negroes are more
frequently than not a half-starved, and therefore half-developed,
race; but when they are regularly and adequately fed, they
become healthier, better developed, and more humanised.
Wild horses, cattle, asses, and other brutes are greatly im
* Unite de VEspace Humaine. Paris, 1861.
f Types of Mankind. Philadelphia, 1857, p. 260.
�33
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
proved in like manner by domestication; but neither climate
nor food can transmute an ass into a horse, or a buffalo into
an ox.”
The real facts seem to be, that the Negroes employed in
domestic labour have more intelligence than those who are
employed at field labour, who are nearly in the same mental
condition as when they left Africa. We must bear in mind,
however, that there are only some of the African tribes of
Negroes who are docile and intelligent enough for domestic
purposes : the Eboes are generally selected for this purpose.
We see therefore in this improvement of the Negro simply
the effect of education, but not of climate or other physical
agents. We fully admit that the domestic Negroes are im
proved in intelligence in America, resulting from the imitation
of the superior race by which they are surrounded; but much
of the improvement in intellect is owing to the mixture of
European and Negro blood. The Negro is not generally edu
cated because it is affirmed that he is no sooner taught to read
than he will take every chance of reading his master’s letters;
and if he be taught to write, he will soon learn to forge his
master’s signature. This applies with equal, and, perhaps,
greater force to those free, semi-civilised Negroes who are held
by some in such theoretical veneration.
I have intentionally avoided dwelling on the great diversity
of physical type found in Africa, as this is foreign to our
subject. There can be no doubt, however, that there is,
both in North and South Africa every shade of colour and
races with very different features. There are also in Central
Africa some races such as the Mandingos, Fulahs, and Wolofs,
who are quite distinct from the typical Negro. In these races,
some of the characters found in the typical Negro are found in
only a very modified degree. How many races inhabit Africa.,
and their relation to one another, is not the subject of present
inquiry. M. Pruner Bey has very judiciously made the follow
ing observations on this point:—
“We must admit that the inferior orbital margins are fre
quently narrow and retreating ; that the noses become longer
and more prominent; that the lips turned up in some tribes
D
�34
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
are only full in others ; that prognathism diminishes without
however disappearing entirely; that the aperture of the eye
becomes wide ; that the hair short and woolly in most, grows
longer ; that the transverse diameter of the chest becomes en
larged ; that even the pelvis, though much more rarely, ac
quires more rounded outlines; that the limbs acquire more
harmonious proportions ; that the hips, thighs, and legs become
more fleshy and the foot more arched; but as regards the
crowning of the work, i.e., the skull, especially the cere
brum, all the variations in the Negro race remain confined
within limits which deserve our attention. In the Aryan
race the skull presents three fundamental types, the elongated
form (producing in some exceptional cases prognathism)
which approaches the limit of the Negro type; the short and
round form, approaching the Turanian race ; and finally, the
typically beautiful oval form, which seems to have resulted
from a combination of the two former. Nothing like it is to be
found in the Negro. The skull is and remains elongated, it is
elliptical, cuneiform, but never round; his facial bones may
approach the pyramidal form by the increasing distance be
tween the cheekbones, and may in this respect resemble the
Kaffirs and the Bechuanas, but this is all/'’ This generalisa
tion appears to me to be in accordance with all the known facts
respecting the craniological development of the chief African
tribes, which thus form one great ethnic family, although com
posed of many distinct races.
I need not enlarge on the well-known and admitted facts
respecting the intense immorality which exists amongst the
Mulattoes and others of mixed blood.
*
There are, at the same
* The following extract is a striking confirmation of this remark :—“ But
the worst class of all is the mulatto—under which I include quadroon and
octaroon. He is everywhere, like wealth, irritamenta malorum. The ‘ barsinister,’ and the uneasy idea that he is despised, naturally fill him with
ineffable bile and bitterness. Inferior in point of morale to Europeans, as
far as regards physique to Africans, he seeks strength in making the families
of his progenitors fall out. Many such men visiting England are received by
virtue of their woolly hair and yellow skin into a class that would reject a
fellow-countryman of similar, nay of far higher, position; and there are
amongst them infamous characters, who are not found out till too late.
London is fast learning to distinguish between the Asiatic Mir and the
Munshi. The real African, however—so enduring are the sentimentalisms
of Wilberforce and Buxton—is still to be understood.”—Wanderings in West
�35
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
time, perhaps, some exceptions to this general rule, which, how
ever, hasheen observed in every country where thesepeople exist.
Of all the questions connected with the Negro, the most
difficult to settle is that of his intelligence. Amidst conflicting
testimony, it is difficult to discover the truth. AVe may ad
Africa. 1863. Vol. i. p. 271. This is by no means a modern idea, for I
find the following extract from a work entitled “ A new voyage to Guinea,”
by William Smith, Esq., appointed by the Royal African Company to
survey their settlements, make discoveries, &c., in a second edition pub
lished in 1745, p. 213. Speaking of the Mulattoes of the Gold Coast at that
time, this author observes: “ Upon this coast are a Sort of People called
Mullatoes, a race begotten by the Europeans upon Negroe Women. This
Bastard Blood is a Parcel of the most profligate Villains, neither true
to the Negroes, nor to one another; yet they assume the Name of Chris
tians, but are indeed as great Idolaters as any on the Coast. Most of
the Women are public Whores to the Europeans, and private ones to the
Negroes. In short, whatever is bad among the Europeans or Negroes are
united in them; so that they are the Sink of both. They are frightfully
ugly, when they grow in Years, especially the women.” There is, how
ever/ an earlier description of these peoples from which the author seems to
have partly borrowed his ideas. Nearly the same words are given in William
Bosman’s work on Guinea, published at the end of the 1 /th century. Is
not this picture true of Mulattoes as a class all over the world ? Bosman
says (ioc. Cii. 141):—“Though I have been tedious in this, I hope you will
pardon it; for I must own my Itch of Scribbling is not yet over, and I cannot
help giving you an account of a wonderful an extraordinary sort of People, I
mean the Tapceyers or Mulattoes; a race begotten by the Europeans upon the
Negro or Mulatto-Women. This Bastard Strain is made up of a parcel of
profligate Villains, neither true to the Negroes nor us, nor indeed dare they
trust one another; so that you very rarely see them agree together. They
assume the Name of Christians, but are as great Idolators as the Negroes
themselves. Most of the Women are public Whores to the Europeans and
private ones to the Negroes, so that I can hardly give them a character so bad
as they deserve. I can only tell you whatever is in its own Nature worst, in
the Europeans and Negroes is united in them; so that they are the sink of
both. The Men, most of which are Soldiers in our service, are clothed as we
are; but the Women prink up themselves in a particular manner: Those of
any Eashion wear a fine Shift, and over that a short Jacket of silk oi stuff,
without sleeves; which reaches from under the arms to their hips, fastened
only at the shoulders. Upon their heads they wear several caps, one upon
the other; the uppermost of which is of Silk, plated before and round at the
top, to make it fit soft, upon all which they have a sort of Fillet, which comes
twice or thrice around the Head. Thus dressed they make no small show.
On the lower part of their body they are clothed as the Neyro-Women are;
and those who are poor are only distinguishable by their dress: they going
naked in the upper part of their body.
“ The whole Brood, when young, are far from handsome, and when old, are
only fit to fright children to their beds. If a painter were obliged to paint
Envy, I could wish him no better original to draw after than an old MulattoWornan. In process of time, their Bodies become speckled with white, brown,
and yellow spots, like the Tigers, which they also resemble in their barbarous
natures. But I shall here leave them, for fear it may be thought that I am
prejudiced by hatred against ’em; but so far from that, that there is not a
single person who hath anything to do with them but he must own they are
not worth speaking to.”
D 2
�36
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
mit? however, that there are instances of the pure Negro
showing great powers of memory, such as the acquirement of
languages; but we must also remember that memory is one of
the lowest mental powers. Numerous instances have been
collected by different partisan writers to show that the Negro
is equal intellectually to the European; but an examination of
these cases nearly invariably leads to the conclusion that there
has been much exaggeration in the statements made by writers
as to the aptitudes of the Negro for education and improvement.
The exhibition of cases of intelligent Negroes in the saloons
of the fashionable world by so-called “ philanthropists ”* has
frequently been nothing but mere imposture. In nearly every
case in which the history of these cases has been investigated,
it has been found that these so-called Negroes are the offspring
of European and African parents. I propose on some future
occasion to lay before you evidence to show, that nearly all the
Negroes who are asserted to have arrived at any mental distinc
tion had European blood in their veins : and think I shall be
able to show that of the fifteen celebrated Negroes whose his
tories were collected by Abbe Gregoire there is not one who
is of pure Negro blood. Some writers who advocate the
specific difference of the Negro from the European have very
injudiciously admitted that occasionally the Negro is equal
in intellect to the European, but this admission has materially
* The following words of Thomas Carlyle deserve to be recorded in every
discussion on the Negro:—“ Sunk in deep froth oceans of ‘ Benevolence/
‘ Fraternity/ ‘ Emancipation-principle/ ‘ Christian Philanthropy/ and other
most amiable looking, but most baseless, and in the end baleful and all
bewildering jargon, sad product of a sceptical eighteenth century, and of
poor human hearts left destitute of any earnest guidance, and disbelieving
that there ever was any, Christian or heathen, and reduced to believe in
rosepink sentimentalism alone, and to cultivate the same under its Christian,
anti-Christian, broad-brimmed, Brutus-headed, and other forms—has not the
human species gone strange roads during that period ? And poor Exeter
Hall, cultivating the broad-brimmed form of Christian sentimentalism and
long talking, and bleating and braying in that strain, has it not worked out
results ? Our West India legislatings, with their spoutings, anti-spoutings,
and interminable jangle and babble; our twenty millions down on the na.il
for blacks of our- own; thirty gradual millions more, and many brave British
lives to boot, in watching blacks of other people’s; and now, at last, our
ruined sugar estates, differential sugar duties, ‘ immigration loan/ and beau
tiful blacks sitting there up to the ears in pumpkins, and doleful whites
sitting here without potatoes to eat; never, till now, I think, did the sun
look down on such a jumble of human nonsenses.”
�ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
37
weakened their argument in favour of a specific difference. If
this is so, let me ask those who hold such an opinion to give
the name of one pure Negro who has ever distinguished him
self as a man of science, as an author, a statesman, a warrior,
a poet, an artist. Surely, if there is equality in the mental
development of human races, some one instance can be quoted.
From all the evidence we have examined, we see no reason to
believe that the pure Negro even advances further in intellect
than an intelligent European boy of fourteen years of age.
Many writers have mentioned the precocity of the Negro
children. Sir C. Lyell has observed : “ Up to fourteen years
*
of age black children advance as fast as the whites
and Eliot
Warburton has remarked! that the modern Egyptian “when
young, is remarkably precocious in intellect, and learns with
facility. As he grows up, his intelligence seems to be dulled
or diminished: he has no genius for discovery, and though apt
in acquiring rudiments, he is incapable of generalising. He
fills subordinate departments well, but appears incapable of
taking or of keeping a lead/-’ Sir C. Lyell expresses his sur
prise at the results of the mixture of some European blood with
the Negro, and thinks “it a wonderful fact, psychologically
considered, that we should be able to trace the phenomena of
hybridity even into the world of intellect and reason.” It would,
indeed, be remarkable if all men were endowed with the same
instincts; but not so wonderful if we do not accept such an
unfounded hypothesis. The pure Negro seems incapable of
much mental cultivation; and Archbishop Sumner's muchtalked-of “ improveable reason,” as a distinction between men
and animals, only finds a limited application in the Negro race.
The reason of animals is improved to some extent by domesti
cation and training, and this is all we can say of the Negro.
Dr. Madden observes : “ It will be seen by all the answers the
missionary gentlemen in our different settlements have given to
my queries respecting the mental capacity of Negro children,
that they are considered universally, in that respect, equal to
European children, and by some even quicker, in their percep
* Second Journey to the United States, vol. i, p. 105.
f The Crescent and the Cross.
�38
OX THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
tions, and more lively in their powers of apprehension.” To
which Dr. R. Clarke adds : “ This is observable from the ages
*
of five to twelve or thirteen years j but from that period of life
to the age of eighteen or twenty, it becomes less strongly
marked, and there appears to be less activity in the mental
faculties.”
Professor Owen gives it as his opinion f that we are unable
“ to appreciate or conceive of the distinction between the psy
chical phenomena of a Chimpanzee and of a Bosjesman, or of
an Aztec with arrested brain growth ;” but we are able
clearly to appreciate the psychological distinction between
the Negro and the Chimpanzee : just as we see that there are
decided mental and moral distinctions between the European
and the Negro. We fully admit, however, that the psychical
distinction is simply a question of degree and not of kind.
The day is not far distant when we shall be able to analyse
the mental character of the Negro far more minutely than we
can do in the present infant state of psychological science. J In
* Sierra Leone, p. 34.
f Journal of the Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London, 1857, p. 20.
' J Bruner-Bey thus speaks of the Psychology of the Negro:—“ The mani
festations of the affective and intellectual faculties of the Negro may be
placed in parallel with his physical type. Sensuality is the great lever of
his propensities; from his imitative talent result the qualities which demand
our esteem. The first renders him an eminently sociable being; by the
second he becomes an artist of a secondary rank. Solitude is insupportable
to him ; song and dance are indispensable wants. Materialist in the main,
he is in this respect below the more refined Chinese; but, like the latter, he
prefers suicide to great privations. He preferentially selects the most violent
means to attain this object; he suffocates himself by reversing his tongue
towards the larynx; he throws himself from precipices; he drowns himself.
He rarely takes the initiative in anything. In spiritual things he repro
duces, but is not productive. It was only after having acquired the know
ledge of the existence of letters among other peoples that an individual of
the Vei tribe invented an alphabetic primer, the greatest effort which the
Negro has ever made in the cultivation of science. The eminently imitative
nature of the Negro even reveals itself in that part in which the creative
faculty of every race reflects itself; viz., language. It appears to me evident
that the Negro in the structure of his languages has endeavoured to produce
a copy of all the systems known without attaining the perfection of any
oririnal. The same remark applies to the ideas and conceptions referring to
regions of the invisible world, towards which the human mind at all times,
and in all regions, soared to attempt the solution of the highest problems.
The adoration of natural objects, of stones, trees, &c., of the sun, as well of
the names of ancestors, demonology, the attribution of superior powers to
objects made by the hand of man, divination by the inspection of entrails,
human sacrifices, and anthropophagy,—for a mystical object all this found its
place in the soul of the Negro, as amongst us in times past; but he surpasses
the Scputic,, the Aryan, and even the Chinese, in having completely forgotten
�ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
39
dwelling on the mental character of the Negro we must, there
fore, for the present, rely on the general observations of those
the signification of the symbol. For him animals would speak the language
of man if they were not too lazy. He has probably invented the fable in
approachino- by the excess of his instincts, the brute to man. It is specially
south of the Equator that the Negro is heavily enchained by a fatal supersti
tion. Living in continued fear of being bewitched, the simple suspicion of
it induces him to immolate hecatombs of innocents. The Judgment of God
of the ancient gallants of the North of Europe is not unknown to him, but
he prefers poison for the ordeal of suspected persons. Moreover, the Negro
takes the world as he finds it, and he neither imagines a system of cosmogony
nor any spiritual theory on the attributes of a superior being. On the other
band, he readily accepts Islamism, and he probably would never oppose to
the introduction of the sublime doctrine of fraternal love that desperate
resistance shown by the ancient Saxons and Scandinavians.
“ Another point in the psychology of the Negro remains to be examined,
and it is not the least important one. I would speak of the facility with
which he loses his equilibrium when passing from one extreme to the other,
frequently without any appreciable motive, of that contradiction in which he
presents himself in his social relations, and the excesses of which he is
capable. Patient towards a master who illtreats him, he assassinates one who
has cherished him. Defending his cabin with ferocious obstinacy, he would
sell his children for a piece of stuff. A kneeling slave before a king of his
blood, he would condemn him to death when he is tired of him. ‘ You please
no longer men or women, old men or children, sheep or fowls/ say the
Negroes of the Sudan to their Sultan, to signify to him that it is time he
should execute himself. Caring little about the chastity of his daughters,
and prostituting his slaves, the Negro assures himself during his absence of
the fidelity of his wife by mechanical means, and he becomes an assassin on
the mere suspicion of her adultery. Nevertheless, the Negress has more
liberty than Islam women, and she is respected in war. Abusing the weaker
sex, and deprecating her even by the difference of aliments which he gives
her, he nevertheless accepts a woman as his sovereign, according prerogatives
to the Queen-mother, and regulating the rights of succession as the peoples
of Asia who live in a state of polyandry. A mutual exchange of the occu
pations of the two sexes is not rare, even among the Negroes of the Sudan.
The women cultivate the soil, and the man spins cotton; he guards the fields,
she goes to war. The same contradiction is observed in other things which
touch the interest of the Negro. Particularly anxious about the arrange
ments of the interior of his cabin, he remains naked outside in the heat of
the day and the comparatively excessive cold of the night. Very domestic
and attached to the soil, the Negro travels over the great continent from
one end to the other, either for traffic or to fulfil some religious duties.
Whole nations are continually on the move, and gipsies would find their
brothers among the Negro race.
“ The Negro is not cruel by nature; he remains as far in this respect from the
bloody refinement of the Chinese as from the atrocious proceedings of the
Aryan Persians. Still the dynasties of Wadai blind their nearest male
relations; the despot of the Moluwas mutilates and skins those condemned
to death. The civilised Bornoui cuts off the thighs of his war prisoners,
and the Mousgous skin the backs of their horses to have a firmer seat.
But they do not put their slaves to the plough like some tribes of Touaregs.
The punishments inflicted by the Negro on his equals, savour, however,
more or less of barbarism.”
“ Let us not, however, forget that these excesses do not constitute the rule,
and that ‘the black man is to the white man what woman is to man.in
general, a loving being and a being of pleasure/ We cite with conviction
the words of Golbery, ‘ the Negro is generally sober, industrious, an excel-
�40
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
unbiassed travellers and others who have been much associated
with the Negro race. In the first place we will see what is the
evidence recently published by our English consuls, who have
the best opportunities of judging of the character of the people
amongst whom they are placed.
Consul Hutchinson, who spent no less than eighteen years
on the West coast of Africa, and who is as competent a judge
as any man now living, says that “ his own observations on the
*
African tribes tend to show that the African is not exactly the
style of ‘ man and a brother which mistaken enthusiasts for
*
his civilisation depict him to be.
**
He gives the result of a ten
*
years attendance at the Missionary school at Cape Palmas of
one of his servants, a Kruman, and says that at the end he was
asked what he knew of God ? He replied : “ God be very good ;
He made two things—one sleep and the other Sunday, when
no person had to work.
f
**
Consul Hutchinson says that “ the
thirst for each other’s blood, which seems a daily habit amongst
so many of the Negro tribes in Western Africa, appears to me
to be incompatible with ordinary notions of common humanity.
**
He says that for scores of years European missionaries and
English traders have mixed with them in social intercourse,
lent and patient workman, not wanting skill; he governs his family with
sagacity and dignity.’ We also subscribe the judgment of Mungo Park,
that 'the Negro is compassionate by nature,’ and we may add that the Ne
gress is even in a state of slavery capable of the greatest devotion.
“ Improvidence they have in common with all human races who live in a
more or less primitive state, and pride of the stronger against the weaker is
not foreign to the Negro.
“ The portrait which L. Magyar traces of the peoples east of Angola is not
favourable. The Djambandis, though polite to strangers, are described as
suspicious, false, malicious, and thievish; the Djohoes are still worse, specially
vicious to strangers. They contrast with the Moluwas, who are full of atten
tion to their guests. Most of the inhabitants of the Lobal are ferocious
brigands. The judgment of Mr. Kauffmann on the Negroes of the White
Nile is generally not more favourable.
“ In social respects the Negro has at least attained the position of shepherd
and agriculturist. Besides this some Negro-peoples have founded, inde
pendent of all foreign influence, a sort of civilisation and considerable
states ; they possess the art of metallurgy and the talent for trade to a high
degree, and they well know how to profit by the foibles of their masters;
their answers, for instance, are always shaped according to the desire of the
questioner.”
* Transactions of the Ethnological Society, vol. i, New Series, p. 327.
f “All missionaries praise the African for his strict observance of the Sabbath.
He would have 365 sabbaths in the year if possible, and he would as scru
pulously observe them all.”—Wanderings in West Africa, vol. i, p. 266.
�ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
41
yet they still cling “ to their gris-gris, jujus,, fetichism and
cannibalism with as much pertinacity as they did many hun
dred years ago.” He adds : “ Here we have all the appliances
of our arts, our science and our Christianity, doing no more
good than did the wheat in the parable that was sown amongst
the briars and the thorns. To attempt civilising such a race
before they are humanised appears to me to be beginning at
the wrong end. I have passed many a hour in cogitating and
endeavouring to fabricate some sort of education likely to root
out the fell spirit that dictates human sacrifices and cannibal
ism ; but I fear years must elapse before any educational prin
ciple, in its simplest form, can produce an amendment on
temperaments such as they possess.”
Consul Burton considers that M. Du Chailhfis remarks con
*
cerning the commercial shrewdness and eagerness, the greedi
ness and rascality of the Negro, apply to him everywhere in
his natural state; that an abnormal development of adhesive
ness, in popular language a peculiar power of affection, is the
brightest spot in the Negro character; as in children,, it is
somewhat tempered by caprice, especially under excitement,
yet it has entitled him to the gratitude of many a traveller.
Exaggeration, he considers, is the characteristic of the mind of
both the Eastf and West African. He says that “ they justly
hold labour as an evil inferior only to death/-’
These are the opinions which have been published by the
* Transactions of the Ethnological Society, vol. i, New Series, p. 317.
t Captain Burton thus speaks of the Coast clans of Eastern Africa■__
Supersubtle and. systematic liars, they deceive where duller men would tell
the truth; the lie direct is no insult, and the offensive word ‘ Muono-o ’ (liar)
enters largely into every dialogue. They lie like Africans, objectlessly
needlessly, wnen sure of speedy detection: when fact would be more profit
able than.falsehood; they have not discovered with the civilised knave, that
‘honesty is the best policy/ they lie till their fiction becomes subjectively
fact. W ith them the lie is no mental exertion, no exercise of ingenuity no
concealment, nor mere perversion of the truth: it is apparently a local’in
stinctive peculiarity in the complicated madness of poor human nature. The
most solemn and religious oaths are with them empty words; they breathe
an atmosphere of falsehood, manoeuvre and contrivance, wasting about the
mere, nothings of life—upon a pound of grain or a yard of cloth—ingenuity
of iniquity enough to win and keep a crown. And they are treacherous as
false; with them the salt has no signification, and gratitude is unknown even
by name. —Lake Regions of Central Africa. By R. F. Burton. 1861. Vol.
�42
ON THE NEGROb PLACE IN NATURE.
last two consuls who have written on the subject., and we shall
now examine the evidence of some other witnesses.
*
M. Du Chaillu describes the general characteristics of the
tribes he visited who spoke the Mpongwe language as far
superior to the Negroes of Congo. He saysf “the Negroes
* Truthful William Bosman published the following as his opinions re
specting the Negroes of Guinea in 1705 (loc. cit., p. 117).
“ The Negroes are all, without exception, crafty, villanous and fraudulent,
and very seldom to be trusted, being sure to slip no opportunity of cheating
an European, nor indeed one another. A man of integrity is as rare among
them as a white falcon and their fidelity seldom extends farther than to their
masters; and it would be very surprising if, upon a scrutiny into their lives,
we should find any of them whose perverse nature would not break out some
times, for they indeed seem to be born and bred villains. All sorts of base
ness having got such sure footing in them, that ’tis impossible to lye con
cealed; and herein they agree very well with what authors tell us of the
Muscovites. These degenerate vices are accompanied with their sisters—
Sloth and Idleness, to which they are so prone, that nothing but the utmost
necessity can force them to labour. They are besides so incredibly careless
and stupid, and are so little concerned at their misfortunes, that ’tis hardly
to be observed, by any change in them, whether they have met with any good
or ill success.”
Mr. J. W. Jackson makes the following observations on the Negro
(Ethnology and Phrenology, 1863, p. 35):—“ The radical defect of the Negro
is want of due nervous development. His brain is less in proportion to his
body than that of any other grand division of humanity, and as a result, the
involuntary and animal functions altogether preponderate. His flat foot,
his long heel, his imperfect pelvis, his powerful stomach, his prognathous
jaw, his enormous mouth, and his pug nose, are in perfect correspondence
with his imperfectly developed brain, in which correspondently passion
and affection rule principle and faculty, the basilar and posterior develop
ments being predominant over the coronal and anterior. Except in a
few unfavourable instances, however, he does not exist on the continent
in his lowest form; for it is the Oceanic Negro who is the almost irre
claimable savage, while the African is the improvable barbarian type of
his race. The former is useless even as a slave, while the latter is eminently
valuable, because he has been broken to work and obedience, and has that
hereditary aptitude for sustained toil, of which the utter savage is so gene
rally devoid. Hence, despite his present degradation, he obviously belongs
to the redeemable families of humanity. He is the labourer of the tropics,
and is not going to perish out, like a wild Indian, because his buffalo grounds
have been enclosed by the white faces. He has his place on the earth which
none can take from him, and what we have to attempt is not his extirpation,
but improvement. Hence, a study of his character and capabilities is of the
utmost importance. From temperament he is slow, but from organisation
he is persistent, his lymphatic nature being sustained by a considerable
amount of firmness and self-esteem. He is not skilful, his mechanical
ingenuity being that of a child; nor is he capable of delicate manipulation,
for which his entire organisation is too coarse. His perceptive faculties are
stronger than his reflective or imaginative, and he dwells in the real rather
than the ideal. He never rises from a fact to a principle, or re-creates beauty
from the faultless beau-ideal of artistic conception. He has but little reve
rence for the past, and no very brilliant anticipation of the future, being
from the overwhelming strength of his sensuous nature swallowed up in the
present.”
f Transactions of the Ethnological Society, vol. i, New Series, p. 306.
�ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
43
possess an imaginative mind., are astute speakers, sharp traders,
great liars, possessing great powers of dissimulation, and are
far from being in many respects the stupid people they are
believed to be. In everything that does not require mental
labour and forethought, they seemed to me to learn almost as
fast as any amongst the more intellectual races to a certain
point/'’ He further affirms that they have little power of fore
thought or power of reflection, and that there is “ a total lack
of generalisation.” He also says, that although these people
“ are often treacherous, they have noble qualities, given to hos
pitality, and the women show great kindness of heart, especially
when one takes into account the way they are treated.”
*
Brehm says that “ there seems to be a complete absence of
moral sentiment amongst the natives of East Sudan, who not
merely excuse theft, murder, and treachery, but consider these
actions as praiseworthy in man. They first learned under a
Turkish ruler to distinguish murder from justifiable homicide
in war. Lying and deceitfulness are considered as marks of
mental superiority; and those who suffer death on the gallows
are buried with the same honours as the rich merchant or the
sheik.”
Count Grdrzj- narrates of the Negroes in Cuba, “ Their cha
racter is very degraded; the moral feeling entirely undevel
oped; all their actions proceed from animal impulse, or a
cunning calculation of their own advantage. Generosity and
indulgence exhibited by the white man they consider as weak
ness. Power imposes upon them, and excites their hatred,
which would become dangerous were they not aware of their
powerlessness. The only efficacious punishment for them is
the whip. They delight in sowing discord; are thievish and
revengeful; void of any religious feeling, they are given to
the crudest superstition. Their frame, however, is well-de
veloped and powerful; their teeth magnificent:J their legs
slender; they digest like beasts of prey.” This certainly is a
* Reise-skizzen aus Nordost-Afrika, vol. i, pp. 162, 175. 1855.
+ Heise um die Welt (Voyage round the World) in 1844. Stuttgard, 1853.
I Mr. Louis Fraser says—“Their mode of mastication is very peo.n1ia.r_,
being more like a monkey than a man.”—J. H.
�44
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
severe judgment, and may be partly explained by the large
amount of mixed blood in Cuba.
Colonel Hamilton Smith thus describes the Negro. “ The
*
Negro is habitually dormant, but when roused shows his emotion
by great gesticulations regardless of circumstances. War is a
passion that excites in them a brutal disregard of human feel
ings ; it entails the deliberate murder of prisoners, and victims
are slain to serve the manes of departed chiefs. Even canni
balism is frequent among the tribes of the interior. Notwith
standing the listless torpidity caused by excessive heat, the
perceptive faculties of the children are far from contemptible;
they have a quick apprehension of the ridiculous, often surpass
ing the intelligence of the White, and only drop behind them
about the twelfth year, when the reflective powers begin to have
the ascendancy. Collectively, the untutored Negro mind is
confiding and single-hearted, naturally kind and hospitable.
Both sexes are easily ruled, and appreciate what is good under
the guidance of common justice and prudence. Yet where so
much that honours human nature remains in apathy, the typical
woolly-haired races have never invented or reasoned out a theo
logical system, discovered an alphabet, framed a grammatical lan
guage, nor made the least step in science or art. They have never
comprehended what they have learned, or retained a civilisation
taught them by contact with more refined nations as soon as
that contact had ceased. They have at no time formed great
political states, nor commenced a self-evolving civilisation.
Conquest with them has been confined to kindred tribes, and
produced only slaughter. Even Christianity of more than three
centuries^ duration in Congo has scarcely excited a progressive
civilisation. Thus, even the good qualities given to the Negro
by the bounty of nature, have seemed only to make him a slave
trodden down by every remorseless foot, and to brand him for
ages with the epithet of outcast. The marked, unceasing proof
of a curse as old as the origin of society, not even deserving
human forbearance, and true it is that the worst slavery is his
lot even at home, for he is there exposed to the constant peril
of becoming also a victim slaughtered with the most revolting
* Unity of the Human Species, p. 190-7.
�ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
45
torments. Tyrant of his blood, he traffics in slavery as it were
merchandise, makes war purposely to capture neighbours, and
sells even his own wives and children.”
Van Amringe observes of the Negro race: “ Even after
*
having lived for centuries with the white people, from whom they
have received every possible instruction for the purpose of de
veloping an attribute which would be so serviceable to them, as
well as those whom they serve, it is very far from having any
virtue for which they are distinguished, or even trusted. The
Canaanite (Neg’ro) is indolent, careless, sensual, tyrannical, pre
datory, sullen, boisterous, and jovial. Such are the specific
characteristics, and the sensual relations are founded upon them.
It has been a favourite theory with some visionary philanthro
pists that intermarriages of the different species would be
highly favourable to the race ; but we have never heard of any
of them who was willing to commence the practice in their own
families. There is certainly no method that could possibly
be devised, which would as certainly and as expeditiously de
grade the whole human family as amalgamation. If there is
any hope for the improvement of the condition of the dark races,
the history of mankind shows it can only be founded upon the
preservation of Shemitic (White) species. This is the only
species endowed with any power to drag the cumbrous dark
races out of the slough in which they have been wallowing for
ages.”
Burmeister, an excellent observer, says :f “I need not en
large on the long hands, slender fingers, and flat feet of the
African. Any one who has ever visited a menagerie, cannot
fail to have observed the long hand, slender fingers, long nails,
*
the flat foot, the deficient calf, and compressed shank and thigh
of the apes, which so much resemble in every respect the peculi
arities of the Negro. I have often tried to obtain an insight
into the mind of the Negro; but it never was worth the
trouble; the only available result obtained was, that there is
not much mental life in the Negro, and that all his thoughts
Theories
Tork'>18^}eSt'>'9atWn
t -R. nach Brasitien.
1857.
tlie Natura1 History of Man.
New
�46
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
and actions were merely directed to the lowest requirements of
human existence. There is something in the Negro like the
cunning forwardness of the monkey tribe., which renders any
very familiar intercourse, such, as we have with an European
servant, impossible.'”
Carl Vogt has recently observed : “ Most of the characters
*
of the Negro viewed externally remind us irresistibly of the
ape; the short neck, the long lean limbs, the projecting pendu
lous belly, all this affords a glimmer of the ape beneath the
human envelope, such similitudes are equally detected on ex
amining the structure of individual parts.”
Mr. Winwood Readef says, “ It must be acknowledged, that
putting all exceptions aside, the women of Africa are very
inferior beings. Their very virtues, with their affections and
their industry, are those of well trained domestic animals.
But if the women of Africa are brutal, the men of Africa are
feminine. Their faces are smooth, their breasts are frequently
as full as those of European women; their voices are never
gruff or deep. Their fingers are long; and they can be very
proud of their rosy nails. While the women are nearly always
ill-shaped after their girlhood; the men have gracefully moulded
limbs, and always are after a feminine type—the arms rounded,
the legs elegantly formed, without too much muscular develop
ment, and the feet delicate and small.” . . . . “A. king of
Ashanti cut off the hands of a slave, and bade her scratch his
head for vermin with the stumps. If any one had accused him
of barbarity he would not have understood the accusation.
It was his idea of a good practical joke.” J He continues, “ It
* Vorlesungen uber den JVEenschen (Seine Stellung in der Schopfung und in
der Geschichte der Er de). Giessen, 1863 (seventh, lecture).
f Savage Africa, ch. 36.
j I know not on what authority Mr. Winwood Reade has made this asser
tion, but Bosman records a similar case which was perpetrated by Anqua
about a.d. 1691. After recording innumerable cruelties, he goes on to say.
that one of Anqua’s slaves touched a new coral belonging to one of his wives,
“ But Anqua so resented this innocent freedom, that as soon as I was out of
the camp, he caused both wife and slave to be put to death, drinking their
blood, as he useth to do those of his enemies. For such another trivial crime, .
a little before, he had caused the hands of one of his wives to be cut off, after
which, in derision, he used to command her to look his head for vermin,
which being impossible with her stumps, afforded him no small diversion.”—
A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea, by William Bosman,
translated from the Dutch, 1705, p. 24.
�ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
47
will be understood that the typical Negroes with whom the
slavers are supplied, represent the dangerous, the destitute,
and the diseased classes of African society. They may be
compared to those which in England fill our jails, our work
houses, and our hospitals. So far from being equal to us, the
polished inhabitants of Europe, as some ignorant people sup
pose, they are immeasurably below the Africans themselves.
The typical Negro is the true savage of Africa, and I must
paint the deformed anatomy of his mind as I have already done
that of his body. The typical Negroes dwell in petty tribes
where all are equal, except the women, who are slaves; where
property is common, and where, consequently, there is no
property at all; where one may recognise the Utopia of
philosophers, and observe the saddest and basest spectacles
which humanity can afford. The typical Negro, unrestrained
by moral laws, spends his days in sloth and his nights in de
bauchery. He smokes haschisch till he stupifies his senses, or
falls into convulsions; he drinks palm-wine till he brings on a
loathsome disease; he abuses children, and stabs the poor
brute of a woman whose hands keep him from starvation, and
makes a trade of his own offspring. He swallows up his youth
in premature vice ; he lingers through a manhood of disease ;
and his tardy death is hastened by those who no longer care to
find him food. Such are the ‘ men and brothers’ for whom
their friends claim, not protection, but equality! They do not
merit to be called our brethren; but let us call them our
children. Let us educate them carefully, and in time we may
elevate them; not to our own level—that, I fear, can never be
—but to the level of those from whom they have fallen.”
This last remark is made in the supposition that the typical
Negro is degenerated from some higher African race; but we
think such an hypothesis is not warranted by history, archgeo
logy, or any well established facts. Mr. Reade’s observations
were apparently chiefly made on the Gaboon, and his descrip
tion does not quite agree with the accounts generally given of
the Negroes in the Bights or Windward coast. Mr. Reade’s
terminology is far from satisfactory. All typical Negroes are
Africans ; but all Africans are not Negroes.
�48
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
Dr. Van Evrie, of New York, who has paid considerable at
tention to the character of the Negro, and had ample oppor
tunities for observation, thus describes the Negro :—“ But
*
while the analysis of a single bone or of a single feature of
the Negro is thus sufficient to demonstrate the specific cha
racter, or to show the diversity of race, that great fact is still
more obviously and with equal certainty revealed in the form,
attitude, and other external qualities. The Negro is incapable
of an erect or direct perpendicular posture. The general
structure of his limbs, the form of the pelvis, the spine, the way
the head is set on the shoulders, in short, the tout ensemble
of the anatomical formation forbids an erect position. But
while the whole structure is thus adapted to a slightly stooping
posture, the head would seem to be the most important agency;
for with any other head, or the head of any other race, it
would be impossible to retain an upright position at all.
But with the broad forehead and small cerebellum of the white
man, it is perfectly obvious that the Negro would no longer
possess a centre of gravity; and therefore, those philanthropic
people who would ‘ educate^ him into intellectual equality, or
change the mental organism of the Negro, would simply render
him incapable of standing on his feet, or of an upright position,
on any terms. Everyone must have remarked this peculiarity
in the form and attitude of the Negro. His head is thrown
upwards and backwards, showing a certain though remote ap
proximation to the quadrumana, both in its actual formation
and the manner in which it is set on his shoulders. The narrow
forehead and small cerebrum—the centre of the intellectual
powers, and the projection of the posterior portion,—the centre
of the animal functions, render the Negro head radically and
widely different from that of the white man. Thus an anato
mist, with the Negro and ourang-outang before him, after a
careful comparison, would say, perhaps, that Nature herself
had been puzzled where to place them, and had finally compro
mised the matter by giving them an exactly equal inclination
to the form and attitude of each other.”
Dr. Louis Buchnerf has drawn a most graphic picture of
* On Negroes and Negro Slavery, p. 93-4-7.
f Kraft und Stoff. Seventh edition.
1861.
�49
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
some of the physical characters of the Negro :—“ An uninter
rupted series of the most various transitions and analogies
connect the animal world, from the lowest to the highest.
Even man, who in his spiritual pride deems himself elevated
above the animal creation, is far from forming an exception to
this rule. The Ethiopian race connects him by a number of
the most striking analogies with the animal world. The long
arms, the form of the foot, the thin calf, the long small hands,
the general leanness, the undeveloped nose, the projecting jaw,
the low receding forehead, the small head, the narrow pelvis,
the pendulous belly, the deficient beard, the colour of the
skin, the disgusting odour, the uncleanliness, the grimaces in
talking, the shrieking voice, are the many marks which mani
festly exhibit the most decided approach of the Negro to the
ape. That he also resembles him in his intellectual capacity,
is sufficiently known and established by the best observers.”
M. Pruner Bey, one of the most eminent of living Anthro
pologists, has written the most complete memoir on the Negro
yet published on this subject.
*
Many years ago he thus ex
pressed himselff respecting the psychological character of
the Negro:—“ The capacity of the Negro is limited to imitation. The prevailing impulse is for sensuality and rest. No
sooner are the physical wants satisfied, all psychical effort ceases,
and the body abandons itself to sexual gratification and rest.
The family relations are weak; the husband or father is quite
careless. Jealousy has only carnal motives, and the fidelity
of the female is secured by mechanical contrivances. Drunken
ness, gambling, sexual gratification, and ornamentation of the
body, are the most powerful levers in the life of the Negro.
The whole industry is limited to ornaments. Instead of cloth
ing himself he ornaments his body. Like certain animals, the
Negro seems apathetic under pain. The explosions of passion
* By the kind permission of the Council, I have been able to print nearly
the whole of his last Memoir on the Negro. Some portions are quoted in the
text, other parts will be found in copious notes, and I have only omitted the
introduction which is merely descriptive of the different African races. Feeling
sure that Anthropologists will duly estimate the great value of his treatise
on the Negro, I am proud to be the means of M. Pruner-Bey’s labours
being made generally known to the English public.
t JEgypten’s Naturgeschichte. Erlangen, 1847.
E
�50
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
occur when least expected, but are not lasting. The tempera
ment of the Negro has been called choleric, but it is only so to
a certain extent. It is a momentary ebullition, followed in
stantly by perfect apathy. Life has for the Negro no longer
any value when he cannot supply the physical wants ; he never
resists by increased activity, but prefers to die in a state of
apathy, or he commits suicide. The Negro has no love for
war; he is only driven to it by hunger. War, from passion or
destructiveness, is unknown to him.” This is a sufficiently
clear and truthful picture, and the following summary, with
which M. Pruner Bey concluded his paper, presented to the Paris
Anthropological Society, is equally to be commended for
* M. Pruner-Bey also says: “It results from the examination of the
organization of the Negro, that it is admirably adapted to the geographical
position he occupies. The dark layer in his external integument, and its
velvety character, like all blackened and rough bodies, favour the radiation
of heat, and act as coolers. Experience has proved that black crape protects
also the face from the solar reflection in the ascent of snow-covered moun
tains. The great development of the glandular system of the skin favours
the secretions, refreshing the skin, and protecting it by an unctuous secre
tion. The thickness of all the layers of the skin protects the Negro from the
night frost in his usual condition of nudity. The same considerations apply
to the internal integument; the mucous membrane, with its glutinous and
abundant secretion; and to all glands, without exception, which by their
reaUy enormous volume, in harmony with the excitation by heat, favour and
facilitate the change, and the reproduction of organic matter so rapidly used
up in the. torrid zone. Do we pass beyond the limits of science, and lose
ourselves in the vicious circle of teleology, if we venture to suppose that even
the infantile form of the brain of the Negro may have its relative advan
tages ? What has the noble Hindoo become under an Indian sun, drowned
in a sea of spiritualism the most obscure, with his cranium, which by its
admirable harmony, its graceful mould, seems exactly to resemble the
organic egg which received the Divine breath of Brahma ? He has, it is true,
fulfilled an eminent task; but for many centuries he has been a being
severed from terrestrial regions, and of little use to his fellow beings. Let
us, finally, endeavour to assign to the Negro his place in relation to the
quadrumana, to which some authors seriously approximate him, and to that
of other human races, which either make use of or despise the Negro. As
for me, the moment that an organised being uses for standing and motion
that admirable pedestal, the narrow base of which supports an enormous
weight; the moment he makes use of the instrument of instruments—the Land;
when he expresses his sentiments, his thoughts, his fears, and hopes by speech,
I look upon it as a new order of things. While recognising the undoubted
value of homologies, which form the bases of zoological science, I cannot,
but admire the simplicity of the means employed by creative wisdom to sepa
rate man from the anthropomorphous ape. The hair on the skin is reduced;
a suture is suppressed to draw the teeth closer, and, though prognathism is
developed, the lips are thickened; the iliac bones are turned aside instead of
being adossed to the vertebral column; the muscles of the thumb are
strengthened; the great toe is fixed; nature finally, instead of the temporal
lobe, selects the anterior lobe of the brain “ there to fashion the instrument of
intelligence which reflects her image.” (Gratiolet.)
�ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
51
its truth, and moderation. “The Negro has always appeared
to me as partaking of the nature both of the child and the old
man. Anatomists worthy of our confidence—Jacquart, Serres,
and Huschke—have, in this sense, interpreted the details of
the anatomy of the Negro. The elongated form of the cranium,
the proportions of the cerebral lobes and their respective forms,
the prominence of the inferior border of the orbits, the flattened
nose, the rounded larynx, the less marked curves of the vetebral column, the lateral compression of the thorax and pelvis,
with the vertical direction of the iliac bones, the elongated
neck of the uterus, the proportion of the parts composing the
extremities, the relative simplicity of the cerebral convolutions,
etc., are characteristic features of the Negro race, which are
found in the foetus or the infant of the Aryan race, in the dif
ferent periods of development. The propensity for amusements,
for material enjoyments, for imitation, and the inconstancy of
affection, are the appanage of the Negro as well as of our
children. The flexuosity of the arteries, the flattening of the
cornea, the weakness of the muscles, the dragging walk, and
the early obliteration of the cranial sutures, the obstinacy and
love of repose are met with in the Negro as in our aged men.
In short, the great curve of human development, and its back
ward direction, appears to be sufficiently extended to appreciate
the differences characterising the Negro race opposed to our
race, always taking in account the differential characters result
ing from adaptation to external conditions. If our interpreta
tion leaves open many gaps, the future may fill them up,
perhaps, in the same sense. If, finally, the Negro, speaking
always figuratively, partakes of the nature of the ape, it must
still be admitted that it is not the most ferocious, malicious,
nor the most pernicious, but rather the most patient, and fre
quently the most useful animal. In any case, an honourable
mediocrity is his inheritance.”
The general deductions we would desire to make are :—1
That there is as good reason for classifying the Negro as a
distinct species from the European, as there is for making
the ass a distinct species from the zebra j and if, in classi
fication, we take intelligence into consideration, there is a far
e 2
�52
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
greater difference between the Negro and European than
between the gorilla and chimpanzee. 2. That the analogies are
far more numerous between the Negro and apes, than between
the European and apes. 3. That the Negro is inferior intel
lectually to the European. 4. That the Negro is more human
ised when in his natural subordination to the European than
under any other circumstances. 5. That the Negro race can
only be humanised and civilised by Europeans. 6. That Euro
pean civilisation is not suited to the Negroes requirements or
character.
No man who thoroughly investigates with an unbiassed
mind, can doubt, that the Negro belongs to a distinct type.
The term species, in the present state of science, is not satis
factory ; but we may safely say that there is in the Negro that
assemblage of evidence which would, ipso facto, induce an
unbiassed observer to make the European and Negro two
distinct types of man.
The facts I have quoted I believe are sufficient to establish
that the Negro is intellectually inferior to the European, and
that the analogies are far more numerous between the ape
and Negro than between the ape and the European.
We shall not enter at length into the three last propositions.
Suffice it to say, that no subject needs more attention at this
minute than the position which the Negro race is fitted to hold
in Nature. I have said it devolves on the student of the Science
of Man to assign to each race the position which it shall hold.
This is truly a momentous and most difficult problem, but one
which science must not evade. As the student of mechanical
science has given to the world his inductions and discoveries, so
must the student of the Science of Man endeavour to deduce
from actual facts principles of guidance for the relations of one
race of Man to another.
It is painful to reflect on the misery which has been inflicted
on the Negro race, from the prevailing ignorance of Anthropo
logical Science, especially as regards the great question of race.
By our ignorance of the wants and aspirations of the Negro, and
*
* Dr. Van Evrie makes the following remarks respecting the imperfect
accounts we have continually received of the Negro. He says (page 49) :
�ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
53
by a mistaken theory respecting his origin, this country has been
the means of inflicting a prodigious, and, at present, totally un
known amount of mischief on these people. Our Bristol and
Liverpool merchants, perhaps, helped to benefit the race when
they transplanted some of them to America; and our mistaken
legislature has done the Negro race much injury by their
absurd and unwarrantable attempts to prevent Africa from
exporting her worthless or surplus population. All this has
been done on the theoretical assumption of a mental equality
of the different races or species of Man. In an attempt to
benefit the Negro we have brought on him endless misery and
rendered some of the most beautiful and productive islands in
the world of little more use to humanity at large than they
were before the discovery of Columbus.* But men wedded to
a theory become blind to all facts, and will learn nothing from
experience. All the millions of money which have been spent,
and which expenditure has inflicted great hardships on our
own working classes, might have been saved had we taken
the trouble to investigate the character of the Negro race.
“ African travellers, explorers, missionaries, &c., ignorant of the ethnology, of
the physiology, of the true nature of the Negro, and. moreover bitten by
modern philanthropy, a disease more loathsome and fatal to the moral, than
small-pox or plague to the physical nature, have been bewildered, and
perverted, and rendered unfit for truthful observation or useful discovery,
before they set foot on its soil or felt a single flush of its burning sun. With
the monstrous conception that the Negro was a being like themselves, with
the same instincts, wants, &c., the same (latent) mental capacities, all they
saw, felt, or reasoned upon in Africa, was seen through this false medium, and
therefore of little or no value/’
* “ I cannot avoid repeating that Hayti must not be held up as an ex
ample of what can be accomplished by free labour; but that it ought rather
to be the beacon to warn the government of England against an experiment
which may prove absolutely fatal to her colonial system. If it be not wished
that a fate similar to that which has befallen Hayti should overtake our
colonies, that they should be rendered wholly unproductive to the revenue of
the country, and that the property invested in them should be preserved from
destruction, the advisers of the Crown must pause before they listen to the
ill-judged suggestions of enthusiasts; for they must banish from their minds
the idea that the work of cultivation can be made productive by means of free
labour. Such a thing appears to me impossible. The Negro, constituted as
he is, has such an aversion to labour, and so great a propensity for indulgence
and vice, that no prospect of advantage can stimulate him; and as for emu
lation it has not the slightest influence over him. Without force he will sink
into a lethargy, and revert to his primitive savage character, and the only
feasible and effectual plan to promote his civilisation is to persist in those
measures which compel him to labour, inculcate morality, and tend to ex
tirpate those vices which are inherent in the descendents of the African
race.”—Franklin on the Present State of Hayti.
�54
ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
Scientific men have yet to do their duty in showing what are
the facts.
It may be said that some of the propositions I have advanced
are in favour of the slave trade. Such, however, is not my own
interpretation of these propositions. No one can be more con
scious of the horrors of the “ slave trade” as conducted at this
time. Nothing can be worse for Africa generally than the con
tinual capture of innocent men and women by brutal Europeans.
Few things can be more horrible than the manner in which
it is attempted to carry these people across the Atlantic.
Nay, more, nothing can be more unjust than to sell any man,
woman, or child, into “ slavery”, as understood by the Greeks
and Romans, where the fife of the slave was absolutely at the
disposal of the master whenever his caprice or fancy thought
fit to take it. We protest against being put forward as advo
cating such views.
But while I say this, I cannot shut my eyes to the fact that
slavery as understood by the ancients does not exist out of
*
Africa, and that the highest type of the Negro race is at pre
sent to be found in the Confederate States of America. Far
superior in intelligence and physique to both his brethren in
Africa and to his “ free” brethren in the Federal States, no
where does the Negro attain to such a long life as in the Con
federate States; and this law formerly obtained in the West
* “ No man maltreats his wild brother so much as the so-called civilised
Negro. He hardly ever addresses his Kruman except by ‘ you jackass !’ and
tells him ten times a day that he considers such fellows as the dirt beneath
his feet. Consequently he is hated and despised withal, as being of the same
colour as, whilst assuming such excessive superiority over, his former equals.
No one, also, is more hopeless about the civilisation of Africa, than the semicivilised African returning to the ‘ home of his fathers.’ One feels how hard
has been his own struggle to emerge from barbarism. He acknowledges in
his own case a selection of species, and he sees no end to the centuries before
there can be a nation equal even to himself. Yet in England, and in books,
he will cry up the majesty of African kings,- he will give the people whom
he thoroughly despises a thousand grand gifts of morals and industry, and
extenuate, or rather ignore, all their- faults and short-comings. I have heard
a Negro assert, with the unblushing effrontery which animates a Negro
speechifying in Exeter Hall, or before some learned society, that, for in
stance, at Lagos—a den of thieves—theft is unknown, and that men leave
their money with impunity in the storehouse, or in the highway After
which he goes home, ‘ tongue in cheek,’ despising the facility with which an
Englishman and his money are parted.”—Wanderings in West Africa, vol. i.
p. 209.
�ON THE NEGRO n PLACE IN NATURE.
55
India Islands before our mistaken interference. Nowhere does
the Negro character shine so highly as it does in his childish
and fond attachment to his master and his family. The Negro
cares far more for his master and mistress than he does for his
own children after they are a few years old. I by no means
join in that indiscriminate abuse of the Negro character which
has been indulged in,, especially by those who have only seen
the Negro in his savage state, or the “ emancipated” (from
work ?) in the West India Islands. On the contrary, there is
much that is to be admired, and more that is useful in the
Negro when properly and kindly treated. Brutal masters there
are in every part of the world: but we must not found a law
on exceptions. Scientific men, therefore, dare not close their
eyes to the clear facts, as to the improvement in mind and body,
as well as the general happiness, which is seen in those parts of
the world in which the Negro is working in his natural
*
subordination to the European. In some respects, the Negro
is certainly not only not inferior, but even far superior to the
European. If, for instance, the European were alone in the
Confederate States of America, these fertile regions would soon
become a barren waste. The Negro is there able to work with
impunity, and does himself and the world generally much good
by his labour.f Occupations and diseases which are fatal to the
* “ Of late, it has become the fashion for the missionary and the lecturer to
deny, in the presence of Exeter Hall, the African’s recognition of the Euro
pean’s superiority. “ The white man,” writes Mr. Robert Campbell, a mulatto,
“ who supposes himself respected in Africa because he is white, is grievously
mistaken.” I distinctly assert the reverse, and every one who has studied
the natural history of man, must have the same opinion.. The same egregi
ous nonsense was once propounded before the Ethnological Society—where
with some ethnology there is no anthropology—by another “African”. And
yet the propounder, the late Mr. Consular Agent .Hansen, whose death, by the
bye, was an honour, and the only honour, to his life, had shaved his wool,
and at the time was wearing a wig of coal-black hair, like a Cherokee’s. Is
imitation no sign of deference ?”—Wanderings in Western Africa, vol. i. p. 269.
f Again, I would call attention to the noble words of Thomas Carlyle.
Speaking of labour, he well says: “ The thing must be done everywhere ;
must is the word. Only it is so terribly difficult to do, and will take genera
tions yet, this of getting our rich European white men ‘ set to work !’ But
yours in the West Indies, my obscure black friends, your work, and the
getting of you set to it, is a simple affair; and by diligence, the West Indian
legislatures, and royal governors, setting their faces fairly to the problem,
will get it done. You are not 'slaves’ now; nor, do I wish, if it can be
avoided, to see you slaves again; but decidedly you will have to be servants
to those that are born wiser than you, that are born lords of you—servants to
�56
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
Europeans, are quite Harmless to the Negro. By their juxta
position in this part of the world, they confer a material benefit
on each other.
But it may be asked, “ Why remove the Negro from his own
country ?” “ Why not humanise him in Africa ?” No doubt
this sounds very feasible, and no pains should be spared to in
troduce every possible humanising influence into Africa. There
is little doubt that the African is much easier humanised out of
his native land away from all his savage associations; but this
need not prevent us from doing all we can towards civilising
him in his own country.
It has been affirmed on the best authority (although fre
quently denied) that domestic slaves are only sold in Africa for
some crime. No one, we presume, will dare assert that there
are no criminals in Africa ! What shall we do with our crimi
nals may be a problem which is occupying the attention of the
political economist of Africa—like his Majesty the King of
Dahomey—as well as the government of Great Britain. Is
Africa not to be allowed to export her criminals, or are they so
worthless and unmanageable that no people will have them ?
What is to be done with unruly or criminal slaves ? as a king
of Old Calabar said, ff¥ou bind me down not to sell them,
*
tell me it is wrong to kill them ! What must I do with
them ? I will give you some, and then you won’t take them !”
the whites, if they are (as what mortal can doubt they are ?) born wiser than
you. That, you may depend on it, my obscure black friends, is and was
always the law of the world, for you and for all men; to be servants, the
more foolish of us to the more wise, and only sorrow, futility, and disappoint
ment will betide both, till both in some approximate degree get to conform
to the same. Heaven’s laws are not repealable by earth, however earth may
try—and it has been trying hard, in some directions, of late ! I say, no well
being, and in the end no being at all, will be possible for you or us, if the
law of Heaven is nob complied with. And if ‘ slave’ mean essentially
‘ servant hired for life,’—for life, or by a contract of long continuance, and
not easily dissoluble—I ask, whether in all human things, the ‘ contract of
long continuance ’ is not precisely the contract to be desired were the right
terms once found for it ? Servant hired for life, were the right terms once found,
which I do not pretend they are, seems to me much preferable to servant
hired for the month, or by contract dissoluble in a day. An ill-situated
servant that;—that servant grown to be nomadic; between whom and his
master a good relation cannot easily spring up! ”
* The late King Eyamba made this remark to the late Dr. Lawton in 1850,
who told it to Mr. W. H. Ashmall, a Liverpool merchant who has resided
for eighteen years on the.West Coast of Africa, and to whom I am indebted
for his approval of the chief facts contained in this paper.
�ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
57
Would it not be well to allow a regular export of the surplus
population, instead of permitting, and indeed encouraging the
butcheries of the so called King of Dahomey ? The difficulties
of humanising, much less of civilising, the Negro in his own
country are very great; yet, if such healthy sentiments were
generally diffused in this country as have been lately published
in an admirable work, entitled Wanderings in West Africa, it
is impossible to say what great results might in time be at
tained. This author well says, “ Ever remember, that by far
the greater number of the liberated were the vilest of criminals
in their own lands, and that in their case exportation becomes,
in fact, the African form of transportation.”*
There is abundant evidence to show that the Negro will not
work without a considerable amount of persuasion. Even Dr.
R. Clarkef is obliged to admit that the Creoles of Sierra Leone
“ manifest the utmost contempt for agricultural pursuits, and
the same feeling seems to actuate the half educated libe
rated African lads.” Another writer observes J that “ In
Sierra Leone the Christian tenderness of the British Govern
ment has tended to demoralise them............... The women have
become as vicious as those of Egypt, the basest of kingdoms
—worse than the men, bad as they are................Theft is carried
to such an extent, that no improvement is possible at Freetown.”
* Wanderings in West Africa, vol. i, p. 220.
t Sierra Leone. By Robert Clarke, p. 38.
Dr. R. Clarke speaking of the Africans of Sierra Leone, says (Transac
tions of the Ethnological Society, vol. ii, new series, p. 331)—“ Servants con
sider it no crime to rob the white man, and so long as they are undetected
they do not lose caste among their equals, although the latter may be aware
of their thefts. . . . They appear to hold agricultural pursuits in contempt,
preferring to obtain situations in the government offices and merchants’
stores; while the young women seek employment as sempstresses, etc.,
seldom entering service as domestics. . . . Comparatively few of the female
creoles are married, and in a colony where the marriage ceremony is held in
but little esteem, and generally dispensed with, young girls live as concubines,
or “sweethearts,” as they phrase it (p. 332). The civilised blacks spare no
expense in obtaining the best and newest style of European dress; and this
love of finery too often becomes quite a passion amongst the young people,
its inordinate indulgence occasionally leading to pilfering and other dishonest acts (p. 326). The Africans are very litigious, and constantly sun,moning each other on the most trivial occasions (p. 330). In one instance
(of children born with supernumerary fingers) which came to my knowledge,
the infant was on this account, soon after its birth, burnt alive; and, in
another case, the child was destroyed by twisting its neck, when it was
buried in a dung heap” (p. 333).
J Wanderings in West Africa, p. 267.
�58
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
I have stated that one of the results of my inquiry leads
me to believe that English institutions are not suited to the
Negro race. There seems to be a maximum testimony to
show that the liberated and the creoles in our colonies are
a perfectly worthless set. They accept all the vices of our
civilisation with none of its duties. A recent public writer in
behalf of the English colonies on the west coast of Africa well
says :—“ The African is far more innocent and natural a crea
ture when he has never been brought within the range of
civilised life. The liberated Africans are far superior to the
rising generation—in energy, in talent, and in honest prin
ciples. To handle a hoe has now become a disgrace, and the
people have lost their manhood by becoming gentlemen . . .
only the ignorant can boast of the extensive freedom we have
given the African. Freedom indeed we should have given, but
it ought to have been qualified to suit their capacities?"’ *
In now bringing my remarks to a close, I cannot, perhaps,
do better than quote the graphic picture of the present state of
Africa, which has been only published during the last few
weeks. There is much true science and healthy manhood in
these sentiments. The work of which I speak is evidently the
work of a man who has devoted much attention to the study
of the great science of mankind; and I am pleased to find
that my own views find ample support in the conclusions of
this accomplished and scientific observer. Speaking of the
Negroes of Bonny, he says :f “The slaves wore a truly miser
able appearance, lean and deformed, with Krakra lepra and
fearful ulcerations. It is in these places that one begins to feel
a doubt touching the total suppression of slavery. The chiefs
openly beg that the rules may be relaxed, in order that they
may get rid of their criminals. This is at present impossible,
and the effects are a reduplication of misery; we pamper our
convicts, Africans torture them to death. Cheapness of the
human article is another cause of immense misery to it. In
some rivers a canoe crew never lasts three years. Pilfering—•
* The editor of the Sierra Leone Weekly Times, July 30, 1862, quoted in
Wanderings in West Africa, vol. i, p. 221.
t Wanderings in West Africa, vol. ii, p. 280.
�ON THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
59
‘ Show me a black man and I will show you a thief/ say the
traders—and debauchery are natural to the slave, and they
must be repressed by abominable cruelties. The master thinks
nothing of nailing their hands to a water-cask, of mutilating
them in various ways; many lose their eyes by being peppered,
after the East Indian fashion, with coarsely-powdered cayenne,
their ears are cut off, or they are flogged. The whip is com
posed of a twisted bullock’s or hippopotamus’s hide, sun dried,
with a sharp edge at the turns, and often wrapped with copper
wire; it is less merciful even than the knout, now historical.
The operation may be prolonged for hours, or for a whole day,
the culprit’s arms being tied to a rafter, which keeps them at
full stretch, and every fifteen minutes or so, a whack that cuts
away the flesh like a knife, is administered. This is a favourite
treatment for guilty wives, who are also ripped up, cut to
pieces, or thrown to the sharks. If a woman has twins, or
becomes mother of more than four, the parent is banished, and
the children are destroyed. The greatest insult is to point at
a man with arm and two fingers extended, saying at the same,
Kama shubra, i. e., one of twins, or a son of some lower animal.
When a great man dies, all kinds of barbarities are com
mitted ; slaves are buried, or floated down the river bound to
bamboo sticks and mats, till eaten piecemeal by sharks. The
slave, as might be expected, is not less brutal than his lord.
It amazes me to hear Englishmen plead that there is moral
degradation to a Negro bought by a white man, and none when
serving under a black man. The philanthropists, doubtless,
think how our poorer classes at home, in the nineteenth cen
tury, would feel if hurried from liberty to eternal servitude by
some nefarious African. But can any civilised sentiments
belong to the miserable half-starved being, whose one scanty
meal of vegetable per day is eked out with monkey and snake,
cat and dog, maggot and grub ; whose life is ceaseless toil,
varied only by torture, and who may be destroyed at any
moment by a nod from his owner ? When the slave once sur
mounted his dread of being shipped by the white man, nothing
under the sun would, I believe, induce him willingly to return
to what he should call his home. And, as they were, our West
�60
ON THE NEGROES PLACE IN NATURE.
Indian colonies were lands of happiness compared with Oil
Rivers ; as for the ‘ Southern States/ the slave's lot is para
dise when succeeding what he endures on the West Coast of
Africa. I believe these to be facts, but tant pis pour les faits.
Presently, however, the philanthropic theory shall fall, and
shall be replaced by a new fabric built upon a more solid
foundation."
Finally let me observe, that it is not alone the man of
science who has discerned the Negro's unfitness for civilisation
as we understand it. Here is the opinion of Mr. Anthony
*
Trollope, who is certainly quite guiltless of ever having exa
mined the evidence on the distinction of the Negro and Euro
pean, and yet truly says of the Negroes :—“ Give them their
liberty, starting them well in the world at what expense you
please, and at the end of six months they will come back upon
your hands for the means of support. Everything must be
done for them ; they expect food, clothes, and instruction as to
every simple act of life, as do children."
We must for the present leave alone all questions as to the
origin of the Negro, and simply take him as he exists, and not
as poets or fanatics paint him. We shall then learn, that it is
only by observation and experiment that we can determine the
exact place in nature which the Negro race should hold, and
that it is both absurd and chimerical to attempt to put him in
any other.j* North America, vol. ii, p. 85. 3rd Edition. 1862.
t We believe the following opinion of Mr. George M‘Henry can be con
firmed by all who have narrowly watched the position of “ Free” Negroes in
the Federal States. He says that “he has resided nearly all his life in
Pennsylvania, where exists the largest community of free Negroes in the
world, and he can testify to the gradual decay in their health and morals as
slavery disappeared from the neighbourhood. Neither the laws of the land,
nor public societies for his benefit, prevent the African from degenerating;
nothing but the controlling influence of a master will keep him from sinking
to that barbarous condition which is his natural state,”—The Cotton Trade
Considered in Connection with Negro Slavery in the Confederate States, 1863,
p. 259. Many other interesting and important facts, showing the superiority
of the “ Slave” over the “ Free” (?) Negro, will be found in this valuable
work.
T. RICHARDS, 37, GREAT QUEEN STEEET.
�
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Victorian Blogging
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On the negro's place in nature
Creator
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Hunt, James
Description
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Place of publication: London
Collation: viii, 60 p. ; 21 cm.
Notes: From the library of Moncure Conway. Pencilled inscription on title page: 'Handed over to me by T.H.H. M.D.C.' In ink on title page: 'T.H. Huxley Esq. With the best respect of the author.' Marginal annotations in ink, some partially cut from page. Read before the Anthropological Society of London, Nov. 17th, 1863. "His paper on 'The Negro's Place in Nature', first read at the British Association meeting at Newcastle,1863, attracted much attention, as it defended the subjection and even slavery of the negro, and supported belief in the plurality of human species". [Extracted from DND entry]. Includes bibliographical references. Printed by T. Richards, 37 Great Queen Street.
Please note that this pamphlet contains language and ideas that may be upsetting to readers. These reflect the time in which the pamphlet was written and the ideologies of the author.
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Trubner and Co.
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1863
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Ethnology
Slavery
Rights
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English
African Peoples
Anthropology
Ethnology
Race
Racism
Slavery
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Text
Phases of Human Rights.
if
7i
ft PHASES OF HUMAN RIGHTS.
BY JOHN T. SARGENT.
The old anti-slavery enterprise in
its inception, purpose, and prosecu
tion had, of course, as its main mo
tive, the great radical idea of human
rights. Though organized primarilyon behalf of the colored race, yet
the great underlying principle of the
whole movement was the dignity and
worth of human nature, the equal
claim of all human beings to the
same social and civil privileges. It
insisted on the unity, eternity, and
singleness of this claim for all classes
of humanity, however degraded, whe
ther black or white, male or female.
As dependents on the same over
ruling providence, children of the
same heavenly Father, heirs of the
same inheritance, it could see no
distinction between them ; and,
though it worked and pleaded main
ly for freedom to the black man, it
could see in him, and through him,
as it were, only the type of human
ity’s rights and humanity’s wrongs.
With this view, then, of its breadth
of motive and philosophy, it can
hardly rest or be remitted, even now,
but in the fuller consummation of
those great interests everywhere, and
the assurance of those rights to every
mortal man and woman. In every
right construction of its motive-purpose it is still, in a certain sense,
pressing for the recognition of these
rights, the admission of these claims,
whether for the colored man, not yet.
socially recognized; or the poor
white laborer, not yet invested with
industrial rights ; the long-suffering
Indians, so cruelly down-trodden and
crowded from their homesteads by
a murderous treachery; the meek
Chinese, those poor victims of com
mercial fraud ; or for woman, every
where a compeer and claimant with
us in social influence, authority, posi
tion, and suffrage. And here let me
say how I hope that in its advocacy
of these great interests this monthly
periodical, The Standard, which is,
after all, but the old Anti-Slavery
Standard transfigured by the needs
of the time, will listen to no compro
mise and allow of no prevarication !
True to its antecedents, its habits,
and its pledge, we hope and believe
it will be satisfied with nothing short
of the recognition and maintenance
of human rights, all human rights,
here, now, and everywhere. It were
surely a great mistake to suppose
that the whole philosophy of the
anti-slavery enterprise were exhaust
ed, and the whole aim of that great
reform had culminated merely by .
the abolition of the chattel system
of the South, or the taking off the
iron fetters from the limbs of the
poor Southern slaves when President
Lincoln issued his Emancipation
edict; as if the Southern tyrants,
who had, all their lives long, been
treating the poor slaves so like
brutes and ridiculing their claim to
humanity, were, all at once, to be
come sublimated saints, and cordial
ly concede without a question the
rights and equality of a race they
had so long brutalized and de
�72
Phases of Human Rights.
graded ! Oh ! no, such a social mil
lennium as that we certainly have
not, as yet, realized. Hardly dare
we say, in the strength of our faith,
we have it fully in prospect. Just
look at it. What is our actual so
cial status, and what the condition
of the colored man even here at the
North ? Socially ostracized, shun
ned, excluded from our churches,
avoided as if he were a nuisance or
an offense, debarred from the com
monest privileges, shut out from all
familiar assemblings, forbidden even
a lodgment in our public-houses,
while at the South he is still more
signalized by scorn and shamefully
maltreated. What does such freedom
as that amount to? Of what use
were it, and how much better than a
mere tantalizing mockery and pre
tense, to give to the black man a
nominal freedom by merely taking
off from his wrists and ankles the
chains of a chattel servitude, if you
still leave him only the more rigidly
overborne by social prejudice, and
manacled by the worse fetters of a
social exclusion and outlawry. Of
what use and how much better than
bitterness to say to him, “There,
now, go where you will, you are
free P' if, at the same time, you have
closed against him every avenue to
advancement, every path to social
progress ? What an inexpressibly
potent insult to talk thus of the
liberty you have given him, if, at the
same time, you deny him the com
monest rights of a man—the rights
of a citizen and of social recognition
—which alone constitute a genuine
liberty, forcing him thus to bite the
very dust of social degradation, and
to feed on the dire ignominy of a
caste exclusion ! In what sense can
freedom be his except as the un
questioned equal and peer of other
men in social relations, their rival
even, and competitor, if need be, for
the very offices and distinctions in
society, so that, instead of one Sena
tor Revels, we might have a score of
such complexions foreshadowing our
duty ? Look, too, at the shameful
treatment of colored people in our
churches ! How invidious and dis
reputable their marked separation
from the rest of the congregation in
most of our so-called Christian as
semblies. O shame, shame on such
a Christianity as that! reenacting
the odious exclusiveness of the
Scribes and Pharisees, and with a
social rancor even worse than the
Jews of old had toward the Samari
tans. Again, look at the condition
of but too many of what I am con
strained to call a servile class among
ourselves—our white domestics.
How much better than serfdom,
think you, is the position of many
of the young women in our fashion
able, wealthy, and aristocratic fami
lies ? What know they, and what
are they allowed to know, of oppor
tunities for self-culture, intellectual
discipline, or moral progress ? How
much is there even of intelligent
sympathetic converse between them
and their employers ? What chances
have they for the indulgence of a
taste for reading, or any other form
of aesthetic and mental recreation ?
And how slight the concern, gene
rally, for their welfare and improve
ment on the part of the more fa
vored class 1 So, of all classes of
our operatives, and of either sex,
much the same might be said of
their need of our better sympathy.
Woe be unto us, as a people, if we
�%
Christianity and Reform.
fail seasonably to heed and to an
swer their appeals. What a benefi
cent work might we accomplish for
the elevation and welfare of humanity were we but unanimous on this
one great principle—the recognition
of all human rights, and to all
classes. We need, above all else, to
have this radical element of human
ity and its claims so inherent in our
social ethics, so installed in our daily
intercourse that we shall recognize
in every laboring man and woman
73
an equal, and, as it were, a brother
and a sister, having constant claim on
our good-will. “ He who loveth not
his brother, whom he hath seen, how
can he love God, whom he hath not
seen ?” Here, surely, is a direct re
cognition of a true philanthropy as
the only genuine indication and defi
nition of true piety and religion.
Let us see to it that we have such a
religion by the fulfillment of its con
ditions.
CHRISTIANITY AND REFORM.
BY MRS.
JULIA WARD HOWE.
ADDRESS IN APOLLO HALL, UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE NEW-YORK REFORM
LEAGUE.
I have gone to church in the
streets to-day, and whereas I came
here to New-York to preach, NewYork has preached to me. Not that
what I have seen has caused me to
dismiss a single conviction ; but that,
standing and looking at the multi
form current of life that rushes by,
I have been compelled to acknow
ledge the insufficiency of foregone
conclusions to deal with an element
so uncertain, so difficult of govern
ment. The material distance be
tween New-York and New-Eng
land is but about eight hours by
railroad, but the moral distance
has the whole breadth of the Atlantic in it. Europe is visibly here.
The power with which your city
draws to itself this vast arterial
current of life illustrates to me the
two-fold character of human nature.
Rascality hovers here like the moth
about the candle. Villainy is no
where more desperate, more unscru
pulous. On the other hand, thought
ful souls also must come to you.
Hidden under your rank and florid
prosperity are elements so precious,
sympathies so sincere, that the house
hold of faith itself would be incom
plete without the New-York rela
tions. So we who hear accounts of
disorder and misrule, who read Mr.
Parton’s record of the City Hall,
and Mr. Adams’s account of Erie,
know that you have better things
than these with which to meet and
stem the tide of unrepublican ten
dency which ever threatens you. Woe
to you and to us if you had not!
The time that each of us can oc
cupy this evening is necessarily so
short, and the subject given to us to
�
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Victorian Blogging
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A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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Phases of human rights
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Sargent, John T.
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Place of publication: [Chicago]
Collation: 71-73 p. ; 25 cm.
Notes: From The Standard, Vol. 1, No. 2, June 1870. From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Printed in double columns.
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<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (Phases of human rights), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
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Conway Tracts
Human Rights
Slavery
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Victorian Blogging
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An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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Socialism and slavery, being an answer to Mr. Herbert Spencer's attack on the Social-Democratic Federation in the Contemporary Review, April 1884, under the title "The Coming Slavery"
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Edition: 2nd ed.
Place of publication: London
Collation: 12, [2] p. : ill. (front. port.) ; 23 cm.
Notes: Publisher's list of books on socialism and handbills on unnumbered pages at the end.
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Hyndman, H. M. (Henry Mayers) [1842-1921.]
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The Modern Press
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1884
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Socialism
Slavery
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English
Slavery
Socialism
Spencer Herbert
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Text
PRICE THREEPENCE.
No. 1 OF ANTI-SLAVERY TRACTS FOR THE TIMES.
THE
AMERICAN BOARD OF MISSIONS
AND SLAVERY.
|-Xw
& Begrmt
■
OF THE CORRESPWi>E>NCE IN THE “ NONCONFORMIST ” NEWSPAPER;
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
-
AN ARTICLE ON THE FALL OF DR. POMROY,
AND HIS CONSEQUENT DISMISSAL EROM OFFICE,
BY CHARLES K. WHIPPLE, Esq., OF BOSTON, U.S.
■K '
:
’/'WuHW®
EDITED BY
|F . - JOSEPH A. HORNER,
HON. SEC. TO THE WAKEFIELD ANTI-SLAVERY ASSOCIATION.
“ It is right to have an expansive benevolence—to take into our regard the
world and the race; but where foreign charity is but a defence against home
kindness it is a base sentimental sham. Thousands will cry over compressed
feet in China who are quite unaffected by souls compressed in America. That
religion should compel mothers in India to cast their babes into the Ganges
shucks every sensibility of some men’s souls, who can see no occasion for grief
that commerce snatches from the dusky mother, in America, her babes, and
casts them forth to slavery,—a worse monster than was ever bred in the slime
of the Ganges or the mud of the Nile.”—Henry Ward Beecher.
LEEDSPUBLISHED BY J. B. BARRY & Co., 18; TRINITY STREET.
Printers to the Yorkshire Anti-Slavery Societies.
MDCCCLX.
�TO THE FRIENDS OF THE SLAVE.
This Pamphlet forms the first of a Series of Anti-Slavery
Tracts for the Times, which are especially designed to
awaken English Christians to a knowledge of the fact
that the American Religious Bodies are the bulwark of
Slavery.
In this important work the English Anti
Slavery Societies are earnestly invited to unite.
Donations in aid of gratuitous distribution may be
forwarded by private friends of the cause, and will be
thankfully received.
It is requested that Societies and others taking large
numbers will send their orders as soon as possible to
Joseph A. Horner, Hon. Sec. Anti-Slavery Association,
Wakefield.
March 1st, 1860.
�AMERICAN PRO-SLAVERY MINISTERS IN ENGLAND.
To the Editor of the Nonconformist.
Sir,—I perceive by your impression of Wednesday last, that at the
late meeting of the Congregational Union, the President held out
the right hand of fellowship ” to the Rev. Dr. S. L. Pomroy,
Secretary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign
Missions, accompanying it with a “ cordial welcome ” in the name
of the delegates, I cannot say that I was surprised at reading this,
for this is not the first time that English Christians have been en
trapped into giving a “ cordial welcome ” to pro-slaVery ministers
of religion •. but I must say that I felt extremely grieved to see the
Congregational Union “ welcoming ” a man who is utterly un
worthy of their confidence. Let those who joined in this “welcome”
•read the following, which appeared in the Boston (U.S.) Liberator
for March 14, 1859, in answer to some questions which had been
asked concerning this Dr, Pomroy and the board of which he is
Secretary :
“ The second inquiry as to whether Dr. Pomroy—now stealthily in England
- Receiving the people as secretary of the board—was ever identified with the
anti-slaverv movement, we answer in the affirmative. He early espoused it,
and was for several years an officer in the American Anti-Slavery Society, and
also in the New England Anti-Slavery Society; but he at last shamefully
apostatised, and was bribed to silence by the proffer of the office he now fills, and
has utterly repudiated that movement which he once so warmly advocated.
' His attempt to make capital for himself, and obtain favour for the American
Board on the strength of his old connexion with our cause, is equally dis
honest and jesuitical.”
From this it will be seen that Dr. Pomroy is thoroughly pro
slavery, and has been bought over by the pro-slavery party. If
rHwjything were needed to prove what is stated in the Liberator, his
conduct during his visit to Leeds, a few months ago, supplies it.
At that time he was reminded by Wilson Armistead, Esq-, Presi
dent of the Leeds Young Men’s Anti-Slavery Society, and others,
of Mrs Stowe’s and Dr. Cheever’s denunciations of the pro-slavery
fciaracter of the board he represents. As he continued to make no
reference to slavery in public, Mr. W. H. Pullen, hon. sec. of the
Anti-Slavery Society, addressed a calm and dispassionate letter to
him, requesting him to reply to the charges which had been made
and stating that unless he did so, it would of course be assumed
that he had
to say in defence. To this letter he vouchsafed
�4
no answer, and therefore we are compelled to believe him “ verily
guilty ” on his own silent testimony.
The American Abolitionists have long complained of the coni
duct of Englishmen on the slavery question. M e can hold public
meetings, and pass anti-slavery resolutions ; but when the time
comes for action we disgrace ourselves by giving “ the right hand
of fellowship ” to the pro-slavery party—thus more than undoing
the good we may have previously done. Such shameful incon
sistency is deeply to be regretted, as it not oniy strengthens the
fetters of the slave, but also injures the cause of freedom. I need
not enlarge upon the subject, but it is painfully suggestive, and at
the present time, when the slaveocracy are making systematic
attempts to corrupt the moral sentiments of Englishmen, and when
the honoured name of Joseph Sturge will be no longer known in
connexion with the anti-slavery movement, I would that every man
who loves liberty and hates despotism should lay it to heart, and
determine to be neither directly nor indirectly implicated in the
support of slavery. We have a right to demand proof of anti-sla-s
very antecedents before we give a “ cordial welcome ” to any
American; and until we do this we shall have a repetition of such
scenes as the late meeting of the Congregational Union has witj
nessed.
With sincere respect, I am, sir, your obedient servant,
Wakefield, May 20, 1859.
JOSEPH A. HORNER.
To the Editor of the Nonconformist.
Sir,—The London newspapers—reporting the annual meeting of
the London Missionary Society—state that the Rev. Dr. Pomrov of
the American Mission, was one of the speakers on the occasion!
Slavery in America is sustained by the religious bodies, and lheir
members visiting England take part in religious movements. White'
this is the case, it is only fair to all parties to inform the public of
the relations which such visitors sustain to slavery. Permit me!
therefore, to refer to the position which Dr. Pomroy occupies
this important subject. He is one of the secretaries of the Ameri
can Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. Now againM
that board 1 bring three charges—First, that one of its slaveholdipg
members murderously proposed, in Virginia, to burn the ab^fl
tionists ; secondly, that its missionaries baptize slaveholders without
requiring them to repent of their slaveholding sins; and, thirdly,
that they have declared that the Bible does not prohibit the sale of
human beings. These are but a specimen of the numerous charges
which the friends of the slave bring against that board. I now
submit thejH' ol’mud chilliviimc g gitrad.ci^n.
�5
First, that one of the slaveholding members of the board, mur
derously proposed, in Virginia, to burn the abolitionists. . If your
readers will please refer to the Key to “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” part
4th, chapter 1st, they will read as follows respecting Dr. Plummer
—(I have ascertained that he is a slaveholder and a member of the
board, and have published it extensively in the United States) :
“ The Rev. W. S. Plummer, D.D., of Richmond (Virginia), a member of
the old school Presbyterian Church, is another instance of the same sort. He
was absent from Richmond at the time the clergy in that city purged them
selves, in a body, from the charge of being favourably disposed to abolition.
On his return, he lost no time in communicating to the ‘ Chairman of the
Committee of Correspondence’ his agreement with his clerical brethren.
The passages quoted occur in his letter to the Chairman :—‘ I have carefully
watched this matter from its earliest existence, and every thing I have seen
or heard of its character, both from its patrons and its enemies, has confirmed
me, beyond repentance, in the belief that, let the character of abolitionists be
what it may in the sight of the Judge of all the Earth, this is the most med
dlesome, imprudent, reckless, fierce, and wicked excitement I ever saw. If
abolitionists will set the country in a blaze, it is but fair they should have
the first warming at the fire. * * * * Lastly, abolitionists are like
infidels, wholly unaddicted to martyrdom for opinion’s sake.
Let them
understand that they will be caught (lynched) if they come among us, and
they will take good heed to keep out of our way. There is not one man
among them has any more idea of shedding his blood in this cause than he
has of making war on the Grand Turk.’ ”
I come now to the missionaries—those labouring among the
Cherokee & Choctaw Indians. These, it is well known hold slaves,
In some instances, a hundred slaves are held by one Indian. In
the Anti-Slavery Advocate for April last, is a letter from Charles
K. Whipple, Esq. of the United States, describing the pro-slavery
policy of the above board, from which the following is an extract:
‘♦■Complaints had been made that their slaveholding church members were
(accustomed to sell children away from their parents; and the whole body of
missionaries, in a letter signed by the Rev. Eliezer Butler, Moderator, and
^gv. S. A. Worcester, Clerk, reply as follows:—‘ In regard to the separation
of parents and children, we must first remark, that it is one of those things
which are not forbidden by any express injunction of Scripture.’ ”
The board and its missionaries deserve the severest censure
of the civilized world; but ought not that censure to rest with
equal weight upon the secretary also—the Rev. Dr. Pomroy ?
Thanking you, sir, for an opportunity of placing these charges
aiid proofs before the public, I am, &c.,
Aidborough, Suffolk, May 20, 1859.
EDWARD MATHEWS.
�6
MR. PULLEN’S LETTER TO DR. POMROY.
Dear Sir,
Leeds, 29th January, 1859.
By public announcements I perceive that you are to lecture, on
Monday evening, in the Music Hall, on behalf of the “ Turkish
Mission Aid Society.”
As we are informed that that society has severed all connexion
with the American Board, of which you are a secretary, we have no
objections to urge against that society whatever. But there area
as regards the American Board, a few difficulties which present
themselves to our minds, which we should feel obliged if you could
remove.
We understand, that in America the cause of emancipation is
greatly retarded by those who, imbibing the spirit of our Living
Redeemer, should be its greatest advocates and supporters. We are
aware that in the southern States slavery is fostered in the Church,
and promulgated by those who profess to be Christ’s ambassador^
on earth, that not only do southern but many of the northern
Churches refuse to denounce slaveholding as a sin ; and that many
of the large and influential religious institutions, such as the “Tract
Society,” “ Sunday School Union,” &c., pursue the same course
of action ; that foremost among these is the American Board, which,
by its apparent pro-slavery policy, has caused much anxiety - amh
trouble to those who are seeking, by righteous and legitimate
means, to overthrow this accursed system of oppression.
It has been asserted that the American Board is pro-slave^ in
policy if not in open avowal, though we fear the latter could be too
well substantiated. Having heard this, we feel it our duty, bbfdte
taking up arms, to examine the charges preferred against it. All
the evidence we have received goes far to substantiate the fact, and
we call upon you, therefore, for the sake of the peace of the Chinch I
—for the sake of equity and justice,—for the sake of the slave held
in fetters—and for the sake of our impugned Christianity—if it /U
possible, vindicate the policy of the society you represent. If not',
labouring under earnest convictions reluctantly arrived at, wq ffiei
it our duty not to remain silent upon the subject. We consider' the
Choctaw and Cherokee Indian tribes a living proof of your proslavery missionary efforts. From your own reports we gather the
principles which have actuated these efforts. We have the -testi
mony of Dr. Cheever, Mrs. Stowe, and others whom we greatly
esteem ; and all these tell us that your board has pursued^ most
dishonourable course of action, making it unworthy of a Christian
name or Christian support.
If this be the case, it must not be said that you were openly
welcomed in England, and our Anti-Slavery SocieSes were silent
spectators of the scene.
�1
We await your reply and are prepared to give the matter a calmf
unprejudiced, and caretui consideration. Much as we regret to
Bppose a professedly good and holy cause, yet we shall feel called
upon to make known our earnest convictions to the world, if those
convictions cannot be disproved. Your reply by letter, or in your
lecture on Monday evening, would be esteemed a favour,
By your obedient servant,
WM. II. PULLEN,
Committee Rooms, 7, East Parade.
Secretary of tlie Leeds Young Men’s
Anti-S>lavery Society.
From the British Standard, May 27, 1859.
REV. DR. POMROY.
“ Certain parties are hereby given to understand that we decline to drag
this gentleman before the British public as “ equally dishonest and Jesuitical.”
Before we can apply such language to such 'a man we must have far higher
authority than Mr. Garrison and his Liberator, which for many long years
has poured the foul slime of unscrupulous slander and envenomed malignity
on multitudes of the wisest and holiest men of the present generation.
That Dr. Pomroy declines to “ answer ” the insolent letters addressed to
pirn does not prove that he is “ verily guilty ”; but only that he is a man
of sense and verily discreet: standing on his character, and confidently
leaving it to defend itself.”
Note.—As those gentlemen whom the editor of the British Standard, in language more
expressive than elegant, terms “eertain parties," (ala Pimch) had never asked him to “drag’*
either Dr. Pomroy’s or any other person’s name before the limited portion of the “ British
public" who read his paper, this modest (!) disclaimer was wholly unnecessary.
From the Nonconformist, June 1st, 1859.
THE REV. DR. POMROY.
To the Editor of the Nonconformist.
-J fyti.
Sir,—The Rev. Dr. Pomroy has found a champion in the British
^Standard, the editor of which paper seems to think that the readiest
way of clearing the Doctor's character is to asperse the good name
of William Lloyd Garrison. If I were disposed to be uncharitable,
TEpionld remind the reverend editor of the Standard, that in thus
acting he is only imitating the policy of the pro-slavery party in
America; but as I do not wish to say one disrespectful word of a
deluded person, I shall simply remark that Mr. Garrison is not the
man to be frightened by the blast of a penny-whistle, even though
it be blown by the editor of the British Standard.
The Standard ignores the Rev. Edward Mathews’s letter
altogether, and asks for “higher authority” than “Mr. Garrison
�8
and his Liberator before applying such language [vide Nonconformist
last week) to such a man.” There are many who would consider
Mr. Garrison the very highest authority, but as the British Standard
is evidently not of the number, I will adduce further proofs of what
I stated last week. The name of Dr. Cheever and his noble
exertions on behalf of the slave are “household words” in England,
and therefore his testimony cannot but be esteemed. Concerning
the American Board of Missions, Dr. Cheever writes:—
*• It has been announced that a new Slave State is to be presented for
admission into the Union, embracing the territory of the Choctaws and
Cherokees, under the teachings of the American Board of Commissioners for
Foreign Missions. It would seem that those teachings have had no little
influence in bringing about this event, and consequently a most serious
question presents itself as to the attitude and responsibility of the Board in
this matter. * * * It cannot be questioned that if, from the outset, the
gospel had been plainly set against this sin, the sin, and not the gospel, would
have been abandoned.”
Besides Dr. Cbeever many others have denounced the pro-slavery
character of the Board, and amongst the rest, Mrs. Harriet Beecher
Stowe has spoken out boldly. In September last Mrs. Stowe wrote
as follows in the New York Independent:—
“A new Slave State is to be formed of this race, of whom our Missionaries
have been so many years the teachers; and their laws, in regard to slavery,
are to the full as savage and contrary to the gospel as those defended by the
other Anti-Christian Churches of the South.
A new Slave State! What a monument for Mills, and Newell, and Judson
to look down on from heaven! and now the Board wish quietly to withdraw
from the responsibility of their protege.
Suppose our missionaries had gone into States, as John G. Fee goes into
Kentucky, proclaiming the true gospel of liberty to the captive, and opening
of the prison to them that are bound—founding churches on principles of
strict anti-slavery communion. They would have been driven out, say you ?
How do we know? Fee is not driven out of Kentucky. One lone unaided
man, with no organised body at his back—with nothing for him but truth and
God (alas, that we should always count God as nothing!) John G. Fee is fight*,
ing in Kentucky the battle which we weep that it was not given to us and ours,
to fight in the Indian territories. He is fighting it successfully—necessities,!
afflictions, distresses, only make him stronger. Anti-Slavery Churches are
rising round him, feeble indeed in their beginning, but mighty in moral force;
and every inch which Chiistianity seems to gain under such auspices, she
really does gain.
All progress in moral things, founded on compromise with evil, is like the
advance of a runner who is tied to a post by an India-rubber band—he may
seem to go on, but the moment he rests, snap comes the pull of a recoil, and
all goes back.
When the American Board lets go responsibility for these churches, how
long will it be before the multiplied vices engendered by slavery, the licentious
ness, the cruelty, the habitual dishonesty, will sweep a polluted flood, over
whelming all that they have done? And deny—dispute it as they may,it will
for ever go forth to Christendom,—‘ This Slave State was educated by the
American Board.’”
&
�9
I submit these facts to your readers, and I think that until the
British Standard can answer them with something more than mere
vituperation, the verdict of honest freedom-loving Englishmen will
still be “verily guilty.”
“By their fruits ye shall know them,” and the “fruit” of the
teachings of Dr. Potnroy and his colleagues is a new Slave State;
therefore we “know them” to be pro-slavery, without Mr. Garrison’s
confirmation of the fact.
I am, dear sir, your obedient servant,
May 27, 1859.
JOSEPH A. HORNER.
From, the Nonconformist, June 15, 1859.
MR. JOSEPH A. HORNER AND THE AMERICAN BOARD.
To the Editor of the Nonconformist.
Sir,—Within a day or two I have had my attention called to a
letter published in your paper of the 1st of June, signed by Mr.
Joseph A. Horner, in which he quotes certain communications of
Dr. Cheever and Mrs. Stowe, which appeared in the New York
Independent. As those communications came before the public
last autumn, after I left the United States, I have had no opportunity
to examine them. My sole object in this letter is to mention a few
facts, which may have a bearing on the interpretation of the
language used by the gentleman and lady just named.
1. The communications, quoted by your correspondent, grew out of the
action of the American Board at its last annual meeting in Detroit, in Sep
tember, 1858; at which time the report of a Committee was adopted, recom
mending that “the Board be relieved, as early as possible, from the unceasing
embarrassments and perplexities connected with the missions in the Indian
territory.” These “embarrassments” all spring from slavery, which has existed
in the Cherokee and Choctaw Tribes for more than a century. The object of
the above recommendation was to bring the missions of the Board, in that quar
ter, to an end—which will, without doubt, be accomplished at no distant day.
2. Dr. Cheever is a corporate member of the American Board, and he and
his congregation have been regular and liberal contributors to its funds till
within a year past certainly, and I have no reason to doubt have done the
same this year. At any rate, if he or his people have withdrawn, and declined
further contributions, it must be of a recent date; I have heard no intimations
of it.
3. Both the father and the husband of Mrs. Stowe are corporate members
of the Board, and have always been its warm friends and supporters, and I
have no doubt are so still. The same may be said of the Rev. Henry Ward
Beecher, the brother of Mrs. Stowe, who, with his congregation, has been a
regular contributor to the funds of the Board; and so have other members of
the Beecher family, so far as I know. I have no reason to doubt that
Mrs. Stowe fegtill a friend of the Board, though she may be anxious to cor
rect what she deems an error in its doings.
�10
4. The New York Independent, in which the letters of Dr. Cheever and
Mrs. Stowe were published, is an unequivocal friend and supporter of the
Board. Its oldest editor has long been among its prominent corporate
members; I allude to the Rev. Dr. Bacon, of New Haven, Connecticut. It®
other editor is the Rev. Dr. J. P. Thompson, of New York City, equally a
friend and patron; and so are both the congregations of these two gentlemen.
The office editor is the Rev. Joshua Leavitt, whose name is not unknown in
this country; he also is among the friends and patrons of the American Board.
Dr. Cheever and Mrs. Stowe are among the regular contributors to the columns
of the Independent. If therefore, the Independent, by its defence of the Board,
is chargeable with pro-slavery tendencies, what shall be said of Dr. Cheeve®
and Mrs. H. B. Stowe ? The fact is, there are some people in the world—I
wish the number were greater—who can see a fault in a man, or in an institu
tion, without wishing absolutely to kill either of them, especially when, with
a little care and patience, that fault may be remedied.
5. At the last annual meeting, a committee, to whom the general subject
had been referred, brought in a report, which was adopted by the Board—I
think unanimously—as expressive of its views and wishes. It is as follows
“ At Hartford, in 1854=, the views of the Board were clearly and definately
expressed, in regard to certain laws and acts of the Choctaw government,
which were designed to restrain the liberty of the missionaries as teachers of
God’s word. All the action of the Board since that date, and so far as we are
informed, the action of the prudential committee also, has been in conformity
with the principles then put upon record.”
.:
“ Your committee have reason to believe that the position of our missionaries
among the Choctaws, is one of much difficulty and peril. Among the various
religious bodies in the States nearest to the Choctaw nation, there has been, as
is well known, within the last twenty-five years, a lamentable defection from
some of the first and most elementary ideas of Christian morality, insomuch
that Christianity has been represented as the warrant for a system of slavery,
which offends the moral sense of the Christian world, and Christ has, there
by, been represented as the minister of sin.
Our brethren among the
Choctaws are in ecclesiastical relations with religious bodies (the Presbyterians^
in the adjoining States, the States from which the leading Choctaws are deriving
their notions of civilisation and of government. In those neighbouring States,,
and in the Choctaw nation, the missionaries are watched by the upholders of
slavery, who are ready to seize upon the first opportunity of expelling them
from the field in which they have so long been labouring. By the enemies of
the Board and of the missionaries, our brethren are charged with what are
called, in those regions, the dangerous doctrines of abolitionism. At the same
time they are charged, in other quarters, with the guilt of silence in the
presence of a great and hideous wickedness.”
“ It seems to your committee desirable, that the Board should be relieved, as
early as possible, from the unceasing embarrassments and perplexities con,
nected with the missions in the Indian territory. Surely the time is not far
distant, when the Choctaw and Cherokee Indians, and half-breeds, will stand in
precisely the same relation to the missionary work with the white people of the
adjacent States; and when the Churches there will be the subjects of home
missionary more properly than of foreign missionary patronage.”
:■ “ On the whole, your committee, with these suggestions, recommend the
report of the prudential committee, as referred to them, be accepted and
approved.”—Extract from Report o/1858.
I will only add that the Indian territory has not been organised
into a State; nor has any proposition to that effect been laid before
�II
Congress. Whether it will ever be done; is among the things
covered with the mists of futurity. It may be—it may not be. If
the attempt should be made, it is quite uncertain whether it would
succeed.
Very respectfully vours,
S. L. POMROY,
Sec. A. B. C. F. M., Boston.
7, Adam Street, Adelphi, June 14, 1859.
From the Nonconformist, June 29, 1859.
THE AMERICAN BOARD OF MISSIONS.
To the Editor of the Nonconformist.
Dear Sir,—“ Save me from my friends” may well be exclaimed
by the American Board, for Dr. Pomroy has given his employers,
“the unkindest cut of all.”
He affirms that Dr. Cheever and
Mrs. Stowe are staunch friends of the Board, and tries to convey the
Impression that they write in its defence—a flagrant mis-statement,,
which the extracts in my last letter clearly disprove. But granting,,
for the sake of argument, the truth of his assumptions, then the
Board must be bad indeed when all that they can urge in its defence is, that it has led to the formation of “ a new Slave State.”’
With a charming simplicity, which would be very refreshing if
it were quite genuine, Dr. Pomroy informs us that, in consequence
of the “embarrassments” which beset the Board, they intend to
discontinue the mission to the Cherokees and Choctaws.
In other words, having encouraged the Indians to commit a great
wrong, they wish to escape the censure which the sinfulness of
their conduct has evoked by beating an ignominious retreat from
the scene of their disgrace. Instead of repenting of their sins, and
demanding the release of his victim by the slaveholder, they, like
Pilate, wish to wash their hands of the consequences of their own
acts. A course of action like this may meet the views of a pro-,
slavery Board of Missions, but I very much question whether
anti-slavery Englishmen will not understand the true nature of this
n^nceuvre. however Dr. Pomroy may try to hide its real meaning.
Your readers will mark the characteristic caution with which
BU^ Pomroy approaches this subject. He does not venture to deny
the charges of Mrs. Stowe, Dr. Cheever, and others. He dare not
do it. All he can do is to try and destroy their effect by a roundabout statement which aims at nothing, and proves as little. One
paragraph which he quotes as proof of the anti-slavery position of
the Board expresses more than he intended
�Surely the time is not far distant when the Choctaw and Cherokee Indians
will stand in precisely the same relations to the missionary work with the
white people of the adjacent States, and when the Churches there will be the
subjects of home missionary more properly than of foreign missionary
patronage.”
Now Dr. Pomroy cannot deny that slaveholding does exist
amongst these Mission Churches, and therefore it follows that the
American Board, according to their own declaration, do not regard
slaveholding as inconsistent with a profession of religion, and that
they recognise slaveholding Churches as worthy fellow-labourers in
the great field of home and foreign missions.
_ That the views of the missionaries may be clearly shown, I will
give some extracts from their own published opinions. In a letter
to the Board, they say:—
“ In regard to the separation of parents and children, we must first remark
that it is one of those things which are not forbidden by any express injunction
of Scripture.”
Again they say:—
“In regard to rejecting any person from the Church, simply because he is a
slaveholder, we cannot for a moment hesitate. For we regard it as certain that
the Apostles, who are our patterns, did deceive slaveholders to the communion of
the Church;, and we have not, yet been able to perceive any such difference
between their circumstances and ours as to justify us in departing from their
practices in this respect.”
With regard to the buying and selling of slaves, they are equally
plain spoken :
“Occasional exchanges of masters are so inseparable from the existence of
slavery, that the Churches could not consistently receive slaveholders to their
communion, and, at the same time, forbid all such exchanges. We regard it,
therefore, as impossible to exercise discipline for the buying of slaves, except
in flagrant (!) cases of manifest disregard to the welfare of the slave.”
This is pro-slavery enough for the most ultra South American ]
and yet, with a hardihood which is characteristic of the double
dealing of the Board, they add:—
“We trust that we shall not for this be looked upon as advocates of slavery.
We are not so. We lament and deplore the existence of such a system,—our
feelings, our example, our influence are against it. But to make the adoption
of all our views respecting it, and a corresponding course of action, a test of
piety and a condition of fellowship in our Churches, is what we cannot in
conscience do."
Your readers may have seen during the great Anti-Corn-law
agitation a cartoon, in which Sir Robert Peel was represented with,
two faces : on one side, he smiled on the farmers with promises
of protection, and, on the other, conciliated the masses with the
assurance of cheap bread. The American Board are in an analogous
position. On the one hand, they are in fellowship with the slave
holder, and wink at his delinquencies, whilst, on the other, they try
�13
to win favour amongst the anti-slavery party by a judicious enuncia
tion of anti-slavery professions which, taken in the aggregate, amount
to nothing so long as practice is opposed to precept.
Dr. Pomroy may urge, in reply, that the statements I have quoted
were made by the missionaries some years ago; then I say, so much
the greater the guilt of the Board in allowing them to act in its
name until the present hour.
I am, dear sir, your obedient servant,
Wakefield, June 17, 1859.
JOSEPH A. HORNER.
To the Editor of the Nonconformist.
Esteemed Friend,—The last issue of the Nonconformist con
tained a letter from Dr. S. L. Pomroy, intended to ward off the
damaging charges made against the American Board of Commission
ers for Foreign Missions, in regard to their complicity with slavery.
This letter may be divided into two portions—the one intended to
show that the American Board is now desirous of colsing its com
plicity with slavery; the other, that H. B. Stowe and Dr. Cheever
are implicated in the present position of the Board.
[Having quoted the extracts given in the letter above, our corres
pondent proceeds:—]
Being thus exposed, on the one hand, to the murmurings of their
pro-slavery missionaries, and, on the other, to the pressure of the
anti-slavery part of their subscribers (which has been the cause of
the talk against slavery on the part of the committee) it is not to
be. surprised at, that in 1858, they should be desirous of being
relieved from the “ unceasing embarrassments and perplexities con
nected with the missions in the Indian territory.” But can it be
considered any proof of anti-slavery feeling that they should wish to
shift the responsibility on to the shoulders of the “Home Missionary”
Society, which would be the result of the admission of these tribes
into the Union as a State.
We have seen that, in 1858, the Board endorsed the views
expressed in 1854, and that then they had “acknowledged with
gratitude to God the wisdom andfidelity” with which the Prudential
Committee had been advising and directing the missionaries in
conformity with the principles asserted by them in their corres
pondence, reported in 1848. It is evident, therefore, that the
position of the Board now is much the same as it was eleven years
ago. What that was has been shown above.
The attempt to implicate Mrs. H. B. Stowe in the proceedings of
the Board is as feeble as it is dishonest. It is evident that she
cannot be held responsible for the conduct of her relatives; and
the fact of her contributing to the New York Independent is no
�14
proof that she sympathises with or defends its general policy
particularly as some, at least, of her communications are made in
order to expose the pro-slavery character of different religious’
bodies, one of which is the American Board of Commissioners for
I am, respectfully,
Foreign Missions.
N. N. K.
June 22, 1859.
Note.—Although Dr. Pomroy remained in England some months after this, he did not
dare to question the preceding facts.
This silence proved that he had nothing to urge in
reply.
From the Nonconformist, November 9, 1859.
THE AMERICAN BOARD OF MISSIONS AND SLAVERY.
To the Editor of the Nonconformist.
Sir,—Your readers will not have forgotten the correspondence
which took place in your columns a few months ago, concerning
the relations of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign
Missions to slavery. At that time, Dr. Pomroy, one of the secr@*
taries of the board then in England, tried in a very dishonest manner
to evade the charges of complicity in slaveholding which had been
brought against them. He did not positively deny the alleged
facts—that he dare not do, but being forced to say something, he
very clumsily attempted a reply, which was nothing more nor less
than a piece of refined Jesuitry. My purpose in again referring to
this subject is to direct attention to the annual meeting of the
American Board, recently held in Philadelphia. Slavery was of
course warmly discussed, and those who defended Dr. Pomroy and
the board as entirely anti-slavery will do well to remark that the
fact of the Choctaw and Cherokee Mission Churches being slave*'
holding was never disputed. Throughout the sittings the speakers
were unanimous on that point; and yet Dr. Pomroy told the min
isters of Leeds that the board was “ now (in January last) anti
slavery,” and on the strength of this he was warmly welcomed.
The Leeds Young Men’s Anti-Slavery Society protested against it
at the time, but all to no purpose; their statements were disbelieved
and in consequence the Dissenting Clergy of Leeds rest under the
imputation of having extended the right hand of fellowship, to the
pro-slavery representative of a pro-slavery Board of Mission®*!
I do not suppose for a moment that this was not the result of
ignorance, I believe that all those who received Dr. Pomroy are
warm friends to the slave, and I only allude to this in the hope
that it may act as a warning. No American minister ought to be
welcomed to our pulpits who cannot prove that he has been an
abolitionist when in America. If he is really anti-slavery he will
be proud to do so.
. At the late meeting the Bev. Dr. Cheever delivered a splendid
�15
philippic, in which the truckling of the Board to slavery was made
■clear as the noon-day. The following extract shows its spirit:
Bk‘ The Board ought to have placed themselves in absolute and total opposition to this wickedness in any shape. As a Board of Commissioners for the
salvation of the African race, they might annually have renewed their testi
mony against slavery, and their demand for its abolition in various appropriate
and powerful modes. At any rate, they should careiully have avoided sanc
tioning it even in appearance. They have had it for forty-eight years directly
in their way, directly beneath their power, directly calling for action. against
it. Under the system of inaction and indifference it has so maintained its
ground that at length not only the ecclesiastical bodies that maintain the
system which ma.kes them the reproach of Christendom stand ready to receive
and nourish the slaveholding (Mission) Churches, but the politicians and the
whole slaveholding policy and power of the United States are waiting to
receive a slave state,—a new slave state—into lie Union, from under the
favourable tuition and moulding of the religion of the Board during fifty
years!"
Dr Cheever moved the following amendment to the report con
cerning the Cherokee and Choctaw Mission Churches :
“ Your committee add, that in the opinion of the board, the holding of
slaves should be pronounced an immorality inconsistent with membership in
any Christian church, and that it should be required that these missionary
Churches should immediately put away from themselves this sin, and should
cease to sanction it even in appearance.”
The feeling of the Board on the subject is clearly shown by the
fact that this resolution found no support whatever, except-that it
was seconded by Dr. Cheever’s own brother. It was “ laid on the
table ” unanimously. Dr. Pomroy made great anti-slavery pro
gressions whilst in England, why then did he not support Dr. Cheever
at this crisis ?
The conclusion which the board did arrive at was in favour of
the discontinuance of the Choctaw Indian Mission. Dr. Cheever
wanted to hold on to the mission, and purify the churches by
expelling the slaveholders. Thus the Board having taught the
Choctaws to hold slaves, and having in consequence been denied
the subscriptions of many rather old fashioned Christians who could
not bring their minds to support a Society for the Propagation of SlaI tbry in Foreign Parts, have now turned their backs on their/mode's,
hoping in that way to escape the unpleasant results of their wicked
ness As the National (U.S.) Anti-Slavery Standard remarks—<•
Thfev show no signs of repentance; their movement is not macle in such a
manner as to entitle them io the least credit, or to give the least hope that
they are disposed, to help their ‘ neighbour who lies wounded and bleeding, on
the other side.’ ”
Dr. Cheever presented a memorial against the slave trade, which
was practically “burked,” being referred to the Prudential Com
mittee, who are little likely to take an anti-slavery position so long
as the notorious Dr. Nehemiah Adams, who, in his “ South-side View
of Slavery,” recommends the re-opening of the foreign slave trade,
�16
is one of the members. It is worthy of note that Dr. Pomroy
opposed Dr. Cheever’s memorial, because, as he said, he thought
there was not time to take proper measures—-a common excuse in
in America, for shelving the slavery question, and one that is per
fectly transparent.
The National A. S. Standard sums up as follows :—
“ In conclusion, we beg our readers—and especially the English readers of
the Standard—to remark that the Board have shown their pro-slavery char
acter in these four ways, in the important session which has just closed<
“ 1. By their unanimous refusal to adopt Dr. Cheever’s resolution, declaring
slaveholding an immorality, incopapatible with membership in a Christian
Church.”
“2. By their evasion of Dr. Cheever’s memorial against the slave trade.
“ 3. By their continued license to the slaveholding churches, and pro-sla
very missionaries of the Cherokee mission.
“ 4. By their continued neglect to enforce measures of Christian reform
upon the Choctaw Mission, and by their avowed motive in ultimately discon
tinuing that mission, namely, not to get rid of sin, but to get rid of trouble! ”
I submit these facts to the careful consideration of those whom
Dr. Pomroy imposed upon in England, and at the same time I
would recommend every lover of pure and undefiled religion to
place no dependence upon the bare assertions of any American,
whether he be a Doctor of Divinity or otherwise. If he says he
“ hates slavery as much as any one,” and yet cannot prove that he
has exerted his influence against it, he is only uttering what he
knows to be false. I have learnt by experience that American
ministers will stick at nothing in order to gain a welcome when
they visit us.
In conclusion, I beg, sir, to thank you most sincerely for your
kindness in opening your columns for the discussion of this subject.
1 have been assured by many ministers and others that some good
has been done, and, as an abolitionist, I am grateful to you for
having granted the opportunity.
Believe me, dear sir, your obedient servant,
Wakefield, Nov. 5, 1859.
JOSEPH A. HORNER.
From the Nonconformist, Nov. 16, 1859.
THE REV. DR. POMROY.
To the Editor of the Nonconformist.
Sir,—In addition to what I have already stated, allow me to add that
Dr. Pomroy has been boasting of the reception he received whilst
in England. According to the newspaper report of the late meeting:
“He (Dr. Pomroy) spoke of the great prosperity of the American Board,
and of the favour with which it is regarded abroad, especially in Great Britain
where its missionaries are regarded amongst the noblest men engaged in the
work of the Lord."
Those who welcomed Dr. Pomroy will probably demur to this,
as I know that many of them neither regard the spread of slavery
�with “ favour,” nor its propagandists as engaged in “ the work
of the Lord.”
I am, your obedient servant,
[Wakefield, Nov. 12, 1859.
'
JOSEPH A. HORNER.
“ We have sent our missionaries to all quarters of the globe; but how shall
they tell their Heathen converts the things that are done in civilized
America ? How shall our missionaries in Mohametan countries hold up their
heads and proclaim the superiority of our religion, when we tolerate barbar
ities which they have repudiated ? A missionary among the Karens, in Asia,
writes back that his course is much embarrassed by a suspicion that is afloat
among them, that the Americans intend to steal and sell them. He says:—
‘ I dread the time when these Karens will be able to read our books, and get
a full knowledge of all that is going on in our country. Many of them are
inquisitive now, and often ask me questions that I find it very difficult to
answer.’ ”—Harriet Beecher Stowe.
THE CASE OF DR. POMROY.
While Dr. Pomroy was absent from this city a short time since, the letters
received at the Missionary house, directed to him, were opened by one of the
under secretaries, as most of them relate to the business of the Mission.
Among these opened were some which tended to criminate Dr. Pomroy,
shewing that he had either been guilty of criminal acts which would destroy
his moral character, or that he was the victim of a conspiracy to extort money.
The letters were returned to the envelopes, and placed upon Dr. Pomroy’s
desk to await his return. On his return he saw that the contents of the let
ters were known, and he at once made a statement to the other secretaries of
what he averred were the facts in the case, and requested them to present
that statement to the Prudential Committee. This was done, and Dr. Pomroy
himself then went before the committee and made the same statement, which
was in substance as follows;—‘ Some time since, while he was walking out in
the evening, he was accosted by a well-dressed female, and, at her request,
accompanied her to her home. Whilst in the parlour conversing with her, a
man came in, and under the threat of exposure forced him to sign a note for
500 dollars, which he did, and subsequently paid it. A short time after he was
enticed by another female into another house, and there two men assailed
him and forced him to sign another note for 500 dollars, which he subse
quently paid. Another woman, by the representation that she was suffering
with a dissipated husband and destitute childen, enlisted his teelings, and he
opened a correspondence with her, and subsequently paid 500 dollais to get
his letters back, which he did, and destroyed them. He admits these state
ments to be true, and has placed his resignation in the hands of the Pruden'tial Committee.—New York Paper.
When a man in Dr. Pomroy’s position, and with his intelligence and expeH&ce—not a raw simpleton from some rural district, bnt a man who has
seen much of the world’s ways and much of human nature—a man now
almost sixty years of age—is involved in such relations with wicked women,
more than one or two—that he pays hush money, not only once, but twice,
kKg&I four times—when he has made the shameful payment, in one instance
for the reeavery of letters which would have disgraced him, and has done it
not at the advice of some timid friend to whom he went with his dreadful
burden, but at the advice of so dexterous a lawyer as the late Mr. Choate—
when it comes to light that out of limited means he has paid to wicked men,
�•the vile accomplices of wicked women, an aggregate of some two thousand
dollars—when it is announced that the conspirators who obtained his monejt
are known to the police, and may he prosecuted if he will initiate the pro
ceedings—when, under all this, he remains silent, explaining nothing, and not
even asking the public to suspend its judgement—surely it is’ time for us all
to acknowledge that, whether the man has or has not committed crimes not
yet charged upon him, the exposure which has taken place is far less of an evil
than that the man should have continued to wear the mask of concealment.
To say that the man who, having brought himself into this position, not only
hides the shameful facts from everybody—save his legal adviser—but keeps
the office which he cannot keep for a moment, save by that concealment, and
not even confining himself to the performance of his official work—volunteers
to make himself conspicuous on British platforms, with devout exhibitions of
religious sensibility—-must not be spoken of as having worn a mask, is not
what the occasion requires, in our way of thinking.—New York Independent.
RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF THE SEVENTH AND NINTH
COMMANDMENTS.
By Charles K. Whipple, Esq., of Boston, U.S., Author of Relations of
Anti-Slavery to Religion, de., de. *
Ths following notice has lately appeared in all the newspapers,
religious and secular, in Boston, and thence has been circulated
all over the country, and sent over to England :—
To the Public.-—Facts have recently come to the knowledge of the Pru
dential Committee of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis
sions, deeply implicating the moral character of Dr. Pomroy, and rendering
it impossible that he should longer retain his official position as a secretary of
the Board. He has resigned, and is no longer to be recognised as an offieeM
of the Board. The facts referred to have no connexion with his official action.
By order of the Prudential Committee: (Signed)
R. Anderson, Clerk.
CHARLES STODDARD, Chairman.
Boston, November 29th, 1859.
The explanation of this sudden and decisive action, appearing
immediately after the card above quoted is, that the Prudential
Committee of the American Board have accidentally discovered
that Pomroy has, on three different occasions, paid large sums of
hush-money to buy the silence of three women who made charges
against him. What wonder that, after this, they should say, it is
‘ impossible that he should longer retain his official position as a
secretary of the Board ’ I
Whatever may be the faults of the American Board of Com
missioners for Foreign Missions, no one can say that they approve
or favor, or apologise for, or acquiesce in, adultery, as far as
heathen countries and the free States of the American Union are
concerned. In all these regions, they are careful to guard a purity
as free from suspicion as from sin ; and, as soon as the character of
one of their officers falls under the suspicion of this guilt, they
feel that he is no longer a suitable person to transact their busi»
* Mr. Whipple is well-known in the United States as the author of several important
works on slavery. English readers will find quotations from his writings, in American
Slavery and Colour, by William Chambers.
�19
K ness, and they require his resignation as the alternative of imme| diate expulson. If they should ever be charged with favouring
7 the commission of adultery, or allowing it to pass unreproved
I among their Northern Corporate and Honorary Members, and
especially among their official servants, they can point to the case
I of Dr. Pomroy as a triumphant vindication.
, If a Turk, unacquainted with the peculiarities of the popular
E American religion, and unacquainted with the lives of Southern
■ members of the Board, should ask the reason of this unsparing
■ severity against adultery, they would tell him that this act is a
■ violation of the seventh commandment of the decalogue. He would
I naturally infer from this, that the whole of this code is held in like
■ veneration, and that the disregard of any other of its provisions
■ would be visited with the same severity. But sueh a conclusion
I would show his ignorance of the peculiarities above mentioned.
The ninth commandment of the decalogue forbids lying as
stringently as the seventh forbids adultery. It is said that a strict
| ___ ■ constructionist once attempted to excuse his violation of truth by
IS saying that it uros! /»rkmTYiii+Arl for Ti1Q tiAirrhVmni* ATld Tin'h 4 fJOTHTlS't
was committed ~Prw his neighbour, and not ‘ against
his neighbour.’ But no such theory of the meaning of the ninth
commandment has been openly assumed as the correct one, even
by the New York and Boston Tract Societies, and certainly not
by the American Board. They would undoubtedly declare it to
forbid all 1 saying of that which is not.’
This very Dr. Pomroy who has just now, under suspicion of
adultery, made a compulsory resignation of his secretaryship in
the American Board, told a deliberate lie in regard to their posi_ tion during his recent visit to England, repeating it as often as he
R was met by a statement of ths facts respecting their Cherokee and
K Choctaw missions. It had become known to a portion of the
■ English people, that slaveholders were admitted as Christians into
T the churches established by those missions; that the missionaries
I insisted upon so receiving them; that the Prudential Committee
I never at all prohibited such admission of slaveholders—and never
made the least objection or showed the least repugnance to this
wicked practice, until importunate remonstrances were repeatedly
made by a portion of their patrons in the northern states; then
they hinted to the missionaries the expediency of taking away the
occasion of such complaints, all the time carefully avoiding the giv
ing of ‘decisions and instructions,’ against the practice in question.
And when, in his visit to England, Dr. Pomroy found these facts
known, and the knowledge of them (of course) Operating to the
discredit of the Board; he turned the tide, for the time, by this
deliberately false statement—‘ The Board now hold ah anti-slavery
position.’
y
I
I
�The Board soon had information of this lie, told in their behalf
and for their credit. The clerical dignity, the solemn and serious
aspect of Dr. Pomroy, (‘well fitted,’ as Bev. John Waddington,
of London, remarked at the late Annual Meeting, ‘ to represent
the Board in England,’) gave currency to the statement for a time,
though investigation soon showed its utter falseness ; but neither j
then nor since have they called Dr. Pomroy to account for this®?
falsehood. Are we to infer that they think the ninth command
ment less obligatory or less important than the seventh ? or that
the violation of some or any of these commandments is palliated, 9
or excused, by being done in advancement of ilieir purposes ?
These are important questions. We have no hope of their being $
answered at the call of abolitionists by the prosperous and powerfull body in question, who absorb the voluntary contributions v,
of the country at the rate of more than a thousand dollars a day,
but expend so much more as to leave them, this year, sixty-six \
thousand dollars in debt. They are accustomed to seem to ignore <1
American abolitionists, while they are secretly working to counter- ■
act them. Their position in regard to the anti-slavery movements
remains precisely as it was in 1837, when they adopted, and in 1839,
when, after discussion, they re-affirmed a resolution forbidding
those missionaries, in their employ, who had embraced anti-slavery
principles to use the paper and presses of the Board, (the only
means of printing within their reach,) ‘to print any letter, tract, or
appeal ’ remonstrating against slavery, ‘ with a view to its being y
sent to individuals, or communities in the United States.’ Their
missionaries still labour under this dis-qualification for using their
experience of the pernicious and depraving influence of slavery 1
abroad, in direct opposition to the slavery they have left at home.
But English abolitionists can, if they will, extort answers to tlidse
questions, as well as to the additional questions, which should now
demand of the Board, in thunder tones, from every evangelical
Church in Great Britain. Why they did not purge the Choctaw
Churches from slaveholders, instead of, or previous to, cutting them
adrift? and—Why they still suffer their Cherokee church
members TO HOLD, BUY, AND SELL SLAVES, WITHOUT LIMIT AND |
WITHOUT OBSTRUCTION ?
Leeds : Printed by J. B. BarRt & Co., 18, Trinity Sheet.
�
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A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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The American Board of Missions and Slavery: a reprint of the correspondence in the "nonconformist" newspaper: to which is added an article on the fall of Dr. Pomroy and his subsequent dismissal from office by Charles K. Whipple
Description
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Place of publication: Leeds
Collation: 20 p. ; 18 cm.
Series: Anti-Slavery Tracts for the Times
Series No.: No.1
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Printed by J.B. Barby & Co., Leeds.
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Whipple, Charles K. (Charles King)
Pomroy, Swann Lyman
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Horner, Joseph Alfred (ed)
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[1860]
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J. B. Barry & Co.
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Slavery
Anti-Slavery Movements
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English
American Board of Commisioners for Foreign Missions
Anti-Slavery Movements
Conway Tracts
Slavery
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Text
THE DUTCH BOERS
AND
SLAVERY
THE TRANS-VAAL REPUBLIC,
IN A LETTER TO R. H. FOWLER, ESO., M.P.,
BY F. W. CHESSON.
“ It would not do to agree that negroes are men, lest it should
appear that whites are not.”^-Montesquieu.
LONDON:
PUBLISHED BY W. TWEEDIE, 337, STRAND.
1869.
Price, One Shilling.
��PREFACE.
The Trans-Vaal Boers are a community not much
known to the English people, and unfortunately they
do not improve on acquaintance. The following pages
are written with two objects ; first, to show that the
Boers send out commandoes to kill the Kaffir men,
and to enslave the surviving women and children;
and, secondly, to call attention to the fact, that, as
they are building up this institution of slavery, in
direct contravention of the Treaty of 1852, which forms
the foundation of their independence, it is the duty of
the British Government to enforce the prohibition of
the nefarious traffic embodied in Article IV. of the
Convention. It is the belief of those best qualified to
form an opinion, that the moral influence of Great
Britain will amply suffice to accomplish this beneficent
end.
b
2
��SHE DUTCH BOERS AND SLAVERY IN THE
TRANS-VAAL REPUBLIC.
To R. N. Fowler, Esq., M.P., Treasurer of the Aborigines’
Protection Society.
My dear Sir,—You brought the subject of the conduct and
■policy of the Dutch Boers towards the native tribes of South
Africa under the notice of the members of the Aborigines’ Pro
tection Society, at the Annual Meeting, held at the London Tavern,
in May last. This is my apology for addressing you on a question
which is perhaps as important as any now claiming the attention
of those who are interested in the colonies of Great Britain. I
refer to the practice of slavery in the Trans-Vaal Republic,
*
to the violation of the treaty of 1852 which it involves, and to
the external warfare and domestic tyranny of which it is the fruitful
cause.
The two Republics of South Africa have a common origin,
and, so far as their relations with the native races are concerned,
a common history. The Dutch, in their own country, are. the
most peaceful and law-abiding of citizens; and those who have sat
by their firesides in Holland find it difficult to understand why it
is, that as colonists, they have ever been cruel and mercenary. It is
true that in this respect they are not singular; for in the northern
island of New Zealand, in the pastoral districts of Queensland,
and in the border territories of North America, men of the English
race have vied with the Boers of South Africa in their selfish or
inhuman treatment of the Aborigines. But, to the honour of the
British Government, its influence in the collisions which so often
take place between colonists and natives is generally exercised on
the side of justice and mercy. It lias more than once prevented
* An inland state of S.-E. Africa, bounded south by the Vaal, a
large tributary of the Orange River, north by the Limpopo, east by
the Drakenberg Mountains, and west by the Bechuana tribe. Area,
undefined. Length, 500 miles; breadth, 225 miles. — Johnston's
Gazeteer.
�6
the extermination of the Maories and the wholesale confiscation of
their lands; and to it is due the non-recurrence, for a period of
fifteen years, of a Kaffir war—that gulf into which Chancellors of the
Exchequer once periodically cast their surplus. As the hands of the
Imperial Government are now tolerably clean, there is no incon
sistency in appealing to them against the misdeeds of the Boers of
South Africa.
It may be alleged that this is a proposed interference with the
internal government of an independent state. It is true that the
Dutch Republics of South Africa have enjoyed a separate existence,
in one case for fourteen and in the other for sixteen years past. In
the interval they have been as much masters of their own affairs
as if the English had disappeared from the Cape; but it is not the
less a fact, that their independence is based upon treaties which
impose upon them (as well as upon us) certain well-defined obliga
tions. As these obligations are in themselvesjust and reasonable—
as indeed the non-observance of them involves, as a consequence,
the subversion of public morality—the lapse of sixteen or of sixty
years cannot lessen their force, or diminish the weight of the
responsibility they entail. England may fairly consider the ex
pediency of enforcing the treaty which has been broken; but of
her moral right to enforce it there cannot be the shadow of a
doubt.
The story of the wanderings of the Boers in the South-African
wilderness is one of the most remarkable in the annals of coloniza
tion. Owning large numbers of Hottentot slaves, they resented
the Act of Emancipation as a piece of grievous oppression towards
themselves. Their fears were so worked upon by unscrupulous
speculators, that many of them believed they would receive no
compensation for the liberation of their slaves, and sold their
claims on the Imperial Government at a ruinous loss. In 1835
there was a strong emigration movement among the disaffected,
and an advance party, headed by Uys and Maritz, turned
their backs upon the old colony, and, after encountering great
hardships, entered Natal, which was then only colonized by a
small settlement of Englishmen. In the following year they were
joined by a considerable party who may now be described as
“ the main body ” of their discontented countrymen. The Dutch
were soon strong enough to fight pitched battles with Dingaan,
the Zulu king (who had massacred many of their number); and
�7
ultimmely, in concert with Panda, they defeated him, and raised
his rival to the throne. Upon their proclaiming a Batavian Re
public, the Government of the Cape asserted its authority by
force, and a state of civil war ensued. In 1843 the Boers for
mally surrendered their claim to Natal, and retired over the Dra
kensberg to the country now known as the Free State. There
they united with bodies of their countrymen, who, from about the
■year 1826, had crossed the Orange River in seasons of drought.
Some of the Boers, headed by Mr. Andries Pretorius, proceeded
still further into the interior, crossed the Vaal River, and took
possession of the territory now known as the Trans-Vaal Re
public. But the Imperial Government did not cease to regard
them as British subjects, although it was not till 1848 that they
were actually compelled to submit to the authority of the Governor
of the Cape Colony.
In that year Sir Harry Smith proclaimed the Queen’s sovereignty over the Orange River territory. The Committee of the
Privy Council, in their report dated the 5th July 1850, justify
that act in these terms :—“ In 1836 the emigrant Boers settled them“ selves down in many parts of what is now called the Orange sovereignty; they assumed absolute independence; established a
“ species of government for themselves; disputed native titles to
a land ; disclaimed being amenable to any native jurisdiction, even
“ when within the acknowledged territory of native chiefs ; and, in
r ‘ the result, it became apparent, that unless the British Government
“ interposed its authority, nothing but discord, violence and crime,
“ and a total extinction of the rights of the natives, must follow.”
The Committee further allege, that “ to adopt any other course than
“ this would, in their opinion, be productive of scenes of anarchy
“ and bloodshed, probably ending in the extinction of the African
“ race over a wide extent of country.” Sir Harry Smith’s policy
was an unfortunate one. It was that of a soldier who, although
not without good impulses, was always obstinate and often unteachable, and a stranger to that spirit of conciliation by which alone
different races can be brought into subjection to one government.
His proclamation led to a rebellion of the Boers. Sir Harry,
who was more at home in the field than in the Council chamber,
marched against the Boers, and completely routed them at a place
called Boemplaats; but his measures for the internal government
of the country were of a most crude and unsatisfactory character,
�8
and, on their failure, the British Government resolved to abandon
the country. Those Englishmen who, on the faith of the Gover
nor’s proclamations and of orders in Council, had emigrated to, or
acquired property in, the territory across the Orange River, pro
tested in vain against the haste with which the Imperial autho
rities ignored principles upon which, only a short time previously,
they had considered themselves bound to act. Sir George Clerk
was the Commissioner under whose personal direction British
authority was withdrawn from the Trans-Orange territory. His
arguments in favour of the policy of which he was the instrument
were entirely drawn from considerations of self-interest, which
might well have operated before the annexation, but which at a
subsequent date could not fairly be regarded apart from the general
interests of civilization in South Africa.
Those interests have greatly suffered by the separation of the
Free State from the possessions of the British Crown. The Boers
have shown how right the . Committee of Council were in the
special reasons they gave for proclaiming them British subjects.
Not only has the country itself retrograded, but it has engaged in
a series of native wars of so pitiless and rapacious a character, that
Sir Philip Wodehouse has, with the sanction of the Home Govern
ment, consented to acknowledge the Basutos as British subjects—
this being the only means of preserving the remnant of their
lands from robbery, and the tribe itself from destruction. And
now, after a lapse of fourteen years, public opinion in South
Africa is again unanimous in favour of retracing the backward
step which was then taken.
Two years previously the bands of emigrant farmers who,
under the “rebel” Pretorius, had crossed the Vaal River, and
traversed a wide range of country (driving back or enslaving the
natives), had negotiated a treaty by which they ceased to be
British subjects. It is to the history of that treaty and its relation
to the events which have followed, that I wish to call particular
attention.
It is easy to sit in judgment on what experience has proved to be
an error of policy; and, great as the mistake was, it was doubtless
from the best possible motives that the independence of the dis
affected Boers, who now form the two Republics of the Trans-Vaal
and the Free State, was recognised. England found it difficult to
govern scattered and distant communities of farmers who had
�9 ~
defied her authority, and engaged in petty but vexatious rebellions,
and whose country, moreover, promised to be a burthen to the re
venue. The Gordian knot was therefore cut by the entire severance
of the territories occupied by the Boers from the British possessions
at the Cape. While a constitution was yet denied to the Cape
colonists, a handful of turbulent Dutch settlers in the interior
obtained not only self-government, but independence; and, what
was really to be deplored, they succeeded in making treaties
with us which they have converted into instruments of oppres
sion.
The convention with the Trans-Vaal Boers was drawn up on
the 16th of January 1852 between Major W. S. Hogge and
Mr. C. M. Owen, Her Majesty’s Assistant Commissioners for
settling and adjusting of the eastern and north-eastern boundaries
of the colony of the Cape of Good Hope on the one part, and on
the other a deputation of emigrant farmers residing north of the
the Vaal River, the principal member of which was Mr. Andries
Pretorius, then Commandant-General, and subsequently first Pre
sident of the Republic of South Africa. The following is the
text of the treaty, which was ratified at Fort Beaufort on the 13th
May 1852, by General Cathcart, Her Majesty’s High Commis
sioner and Governor of the Cape Colony—
“ 1. The Assistant-Commissioners guarantee in the fullest manner,
on the part of the British Government, to the emigrant farmers
beyond the Vaal River, the right to manage their own affairs, and to
govern themselves without any interference on the part of Her
Majesty the Queen’s Government, and that no encroachment shall be
made by the said Government on the territory beyond to the north of
the Vaal River; with the further assurance that the warmest wish of
the British Government is to promote peace, free trade, and friendly
intercourse with the emigrant farmers now inhabiting, or who may
hereafter inhabit, that country, it being understood that this system
of non-interference is binding upon both parties.
“ 2. Should any misunderstanding hereafter arise as to the true
meaning of the words ‘the Vaal River,’this question, insofar as
regards the line from the source of that river over the Drakensberg,
shall be settled and adjusted by Commissioners chosen by both parties.
“3. Her Majesty’s Assistant-Commissioners hereby disclaim all
alliances whatsoever, and with whomsoever, of the coloured natives
north of the Vaal River.
“4. It is agreed that no slavery is, or shall be permitted or prac
�10
tised in the country to the north of the Vaal River by the emigrantfarmers.
“5. Mutual facilities and liberty shall be afforded to tradersand
travellers on both sides of the Vaal River; it being understood that
every waggon containing ammunition and fire-arms, coming from the
south side of the Vaal River, shall produce a certificate, signed by a
British magistrate or other functionary duly authorised to grant such,
and which shall state the quantities of such articles contained in the
said waggon, to the nearest magistrate north of the Vaal River, who
shall act in the case as the regulations of the emigrant farmers direct.
“6. It is agreed that no objection shall be made by any British
authority against the emigrant Boers purchasing their supplies of
ammunition in any of the British Colonies and Possessions in South
Africa, it being mutually understood that all trade in ammunition
with the native tribes is prohibited, both by the British Government
and the emigrant farmers on both sides of the Vaal River.
“7. It is agreed that, as far as possible, all criminals and other guilty
parties who may fly from justice either way across the Vaal River,
shall be mutually delivered up if such should be required ; and that
the British Courts, as well as those of the emigrant farmers, shall be
mutually open to each other for all legitimate processes; and that
summonses for witnesses sent either way across the Vaal River
shall be backed by the magistrates on each side of the same respec
tively, to compel the attendance of such witnesses when required.
“8. It is agreed that certificates of marriage issued by proper authori
ties of the emigrant Farmers shall be held valid and sufficient to
entitle children of such marriages to receive portions accruing to them
in any British Colony or Possession in South Africa.
“ 9. It is agreed that any and every person now in possession of
land, and residing in British territory, shall have free right and power
to sell his said property, and remove unmolested across the Vaal River,
and vice versa; it being distinctly understood that this arrangement
does not comprehend criminals, or debtors without providing for the
payment of their just and lawful debts.
“This done and signed at Sand River aforesaid, this 17th day of
January 1852.”
I believe that from that day to the present the Boers of the
Trans-Vaal have had no reason to impeach the good faith of the
British Government. We have fulfilled our part of the compact
to the letter: it remains to be seen whether they have fulfilled theirs.
Before letting loose the Boers, or consenting that they should no
longer be subjected to British authority, we were bound to protect
the interests of the natives who were thus to be handed over abso-
�11
lutely to a new set of masters. Lord Grey had a just sense of the
duty which our Government owed to the natives beyond the
Vaal, to provide them with such assistance against the aggres
sions of the Boers as might lie in its power.
Military aid
was, of course, out of the question ; but he was of opinion that the
Government might, through its agents, promote a union of the
tribes against their white enemies, and assist them, by the appoint
ment of a suitable officer, to organize measures for their defence,
and to settle down to agricultural pursuits. In a despatch ad
dressed to Sir Harry Smith on the 12th November 1850, his
lordship made this recommendation, but it was never acted upon,
and indeed General Cathcart (the successor of Sir Harry) adopted
rigidly the policy of non-interference as regarded both the Boers
and the natives living to the north of the Vaal River.
It is true that the English Commissioners explicitly pledged the
Boers to the abolition of slavery, and that this article of the treaty
gives us, at the present time, an indubitable right to interfere with
the domestic institutions of “ the emigrant farmers.” But the
feelings of these persons towards the native tribes, and the out
rages of which they had been guilty, were too well known to
allow it to be supposed that the treaty would be in this particular
more than the dead letter it has ever since remained. Still it may
be urged, that the British authorities did what they could, and
that in making the prohibition of slavery one of the conditions
upon which the independence of the Republic was based, they
upheld a just principle, and, at the same time, gave to the Im
perial Government a perpetual right to interfere in the interest
of freedom.
But it is not too much to affirm that any value
which might be attached to Article IV. was wholly neutralized
by the exceptional privileges conceded by Article VI. The Boers
were permitted to purchase any quantity of ammunition from the
colonial markets, while (( all trade in ammunition with the native
tribes ” was absolutely prohibited.
*
This was placing the lamb at
the mercy of the wolf with a vengeance ; and although it cannot
be said that Article VI. has entirely accomplished its object, yet
the effect of it has been to place the best weapons in the hands of
the Boers, the worst in those of the natives; to give to the one
* So thoroughly did the Boers understand the value of this con
cession, that they attached to the sale of gunpowder to the natives
the penalty of death.
�12
Q
party an unlimited supply of good ammunition, and to limit the
other to a small and uncertain supply of inferior quality. If the Boers
had acted justly by the natives, there perhaps would not have been
much ground of complaint; but when it became manifest that they
used their power to oppress and enslave the tribes in their neighbour
hood, it was the duty of the British Government either impartially
to close the markets against both parties, or to place them on
equal terms.
The Trans-Vaal Boers signalized their independence after their
accustomed fashion. They expelled Missionaries, and jealously
excluded travellers from their country, even subjecting them
to the imposition of fines and other penalties. They despatched
marauding expeditions against the natives, because they were
friendly to Englishmen who desired to explore the interior, or
because they were supposed to be too powerful or to possess
arms. They enslaved the women and children among their
captives under the name of iriboelcing, or apprenticeship; and
made themselves notorious by the massacre of those ancient and
helpless tribes of Bushmen, who might have commanded a feeling
of pity, which the more warlike Kaffirs failed to extort. Many
pages might be filled with a recital of their earlier atrocities. It
is perhaps sufficient to refer to the experience of Dr. Livingstone,
who incurred their hostility because to his influence they attri
buted the refusal of Secheli to give them a monopoly of the ivory
trade. As this Chief would not exclude English traders from his
territories, the Boers not only burnt his town to ashes, killed a
large number of his people, and carried many more into captivity,
but destroyed Livingstone’s Missionary station, and would have
murdered the great explorer himself, if at the time he had not been
absent at Kuruman, the residence of his father-in-law, Mr. Moffat.
You will perhaps remember that Dr. Livingstone, in conversing
with us on this painful episode in his career, mentioned that, at a
later period, he saw in captivity among the Boers large numbers
of Bechuana children, who had been educated in his own Sundayschools, and afterwards torn from their homes by the ruffians who
composed the Dutch commandoes.
The heroic Missionary and explorer, in a memorial addressed to
Sir John Pakington (dated 12th December 1852), thus described
the outrages which the Boers perpetrated at Kolobeng, solely for
the purpose of shutting out Europeans from the interior:—
�13
I “ In order that my complaint may be fully understood, I beg leave
to state that I have resided with an independent tribe called the Bakwains, in the capacities of Christian Missionary and medical practi
tioner, during the last eight years. The chief of the tribe is named
Sechele, and their country is that which is watered by the Kolobeng,
Mariqua and Limpopo Rivers (about 24° south latitude, and 26° east
longitude). There was no trade carried on previous to the commence
ment of my Mission, and petty wars were of frequent occurrence. But
wars ceased, and a brisk commerce was soon established with the
colony, and trade was carried on in security, not only in that and the
adjacent tribes, but it was extended to tribes 800 miles beyond the
Bakwains. The latter field is called the region around and beyond
Lake Ngami. Now the path to this distant region has been discovered
in its entire course by Englishmen, and no portion of it runs through
the country occupied or claimed by the Trans-Vaal Boers. The Mis
sion stations of Kuruman and Kolobeng are situated on this path,
but both are about 100 miles west of the Boer territory. In addition
to the traffic carried on by Englishmen in the region beyond Kolobeng,
many English gentlemen availed themselves of our route, in order to
enjoy sport among the large game with which the country abounds.
The relays of cattle, of both traders and gentlemen, were left in charge
of the Bakwains, and my house was used as a depot for provisions in
their return trips; and though it became necessary to remove the
Bakwain town to a distance of eight miles from my house, the provi
sions of the English were always faithfully guarded, even in my
absence.
“ Frequent attempts were made by the Trans-Vaal Boers to induce
the Chief Sechele to prevent the English from passing him in their
way north ; and because he refused to comply with this policy, a com
mando was sent against him by Mr. Pretorius, which, on the 30th
September last, attacked and destroyed his town ; killed sixty of his
people, and carried off upwards of 200 women and children. I can
declare, most positively, that, except in the matter of refusing to
throw obstacles in the way of English traders, Sechele never offended
the Boers by either word or deed. They wished to divert the trade
into their own hands. They also plundered my house of property,
which would cost in England at least 335Z. They smashed all the
bottles containing medicines, and tore all the books of my library, scat
tering the leaves to the winds; and, besides my personal property, they
carried off or destroyed a large amount of property belonging to
English gentlemen and traders. Of the women and children captured,
many of the former will escape, but the latter are reduced to a state
of hopeless slavery. They are sold and bought as slaves; and I have
myself seen and converged with such taken from other tribes, and
�14
living as slaves in the houses of the Boers. One of Sechele’s chil
dren is among the number captured, and the Boer who owns him
can, if necessary, be pointed out.”
Dr. Livingstone was not so famous then as he is now; and he
obtained no redress, General Cathcart being of opinion that “ the
“ losses and inconveniences he had sustained did not amount to more
a than the ordinary occurrences incidental to a state of war.”
The Boers have not even the excuse of an unproductive soil for
their raids upon their neighbours. The editor of the Natal
Mercury has been good enough to send me an excellent descrip
tion of the territory, which was written by a keen observer, who
emigrated there from Natal seven years ago. It will be seen that
his bird’s-eye view is as complete as could be desired.
“First, a word about the country, which is, perhaps, the finest
stretch of land in all South Africa. Utrecht district (this side of Belela’s mountain) is excellently adapted for grazing purposes and for
cultivation—plenty of water, good grass, wood enough, and an abun
dance of coal of very good quality, both for smith’s work and for
domestic use. On Belela’s Berg, and towards Pongola, are splendid
sheep runs : horses live there during the worst times of sickness; coal
is found in abundance ; in the mountains are fine woods of yellow
wood, stink-wood, &c. ; and it is said the precious metals are found
there. The Utrecht district is small at present, because the ‘pro
claimed ground ’ is not yet inhabited, but if the latter is once accom
plished, then will Utrecht be one of the richest districts in the country,
and in a position to send to the market wool, butter, coal, cattle and
cereals in abundance. The little village of Utrecht now consists of
about seventy houses, a Dutch Reformed Church, school and parson
age, a temporary court-house and jail, no canteen, and, unhappily,
no good store, for which, however, there is a good opening. If once
the railway to Newcastle is opened, then there can be no doubt but
Utrecht will become a large and flourishing place, with a good trade,
and a fair chance of an extensive population. Utrecht is between five
and six hours on horseback from Marthinus-Wesselstroom, district
Wakkerstroom. If you go from Utrecht, and follow the main road to
Lydenburg, then seven hours’ travelling will bring you just at the
foot of the Drakensberg, at Mr. Engelbrecht’s place, and another hour’s
trek on to the top of the Berg, from where you may have one of the
finest views of Natal. To the right, the long Drakensberg range ; to
the left, Doorberg, Belelasberg, Zululand ; just in front, Biggarsberg,
�15
Klip River County, yea, almost part of the county of Weenen. A
trek of another two hours will bring you to the main road to the vil
lage of Marthinus-Wesselstroom, so called in honour of Mr, Pretorius.
It is, at present, a small, unsightly place, with a brick-built church, a
public office, and a few houses. It should be a very large town, with
a very extensive trade, situated as it is on the main road to Natal. The
Wakkerstroom district is very large, and very few sheep thrive well,
horses and cattle find abundant pasturage, coal is also found (here and
there,), and cereals grow well. Almost every farm has abundance of
water, though there is a scarcity of wood. Following the main road
to Lydenburg, we cross Vaal River, near Mr. Buhrman’s beautiful
farm, ‘ The Emigrantie,’ and enter upon the gradually rising Vaal
River vlakte, in the district of Lydenburg. Lydenburg was formerly
an independent Republic, but unfortunately joined the Republic. Not
many years ago there were no inhabited farms along this part of Vaal
River; but since the war with Massoch, many Lydenburg farmers
have left their own homesteads and settled on the flats, so that Vaal
River is gradually becoming lined with sheep farms, and the vlakte
studded with homesteads. From Mr. Buhrman’s place, six hours’ on
horseback, to the north-east, begin the M‘Corkindale stations, stretch
ing far and wide towards Umzwaai’s country. All the farms in this
part of the Republic are sheep farms—most of them good cattle runs;
coal in abundance. Still following the main road, we cross Comate,
and bend our course to the Crocodile River hoogte. Sheep must be
tended here with greater care, also horses ; but corn grows better. So
on the Lydenburg. Few farms here are suited for sheep, or, except
when properly stabled, for horses. Cattle do not thrive properly; but
it is the country for corn. Give Lydenburg an export market, and it
will grow thousands upon thousands of muids of wheat, besides dried
fruits, plenty of good tobacco, and spirits. Lydenburg is one of the
oldest places of the Republic—a pleasant, well-watered, finely-wooded
little town, with a Dutch Reformed Church and parsonage, a public
office and jail, a large Berlin Mission station, a mill, and several stores.
All that Lydenburg wants is a near market for her produce. The
country beyond Lydenburg for many a mile (to the east and north-east)
is bushy, and good for cattle in winter ; towards the north-east it is
also very good for agriculture. Gold is said to have been found in
the neighbourhood of Lydenburg; lead and other minerals are sure
to be there.
“Again, taking the main road to the W.S. W., we cross many a cool
and rich stream of water, and, gradually ascending, we reach the
Steenkampsberg, about one day’s ride on horseback from Lydenburg.
Steenkampsberg is one of the offshoots of the Drakensberg, and from
Steenkampsberg, to the north, we reach the Magneetbergen and
�16
Sekukunisland to the south- west, a pretty, elevated tableland, studded
for many a mile with farms, where cattle and sheep thrive well; cereals
grow beautifully, but horses require careful stabling. About sixteen
hours on horseback from Lydenburg is the projected village of Naz^
areth, where, as yet, only a Dutch Reformed Church and a few houses
are built; but which place, of a necessity, must become an important
town. The produce of this place is corn, wool, butter, cattle, tobacco
(of course there is coal). The whole country here is well watered, but
not wooded, except to the north-east and north.
“ Proceeding in a south-westerly direction, we enter the Pretoria
district, and reach the Magaliesberg, or Witwatersrand. The country
here is well grown with thorn-bush, and everywhere well watered.
Taking the east and north-east side of Magaliesberg, we enter the land
of coffee, cotton, sugar, oranges and corn; of hot springs and rich
mineral mines ; of all kinds of game ; of giraffes, ostriches, &c. An
infmense tract of country, stretching towards Zoutspanberg, and,
northward, the Rustenberg district, and the pleasant town of Rustenberg, with its fine Reformed Church, parsonage and school, its Hervoomde Kirk still in course of erection, its fine double-storied court
house, its several large stores (sometimes empty, however), its ever
burning brick-kilns, and its well-kept streets. Still more northwards,
and towards the north-west, lies the densely-populated neighbourhoods
of Marico groot en klein Marico. Rustenberg is, no doubt, except for
its rather oppressive atmosphere in summer, the pleasantest place in
the Republic.
“ Taking the south-west side of Magaliesberg, and just between
that berg and Witwatersrand, we reach Pretoria—so called in honour
of Mr. Pretorius—at present the capital of the Republic, or, as it is
called, the Zetelplaats. There are two churches, several schools, stores
(most times empty), Government buildings, and perhaps 150 or 200
houses, mostly whitewashed. The country round Pretoria is well
adapted for agriculture and cattle-breeding; agriculture, however,
will succeed best. It is only when you reach the higher tablelands that
sheep thrive well. From Nazareth to Pretoria is sixteen hours on
horseback : the roads are mostly very good. Still going W.S.W., we
soon enter the Potchefstroom district.
“Taking our course via Witwatersrand, we cross some elevated table
land, till we reach the sources of Mooi River and Schoonspruit. Both
Mooi River and Schoonspruit are lined with farms—chiefly agricul
tural farms, though cattle and sheep are found everywhere. Oranges,
all kinds of fruit (including grapes) are found here in abundance, espe
cially at Hartebeesteimtein and neighbourhood. Going north-west, we
get to Makwasi and Meletchof, small villages. Turning to the south
east, we pass Klerksdorp, and reach Potchefstroom.
�17
‘ ‘ Potchefstroom is the largest place in the Republic, and should be
the capital. A good description of this place appeared some time ago
in the Mercury, so that I need now only say that Potchefstroom wants
only a population and a proper Government to make it the finest, and
perhaps the most important town in South Africa.
“ From Potchefstroom, along the Loscberg road, and past the beau
tiful farm of J. J. Hoffman, Esq., we soon enter the Heildberg district,
with the little village of Heildberg in the centre, and gradually
ascending, we reach once more the Vaal River vlekte, inhabited for
many a mile only by wildebeeste, bucks, and a few lions ; and crossing
again the Vaal River, we reach the Natal frontier after a good day’s
ride. Nearly the whole of the Vaal River vlekte is good for sheep as
well as for cattle : though no abundance of water, there is still enough,
and coal nearly everywhere.
“ Such, in a few words, is the recent South-African Republic. From
Zululand to Mendai, from Vaal River to Zoutspansberg, a country
which can produce in any quantity wool, cattle, butter, corn, skins,
feathers, tobacco, coffee, sugar, cotton, fruit, spirits—not to speak of
its mines of coal, lead, iron, and most likely silver and gold.”
It is manifest from this description that Nature has not been
chary of her bounty in the territory of the Trans-Vaal, and that
the Boers have really come into possession of what the foregoing
writer calls “ the finest stretch of land in all South Africa.” Such
a country, 30,000 square miles in extent, and peopled by a hardy
and industrious race, should be at once prosperous, and growing
in prosperity. Instead of this, it is miserably poor, and public
credit is at so low an ebb, that the paper currency (which is the
only money circulating in the Republic) is worth next to nothing
—articles being sometimes sold at 500 per cent, above their value
in order to enable the merchants to eke out a profit. A depre
ciated currency from being a consequence in its turn becomes a
cause of poverty and social disorganization.
*
This unhappy state
* A correspondent of the Trans- Vaal Argus (20th May 1868) says :—
“ It would occupy too much space to enumerate ail the causes of the
disaffection that prevails, but a few may be given. A Government
which has failed as this has done to maintain the supremacy of the
law, and has allowed the districts of Wakkerstroom and Utrecht to
remain in a state of insurrection for eight months, without any
attempt to reduce them to order except by weak and unauthorised
concessions to the delinquents, cannot expect much respect from its
subjects.
A Government which gives transfer of 300,000 acres
of land to a private individual illegally, and is made to. cancel the
same without giving. any compensation for the grievous injury that
has been inflicted on that person, and without visiting, the offender
c
�18
of things fakes its root in various causes. There are laws, but
obedience to them is far from general. Little, if any, respect for
authority exists. There are many high-sounding officials and
departments, but there is no unity of action among them, and
they are mostly maintained for show. Education is all but
neglected, and the younger race of Boers are likely to be yet
more illiterate than their fathers. The State does not support
more than four public schools, and the teachers in these complain
that they cannot get their salaries. Ridiculous stories are told
of the sort of persons—discharged soldiers and other adventurers—
who are deemed qualified to teach the young idea how to shoot.
But the greatest source of demoralization—that, indeed, to which
all others are but tributary streams—is the remorseless and fana
tical hatred of the Boers towards the native tribes. Strange to
say, this passion has been exalted to a religious duty, and in
the Dutch commandoes the intolerant spirit of the Crusader
has mingled with the cupidity of the buccaneer.
To massacre
the men because they are heathen, and to enslave the children
because they make useful (as well as inexpensive) house servants
and farm-labourers—these are the chief features that distinguish
what may be called “the foreign” or Kaffir policy of the Boers.
The legal enslavement of Kaffir prisoners has been both denied
and justified. We are first told that the Republic recognises no
with any punishment, cannot look for much respect.
A Govern
ment whose orders are continually disobeyed with impunity, as in
the late commandeering, can look for neither submission nor respect.
A Government which cannot raise a revenue without continually
increasing the debt of the country and ruining its credit, and can only
provide for its payment by delusive ‘promises to pay,’ which has made
the Republic a bye word and laughing stock among neighbouring
States, is not worthy of much confidence.” A correspondent of a
Natal paper (June 1, 1868), writes :—“As to the liberties and facili
ties held out to travellers and merchants, let me enumerate a few
of them. . If a merchant refuses to receive Trans-Vaal Government
notes (which are avowedly at fifty per cent, discount, and which no
Boer will take in payment for produce), the same as gold and silver,
he commits a criminal offence, and renders himself liable to have bis
license annulled. If a merchant imports any goods the Government
may be in want of, he has to submit to their being seized by fhem,
no matter how large and valuable the consignment, or how much
wanted _for legitimate trading purposes : he will be paid, it is true,
but m Government s own time, at Government’s own price, and in
Government’s own paper money. Among the travelling facilities I
need only mention the commando law, and the recent attempt to stop
prospecting parties. ”
•
1
r
�19
such system, and then we are assured that its continuance is ne
cessary as an act of humanity to the captive children. The fol
lowing letter was written by direction of the Duke of Buck
ingham, in reply to a Memorial from the Aborigines’ Protection
Society:—
‘‘Downing Street, 8th January 1868.
“My Lord,
“I am directed by the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos to
acquaint your lordship that His Grace has received from the Foreign
Office the Memorial signed by yourself and others, on behalf of the
Aborigines’ Protection Society, dated December 1867, regarding the
practice of Slavery in the Trans-Vaal Republic.
“He desires me to inform you that Sir P. Wodehouse expressed an
opinion against interference in the year 1865, on the particular cases
brought to light by Mr. Martin, and referred to in the Memorial,
*
addressed by the Society to Lord Stanley in August last ; but His
Grace has satisfaction in apprising the Society that Sir P. Wodehouse,
in the following year, on further facts coming to his knowledge,
addressed vigorous remonstrances to the President of the Trans-Vaal
Republic against the practices which were alleged of kidnapping
children, and holding them in long terms of apprenticeship, tending
to their enslavement; and that the President, in reply, announced
“ Maritzburg, Natal,
“ June 7th, 1867.
* “In the year 1864, after a sea voyage to Delagoa Bay, thirty-six
hours from Natal, I took a 700 miles’ trip to Zoutpansberg, TransVaal Republic, which you will see on Hall’s map. On my return I
had charge of two waggons with ivory. I objected to any natives
accompanying the waggons, but was told they were going to Natal for
work. When we reached the capital, Pretoria, the natives (six in
number) were forcibly seized and taken away from my protection by a
Dutchman. I appealed to an official, the field cornet—who, I regret
to say, was an Englishman—who assured me that the boys would run
away, and that they were taken from me because they had not a pass,
although the waggon had been searched for runaways before we reached
the capital. Next day, on coming to the Vaal River boundary of the
Free State, I was astonished to find that the brother of the Dutchman,
who was a passenger in my cart, actually had one of the boys so
forcibly seized. Two days afterwards he sent the poor wretch, on a
Sunday, without allowing him anything to eat, a long journey ahead,
and took away his kaross or covering, although it was very wet. Next
day the Vaal River was full when we crossed with a boat.. The poor
boy came to the bank, said he could swim, and, in coming through
the stream, perished before our eyes, although every. exertion was
made to save him. I contend that this native lost his life by having
been taken out of my protection, and I suppose the other five are still
in ^ond&ge.”—Extract from Mr. Martin’s letter to the Aborigines’Pro
tection Society.
c2
�20
that legal proceedings had been taken against certain offenders, who
had kidnapped children, and conveyed earnest assurances of the in
tention of his Government to repress slave-dealing and slavery.
“ I am,
my
Lord,
“ Your lordship’s obedient Servant,
“ Frederick Elliot.
“Lord Alfred Spencer Churchill.”
Although this letter is an admission that the charges preferred
by the Society against the authorities of the Republic do
not rest upon an isolated case, it yet presents Mr. Pretorius in
the too flattering light of a Chief Magistrate who is scrupulously
anxious to enforce the law and to ensure the observance of
treaties. There is, however, too much reason to fear that in this
matter Mr. Marthinus Wessel Pretorius is simply walking in the
footsteps of his father, Mr. Andries Pretorius; and I am also
afraid (although I do not wish to detract from the services of
an honest and able public servant) that Sir Philip Wode
house was far too easily satisfied with “the earnest assurances”
of the Trans-Vaal President. It would be some satisfaction to
know what was the nature of the legal proceedings which are said
to have been instituted against “ certain offenders,” and whether
anybody was imprisoned, fined, or even reproved for indulging in
a practice which the civilized world now condemns as one of the
greatest of crimes. The fact is, that there is no mystery or
concealment about the so-called “ apprenticeship ” system. How
could there be mystery or concealment when 4000 Kaffir
“ children” (many of them grown-up children) are held as slaves
—although disguised as “ apprentices ”—by the Dutch farmers ?
To proceed fairly against “ certain offenders ” would be to arraign
half the country at the bar, and to expect prosecutors, judges,
and juries to convict themselves.
The Boers endeavour to conceal the real character of their insti
tution under the euphemism of “apprenticeship.” The theory
which they seek to palm off' on a credulous public is, that from
motives of humanity they apprentice and exercise a paternal
supervision over destitute Kaffir children. Tender-hearted Boers !
They do not tell us who make the children destitute; who send
out commandoes for the express purpose of killing the parents
4n order to steal the offspring; who fix a price on “ the black
�21
’ivory ” according to “the weight” (or age) of “ the tusk.” It
would, perhaps, be too much to expect the Boers to impart infor
mation on these points, but they would be a shade or two more
respectable if they ceased to play the hypocrite. I repeat that
the Boers create the misery which they profess to alleviate ; and
I assert, without fear of disproof, that commandoes are organized
for the express purpose of capturing children to be converted into
slaves, and that in all parts of the Republic a traffic in these
human chattels is briskly carried on, the prices usually vary
ing from twelve to twenty pounds per head.
Fortunately for the sake of humanity, the attention of rightminded persons in Natal and at the Cape has been drawn, of
late years, to the proceedings of the Dutch settlers of the Trans
Vaal. Nor would it be right to withhold the credit which is due
to citizens of the Republic who—not without considerable personal
risk—have raised their voices and employed their pens in con
demnation of the iniquities which have been perpetrated before
their eyes. In the worst governed States there is always a mino
rity who are keenly alive to injustice, and anxious to remove it as
soon as they can exert the power, and that such a party exists in
the Republic of South Africa is a great element of hope for the
future of that country.
I regret that freedom of speech is so little respected in the Trans
Vaal that it would not be safe to mention the names of those who
are prepared to revolutionize the native policy of the Boers. But
as one gentleman has had the courage to publish his name in con
nection with the disclosures he has made, it may be as well to
state that the annexed letter, published in the Friend of Free
State, is from the pen of Mr. G. W. Steyn :—
“ Haassekraal, near Potchefstroom, Trans-Vaal,
“ March 13th, 1866.
“You have already been made aware that loads of ‘black ivory’
(young Kaffirs) are constantly hawked about the country, and disposed
of like so many droves of cattle. This barbarous traffic has now
become the subject of deep regret to every man bom with a sense of
humanity. Many are the hearts that were burning to see the subject
brought to the notice of the Colonial Government; but as none would
take the task on himself for fear of receiving some absurd sentence
from a tyrannical, bigoted and arbitrary Government, the truth has
from time to time been veiled, till at last, animated with a feeling of
pity for the several naked and half-starved young natives who are
�22
daily sold and re-sold to men who consider them brutes, and treat
them as such, I addressed a letter to Governor Wodehouse, giving
him an unbiased account of this fast-increasing and lucrative branch
of our trade, with the request that His Excellency would be pleased
to forward a copy of my communication to President Pretorius, and
also referred him to some of the most influential gentlemen here to
verify my statements, which requests His Excellency immediately
complied with. The result, as I have been informed by His Excellency,
is as follows—£ I lost no time in addressing President Pretorius on the
subject; and also in applying to the gentlemen whom you had named
for confirmation of the statement as to the sale of the native children.
From the latter I have received letters fully supporting your allega
tions, but Mr. Pretorius has not yet replied. You may rely upon it
that the subject shall receive the most serious consideration of this
Government.’ ....
“ I am at any moment prepared to prove to the most bigoted and
biased jury, that, notwithstanding denials and evasions on the part of
an interested Government, a system of virtual slavery is carried on
here under the plausible pretence of 1 apprenticing orphan children. ’ I
will prove that the war now raging at Zoutpansberg is solely on
account of some Boers having made frequent, unprovoked and bloody
attacks on the natives there, to enrich themselves with cattle, and
secure victims of this system of forced labour.
“ I challenge President Pretorius to prove that the several young
natives he has in his service are orphans, or that one-fiftieth part of
the (at least) 4000 natives sold here during the last fifteen years are
such, unless they have been deprived of their fathers, and perhaps
mothers also, by the bullet of some ruflian of a Boer. Will President
Pretorius dare to deny that such is the manner in which hundreds of
helpless children are annually made orphans, for the sole purpose of
bene fitting the pockets of some miscreants ? It is often asserted that
all these acts of woe are done to civilize the natives, and only amount
to the apprenticing of orphan children until they are twenty-five
years old. Supposing, for the sake of argument, that the hundreds of
natives annually sold are all orphans. How are these children to
know when they are twenty-five years old? and the means by which
they may seek and obtain their freedom ? Their twenty-five is seldom
if ever completed till death relieves them from the bond of slavery.
Call it what you will, it is slavery, by compulsory labour and compul
sory detention. President Pretorius belongs to a self-called religious
people, and he agrees with them in looking on the dark-skinned races
as the ‘ accursed sons of Ham,’ who only deserve the name of
‘ schepsels,’ and who are doomed by heaven to perpetual servitude.
It is their opinion that by inflicting slavery on the natives they are
performing the will of God.”
�23
The statements made in this letter are sufficiently explicit, and
if borne out by subsequent inquiry (as they would have been if any
inquiry had been instituted), it is difficult to understand why
Governor Wodehouse should have been satisfied with the vague
assurances and promises of Mr. President Pretorius.
Some idea of the personal experiences of the captives may be
derived from two or three simple narratives which were taken
down from the lips of the native women in January of the pre
sent year, and forwarded to me by a gentleman in Natal, who has
been zealous in his efforts to expose the cruelties of the Boers.
Rachel’s story.
“ I was taken by the Dutch when quite a babe. Our people lived
on the other side of Makapan’s poort. The Dutch fought with them.
Our fathers were beaten in the fight, and many of them were killed.
Our mothers ran away with us, and hid in caves ; but at last thirst
compelled them to go in search of water. My mother and others were
seen before they reached the water, and were shot, and we children
were taken. The very little ones were put on horseback, while the
bigger ones had to run on before, until we got to the Laager. At the
division I fell to the lot of Mynheer ----- . * I stayed with him several
years, and then he sold me to the Mynheer----- . I stayed with him
several years, and then he sold me to Mynheer----- , with whom I
stayed until I was grown up. The price he gave for me was QI. and a
cow in calf. I did not know, however, that I was sold until long
afterwards. I was merely told to go and work for him. My first
master was kind to me, but my second was very cruel.
“ When I was grown up, my master sold me to a man (a native)
who wanted me for a wife. He gave QI. for me, but as he was a
drunken fellow, and used me very cruelly, I ran away from him, and
went back to my master. After some time I was again sold to the
man with whom I now live. He also gave QI. for me. Neither he nor
the other were Kaffirs living up there, but were waggon drivers from
Natal. My master thus got 12Z. for me. After taking me my husband
lived about two years amongst the Dutch, during which time I worked
for different people, traders and others, up that way, and earned a
cow: but when I came away with the man I am living with, I was not
allowed to take it with me. It was kept by Mynheer----- . When
with Mynheer----- , we lived in Pretoria, and during my stay there I
saw many children brought down from beyond Zoutpansberg, and sold
about town at from 3Z. to 81., according to size. Some were sold for
horses and cattle.
“At last my husband came down to Natal Us waggon-driver, and we
* The names of the woman’s two masters are in my possession.
�24
have lived here ever since. When at the Vaal River, on our way down,
my husband’s master told a little (black) boy to stay with a Dutchman
living there until his return; and it was not till we were more than
half-way down that we learnt that the boy had been sold. Children
are very dear down at the Vaal River, as it is so far from where they
are got. Children are what they call apprenticed out to the different
people for a number of years, or until grown up. I never saw my
papers, nor the papers of any one else. When we are bartered or
sold from one to another, we are not told of it, but are told that it is
to stay for a little while. It is not until afterwards that we find we
have been sold. When we think we have stayed long enough, and ask
to be set free, we are whipped. I do not know of any one having got
their liberty except by marriage to men not resident there. We are
told that after we have served our time we will get paid for our work,
but that we never do.”
adela’s story.
“ The country in which we lived before our people were scattered
by the Dutch is near Zoutpansberg. I remember when I was taken,
although very young at the time. There were others taken besides
myself, some older and some younger. The Dutch surrounded our
kraal while it was yet day, and set fire to the huts. The noise of the
fire awoke us, and we ran out just as we were. The grown-up people
who attempted to run out of the kraal were shot down, and the rest
huddled together, surrounded by the Dutch on horseback. The
children were then put together in one place, while the rest were
made to go into the castle kraal, which was built of stone, and were
there shot at till they all fell down dead or dying. The Dutch then
took us to their waggons, and we were divided amongst them. I fell
to the lot of Mr. Van Zweel. My master often lived in town, and
while there I used to see children brought down from Zoutpansberg
and sold for money or cattle. They did not use to hawk children
about in this way when I was taken: this practice has taken place
since, but one would sell to another, as occasion required. When I
was about fourteen years of age my master sold me to a Natal Kaffir
waggon-driver for 30?. I came down here with him, and have lived
with him ever since. He was at that time, and still is, waggon-driver
to the Messrs. Barrett of this city.”
sophia’s story.
il I was born in Zululand.
When I ivas still quite young the
Dutch came and made war against our king.
They were generally
•victorious, and then did their best to capture the children and
cattle. I remember the time I was taken captive. There had been
�25
a great fight, and our fathers were beaten. Our mothers fled with
us, and hid in the kloofs, but the white men saw where we went
to, gave chase, and we were taken. Our mothers were very sorrowful,
and cried very much. They attempted to follow on behind, but the
Dutch told them to go back, or they would shoot them. My mother
followed for some distance, but at last I lost sight of her. She could
not keep up with the horses. As we grew up and began to understand
the Dutch and their ways, we were told that we had to serve an
apprenticeship, and would then get wages. After we had served many
years their President told us that we had served long enough, and
ought to be set free or get wages; but we did neither. Finding that
I never would be free so long as I lived with the Dutch,- I made up my
mind to try and escape to where the English lived, as I had heard of
them from the Natal Kaffir waggon-drivers and leaders, who came into
the country with their masters to trade or hunt. So one evening I ran
away, and travelled during the night, until I got to where an English
man lived, near the border. He had a Dutch wife, who knew me.
She was a good woman, and hid me until her husband was ready to
go down to Natal with his waggon, and then I came with him. I am
a member of the Wesleyan Society, and was converted under the late
Rev. Mr. Pearse.”
.........................
. .
odeea’s story.
“ Odela says, when she was very little the Dutch came before day
break, and those who ran away were shot down. Old people were
shot down, the Dutch not waiting to see whether they were living or
not. The big people were separated from the others, and driven into
stone kraals. Since living amongst the Dutch she often saw com
mandoes go out, and the people return with children taken from their
homes in the same way as she was. She often saw Commandant
Schoeman and President Pretorius at Zoutpansberg. Another woman
from Zoutpansberg, who resided last at Pretoria, also alleges, in addition
to the foregoing, that whilst at Pretoria she often saw waggons with
children, who were sold to the people about there, 61. and 12?. being
the price asked for children according to their age............... If the
people are sent by the chief at the order of the commandant, they get
a sheepskin a month, or a heifer a year. If the chief could not prevail
on the people to come, or from some other cause, the Dutch would
say he was getting impudent, and required a lesson. This was their
excuse for assembling a commando.
' “ By Utrecht (adjoining Natal) the Dutch buy children for dogs.”
No language of mine could add to the pathetic interest of these
narratives, all of which bear the impress of truth.
The evidence as to the existence of slavery in the Trans-Vaal is
�26
so overwhelming, and I have received such a mass of testimony,
that it is difficult to make a selection. But it would be unpar
donable to omit to refer to the recent debate in the Cape Parlia
ment, when Mr. Godionton moved for the production of all the
correspondence on the subject that had passed between the Go
vernor and inhabitants of the Trans-Vaal Republic or Her Ma
jesty’s Government. The motion was agreed to without a divi
sion, but in his speech introducing the subject Mr. Godionton made
these weighty remarks:—
‘‘The British Government had expended twenty millions sterling in
its endeavour to put a stop to slavery in all parts of the world, and he
considered that at this moment the inhabitants of the Trans-Vaal
Republic, or a great majority of them, were British subjects, and it
would be an eternal disgrace to the English Government if it was to
permit its own subjects to remain in slavery to an extent which it was
said to be carried on in the Trans-Va.al. The other day he read an
extract from a letter, which would be in the recollection of hon.
members, which extract stated that no fewer than 3000 children had
been at that time very recently apprenticed, and that a great many
cruelties and atrocities had been committed. He thought it was not
right for the Council to pass over an allegation of this kind, and they
were, he considered, fully justified in calling for inquiry. For his own
part, he thought that the sooner the attention of the British Govern
ment was called to the relations which were held with the Republicans
beyond their border, the better. It would be for the interest of all
parties, and he looked forward to such a consummation at no distant
day, if there could be something like a federal union of all the colonies
in British South Africa. He could see no end to the difficulties
in which they would be involved, unless they adopted this system of
federation, so as to unite all the colonies, including Natal, the TransVaal Republic, the Free State, and the Eastern and Western Pro
vinces, under one general government on the federal principle. He
thought that they ought to consider this subject fairly, and it would
very well become the Council to take some steps in such a direction.”
It is perhaps premature to raise the question of a South-African
Confederation, although there are many persons, besides Mr.
Godionton, who see in such a scheme a remedy for many of the
evils which now distract that part of the empire and. impede its
progress. But the idea is taking root in South Africa, and events
which are now transpiring in the Trans-Vaal Republic, in the Free
�State, and in Basutoland are calculated to give it a great impetus.
In the same month (July last) in which Mr. Godionton asked in
the Cape Parliament for the production of official correspondence
Mr. Robinson made a similar motion in the Natal Legislature.
The Natal Witness publishes the following report of the hon. gentle
man’s speech: —
“ He did not hesitate to say that slavery existed in the Trans-Vaal,
and that, too, with the knowledge and connivance of the Government.
It might, he knew, be said that this was not slavery, but merely a
system for providing for destitute children, which was adopted by
benevolent farmers; but he (Mr. Robinson) pronounced it the most
abominable system of slavery ever carried on. How were these socalled destitute children got ? Why, war parties went out expressly
to get those children, and plunder the tribes against whom they went
out. A Commission on this subject had been appointed by the
Volksraad, at the close of last year, and had brought up a report
which was intended merely to satisfy the English Government. In
that report occurred the following paragraph, which also appeared in
the Staats Courant, of 4th December 1864:—‘ Another commando
was set on foot, under orders of the Superintendent Albasini and
Steph anus Venter, against the Chief Magor, he having been accused
of being unwilling to pay his taxes to the Government, and likewise
charged by Albasini with having, together with other chieftains, con
spired against the white inhabitants, which, however, has been con
tradicted by Vercuiel, late Landdrost of Zoutpansberg. On the arrival
of this commando at Magor’s, a message was sent to him to come
down, and to bring his taxes with him, an assurance for the safety of
his person and property being at the same time given. Magor came
down from the mountain, bringing with him between 200 and 300
head of cattle, which he handed to the chief officers of the laager.
Magor was at once placed in confinement, and during the night was
murdered, whilst his tribe was destroyed by the commando of Knob
noses (these are under the control of Albasini), their kraals laid waste,
and women and children carried off. Another commando against the
Chief Tabuna was got up by order of Michael Buys, a subject of the
Republic, and field-cornet of the coloured tribes near Schoemandaal,
and the Kaffir Tromp, a subordinate of the late Landdrost J. Vercuiel,
under supervision of the Chief Monene. Tabuna was murdered by
the commando, his cattle were taken, women and children carried off,
and various atrocities committed. According to the declaration of
J. Albasini, Tabuna was a friendly Kaffir, who annually paid his
taxes to the Government.’ That was a translation of part of the report
of the Commission referred to. But a more striking instance occurred
in the report of a public meeting held at Potchefstroom. There Mr.
�28
Ludorff was reported to have said, ‘ A number of children, too young
to remove, had been collected in a heap, and burnt alive.’ Mr.
Evans—‘The murderings and plunderings that had been committed
were but a fractional part of the crimes that had been perpetrated. ’
Mr. J. C. Steyn, one of the oldest residents, had said—‘ There is now
innocent blood on our hands, which has not yet been avenged, and
the curse of God rested on the land in consequence.’ Field-cornet
Rustenburg said—‘ The chief Kakekatge was told to come down from
the mountain, but he sent one of his subordinates as a proof of
amity; that while a delay of five days was guaranteed by the Com
mandant-General, Paul Kruger, who was then in command, orders
were at the same time given to attack the natives at the break of day,
which was accordingly done, but which resulted in utter failure. |
Mr. J. H. Roselt said—‘ No less than 103 children were found destitute,
together with seven belonging to another kraal. Of these children, he
had been informed, thirty-seven had been disposed of by lot; he
would like to know what had become of the remaining sixty-six, for
they had disappeared in a most marvellous and mysterious manner.’
Mr. Jan Taljaard said—‘ He was opposed to apprenticeship: children
were forcibly taken from their mothers, and were then called desti
tute, and apprenticed.’ But the most remarkable of all was Daniel
van Vauren, who had said that, ‘ If they had to clear the country,
and could not have the children they found, he would shoot them.’
The Attorney-General of the Trans-Vaal Republic was reported to
have said that he ‘ opposed the attempt to abolish the practice of
apprenticing destitute children to persons in the commandoes exclu-f
sively, as both illegal and unjust; illegal, because it made a distinc
tion ; unjust, because it created a preference. ’ This he (Mr. Robinson)
considered most conclusive evidence that slavery did exist in the
Trans-Vaal Republic, in the worst form, and that the Government
were implicated. He therefore thought it high time that this Govern
ment should take some steps to show that they had not any partici
pation in, but entirely repudiated, the disgraceful course followed in
the Trans-Vaal. It had been reported, as the House had just heard,
that not only did the Government wink at the existing slavery, but
that the President himself and the Government officers owned some of
those children ; one of which officers, on being ordered by the Raad to
restore fifty children who were in his possession, refused to give them
up,, and the Government could not enforce compliance with the order.
He believed the higher classes residing in Mooi River district repu
diated the Trans-Vaal system; but he had reason to know, and he
acknowledged with shame and regret, that even some of our own
countrymen are encouraging that system.”
Mr. Robinson has given an accurate summary of the proceedings
�29
of the meeting at Potchefstroom, the holding of which is a proof
that things are so bad that humane men, in spite of the risk they
run, feel compelled to speak out.
Mr. Robinson’s account of
the disclosures made by the Volksraad’s Commission requires to
be dealt with somewhat more in detail. Zoutpansberg is one
of the finest districts in South Africa: it has been the scene of
many of the most barbarous raids of the Boers; it is the chief
source of “ the black ivory ” trade, and the key to the traffic with
the interior in ivory, ostrich feathers, and other valuable com
modities. For years past this district has been the scene of con
stant warfare. In the end the tables have been turned, and the
Boers have sustained a series of reverses. Owing to the military
incompetence of their leaders as well as to the pusillanimity of
some of the men and the disgust of others who have been pressed
into the service, they have repeatedly been forced to retreat, and
have seen some of their outlying settlements devastated and
abandoned. In consequence of these reverses, the Volksraad
appointed a Commission to institute an inquiry. Their report has
been published in the Trans-Vaal Argus and it is no exagge
*
ration to say that it convicts the Boers on their own testimony
of having committed the very worst excesses. , It appears that
the government is represented at Zoutpansberg by several super
intendents of native affairs, one of whom is a certain Signor
Albasini, the Portuguese Consul, who is described as the evil
genius of that part of the country. The great chief, Mozela,
made a demand on Albasini for the delivery up to him of a
lesser chief named Monene, whom he accused of having robbed
some of his people. Although it was notorious that Mozela’s
purpose was to murder Monene, the Dutch authorities were
quite prepared to surrender him, Mozela having prohibited elephant
Rjunting in the district of Chinquini, until his enemy had been deli
vered into his hands. Monene was apparently fast in the grip of
one Field Cornet Stephanus van Rensenburg, but he succeeded
in making his escape, and after having fled from one tribe to
another, found a refuge with the chief Swaas. The Boers, on his
flight, with suicidal recklessness, turned ttieir arms against various
* An interesting and courageous sheet, and the only newspaper
^published in the Republic.
�30
tribes on the mere suspicion of theii’ having sheltered him.
For example : “ Commander Venter states that he attacked Paco
“ and Lahotto because he had heard that Monene had taken refuge
“ there, but after having routed these chiefs, he discovered that
“ Monene had gone to Swaas.” A commando was sent against
Magor, another Kaffir chief, on the false pretext (so the Commis
sioners declare it to have been) that he was implicated in a plot to
massacre the whites. “ Magor was told to come down from the
mountain and bring his taxes with him. Unless he came of his own
accord he could not be reached; but as his personal safety had
been promised him, and relying as he did upon that promise, he
came down from the mountain, thus placing himself in the lion’s
den, bringing his taxes with him, which consisted of between 200
and 300 head of cattle. No sooner, however had these taxes been
secured, and the victim in their power, than he was placed in con
finement, and the same night murdered, whilst his tribe was de
stroyed by those bloodhounds, the Knobnoses, who are exclusively
under the command of Albasini, and ready at any time to carry
out his orders, whatever their nature.”
Another victim was
Tabaan (or Tabuna), who, it is said, regularly paid his taxes to
the Government. He, too, was murdered, his cattle carried off, and
the women and children of his tribe made captive. This is the
mode by which the latter generally become destitute and are re
duced to such straits that, according to the benevolent theories of
Mr. Marthinus Wessel Pretorius, it is an act of charity to enslave
them. The Commissioners offer strong testimony as to the com
plicity of the Government in these misdeeds, and as to their
having successfully shielded the evil-doers against the punishment
due to their offences. The Commission further alleges as the
cause of the present deplorable state of Zoutpansberg, <£ that
certain officials and officers, who have from time to time broken
the law, by wilful neglect of duty, abuse of the power en
*
trusted to them, and other misdemeanours, have not been punished
for so doing, as also that by adopting a wrong course of treat
ment of the native tribes at that time both peaceable and subject
to the Government, many of these Kaffir tribes at length became
insubordinate.”
It must not be supposed that these facts represent a condition of
society which has passed away : on the contrary, the following letter
�31
shows that the Boers are still obstinately pursuing their evil
ways:—
“ To the Editor of the Transvaal Argus.
“ Potchefstroom, July 25, 1868.
“ Sir,—The following particulars relative to the late commando
may prove interesting to your readers : please therefore allow me the
requisite space : they may be accepted as strictly in accordance with
truth.
“I proceeded as the substitute of Mr. Jobs. Maartens on the late
commando, and, under orders of Commandant-General Paul Kruger,
was engaged in the storming of Mapela’s mountain. This we success
fully accomplished, excepting his head town, which, although virtually
taken by us, was at the same time, and in the hour of victory, aban
doned, a precipitate and scandalous retreat taking place. I was wounded
in the ear on the same day, and would have been left to my fate but
for the bravery and humanity of Field Cornets Piet Venter and Gert
Engelbrecht, who removed me to camp, and to whom, under Provi
dence, I am indebted for my life. At the commencement of the storm
ing of the mountain the Commandant-General on horseback gallantly
led the attack, but at the last point, the little hill, he was not to.be
seen. After the shameful retreat a £ Krygsraad (Council of War) was
held, and I heard Piet Venter say that he was both willing and ready
to storm the little hill; but the whole commando refused to make the
attempt. After this, the Commando left Mapela’s, and went to Macapaan’s poort. The Kaffirs, on our arrival there, hoisted a white flag,
pretending to enter into negotiations for peace, but in reality for the
purpose of gaining time, so as to remove the cattle.
“ We then surrounded the hill for the purpose of cutting off the
enemy from water, but which proved a complete failure ; and after
having been there for about seventeen days the burghers would not
remain any longer, but resolved to return home, and left on a Monday
morning. On the previous Saturday night the President arrived in
camp, but again left on the same Monday morning that the commando
broke up.
“ Commandant-General Kruger issued orders during the time that
I was on commando, that no one was allowed to forward any letters
except they had been previously perused by the respective officers of
Ebe men who had written those letters.
“At Machem and Kallacal’s (Macapaan’s poort) firing was kept up
day and night to no purpose, and without the slightest occasion: a
good deal of ammunition was thus wasted, during all of which time
■Seventeen days) I do not think any one of the enemy got killed, and
on our side not a man was even wounded.
�32
“ At Mapela's a number of women and children came into the pos
session of the commando; the number, however, I am unable to state,
nor do I know what afterwards became of them. We were well sup
plied with ammunition up to the time the commando left, when the
surplus was handed over to the different field cornets. To the best
of my knowledge and belief, not more than 100 Kaffirs were killed at
Mapela’s. Most of the wounded men on our side were so wounded in
their disgraceful retreat.
“ I am, Sir,
“ Your obedient Servant,
Michael Lynch.”
q
.
Mr. Michael Lynch does not know what became of the women
and children. A correspondent of mine, writing from the TransVaal territory on the 26th of August last, leaves little doubt as to
their ultimate destination. He says that, for the present, they
will remain in the hands of a friendly chief, but that w hen matters
become a little more settled the Boers will go and fetch them, and
make them' slaves. He states that, besides these captives, other
children were also taken. “ An inquiry was instituted to ascertain
“ whether the parents of these children •were alive. Much to the
“ disappointment of many of the officers who composed the krys“ graad (council of war), the parents were discovered in a neigh“ bouring kraal, and at a short distance from the camp; but this
“ did not signify. It was alleged that the distance was too great
“ to send the children to their parents. They will, therefore,
“ either become ‘ prisoners of war, or ‘ destitute apprentices’—in
“ reality, slaves.” The same correspondent calls my attention to
a letter from a Dutch Boer, published in the Trans Vaal Argus,
in which reference is made to the case of a native woman who was
deliberately shot dead, that some ruffian might gain possession of
her child, “ who now falls under the class called ‘ destitute,’ and
“ as such becomes an apprentice or slave.”
The Natal Mercury of 18th of August adds this additional
information :—
“ There are other circumstances connected with this commando
which fully account for the unwillingness with which the inhabitants
engage in these expeditions. Of the two men reported as dead, one
Van Eck is said to have been merely wounded in the leg, and aban-
�33
doned in that disabled state. It is not strange that the Kaffirs, on
finding the poor wretch, dispatched him with their assegais. We are
also told that Hans Steyn, formerly landdrost of Potchefstroom, was
present during the assault upon the hill, and told the Boers that if
they succeeded he would burn his Bible, as he then could no longer
put any faith in it, as he did not think a just God could bestow
his blessing on arms wielded in such a cause as they were then en
gaged in. This remark, we believe, would be echoed by many of the
Boers, who are intelligent enough to see that such proceedings are
opposed to the dictates and usages of humanity. Unfortunately, the
less scrupulous in this, as in many cases, have the upper hand. Clever
adventurers from other countries, not troubled by many moral
scruples, have found in the Republic a safe haven, and a convenient
sphere for the exercise of their wits and talents. We have reason to
know that low-class Englishmen have been implicated in certain cases
of atrocious cruelty and oppression, and the quicker intelligence, and
greater audacity of these people overbear and intimidate the betterdisposed but more quiet section of the population.”
No wonder that the farmers in this region have “trekked”
away from their homesteads; that the expenses of these miserable
■Commandoes have ruined the exchequer; that, in the language of
a petition to the Volksraad, “whilst the mechanic is compelled to
accept a pound note at twenty shillings, he has to pay it away for
goods at one-third to one-half less ;”* and that, in a word, the whole
country is going down the hill.
It is manifest from these various statements, and from many
others which might be quoted, that the Boers are constantly
engaged in aggressive warfare with the natives, and that their kid
napping propensities have made them more savage than the savages
f—more ruthless than the native owners of the soil, whom they
are doing their best to destroy or to enslave. It is equally clear
that slavery is not an isolated practice, but is supported by all
classes of the people, from the President down to the most uncouth
Boer residing on the uttermost limits of civilization. It is there
fore marvellous that Mr. Pretorius should have found it so easy to
* The Boers cannot say with Mrs. MacCandlish in “Guy Mannering”—“As lang as siller’s current folk maunna look ower nicely at
what king’s head’s on’tfor neither silver nor gold has any place in
the Trans-Vaal currency.
D
�34
throw dust into the eyes of Sir Philip Wodehouse, and that Mr.
Cardwell should have so readily acquiesced in that “ do nothing ”
policy, which is not always honourable, because it is convenient.
Upon this subject the Natal Mercury in its issue for June 23rd,
makes these weighty and pertinent remarks:—
“Recently we published a correspondence between the Duke of
Buckingham, Colonial Secretary, and the Aborigines’ Protection So
ciety, in which the following paragraph occurs :—‘ He desires to
inform you that Sir P. Wodehouse expressed an opinion against inter
ference, in the year 1865, on the particular case brought to light by
Mr. Martin, and referred to in the memorial addressed by the Society
to Lord Stanley in August last; but his Grace has satisfaction in ap
prising the Society that Sir P. Wodehouse, in the following year, on
further facts coming to his knowledge, addressed vigorous remon
strances to the President of the Trans-Vaal Republic, against the
practices which were alleged of kidnapping children, and holding them
in long terms of apprenticeship, tending to their enslavement; and
that of the President, in reply, announcing that legal proceedings had
been taken against certain offenders, who had kidnapped children, and
conveyed earnest assurances of the intention of his Government to
suppress slave-dealing and slavery.’
“ This wonderful assertion on the part of the chief local representa
tive of that power, which assumes to itself the championship of the
slave, and spends millions in preventing slavery, indicates profound
ignorance or fatal prejudice. It is in keeping with the reply made to
Mr. Martin’s representations, to the effect that he—the High Commis
sioner—was quite at a loss to discover in what manner he could inter
fere with any prospect of success; and, under all the circumstances, he
trusted the Natal Government would acquiesce in his desire to abstain
from addressing Mr. Pretorius on the subject. Nor are we surprised
when it is further added, that Mr. Cardwell, the then Colonial Minis
ter, entirely concurred in this reply, and did not think it expedient
that any action should be taken by the Government of Natal, or any
steps taken calculated to revive controversy with the Portuguese Go
vernment, as this trade is partly carried on within the boundaries of
the Portuguese settlements, which adjoin the Trans-Vaal Republic.
“ Although the Natal Government had done all that it could to get
these matters inquired into, the incredulity or apathy of the High
Commissioner rendered their efforts futile. The Aborigines’ Protec
tion Society, having got wind of the circumstances, took the matter
up, so far with the results that are known to our readers. It is more
than probable that the co-operation of this Society at home will lead
to the further enlightenment of the Home Authorities and public.
�35
‘ ‘ So long as the Imperial authorities attach any credence to the
words of a Government whose leading officials do not scruple to
violate in their own person the treaty to which they are principals, the
truth will never be known. President Pretorius and his chief officials
are wholly unfit to be treated as the ministers of any other State would
be dealt with. They have forfeited all right to the diplomatic usage
of civilized nations. Before us lies a letter, dated Potchefstroom,
loth June, and written by a gentleman of undoubted credibility, in
which the following remarkable sentence occurs :—‘I hope you will do
all in your power, not only to put a stop to the system of apprentice
ship, but also to get this country placed under British rule. Under a
Boer Government it never will, nor ever can, prosper; besides, we
have over and over again forfeited the independence that has been per
mitted, by embarking in slavery, coupled with which there is a large
majority already anxious for British rule. Not only must a stop be
put to the present system, but we must also be deprived-of the power
to carry it on, which can only be done by planting the British flag
here. Will it be believed, that, at the very time when the President
quieted Sir Philip Wodehouse, inducing the latter to write as he did
to the Secretary of State, and deluding the Aborigines’ Society in 1866,
that he was taking steps to suppress slavery by appointing a Commis
sion of Inquiry into the slave-hunting raids and outrages at Zoutpans
berg ; will it be believed that this same President, who accompanied
that expedition, actually brought back with him thirty-two of these
little apprentices, or slaves. The truth, therefore, will not be known
by communications with the Government of this State on the subject.’
“We are astonished to observe that the Cape Advertiser and Mail
takes for gospel the assurances made by Mr. Pretorius to Sir Philip
Wodehouse, and refers, in a sneering manner, to the ‘ misrepresenta
tions of well-meaning men, who delude themselves and others. ’ Such
a remark shows amazing ignorance. Mr. Martin’s statements were
simply a plain description of what he had seen, heard and experienced
in the Trans-Vaal, while the disclosures lately made at the public meet
ing in Potchefstroom, by the actual participants in these slave-hunting
expeditions, put the facts beyond all doubt. In this instance, how
ever, whatever mistake the Society may have made in other cases, its
action is most necessary and justifiable.
“ In again urging the appointment of such a Commission of Inquiry,
we therefore maintain most strenuously that the movement should be
made without reference to the Trans-Vaal authorities, or absolute de
pendence upon their acquiescence. The facts will flow in fast enough
when once the people there feel that the British Government is mov
ing. So long as the present Boer regime lasts, ‘ persons of property,’
so we are assured, ‘ dare not move for fear of having their property
D 2
�36
confiscated. ’ Surely if it is worth England’s while to lift a finger to check
slavery elsewhere, it is worth her while to intervene in the Trans-Vaal.
By extending her authority there, she could, without any appreciable
expenditure, not only put down this vile internal system of murderous
slave-holding, but tap the sources of the foreign slave-trade from the
Portuguese ports on the East Coast, to watch which a squadron of war
vessels is employed, at an immense annual expenditure, and with but
partial results. Naught but utter obtuseness can prevent the Imperial
authorities from making use of so splendid and rare an opportunity to
advance the interests of civilization in Africa, and to put down that
monster evil which she has made it her mission to extinguish.”
Great Britain has assumed duties and responsibilities in South
Africa which she cannot abandon. She cannot, with honour,
cease to protect the natives whom she has conquered, and whose
territories—so far as it has suited her own pleasure and interest—
she has seized. From the time that she subjugated the Kaffirs
and extended her dominion into the interior of that great continent,
which is no longer a terra incognita, she came under a bond to
impart to them a superior civilization. She had a perfect right
to consult her own ideas of policy when the question simply was
whether she should continue to recognise the Boers as subjects of
the British Crown. But when she surrendered her sovereignty
over her Dutch subjects she could not with justice withdraw her
protecting arm from the native tribes when they were assailed by
the lawless violence of men whom she had released from their
allegiance. The fact that, in the treaties which she entered into
with the two Dutch Republics, she directly stipulated with them
that the enslavement of the coloured race should for ever be pro
hibited was in itself a recognition on her part of this paramount
duty. The treaty has been shamelessly violated: it is her duty
to enforce it, and to insist that the plighted words of nations shall
not become “ false as dicers’ oaths.” The Trans-Vaal Boers are
in league with the Portuguese slave-traders on the East Coast.
Together they foment those inter-tribal wars which are the great
feeders of the external slave-trade, and make the European “ soul
merchant ” a far more revolting being than the lowest type of the
negro race. It is possible that Portugal may assist her accomplice to
obtain a port in Delagoa Bay, but at present the Boers can only carry
on their intercourse with the outer world through British territory.
�37
We are masters of the sea, and masters also of those markets (at
least of powder and shot) from which the Boers draw their sup
plies. Long ago Dr. Livingstone pointed out that we might soon
bring the offenders to terms by prohibiting, under heavy penalties,
the sale to them of arms and ammunition, or by declaring free
trade in those articles as respects the natives, and no longer giving
to the stronger party a monopoly of the means of destruction. It
is probable that so extreme a measure would be unnecessary if
England, in the person of her representative, the Governor of
the Cape Colony, would only exert her moral influence on the
side of justice.
If the facts are denied, let Her Majesty’s
representative despatch a Commission of Inquiry to Potchef
stroom, where abundant evidence to prove the truth of the allega
tions against the authorities and people of the Republic will be
forthcoming. But the facts are not denied. The plea set up by
the Boers is, that the children they enslave are destitute, and their
enforced labour prompted by motives of humanity. The facts
w hich the Boers conceal are, that the children have been made
orphans by Dutch rifles, and that the Kaffir cattle (which might
have supplied them with food) has been carried off to swell the
colonial herds.
The discovery of gold in the country which lies beyond the
north-west boundary of the Trans-Vaal Republic promises to re
volutionize this region of Africa. If half that is said concerning
the extent and productiveness of the new gold fields be true, the
establishment of a British colony in a part of Africa hitherto known
only to a few adventurous explorers, is a matter of absolute cer
tainty. That gold is to be had on the banks of the Tatin (a tribu
tary of the Limpopo) for the trouble of digging for it, is proved by
the report of the miners who have already commenced ope
rations ; and it is equally certain that the quartz is unusually rich
in the proportion of the precious metal which it will yield to ma
chinery. It is true that the journey is 700 or 800 miles from Natal,
but there are few perils to encounter by the way, and new and
more direct routes will shortly be opened. It seems probable that
gold exists in large quantities to the eastward and on other tribu
taries of the Limpopo. It is notoriously worked on a river called
the Bepi, where the natives pound the quartz, and then convey the
precious residuum to Sofala and barter it with the Portuguese for
�38
cattle, beads and blankets. To Herr Mauch, the enterprising Gerl
man traveller, belongs the credit of the immediate discovery of these
gold-fields, but numerous old workings testify to the antiquity of
the knowledge now newly regained. The Natal journals are
enthusiastically of opinion that Sofala is identical with the Ophir
of Solomon. One of them quotes Job—“Then shalt thou lay
up gold as dust, and the gold of Ophir as the stones of the
brooks.” Milton is also appealed to as to the locality of the
famous port—
“ And Sofala, thought Ophir, to the realm of Congo.”
Tradition, however, only points to Sofala as it has pointed to
Arabia, Malacca, and India. Herr Mauch has gone to explore
the ancient ruins which are said to exist to the west of Sofala,
and if the old story, that there is in lhat country a strong fortress
of unknown origin and pre-historic antiquity, should prove to be
well founded, he might chance to shed some light on the claim
of Sofala to the honour of identity with the Ophir of the Bible.
Be this as it may, the courageous German, like many contem
porary travellers, is doing his best to wipe away the old reproach
to which a great satirist gave witty expression
“ Geographers in Afric maps
With savage pictures fill their gaps ;
And o’er uninhabitable downs
Place elephants for want of towns. ”
It is curious that, during a recent visit to Europe, Father Sabon,
of Durban, discovered in one of the libraries of Paris a Jesuit
Missionary work, in which the precise situation of the Victoria
gold-fields is indicated.
*
But whether Sofala and Ophir are the
same or not, it cannot be denied that the opening up of a gold
region beyond Natal and the Trans-Vaal Republic marks a new
era in the history of African civilization.
The manner in which Mr. President Pretorius received the
intelligence of the discovery was characteristic. He at once issued
a proclamation, annexing a vast tract of country, as far, indeed,
to the north-west as Lake Ngami, and of course including the
* This statement is made by the Natal Mercury, a journal which is
published in the town in which Father Sabon resides.
�39
entire area in which the precious metal is likely to reward the
patient labour of the digger. Sir Philip Wodehouse has asked
Mr. Pretorius for an explanation, and the chiefs, whose territories
are thus coolly taken possession of on paper, are even more
entitled to an explanation. Nothing could more forcibly illustrate
the temper of the Boers towards the natives than this proceeding.
When Mr. Pretorius took up his pen to write his proclamation
he probably had no more idea of there being a right and a wrong
in the transaction than Ahab had when he laid hands on
Naboth’s vineyard. The Maories have a saying, that the Euro
pean rat has already devoured the Maori rat, but the European
rat in New Zealand is a creature of moderate appetite compared
with the Trans-Vaal vermin.
Mr. Pretorius, however, is powerless to give effect to his
proclamation, and its only result has been to expose the weak
ness and cupidity of the Boers. The British flag has been raised
at the Victoria gold fields, and Macheng, the chief to whom
the country belongs, has expressed his desire to have the
benefit of British protection. His tribe—the Bamangwato—
are said to be “ a quiet and kindly people,” among whom
“ the traveller, the trader, and the hunter find no dangers and
expect no heavy losses.”
Macheng, in a letter to Sir Philip
Wodehouse, invites His Excellency to come and occupy the gold
country, and to govern the gold-diggers in the name of the Queen
of England. He says that the Trans-Vaal Government, through
Commandant Jan Viljoen, had desired him to hand over the
district to the Republic, but that he had declined to consider
these overtures until he had heard from Sir Philip. Macheng
has a laudable fear of the Boers, and would greatly prefer to see
English authority established in his gold fields. It is still more
gratifying to know that our conduct towards the Kaffirs for many
years past justifies the good opinion in which we are held by the
Bechuana chief.
*
* It may be regarded as a singular and, at the same time, a feli
citous circumstance, that Macheng, after having been the prisoner of
Moselekatze, the great chief of the Matabele, ‘for sixteen years, was
released, and returned to his own people, by the intervention of
Mr. Moffat, the Missionary. It is therefore natural enough that
Macheng should prefer the English to the Boers.
.
Mr. Robinson, in moving his resolution in favour of the abolition
�40
It is perhaps as easy to exaggerate as it is to undervalue what
are called a the signs of the times;” but it really seems as if events
were now conspiring to realize the dream of a South-African con
federation. Formerly the expansion of British power was inse
parably associated with a levelling policy of annexation, and one
stereotyped system of government. To find rich farms for needy
colonists, and to rule the natives after a strictly British fashion,
were the two ideas which filled the brains of even able adminis
trators. The theory was, that the natives must either submit to be
so governed or die, and, in fact, thousands of them actually pre
ferred death to this sort of submission. Writing of a period by no
means very remote, Lord Macaulay says:—“ The only barbarian
about whom there was no wish to have any information was the
Highlander.” The Kaffirs were regarded with a somewhat diffe
rent manifestation of the same hateful prejudice. To prove that
this feeling was hateful it is not necessary to paint the untutored
savage in roseate hues. The Kaffirs, like the Highlanders, have a
higher capacity for improvement than too many of the colonists
suppose. It also unfortunately happened that many of the earlier
rulers of the Cape, who were military men, took a professional
view of these warlike tribes, and considered them as only fit to be
food for powder. Old errors are passing away with the generation
whose selfish purposes they served. Peace now reigns, as it has
long reigned, on the British frontier. How much this is due to
the efforts of men like Mr. Shepstone, the Native Secretary of
Natal, and Mr. Charles Brownlee, the Gaika Commissioner, it
would be hard to say; but these enlightened officials belong to
a class of colonial statesmen who prefer to rule by reason rather
of the office of High Commissioner, mentioned another fact which
illustrates the friendly disposition of the natives towards the En
glish Government. “He had asked,” he said, “ whether any appli‘ ‘ cations had recently reached the Government from native tribes
“ living near the Limpopo, to be taken under British rule; and the
“ Secretary for native affairs bad stated in reply, that a powerful
11 chief, who lived as far off as the Limpopo, had sent a relative, who
“ had spent two years in making a minute investigation into the con“ dition of our natives, and the bearing of our Government towards
‘ ‘ them; and that the result of that investigation had been a de“ putation from that Chief, praying that he and his people might be
“ admitted to the same privileges as our natives, by being allowed
to become subjects of our Government.”
�41
than by force, and who manage to avert danger by the keenness
with which they scent it from afar, and by the promptitude and
energy of their action. Great Britain is now sometimes magna
nimous as well as just; for it is not too much to affirm, that
by her timely interference on behalf of the Basutos and the de
voted French Missionaries in Basutoland she has prevented the
torch of Christianity from being extinguished in a heathen land,
and, at the same time, saved many thousands of natives from
enslavement or extermination. In Natal, since the Zulus were
beaten in open fight, the colonists have been at peace with the
^natives, and the latter have, in their turn, exhibited an amenability
to restraint, and a willingness to labour, which might have taught
the Boers a useful lesson if they had been willing to learn. To
unite the diverse tribes and communities of South Africa in one
confederation may appear a Quixotic enterprise, but the attempt
is worth the best efforts of the wisest statesmanship we can com
mand. It will, however, prove impracticable if, without regard
to differing circumstances, the whole country is sought to be
governed on one model. The wise ruler will endeavour to dis
cover the means by which English, Dutch, and native institutions
may continue in operation while the authority of British law and
the supremacy of the Crown are inflexibly maintained. It would
take time and patience, and great administrative skill, to carry out
so great an undertaking, but the achievement would be worthy of
many trials and sacrifices.
At present the functions of the Governor of the Cape Colony
as High Commissioner are as anomalous as those of a French
Minister might be who attempted to regulate the affairs of the
Algerian frontier without the intervention of a Governor-General.
Living a thousand miles from Natal, his knowledge of what is
going on in the Trans-Vaal Republic is ignorance itself, as com
pared with the information which is constantly within the reach of the
officials and people of that colony. He is also otherwise hampered
in the discharge of his important functions. Sir Philip recently
expressed his inability, for want of funds, to send an agent to
the gold-fields, the discovery of which has occasioned so much stir
among the white populations of South Africa; and even if the
Natal legislature found the means, it is doubtful whether the Go
vernment of that colony would not exceed its powers if it des
�42
patched an embassy on its own account. It is therefore not
surprising that the people of Natal should be dissatisfied, and
their legislature prompt to give expression to the public discontent,
The resolutions passed by the Legislative Council on the 10th of
August are so important that it is necessary to give them
in extenso :—
“ 1. That in the opinion of this House the office of High Commis
sioner, as exercised at present in relation to this colony, is inimical to
the maintenance of the prestige and influence of Her Majesty’s Go
vernment amongst the native tribes of South-East Africa, and the
House is guided to this conclusion by the following considerations :—
“ a. The High Commissioner, as Governor of the Cape Colony,
resides at Capetown, which is about 700 miles from the northern
frontier of the Eastern Province, where alone independent
native tribes are to be met with.
“ 6. That Natal is surrounded on three sides by territories chiefly
occupied by large and powerful independent tribes, with whom
the local authorities cannot deal irrespective of the consent of
the High Commissioner at Capetown.
“ c. That in times of disturbance amongst the surrounding com
munities, the Government of Natal is deprived of that power
of timely and effectual action which it might otherwise exercise
with great benefit to the interests of peace and civilization.
“ d. That ever since the annexation of the Orange River Sove
reignty (since abandoned) in 1848, the emigrant farmers who
settled over the Vaal River, and formed a Government of their
own, under the style of the South-African Republic, have
carried on a system of slavery, under the guise of child-appren
ticeship—such children being the result of raids carried on
against native tribes, whose men are slaughtered, but whose
children and property are seized, the one being enslaved and
sold as ‘ apprentices,’ the other being appropriated.
<£ e. That in 1862 this system of slavery was brought to the
notice of the High Commissioner and the Secretary of State by
Lieutenant-Governor Scott, in the form of a statement made by
a Bushman woman named Leya, who had been captured and
enslaved by the Boers of the Trans-Vaal Republic, but no steps
were then taken to put an end to the practice in question.
f. That on the 25th April 1865, Lieutenant-Governor Maclean
forwarded to the High’Commissioner a statement made by Mr.
W. Martin, of Maritzburg, dated June 1st, 1865, in which
clear and positive evidence, acquired during two visits to the
country in 1852 and 1864, was given at length, and in which
�43
certain wrongs suffered by the writer, in direct contravention
of the treaty entered into between Her Majesty’s Special Com
missioners, Hogge and Owen, in 1852, were set forth.
“ g. That the existence of this system of slavery, attended as it
is by indescribable atrocities and evils, is a notorious fact to all
persons acquainted with the Trans-Vaal Republic ; that these
so-called ‘destitute children,’ are bought and sold under the
denomination of ‘black ivory;’ that these evils were fully ad
mitted by persons officially cognizant of them at a public meet
ing held in Potchefstroom, the chief town of the Republic, in
April 1868, and that the whole subject has been brought fully
under the notice of the High Commissioner.
“ h. That the following reply was sent to Lieutenant- Governor
Maclean by the High Commissioner :—‘I can assure you that I
fully sympathize with you in your anxiety to put a stop to what
is so strongly described by Mr. Martin, but I am really quite
at a loss to discover in what manner I could interfere with any
prospect of success. There can scarcely be a doubt that the
President, if referred to, would strenuously deny the existence
of such traffic. A bona fide inquiry would be almost impracti
cable, and, moreover, it would be beyond the power of the
Trans-Vaal Republic, admitting it to have the inclination, to
put down a trade which the Boers must find to be very tempt
ing and profitable. Under all the circumstances, I trust that
you will, on further consideration, be prepared to acquiesce in
my desire to abstain from addressing Mr. Pretorius on the
subject.’
“ i. That as a bona fide inquiry to be instituted by the Govern
ment of the Trans-Vaal Republic would be, under the circum
stances, ‘ quite impracticable,’it is highly important that Her
Majesty’s Government should take other steps to ascertain the
truth, and to put a stop to a trade which, however ‘ tempting
and profitable to the Boers,’ is a direct breach of the treaty
entered into with Her Majesty’s Commissioners, is an outrage
on humanity and civilization, and is an aggravation of the
traffic which Her Majesty’s Government has so long sought to
suppress upon the East Coast.
“ j. That so long as this traffic in children is suffered to exist,
there can be little hope for the progress of civilization amongst
the native tribes living in the Trans-Vaal Republic, while the
prevalence of such practices in the immediate neighbourhood of
independent and colonial tribes, has a most pernicious and in
jurious effect, and tends to lower the position and influence of
the whole race.
�44
“ k. That it is impossible for the High Commissioner, living as he
does so far from the scene of these atrocities, to judge clearly
and fully their character and tendencies; but it would be in the
power of the Government of Natal, had it the right to act, to
interfere in the matter, without entailing any troublesome or
costly implications on the Home Government.
“ I. That the state of peace which the colony of Natal has enjoyed
ever since its establishment, combined with the constant re
cognition here of all the just rights and claims of the natives,
have secured for the local government the confidence of the
neighbouring independent tribes, and would enable the repre
sentatives of Her Majesty’s authority here, were they freed
from the control of the High Commissioner, to exercise a most
salutary and beneficent influence over the natives of SouthEastern Africa.
“ 2. That a respectful address be presented to the Lieutenant-Go
vernor, forwarding copy of above resolution ; and praying His Ex
cellency to transmit the same to the Right Honourable the Secretary,
of State for the Colonies for his consideration, together with copies of
all documents bearing upon the subject.”
Seldom have resolutions passed by a Colonial Assembly sur
passed these in the gravity of their statements, or of the issues
which they raise. It cannot, for a moment, be tolerated, that
while a costly squadron is vainly striving to suppress the slave
trade on the East Coast of Africa the traffic should be allowed to
continue unchecked, and without an effort being made to put it
down in a country whose right to enjoy a separate Government is
contingent on the fidelity with which it abstains from the practice
of slavery and slave-trading.
Of still greater importance are the resolutions in favour of the
annexation to Natal of the Free State and the Trans-Vaal, which
were adopted by the House of Assembly on the 19th of August
last:—
“ 1st. That the interests of the two South-African British Colonies,
viz. the Cape Colony and Natal, are in many respects so
closely united with the Republics situated on their several
borders, that a union of these under British rule can scarcely
fail to conduce to the material welfare of the whole, both as
a means of promoting an interchange of friendly relations
amongst them, as well as of providing, by judicious combi
nation. for their adequate security and confidence in time
�45
of danger; and establishing and regulating commercial in
tercourse on a permanent and satisfactory basis, to all
parties.
“ 2nd. That the comparative dependence of these Republics on the
Cape Colony and Natal, together with the similarity of the
religion, laws and customs of the white inhabitants, to those
of the same classes inhabiting the two latter colonies, favours
the belief, that sooner or later they will be desirous of coming
under the dominion of the British Government.
“ 3rd. That the Council is therefore of opinion, that with a view tp
furthering the objects above set forth, it would be highly
desirable for Her Majesty’s Government favourably to con
sider any proposal which the authorities of these Republics,
being empowered thereto by <the inhabitants, may put for
ward, affecting their annexation to either the Cape Colony
or Natal, or embracing suggestions with respect to any other
form of allied or separate administration deemed suitable by
the majority of the white inhabitants of such States.
“ 4th. That a respectful address be presented to the LieutenantGovernor, transmitting to His Excellency copy of the above
resolutions, and requesting His Excellency to forward the
same to the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for the
Colonies, for the favourable consideration of Her Majesty’s
Government.”
These resolutions, of course, raise a very large and momentous
question—one which cannot be decided superficially or by theo
retical considerations, however reasonable. One thing is certain, that
a Federal union will not meet with the approval of the statesmen
of this country, unless it be self-supporting; and this, therefore, is
a point to which its advocates should at once direct their attention.
There is good reason to believe that the movement proceeds from
within as well as from without; that a powerful party in both
Republics are tired of Commandoes, sick of the ruinous insecu
rity of their position, alarmed at the moral deterioration of their
own race, disgusted with the brutalities of the Boers of the old
school. While I write, details of more recent outrages—massa
cres committed in cold blood for the sake of plunder—have reached
me. Neither the British Government nor its representatives can
remain passive spectators — accomplices both before and after
the fact—of these murderous deeds. Let the decision on the
�46
larger question be what it may, it is impossible that any European
community in South Africa can be permitted to build up the institu
tion of slavery in territories which are within the j urisdiction, or
subject to the just influence of Great Britain.
I am sure that the sentiments to which I have given expression
will meet with your concurrence, and that in the new House of
Commons you will, in concert with Mr. Buxton, Mr. Torrens, Mr.
Hughes, and other members of the Society, continue to assist a
cause which has already had many substantial proofs of your
sympathy.
I am, my dear Sir,
Yours very faithfully,
F. W. Chesson.
London, 1st December 1868.
W. M. WATTS, 80 GKAY’S INN ROAD.
���
Dublin Core
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Title
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Victorian Blogging
Description
An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
Creator
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
Date
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2018
Publisher
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
Text
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Pamphlet
Dublin Core
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Title
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The Dutch Boers and slavery in the Trans-vaal Republic in a letter to R.N. Fowler, Esq., M.P.
Creator
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Chesson, F.W.
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: London
Collation: 46 p. ; 21 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway.
Publisher
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W. Tweedie
Date
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1869
Identifier
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G5240
Rights
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<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (The Dutch Boers and slavery in the Trans-vaal Republic in a letter to R.N. Fowler, Esq., M.P.), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
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application/pdf
Type
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Text
Language
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English
Subject
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South Africa
Slavery
Boer
Conway Tracts
Slavery
Transvaal Colony