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■nit S
PRICE ONE PENNY.
SEVENTY-FIRST THOUSAND I
SOCIALISM
MADE PLAIN
AND
“THE UNEMPLOYED”
BEING TWO
MANIFESTOES
OF THE
SOG/A L-DEMOGRA TIG
FEDERA TION.
Address Secretary, Social-Democratic Federation,
Bridge House, Blackfriars. E.C.
EDUCATE.
AGITATE.
ORGANISE.
THE MODERN PRESS, 13, Paternoster Row, E.C.
1886.
Agent for U.S.A., W. L. ROSENBERG, 56, EAST
STREET, NEW YORK CITY.
FOURTH
�Summary of the Principles of Socialism.
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By
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Price 2d.
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Socialism and the Worker.
Sorge.
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Price id.
An explanation in the simplest language of the main idea of Socialism.
John Williams and the History of the
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Socialism
and
With portrait.
Slavery.
By
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Royal
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Hyndman. (In reply Mr. Herbert Spencer’s article on
the “ Coming Slavery ”). New Edition. Price id.
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And W. L. ROSENBERG, 56, East Fourth Street, New
York City.
�SOCIALISM
MADE
PLAIN,
BEING THE
Social and Political Manifesto of the Democratic Federation
EDUCATE.
AGITATE
ORGANISE.
Fellow Citizens,
qpHE time has come when it is absolutely necessary
that the mass of the people should seriously take
in hand their own business unless they are content to
find themselves in the near future worse off than they
have ever yet been. At present, social and political
power is monopolised by xhose who live upon the
labour of their fellows; and Tories or Conservatives,
Whigs, Liberals or Radicals strive only to keep the
workers ignorant of the truths which most nearly con
cern them. After the Reform Bill of 1832 the capi
talists entered into alliance with the landlords except
on one question, and from the repeal of the Corn
Laws in 1846 to this day the lords of the money-bag
and the lords of the soil have together been absolute
masterc of the millions who labour throughout the
United Kingdom. So complete has been their control
that since the year 1848 no vigorous attempt has even
been made to overthrow it. But what has been the re
sult to the workers of this supremacy of the luxurious
classes ? During fifty years our labourers have com
peted against one another for wages which barely
suffice to keep them
aUve.
Whilst the realised
�weaith and the annual income of the country have
more than trebled, those who create these riches re
main a wage-slave class, overworked and underfed,
at the mercy of every crisis and the victims of each suc
ceeding depression. The improved machinery, the
extension of railways, the great steam and electric
communications—that vast increase of the power of
man over nature which has been the main feature of
our epoch, has brought luxury for the few, misery and
degradation for the many. Even in the past ten years
what have we seen ? The interests of Great Britain
utterly neglected, Ireland shamefully misgoverned,
India ruined and South Africa estranged. In 1874
the Liberals were dismissed for incapacity and Conser
vatives ruled in their stead for six years. Not a single
measure did they introduce during that long tenure of
office which could in any way lighten the lot of the
millions who toil. The Conservatives having been
turned out in disgust the Liberals again try their
h|and, and once more not a single measure is before
Parliament, not a single measure is proposed for future
legislation, which can benefit the working men and
women who are really the source of all our wealth.
Fellow-Citizens the further success of this pitiful
trickery depends upon your ignorance and will last as
long as your apathy. Landlords and capitalists, who
o ahi the House of Lords and fill the House of Commons,
wish nothing better than to protect their interests
under the pretence of looking after yours. Take up
then your own heritage, push aside these wealthy huck
sters of both factions who trade upon your labour,
and trust for the future in your own strength alone.
�Consider the figures below.
Total Production of the United
Kingdom................................. £1,300,000,000
Taken by Landlords, Capitalists
and Profitmongers
..........
1,000,000,000
Left for the Producers..................
300,000,000
Study these figures all who toil and suffer that others
may be lazy and rich ; look upon the poverty, the star
vation, the prostitution around you ye who labour and
return the value of your entire day’s wages to the employ
ing classes in the first two or three hours of your day’s
work. Ponder on these facts, reflect upon these figures,
men and women of England, and then ask yourselves,
whether it is worth while for such a result as this to
bow down in slavish subjection before your “ governing
classes,” whether you will not rather demand and
obtain the full fruits of your labour and become your
own governing class yourselves. Submit then no longer
to a system of Parliamentary Government which is
maintained in the interests of those who rob and oppress
you—which has proved itself for generations to be alike
a failure and a fraud.
EDUCATE !
AGITATE !
ORGANISE !
Fellow Citizens, we of the Democratic Federation
demand complete adult suffrage for every man and
woman in these islands, because in this way alone dan
the whole people give free expression to their will; we
are in favor of paid delegates and annual Conventions
because by this means alone can the people control
their representatives; we stand up for the direct r&
ference of all grave issues to the country at larg<&,
and for the punishment as felony of every species ol
�corruption, because thus only can tyranny be checked
and bribery uprooted ; we call for the abolition of all
hereditary authority, because such authority is neces
sarily independent of the mass of the people. But all
these reforms when secured mean only that the men and
women of these islands will at length be masters in
their own house. Mere political machinery is worth
less unless used, to produce good social conditions.
All wealth is due to labour ; therefore to the labourers
all wealth is due.
But we are strangers in our own country. Thirty
thousand persons own the land of Great Britain against
the 30,000,000 who are suffered to exist therein. A
long series of robberies and confiscations has deprived
us of the soil which should be ours. The organised
brute force of the few has for generations robbed and
tyrannised over the unorganised brute force of the many.
We now call for Nationalisation of the Land. We
claim that land in country and land in towns, mines,
parks, mountains, moors should be owned by the people
for the people, to be held, used, built over and culti
vated upon such terms as the people themselves see fit
to ordain. The handful ot marauders who now hold
possession have and can have no right save brute force
against the tens of millions whom they wrong.
But private ownership of land in our present society
is only one and not the worst form of monopoly which
enables the wealthy classes to use the means of pro
duction against the labourers whom they enslave. Of
the £1,000,000,000 taken by the classes who live without
labour out of a total yearly production of ^1,300,000,000,
the landlords who have seized Our soil, and shut us out
�from its enjoyment, absorb little more than £60,000,000
as their direct share. The few thousand persons who
own the National Debt, saddled upon the community
by a landlord Parliament, exact ^28,000,000 yearly from
the labour of their countrymen for nothing ; the share
holders who have been allowed to lay hands upon
our great railway communications take a still larger
sum.
Above all, the active capitalist class, the
loan-mongers, the farmers, the mine-exploiters, the
contractors, the middle-men, the factory-lords—these,
the modern slave-drivers, these are they who, through
their money, machinery, capital, and credit turn every
advance in human knowledge, every further improve
ment in human dexterity, into an engine for accumu
lating wealth out of other men’s labour, and for
exacting more and yet more surplus value out of the
wage-slaves whom they employ.
So long as the
means of production, either of raw materials or of
manufactured goods are the monopoly of a class, so
long must the labourers on the farm, in the mine or in
the factory sell themselves for a bare subsistence wage.
As land must in future be a national possession, so
must the other means of producing and distributing
wealth. The creation of wealth is already a social
business, where each is forced to co-operate with his
neighbour; it is high time that exchange of the produce
should be social too, and removed from the control of
individual greed and individual profit.
As stepping-stones to a happier period, we urge for
immediate adoption :—
The COMPULSORY CONSTRUCTION of healthy
artisans’ and agricultural labburers’ dwellings in pro
�8
portion to the population, such dwellings to be let at
rents to cover the cost of construction and maintenance
alone.
FREE COMPULSORY EDUCATION for all
classes, together with the provision of at least one
wholesome meal a day in each school.
EIGHT HOURS or less to be the normal WORK
ING DAY in all trades.
CUMULATIVE TAXATION upon all incomes
above a fixed minimum not exceeding ^300 a year.
STATE APPROPRIATION
with or without compensation.
OF
RAILWAYS,
The establishment of NATIONAL BANKS, which
shall absorb all private institutions that derive a profit
from operations in money or credit.
RAPID
DEBT.
EXTINCTION
of
the
NATIONAL
NATIONALISATION OF THE LAND, and
organisation of agricultural and industrial armies under
State control on co-operative principles.
By these measures a healthy, independent, and
thoroughly educated people will steadily grow up
around us, ready to abandon that baneful competition
for starvation wages which ruins our present workers,
ready to organise the labour of each for the benefiit
of all, determined, too, to take control finally of the
entire social and political machinery of a State in
which class distinctions and class privileges shall cease
to be.
Do any say we attack private property ? We deny
'Vp attack only that private property for a few
�thousand loiterers and siave-drivers, which renders all
property in the fruits of their own labour impossible
for millions. We challenge that private property
which renders poverty at once a necessity and a crime.
Fellow-Citizens, we appeal to every man and woman
among you who is weary of this miserable huckster’s
society, where poverty and prostitution, fraud and
adulteration, swindling and jobbery, luxury and debau
chery reign supreme, we appeal to you to work with
us in a never-ceasing effort to secure a happier lot for
our people and their children, and to hold up a high
ideal of national greatness for those who come after.
Such an ideal of true greatness and glory, needs but
intelligence, enthusiasm, and combination, to make it
a reality even in our own day. We, at least, will never
falter. We stretch out our hands for help, co-operation,
and encouragement, to all creeds and all nationalities,
ready ourselves to render assistance in every struggle
against class injustice and individual greed. The land
of England is no mean heritage; there is enough and
to spare for all; with the powers mankind now possess
wealth may easily be made as plentiful as water at the
expense of trifling toil. But to-day the worn-out wage
slaves of our boasted civilisation look hopelessly at the
wealth which they have created to be devoured only by
the rich and their hangers-on. To the abject poor
patriotism is but a mockery, all talk of happiness, of
beauty, of morality, is a sneer. We call, then, upon
every lover of freedom to support us in our endeavour
to form a real party of the people, which shall secure a
noble future for our own and other lands.
The aims and objects of the Democratic Federation
�are before you.
organised effort.
Success can only be achieved by
Educate !
We shall need all our intelligence.
Agitate !
We shall need all our enthusiasm.
Organise !
We shall need all our force.
EDUCATE !
(Signed)
June, 1883.
A GITA TE !
ORGA NISE !
The Executive Committee,
Democratic Federation.
The Federation consists of branches in various towns,
membership of which is open to all who hold the prin
ciples set forth in the manifesto of the body, and who
subscribe to its programme. Subscription id. per week.
Further information can be obtained by reading
EVERY
SATURDAY.
“JUSTICE”
w
1
ONE
PENNY.
A paper managed by working men, and edited by a
working man. It can be obtained from any newsagent,
or will be forwarded for 13 weeks to any address if is.
8d. is sent to The Modern Press, 13, Paternoster Row,
London, E.C.
Full particulars can be obtained by writing to the
Secretary, Social-Democratic Federation,
Bridge House, Blackfriars, E.C.
�MANIFESTO
OF THE
Social-Democratic Federation.
Issued after the West End Riots, Feb. 8, 1886.
15^ February.
Fellow Citizens,
We invite you to attend a mass meeting of employed
and unemployed workers in Hyde Park, at 3.30 p.m.
punctually, on Sunday next, February 21st, to demand
that the Government should organise the labour of
those who are now starving, owing to no fault of their
own, and should, as at other periods of distress, com
mence useful public works, paying to those engaged rates
of wages sufficient to ensure a healthy subsistence.
In calling this meeting we earnestly appeal to all who
attend it, whether in or out of work, to help us to keep
order. Those who understand the vital importance of
the Social-Democratic movement to workers of every
grade will be the first to put down any attempts of their
enemies to discredit the cause of the people, or to
endanger that right of public meeting which can alone
enable the producing class to gain any real advantage
without bitter civil strife.
The objects of the Social-Democrats when attained
will benefit not the workers only but even those who
to-day live in luxury, at the expense of the misery and
�12
degradation of the labourers. The present hopeless
breakdown shows clearly enough that the upper and
middle classes are unable to handle the industrial
machinery even to their own profit. Hundreds of
thousands of our fellows eager to do' useful work, in
order to maintain themselves and their families in
reasonable comfort, find that they cannot earn sufficient
wages to give them the bare necessaries of life. At the
same time the very goods which they themselves most
want are unsaleable because the producers are thus
denied the possibility of purchasing them. Even the
employed must know that the lot of their workless
fellows to-day may be theirs to-morrow. The uncer
tainty of employment is yearly increasing in every trade,
while in many branches men over forty years of age are
systematically refused work.
Hard times now come much oftener than formerly and
each crisis lasts longer than the one before. The
reason of this is that the workers themselves, having no
property, are forced to compete with one another for
subsistence wages, and have nothing to do with the dis
posal of the wealth which they produce for the profit of
others. When capitalists cannot mike that profit, they
cut their men adrift.
What is to be done? The landlords and capitalists
practically confess that they, at least do not know.
When forced to recognize that people will no longer
starve in silence, they condemn skilled artizans as well
as famine-stricken labourers to prove that poverty is
their only crime by breaking stones or picking oakum
at tenpence a day; or they endeavour to salve their
consciences, shocked by the misery which clamours at
�*3
their doors, by the pitiful expedient of an unasked-for
charity.
Social-Democrats alone dare deal directly with the
difficulty. More than two years ago as palliatives for
the serious distress which even then prevailed, we
issued the following proposals :—
“ i.—That no Government servant be employed at his
or her present wages for a longer period than eight
hours in each day. This alone would give room for
many now out of work, seeing that the ordinary hours
of work in the Post Office and other State establish
ments are from ten to twelve hours, or more, in the day.
2. —That all uncultivated Crown, or other lands, or
lands now in pasture, which in the opinion of skilled
agriculturists, would best pay to cultivate, be at once
worked with improved machinery by such of the unem
ployed as are accustomed to or would prefer agricultural
occupation. These labourers to be paid the rate of
wages which, in the judgment of a board of assessors,
shall be sufficient to keep them and their families in
health and comfort, or that such necessary food be sup
plied at cost at a general meal, lodging being provided
on the spot. An equitable portion of the profits, if
any, derived 'from such farming operations to be divided
from time to time among the people employed.
3. —That any public works oi importance in or near
any industrial centre—such as artisans’ dwellings, em
bankment of rivers, construction of canals or aqueducts
—should be begun at once instead of their commence
ment being deferred ; and that the same rate of wages
be paid, in proportion to cost of living, to the workers
employed that is paid to the agricultural labourers, or
�*4
that their feeding be conducted on wholesale principles
as above. That if, on valuation of works completed
any profit should be shown above what such works
would have cost, at rates of wages for similar work
averaged for the last five years, an equitable proportion
of such profit be divided among the labourers.
4. —That, where possible, light relief works on similar
principles should be commenced for those women or
men, who are incapable of heavy labour; or that they
be engaged on clothing or other work which they could
exchange through the State with the products of those
who are at work upon the land.
5. —That the cost of the initial proceedings and the
payment of wages be met by the ratepayers and the
State in equal portions, or in such proportions as may
be determined. The advantage to the ratepavers is that
able-bodied persons would be engaged upon beneficial
remunerative labour, instead of upon useless workhouse
tasks ; the advantage to the State would be that no
permanent pauperism would result from the prevailing
depression. Therefore the Municipalities and the State
should at once organise the unemployed labour and
thereby save expense later.”
To these we would now add free dinners for the
children in all Board Schools, as nothing is more
terrible for the workers at times like these than to see the
health of their offspring ruined for life by sheer lack of
nourishment.
Is this incendiarism ? Are these proposals anarch
ical ? That they can be but temporary expedients
we readily admit. But every man must acknowledge
that a society in which the statement of such elemen
�tary truths as that men should be allowed to work and
children to eat is accounted revolutionary cannot long
be propped up even by the adoption of the continental
methods of police repression or the arbitrary despotism
of a military governor.
All the facts around us confirm us in the conviction
that the class supremacy due to historical development is
even now being sapped by the growth of new economical
foims. The scientific truths on which this belief isfounded,
can be studied in the authorised publications of the
Social-Democratic Federation.
We call then upon the workers of London and of
these islands to stand side by side with us in orderly
union, to the end that they may organise for themselves
and for their children a sound system of national and
international co-operation which shall happily replace
the anarchy and misery of to-day. The work that we
have taken up is no light one, but the object is noble
and the reward is sure.
Let the governing classes face the inevitable downfall
of a decaying civilisation without hypocrisy and without
panic.
On them rests the responsibility of a
peaceful or a forcible issue to the last great class
struggle of our times. Here in the centre of capitalist
domination and commercial greed we at least are
resolved to continue our efforts, confident that they
must lead to the final emancipation of labour and to
the conquest of the future by the workers of the world.
(Signed)
The General Council of the
Social-Democratic Federation.
�The Working Man’s Programme (Arbeiter
Programm). By Ferdinand Lassalle. Translated from
the German by Edward Peters. Crown 8-vo., paper
cover, price 6d.
Social Progress and Individual Effort.
Desirable Mansions
Co-operative Production.
By Edward Carpenter.
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The Appeal to the Young.
By Prince
Peter Kropotkin.
Translated from the French by
H. M. Hyndman and reprinted from Justice. Royal 8-vo.,
16-pp. Price one penny. Tenth thousand.
The most eloquent and noble appeal to the generous emotions ever pen
ned by a scientific man. Its author is now suffering five years imprison
ment at the hands of the French Republic for advocating the cause of the
workers.
Herbert Spencer on Socialism. By Frank
Fairman.
16-pp. crown 8-vo., price id.
The Robbery of the Poor. By w. H. P.
Campbell.
New Edition.
Paper wrapper, price 6d.
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Conspiracy, on April gth, 1886. (From the Verbatim
Notes of the official shorthand reporter). With Portrait.
Price 3d.
What an Eight Hour Bill Means. By T.
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Socialism and Slavery. By H. M. Hyndman.
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Coming Slavery ”). New Edition. 16-pp., Royal'8-vo.
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And W. L. ROSENBERG, 56, East Fourth Street, New
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�
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Socialism made plain and "The Unemployed" : being two manifestoes of the Social-Democratic Federation
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Social-Democratic Federation
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Place of publication: London
Collation: 15, [1] p. ; 19 cm.
Notes: First manifesto (p. 1 to 10) titled, 'Socialism Made Plain, being the Social and Political Manifesto of the Democratic Federation'. Second manifesto (p. 11 to 15) titled, 'Manifesto of the Social-Democratic Federation. Issued after the West End Riots, Feb. 8 1886'. End of text of first manifesto dated June, 1883. Second manifesto dated, 15th February [1886]. Publisher's advertisements on page [2] and on unnumbered page at end.
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1886
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Socialism
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Political Manifesto
Socialism
Unemployment
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https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/1c6d7827eec35d79792e1ea7162baa7a.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=ofTcdChEap9Jo2OsEsKn%7EFJQ2GVJpc-VsD1MbOEH%7E3YHCd4bn%7EFA6UsaOD8WkC%7Ewq-WVpurmVMBrLZGIpOiY4S-tTVk7fNXlClTZuP1F8oFvE0ACEbn7RqdKkORvIbAagvEQKSDubTkSgzORmcRDHSg%7EncO-lDuAMltuANJtYboBomItZ9HmEuj2N5EuYzdZqx6vjHMKhkfzD06uYI90SuwCNlqr2M0owEA7PQJCighasRjDLtxt7pqG7IRnwYj-Z87zNwiTZS5c%7E5prwW%7ESv7cVQmL93JOEdFoRmIl7XRQZ52U1zCFUz%7ELO%7E5dOzW9ZEa12S5Dp6kYCKUWQQjnkBg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
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Text
PRICE SIXPENCE.
THE
WORKING MAN’S
PROGRAMME,
(ARBEITER-PROGRAMM)
An
Address
BY
FERDINAND LASSALLE.
Translated (with an Introduction) by
EDWARD PETERS.
THE
13
and
MODERN
PRESS,
14, PATERNOSTER ROW,
1884.
LONDON,
E.C.
��iii.
NOTE.
.Ferdinand Lassalle was born in the year 1825 at Breslau in
Silesia, where his father carried on the business of a merchant, and
intended that his son should follow the same occupation. But
young Lassalle having early given proof of unusual ability, and
a *“ certain passionate energy of character, ” preferred a more am
bitious career, and having passed with distinction through the
Universities of Breslau and Berlin, devoted himself to the task of
raising the condition of the people. Young, handsome, highly
gifted, and thoroughly trained in the intellectual school of the
highest German thought, he found a ready entrance to the best
society of Berlin, and in Mendelssohn’s house in particular gained
the friendship of Humboldt and other eminent men. The poet
Heine thus writes of him to Varnhagen von Euse—“ My friend
Lassalle, who is the bearer of this letter, is a young man of extra
ordinary ability. To the most thorough scholarship, the widest
knowledge, the greatest penetration I have ever met with, and the
greatest power of expression, he unites an energy of will, and a
prudence in action, which fairly astonish me." He hints at one
defect, however, .with characteristic irony—“He is thoroughly
stamped with the impress of these later times, which ignore the self
denial and modesty about which we of the older generation used,
with more or less hypocrisy, perpetually to prate."
In 1848 Lassalle took a leading part in organising armed resist
ance to the reactionary Government, and when brought to trial, he
undertook his own defence, and admitting the fact, maintained that
he had done no more than his duty, and was acquitted by the jury.
He now devoted himself anew to philosophy and literature. The
first book that he published was entitled “The Philosophy of
Heraclitus the Mystic of Ephesus,” which was considered to be
both, a brilliant and a learned work. His tragedy “Franz von
Sickingen ” contains many passages of brilliant oratory, but was not
found suitable for the stage. His brochure on “ The Italian war
* Wurzbach, Zeitgenossen, to which I am mainly indebted for this sketch of
Lassalle s life.—E.P
�and the task of Prussia," met with a better reception, and soon
reached a second edition. This was followed by 11 Fichte’s Political
Testament,” and a work on Lessing. His “ System of Inherited
Rights ” in two large volumes is said to be a work of great learning
and power, but is not consistent with his later socialistic writings.
Of the latter by far the most important is the treatise on “ Capital
and Labour.” In this he states his object to be, to make the profits
now absorbed by capital, available for the lower class of working
men. The means to this end are to be national workshops, like
those which failed in France, only the part which the State is to
play is to be that of a sleeping partner, namely to provide the
capital, to watch the conduct of the business, and to have the right
of inspecting the books. He held this to be the only way to make
the working class their own employers, and to evade the iron law
which limits the working man’s wages. At the same time he de
clared that ‘ ‘ no social improvement would be worth the trouble of
obtaining it if the working men (which happily is objectively im
possible) were to remain after it what they are now.” Education,
and again education, is the constant refrain of his teaching.
In 1862 he delivered a series of addresses in Berlin which pro
duced a stirring effect on the people, amongst them the Arbeiter
Program™ for which, strange as it may appear to the readers of this
translation, he was punished by a short term of imprisonment. In
the following year the “General Union of the working men of
Germany ” was formed at his instance, of which he was made
President, and thus became the acknowledged leader of the
“ People’s Party.” Bismarck had three interviews with him, and
tried to obtain the help of this party in his struggle with the socalled Party of Progress—but in vain. Equally in vain Lassalle
urged the Chancellor to try the weapon of universal and equal
suffrage against the common enemy the bourgeoisie. Bismarck, it
appeared, had carefully studied Lassalle’s writings, and there can be
little doubt that what are called the Socialistic schemes of the
Chancellor owe their origin, in part at least, to this source. Nor
can we doubt the great influence of Lassalle on German thought in
general. This is the work he had to do in the world, and it may
yet bear fruit in a not very distant future. His further career was
cut off by his untimely death in a duel in 1864.
E. Peters.
�.THE WORKING MAN’S PROGRAMME.
'Gentlemen,
Having been asked to give you a lecture, I thought
that I should best meet your wishes by choosing a theme
which from its very nature must be deeply interesting
to you, and by treating it in the most thoroughly scien
tific manner. I will therefore speak on the special con
nexion that exists between the character of the present
period of history in which we are living and the idea of
the working class. I have said that my treatment of
the subject should be purely scientific.
But scientific treatment consists in nothing else than
complete clearness, and therefore a complete absence of
presuppositions, that is to say, of reasoning founded on
unwarranted assumptions.
On account of this entire absence of presuppositions
with which we have to approach our subject, it will be
necessary at starting to have a clear understanding of
what we mean by a working man, or by the working
class. For on this point we dare not allow ourselves
the benefit of a presupposition, as if this were something
perfectly well known. This is far from being the case.
The language of common life, on the contrary, frequently
attaches different meanings at different times to the
�6
words working man and working class, and we must
therefore at the proper time get a clear understanding
as to the sense in which we intend to use these words.
This however is not the right time. We must on the
contrary begin this lecture with another question.
Namely with the following question. The working
class is only one of the many classes of which the com
munity of citizens consists. Moreover working men
have existed at all times. How is it then possible, and
what meaning can be attached to the statement, that a
special connexion exists between the idea of this speci
fied single class, and the principle of the particular period
of history in which we live ?
In order to understand this, it is requisite, gentlemen,
to throw a glance, at history, at the past, which rightly
Understood, here as always, explains the present and
foreshows the outline of the future. We must make this
retrospect as brief, gentlemen, as possible, for we shall
otherwise run a risk of not reaching at all in the short
time allotted to us the real subject which we have met
to consider. But even in the face of this danger, we must
take some such retrospective view of the past, however
cursory and confined to the most general features, inorder
to understand the meaning of our question and of our
theme.
If then we go back to the Middle Ages, we find that
even at that time the same grades and classes of the
population were in existence, though certainly far less
developed than those of which the community of
citizens consists at the present day. But we find further
that one grade and one element was at that time the
dominating one—namely the landed interest.
�7
It is the landed interest, gentlemen, which in aU
respects bore sway in the Middle Ages, which im
pressed its own specific stamp on all the arrangements
and on the whole life of that time; it is that which must
be proclaimed as the ruling principle of that period.
The reason of this, namely that the landed interest was
the ruling principle of that age, is a very simple one. It
lies—at least this reason may for the present fully satisfy
us—in the domestic and economic constitution of the
Middle Ages ; in the conditions of production at that
period. Trade was at that time very slightly developed,
and industry still less so. The staple of the wealth of
the community consisted to an immensely prepon
derating degree in the produce of agriculture.
Movable possessions were at that time but little
thought of in comparison with possession of the land
and the soil, and you may plainly see to what an extent
this was the case by the law of property, which always
throws a clear light on the economic condition of the
periods in which it was instituted. Thus for instance
the law of property of the Middle Ages, with the object
of preserving family property from generation to gene
ration, and protecting it against dissipation, declares
family property or “ Estate” to be inalienable without
the consent of the heirs. But by this family property
or “ Estate ” is understood by express limitation only
landed property. Chattels (fahrniss), on the contrary, as
movable property was then called, were alienable with
out the consent of the heirs. And, in general, all
personal or movable property was treated by the old
German laws, not as an independent reproductive pro
�8
perty, or in short as capital, but only as the/raZww of the
land and the soil, like the crops which are annually
gathered from it, and it was put on a par with these.
Landed property alone was regularly treated, at that time,
as independent productive property. It was therefore
only in complete accordance with this state of things, and
a simple consequence of it, that the landed interest and
those who had it almost exclusively in their hands, that
is, as you are aware, the nobles and the clergy, formed
the ruling factor of that society in all respects.
To whatever institutions of the middle ages we turn
our eyes, this phenomenon is everywhere apparent in
them.
We will content ourselves with a hasty glance at
some of the most important of those arrangements,
in which the land interest comes forth as the ruling
principle.
First then let us look at the organisation of the public
forces, or the feudal system. You know, gentlemen,
that this was so constituted that the king, princes, and
lords ceded to other lords and knights certain lands for
their use, in consideration of which the recipients were
obliged solemnly to undertake the obligation of service
in the field, that is to say, of supporting their feudal
lords in their wars or quarrels, both in person and with
their dependents.
Let us next look at the organisation of the public
Rights, or the constitution of the realm. In the assembly
of the German States the princely class and the great
landed interest were represented by the Counts of the
Empire and the clergy. The towns only enjoyed a
�9
seat and a vote in that assembly if they had acquired
the privileges of a free town of the Empire.
To proceed, thirdly, to the exemption of tfie great
landed proprietors from taxation.
Now it is a
characteristic and an ever recurring phenomenon,
gentlemen, that every ruling privileged class invariably
seeks to throw the burden of maintaining the existence of
the State on the oppressed classes which have no
property; and they do this openly or covertly, either
directly or indirectly. When Richelieu in the year
1641 demanded six millions of francs from the clergy,
as an extraordinary tax to help the necessities of the
State, the clergy, through the mouth of the Archbishop
of Sens, gave this characteristic answer—“ The ancient
usage of the Church during its vigour was that the
people contributed its goods, the nobility its blood, the
clergy its prayers to the necessities of the State.”
Fourthly, we may mention the contempt with
which every other kind of labour than that which
was occupied with the land was socially regarded. To
engage in industrial undertakings, to gain money
by a trade or profession, was considered disgraceful,
and dishonouring to the two privileged ruling classes,
the nobles and the clergy, for whom it was only deemed
honourable to derive their income from the possession
of land.
These four great and important facts, which determine
the fundamental character of any epoch, are amply
sufficient for our purpose, and show how it was that the
possession of land everywhere fixed its impress on the
period of which we are treating, and formed its ruling
principle.
�IO
So much was this the case that even the movement
of the Peasants War which broke out in Germany in
I524> and spread all over Swabia, Franconia, Alsace,
Westphalia, and other parts of Germany, and was in
appearance thoroughly revolutionary, nevertheless was
essentially dependent on this same principle, was in fact
therefore a reactionary movement, in spite of its revo
lutionary mode of action. You are aware, gentlemen,
that the peasants at that time burnt down the castles
of the nobles, put the nobles themselves to death, made
them run the gauntlet through their spears, which was
the cruel practice in vogue at that time. And not
withstanding, in spite of this external revolutionary
varnish, the movement was essentially and throughout
reactionary.
For the new birth of the relations of the State, the
German freedom, which the peasants wished to establish,
was to consist according to them in this, that the pe
culiar and privileged intermediate position which the
princes had assumed between the Emperor and the
States should be done away with, and that nothing
should be represented in the German Diet, excepting
the free and independent possession of the land,
especially of the land held by the peasant class and by
the knights—neither of which had been hitherto repre
sented—as well as that of the nobles of every degree,
namely of the Knights, Counts and then existing
Princes, without regard to the difference that had for
merly been made between them. The representation
therefore was to be confined to the landed possessions
of the nobles on the one side and those of the peasants
on the other.
�XI
You see at once then, gentlemen, that this plan
ultimately proceeds simply on a perfectly consistent
and more regular carrying out of this principle, which
the epoch just then drawing near its close had taken as
its foundation—I say on a logically consistent, more
complete and regular carrying out of the principle
that the possession of land should be the ruling element,
which alone should entitle any one to a participation
in the management of the State. That any one could
demand such participation on the ground that he was a
man, that he was a reasonable being, without the possession
of any land,—of' that the peasants had not the most
distant idea ! The times were not yet ripe for this, the
thoughts of men not yet become sufficiently revolu
tionary.
Thus, then, this movement of the peasantry, which
proceeded with such revolutionary determination, was
in its essence thoroughly reactionary: that is to say,
instead of resting on a new revolutionary piinciple, if
rested unconsciously on the old established principle of
the period which was at that very time dying out: and it
was precisely for this reason, because it was in fact
reactionary, while it believed itself to be revolutionary,
that the peasant movement was unsuccessful.
In opposition both to the rising of the peasants and
that of the nobles (under Franz von Sickingen), both
of which had in common the principle that participation
in the management of the State should depend, even
more strictly than had hitherto been the case, on the
possession of the land, the sovereign authority of the
Princes, founded on the idea of a State sovereignty
�12.
1I
•
independent of landed possessions, which was making
head at that time, was a relatively justifiable and
revolutionary force. This it was which gave it the
power which led to its victorious development, and to
the suppression both of the movement of the peasants
and that of the nobles.
I have dwelt with some emphasis on this point,,
gentlemen,—first, in order to prove to you the reasona
bleness and the progress of freedom, in the development
of history, and that by an example from which it is by
no means obvious on a superficial survey; secondly,
because historians are far from having recognised this
reactionary character of the rising of the peasants, and
the true cause of its failure which was solely dependent
upon that character, but on the contrary, deceived by
external appearances, hold the peasant war to
have been a truly revolutionary movement.
Thirdly, I have dwelt upon it because this spectacle
is constantly repeating itself in all ages, that men who
do not think clearly—and to this class,, gentlemen,
those who are apparently most learned, and even pro
fessors may belong, and, as the Church of St. Paul
with its sad memorials has shewn us, do extremely often
belong—fall into the extraordinary illusion of holding
that which is only a more consistent and complete
expression of a period of history and an organisation
of society even then passing away, to be a new revolutionary
principle.
Against such men and such courses, which are
revolutionary only in the imagination of these men—for
there will be plenty of them in the future as there
�z3
have been in the past—permit me, gentlemen, to
put you on your guard.
We may be allowed to feel confident on these grounds
that the numerous movements which have been imme
diately, or within a short time, after momentary suc
cesses, suppressed, which we find in history, and which
may fill many well meaning friends of the people who
take a superficial view of things with sad misgivings,
have ever been revolutionary movements only in the
imagination of their promoters.
A truly revolutionary movement, one which is founded
on a really new principle of thought, has never failed, at
least in the long run, as any one who thinks deeply
may, to his comfort, prove to himself from history.
I now resume the thread of my argument.
As the Peasants’ War was revolutionary only in their
imagination, so on the other hand the progress of in
dustry, the productive energy of the towns, the con
stantly developing division of labour, and the wealth of
capital, which came into existence by these means, and
which accumulated exclusively in the hands of the
bourgeoisie (because they were the only class which
engaged in production, and appropriated its advantages
to themselves)—these were the really and truly revolu
tionary forces of that time.
The close of the Middle Ages, and the commence
ment of modern history, is usually dated from the
Reformation, i.e. from the year 1517.
And in fact this is correct, in the sense that in the
two centuries which immediately followed the Reforma
tion, a change was slowly, gradually, and imperceptibly
�taking place, which completely transformed the aspect
of society, and brought about in the heart of it a re
volution, which was only proclaimed, but not really
created by what is called the French Revolution in the
year 1789.
Do you ask in what this revolution consisted ?
Nothing had been changed in the legal position of the
nobles. By law the nobles and the clergy were the two
ruling classes, the Bourgeoisie remained everywhere the
neglected and oppressed class. But if nothing had
been changed de jure, yet de facto the change that had
actually taken place in the relations of these classes
was all the more extraordinary.
Through the creation and accumulation of capital,
that is to say of moveable in opposition to landed
property, in the hands of the Bourgeoisie, the nobles had
sunk into complete insignificance ; nay, often into real
dependence on this Bourgeoisie which had become rich.
Already they were obliged, if they wished to be some
what on a par with them, to abandon all the principles
•of their class, and to begin to make use of the same
means of obtaining money through industry, to which
the Bourgeoisie owed their wealth and therefore their
-actual power.
The Comedies of Moliere, who lived in the time of
Louis XIV., show us as early as that date a highly
interesting phenomenon, the noble of that day despising
the rich citizen, and at the same time playing the para
site at his table.
We see Louis XIV. himself, that proudest of kings,
doffing his hat, and humbling himself in his palace of
�i5
Versailles before the Jew Samuel Bernard, the Roths
child of that day, in order to induce him to grant a
loan.
When Law, the famous Scotch financier, had formed
the trading company or joint-stock enterprise which
had combined for the commercial exploration of the banks
of the Mississippi, Louisiana, the East Indies, &c., the
Regent of France himself was one of the Directors—
a member of a company of merchants! Yes, the
Regent found himself compelled in August 1717, to
issue an edict, in which it was ordained that the
nobles might enter the naval and military service of
this trading company without any degradation to their
dignity! To that pass, then, had the proud and war
like feudal nobility of France arrived, that they could
become the armed commissaries of the industrial com
mercial undertakings of the Bourgeoisie who were
carrying on their trade in every part of the world at
once.
In connexion with this change of opinion, a kind of
materialism had at that time already developed itself, and
a voracious and greedy struggling for money and
property, to which all moral ideas, nay what unhappily
appeals in general still more strongly to the privileged
classes, all class privileges, were prostituted. Under
the same Regent of France, Count Horn, one of the
most distinguished nobles connected with the first
families of France, nay with the Regent himself, was
broken on the wheel as a common highway robber ; and
the Duchess of Orleans, a German Princess, writes in
a letter of the 29th November 1719, that six of the
�i6
most distinguished of the Court ladies had one day
waylaid the aforesaid Law (who at that time was the
most courted and also the busiest man in France, and
whom consequently it was very difficult to lay hold of}
in the court of some building, in order to induce him to
give them some shares in a company he had estab
lished, after which all France was running at that time,
and whose value on the Exchange was six or eight
times as high as the nominal price at which they had
been issued by Law.
The pressure exercised by
these ladies with this object proceeded to a degree
which a regard to decency will not allow me to par
ticularise.
If you ask me again what causes had rendered
possible this development of industry, and of the wealth
of the Bourgeoisie thereby called into existence, I could
not give a complete answer to the question without
largely overstepping the limits of the time allotted
to me. I will therefore only briefly enumerate the most
essential of these causes; namely, the discovery of
America and the enormous impulse thereby exercised
on production ; the discovery of the sea route to the
East Indies by doubling the Cape of Good Hope,
whereas formerly all trade with India and the East was
forced to take the overland route by Suez ; the dis
covery of the magnetic needle and the compass, and
the greater security thus given to all trade by sea, as
well as greater speed and diminution of the cost of
insurance ; the canals and paved roads constructed in
the interior of countries, which, by diminishing the cost
of transport, first made it possible to sell at a distance
�*7
numerous commodities which formerly were not worth
the expense of carriage ; the greater security of the
property of the citizens ; the regular course of justice ;
the invention of gunpowder, and the breaking up of the
feudal power of the nobles by the kings in consequence
of this invention ; the dismissal of the spearmen and
men at arms of the nobles, in consequence of the
destruction of their castles and of their independent
military power, nothing being now left for these de
pendents but to seek admission to the workshops of
that time—all these events helped to drag on the tri
umphal car of the Bourgeoisie!
All these events and many others which could be
enumerated are comprised however in one consequence
—the opening of great outlets, that is of extensive
regions where goods can be sold, and the accompanying
diminution of the cost of production and transport leads
to production in vast quantities, production for the
market of the world, and this in turn creates the
necessity of eheap production, which again can only
be satisfied by an ever-advancing division of labour,
that is by a separation of employment into its simplest
mechanical operations, ever carried further and further,
and thus again calls forth a production on an ever in
creasing scale.
We have thus arrived, gentlemen, at the domain of
reciprocal cause and effect. Each of these facts calls
the other into existence, and the latter again reacts upon
the former, and widens and enlarges its area.
Accordingly you will clearly perceive that, the pro
duction of an article in enormous quantities, its pro-
�i8
Ruction for the market of the world, is, speaking gene
rally, easily accomplished only on the condition that the
cost of the production of this article shall be moderate,
and also the transport of it cheap enough not to raise its
price exorbitantly. For production in vast quantities
requires an enormous sale ; and the extensive sale of
any kind of produce is only rendered possible by its
cheapness, which makes it accessible to a large number
of purchasers. Cheapness of production and transport
therefore cause the production of wares of any kind to
take place on a large scale. But conversely, you will
at once see that it is the production of an article in large
quantities which causes and increases cheapness. A
manufacturer for instance who sells two hundred thou
sand pieces of cotton in the year, is enabled by pur
chasing his raw materials cheaper on so large a scale,,
and also because the profits on his capital and the
expense of his plant and machinery are divided between
so large a number of pieces, he is enabled, I say, within
certain limits, to sell each piece much cheaper than a
manufacturer who only produces five thousand such
pieces every year. The greater cheapness of produc
tion leads therefore to production in larger quantities,
and this leads again to still greater cheapness, which
calls forth again a still larger production, which once
more causes further cheapness, and so on.
Precisely the same thing happens with regard to
the division of labour, which on its side again is the ne
cessary condition of extensive production and of cheap
*
ness, for without it neither cheapness nor production on
an extensive scale would be possible.
�19
The division of labour which separates the process of
production into a great number of very simple and often
purely mechanical operations requiring no exercise of
reason, and which causes separate workmen to be em
ployed for each one of these divided operations, would
be quite impossible without an extensive production of
the articles in question; and is therefore only called into
existence and developed by such extensive demand.
Conversely this separation of labour into such simple
operations and manipulations, leads further (i) to an
ever increasing cheapness, (2) consequently to produc
tion on a greater and more gigantic scale, ever spreading
beyond this and that market till it reaches the whole
market of the world, and (3) by this means, and through
the new divisions which this extension renders possible
in the single operations of labour, to an ever increasing
advance in the division of labour itself.
Through this series of reciprocal operations of cause
and effect, an entire change took place in the work of
the community, and consequently in all the relations of
life of the community itself.
A brief view of the nature of this revolution may be
obtained by reducing it to the following contrasts.
In the earlier part of the Middle Ages, as only a very
small number of costly products could bear the enhanced
price which would have been caused by their transport,
articles were only produced to supply the needs of the
locality in which the producers lived. This implied a
very limited market comprising only their immediate
neighbourhood, the requirements of which were for this
very reason well known, fixed, and uniform. The re
�20
quirements or the demand preceded the offer of the goods,
and formed the well known guide to the amount of goods
offered for sale. Or in other words—the production of
the community was carried on mainly by handicrafts.
For this is the character of business carried on in a
small way or by handicrafts, as distinguished from that
which is carried on in factories or on a large scale, that
either the demand is waited for, before the article is pro
duced ; as for instance the tailor waits for my order be
fore he makes me a coat, the locksmith before he makes
me a lock ; or that at least if many articles are manu
factured beforehand, this production in advance is limited
to the minimum of the requirements of the locality and
its immediate neighbourhood, which are accurately
known by experience. For instance, a tinman makes a
certain number of lamps in advance, which he knows
will be soon absorbed by the requirements of the town.
The characteristic quality, gentlemen, of a community
which produces mainly in this manner, is poverty, or at
least only a moderate degree of prosperity, and on the
other hand a certain stability and fixedness of all re
lations.
But now, through the incessant reciprocal action
which I have described to you, the work of the com
munity, and consequently all the relations of life gra
dually assumed a totally opposite character. This was
in germ the same character which distinguishes the work
of the community to-day, through truly in a very different,
in fact in an immensely- developed degree. In the
'gigantic development which has now been attained this
character may be thus indicated in opposition to the
�earlier one which has been described: whereas formerly
the demand preceded the offer of the merchandise, and
the production of it, and drew this latter in its train, and
determined it, formed its guide and its well known mea
sure, now on the contrary the production, the offer of the
goods precedes the demand, and seeks to force it into
existence. Goods are no longer produced for the locality,
for the ascertained needs of neighbouring markets, but
for the markets of the world. They are produced on
the largest scale and for every part of the world in gene
ral, to supply a need entirely unknown and not to be
measured, and the produce is able to force the demand
for it into being, provided that a single weapon is given
to it, namely cheapness. Cheapness is the weapon of
production, with which on the one hand it conquers the
purchaser, and on the other hand drives all other goods
of the same kind out of the market, which may be like
wise pressed upon the purchaser, so that in fact under
the system offree competition, every producer may hope,
however great the quantity of goods he produces, to
find a market for all these if he is only able by the better
arming of his wares with cheapness to make the wares
of his competitors unable to maintain the contest.
The prevailing character of such a community is vast,
immeasurable wealth, on the other hand a great mobility
of all relations, an almost constant, anxious insecurity
in the position of individuals and a very unequal appor
tionment of the proceeds of production amongst those
who work together to secure them.
You see then, gentlemen, how vast was the change
which the quiet, revolutionary, and undermining activity
�22
of industry, had imperceptibly wrought in the structure
of the community before the end of that century.
Although the actors in the Peasants War had not yet
ventured so much as to take up any other idea, than that
of founding the State on the possession of land, although
they had not been able even in thought to free them
selves from the view that the possession of land was
necessarily the element that involved dominion over
the State, and a participation in this possession the
condition of a participation in this dominion, yet
before the end of this century, the quiet, unnoticed, re
volutionary advance of industry had brought it to pass,
that the possession of land had been completely
stripped of its former importance, and in presence of
the development of the new means of production, of the
wealth which this development fostered and daily in
creased, and of the immense influence which it exercised
thereby on the whole population, and on its relations,
as well as upon the nobility itself, which had to a great
extent become poor, had sunk to a subordinate position.
The revolution had therefore already entered into the
vitals of the community, into their actual relations, long
before it broke out in France, and it was only requisite
to bring the change thus wrought to external recognition,
in order to give it a moral sanction.
This, gentlemen, is always the case in all revolutions.
A revolution can never be made; all that can ever be
done is to add external moral recognition to a revolution
which has already entered into the actual relations of a
•community, aud to carry it out accordingly.
To set about to make a revolution is the folly of im
�23
mature minds which have no notion of the laws of
history.
And it is for this reason equally foolish and childish
to attempt to repress a revolution which has once de
veloped itself in the womb of a community, and to
oppose its moral recognition, or to utter against such a
community, or the individuals who assist at its birth,
the reproach that they are revolutionary. If the revolu
tion has already found its way into the community, into
its actual relations, then there is no help for it, it must
come out and take its place in the constitution of the
community.
How this comes about, and how far it had already
happened in the period of which I am speaking, you
will best see by one fact which I will relate to you.
I have already spoken to you of the division of
labour, the development of which consists in separating
all the processes of production, into a series of very
simple and mechanical operations, requiring no exer
cise of reason.
Now as this division is ever advancing further and
further, it is at last discovered that these single opera
tions, as they are so simple and require no exercise of
reason, can be just as well and even better performed by
unreasoning agents ; and accordingly in the year 1775,
that is fourteen years before the French Revolution,
Arkwright invented in England, the first machine, his
famous spinning jenny.
I am not going to say that this machine produced the
French Revolution. The invention preceded it by far
too short a time for this, and besides had not yet been
�24
introduced into France ; but it may truly be said that
it represented in itself, in a material form, the revolution
which had already actually entered into the community,
and was already developed there. This was itself, so
to speak, the revolution which had become a living
force.
The reason of this is very simple. You will have
heard of the formation of the Guilds, through which
production was carried on in the Middle Ages.
I cannot here go into the history of the Guilds of the
Middle Ages, nor trace that of the free competition
which at the time of the French Revolution had every
where taken the place of the Guilds. I can only state
the fact in the form of an asseveration, that the system
of Guilds of the Middle Ages was inseparable from the
other social arrangements of that period. But if time
does not allow me to lay before you clearly the reasons
of this inseparable connection, yet the fact itself admits
of an easy historical proof. The Guilds lasted through
the whole of the Middle Ages, and until the French Revo
lution. Asj-early as the year 1672 their abrogation was
discussed in a German Diet—but in vain, nay, in the year
1614 the Bourgeoisie demanded of the Estates General.,
that is to say the French Parliament, the abolition of
the Guilds which already cramped them in all their
manufactures. This was likewise in vain. Nay further,
thirteen years before the Revolution, in the year 1776,
a reforming minister in France, the famous Turgot, did
abolish Guilds. But the feudal privileged world of the
Middle Ages regarded itself, and it was perfectly right,
in danger of death, if privilege, its principle of life,
�ceased to penetrate every class of society : and so the
king was prevailed upon, six months after the abolition
of the Guilds, to withdraw his edict, and restore them.
In due time came the Revolution, and destroyed in one
day by the storming of the Bastille that for which Ger
many had striven in vain since 1672, and France since
1614, that is for near two centuries,{.0 do away with by legal
means.
You will perceive from this, gentlemen, that how
ever great are the advantages which attend reforms
conducted by legal methods, yet they have on all the
most important occasions, the one great drawback of
an impotence lasting for entire centuries, and on the
other hand, that the revolutionary method, terrible as are
the drawbacks with which it also is accompanied, has in
spite of them the one advantage of attaining speedilv
and energetically a practical result.
Now fix your eyes, gentlemen, with me for a moment
on the fact that the Guilds were inseparably connected
with the whole of the social arrangements of the
Middle Ages, and you will see at once how the first
machine, the spinning jenny which Arkwright invented,
contained already in itself a complete revolutionising
of those social conditions.
For how could production by means of machinery be
possible under the system of Guilds, by which the
number of men and apprentices which a master might
keep was fixed by law in every locality ? Again under
this system of Guilds, the different branches of industry
were marked off from one another in the most exact
manner by law, and each master was only allowed to
�26
undertake one of them, so that for example, for hundreds
of years the tailors who made clothes were engaged
in lawsuits with the tailors who mended them,
the makers of nails, with the locksmiths, in order to fix
the limits which separated their trades. Now under
such a system of Guilds how could production be carried
on by machinery for which it was necessary that
different kinds of labour should be combined in the
hand of one and the same capitalist ?
A stage had thus been reached, at which production
itself, by its steadily advancing development, had
brought into existence instruments of production which
were destined to shatter the whole existing system of
society; instruments of production and methods of
production, which could find no place or room for
development in that system.
In this sense I say that the first machine was already
in itself a Revolution, for it bore in its cogs and wheels,
little as this could be seen from its outward appearance,
the germ of the whole of the new conditions of society,
founded upon free competition, which were to be deve
loped with the vigour and necessity of a living
force.
And in the same way it is possible, gentlemen, unless
I am greatly mistaken, that many phenomena which
are to be seen at the present day, contain in themselves
a new condition of things, which they must of necessity
develope. This is entirely overlooked in judging of
these phenomena from the outside only, so that even
the Goverment passes over them without suspicion,
while prosecuting insignificant agitators, nay even con-
�27
siders them as necessary accompaniments of our culture,
greets them as the flower and outcome of it, and occasion
ally makes speeches recognising and approving them.
After all this discussion, gentlemen, you will now
clearly comprehend the true significance of the famous
pamphlet which was published in 1788 the year before
the French Revolution by the Abbe Sieyes, and which
is summed up in these words, “ What is the third Estate?
Nothing ! What ought it to be ? Everything !”
The Bourgeoisie was called the third Estate in France,
because they formed the third class, in contra-distinction
to the two privileged classes, the nobility and the clergy,
and thus included the whole of the nonprivileged popu
lation.
Sieyes then thus formulated these two questions and
answers. But their true significance, as follows from
what I have already said, might be expressed more
strikingly and correctly as follows—
“ What is the third Estate actually and in fact £
Everything!
But what is it legally or constitutionally? Nothing !
The point is, therefore, to make the legal position of the
third class, identical with its actual position; to obtain
legal sanction and recognition for its actual and existing,
significance,—and this is precisely the work and the sig
nificance of the victorious Revolution which broke out
in France in 1789, and of the transforming influence
which it exercised over the other countries of Europe.
I am not going, gentlemen, to enter upon the history
of the French Revolution. We can now only glance, and
that in the most brief and cursory manner, which is all
�28
that our time will allow, at the most important and
decisive points in the transition from one stage of
society to another.
’ It is necessary here then to ask the question, who
constituted this thirM class, or the Bourgeoisie, who by
means of the French Revolution conquered the privi
leged classes, and obtained the government of the State?
As this class stood over against the legally privileged
classes of the community, so it understood itself at that
time, at the first moment, to be identified with the whole
people, and its interests to be identical with the interests
of the whole of humanity. To this was owing the elevating
and mighty enthusiasm which prevailed at that period.
The rights of man were proclaimed, and it appeared as if
with the freedom and the rule of the third Estate, all
legal privileges had disappeared from the community,
and all differences founded upon them had been
swallowed up and absorbed in the one idea of the
freedom of man.
In the very beginning of the movement, in April 1789,
on the occasion of the elections to the chambers which
were convened by the king on the understanding that
the third class should this time send as many represen
tatives as the nobles and the clergy together, we find a
journal by no means revolutionary in character, writing
as follows—“Who can say whether the despotism of the
Bourgeoisie will not succeed to the pretended aristocracy
of the nobles ?”
But cries of this kind were at that time drowned in
the general enthusiasm.
Nevertheless we must return to that question ; we
�must put the question distinctly.— Were the interest
of the third class truly the interests of the whole
of humanity, or did this third class, the Bourgeoisie,
carry in its bosom yet another, a. fourth class, from which
it desired to separate itself by law, fend so to subject it
to its dominion ?
It is now time, gentlemen, that in order to avoid the
danger of being exposed to gross misinterpretation,
I should explain clearly the meaning of the word Bour
geoisie or upper Bourgeoisie, as the designation of a
political party, and the sense in which I use the word
Bourgeoisie.
In the German language the word Bourgeoisie is
usually translated by the burgher or citizen class. But I
do not use it in this sense; we are all citizens, the working
man, the poor citizen [Kleinburger] the rich citizen
[Grossbiirger] and so forth. The word Bourgeoisie
has on the contrary in the course of history acquired
a very special political significance which I will now imme
diately explain to you.
, The whole burgher or not noble class, when the French
Revolution occurred, divided itself, and still remains
divided, speaking generally, into two subdivisions,
namely in the first place, the class whose members either
entirely or mainly derive their income from their labour,
and who have either no capital, or a very modest one to
assist them in exercising a productive industry for
the support of themselves and their families.
To
this class belong therefore the working men, the lower
grade of citizens, handicraftsmen, and generally speaking
the peasants. The second class consists of those who
�30
dispose of large private property, of a large capital, and by
reason of such a basis of capital, engage in production,
or draw an income in the shape of rents. These may
be called the rich citizens. But a rich citizen, gentlemen,
is for that reason essentially no Bourgeois at all.
If a nobleman seated in his room, finds pleasure in the
contemplation ofhis ancestors, and of his landed property,
no citizen has any thing to say against it. But if this
nobleman desires to make his ancestry or his landed
property the condition of a special rank and privilege in
the State, the condition of the power of directing the
will of the State,—then the indignation of the citizen
is roused against the noble, and he calls him a feudalist.
The same thing exactly takes place with regard to
the difference of property within the citizen class.
That the rich citizen seated in his chamber should
find pleasure in contemplating the great convenience
and advantage which a large private property brings
to its possessor, nothing is more simple, nothing more
natural and legitimate than this.
The working man, and the poor citizen, in a word,
the whole of that class which is without capital,
is fully justified in demanding from the State that
it should direct its aim and all its endeavours towards
the improvement of the sorrowful and needy condition
of the working classes, and to the discovery of the means
by which it may help to raise those by whose hands
all the riches with which our civilization delights to
adorn itself have been produced. To the same hands all
those products owe their existence, without which the
whole community would perish in a single day ; it is.
�31
therefore the duty of the State to help these to a more
ample and assured wage, and so again to the possibility
of a rational education, and through this to an existence
truly worthy of man. Fully as the working classes are
justified in demanding this from the State, and in point
ing out this as its true aim, so on the other hand, the
working man must and will never forget that the right
to all property once lawfully earned is thoroughly
legitimate and unassailable.
But if the rich citizen, not contented with the actual
advantages of large possessions, desires to make the
property of the citizen, or his capital, the condition of
power over the State, and of participating in the
direction of the will of the State and the determination
of its aims, then the rich citizen becomes a bourgeois,
then he makes the fact of possession a legal condition of
political power, then he characterises himself as belong
ing to a new privileged class of the people, which now
desires to impress the overruling stamp of its privilege
on all the arrangements of society, just as the noble did
in the Middle Ages, as we have seen, with the privilege
of the possession of land.
The question then which we have to raise with re
gard to the French Revolution, and the period of his
tory inaugurated by it, is this,—Has the third class
which came into power through the French Revolution,
regarded itself as a Bourgeoisie in this sense, and at
tempted successfully to subject the people to its privi
leged political domination ?
The answer must be sought in the great facts of
history, and this answer is distinctly in the affirmative.
�32
We can only cast a rapid glance at the most import
ant of these facts, which, however, are amply sufficient to
decide the question.
In the very first decree issued in consequence of the
French Revolution, namely, that of the 3rd of Septem
ber 179I (Chapter I. sections 1 and 2), the difference
between active and passive citizens is set forth.
Only
the active citizens are entitled to the franchise, and an
active citizen, according to this decree, is only one who
pays dived taxes to a certain amount, which is afterwards
more precisely stated.
The amount of this taxation was fixed with consider
able moderation ; it was to be only the value of three
days’ work, or if we estimate a days’ work at the value
of 10 silver groschen it would amount to a thaler (three
shillings). But what was far more important was this,
that all who served for wages were declared to be not
active citizens, by which definition the working class
was expressly excluded from the right of election. But
' after all in such questions as these it is not the amount
which is of importance but the principle.
A census was introduced, that is to say a specified
amount of private property was, by means of the franchise—
this first and most important of all political rights—
, made the condition of participation in the direction
of the will of the State, and the determination of its
object.
All those who paid no direct taxes at all, or a less
amount than the above, or who worked for wages, were
excluded from exercising power over the State, and
reduced to an inferior subject class. Private property
�33
or the possession of capital had become the condition of
sovereignty over the State, as nobility or landed property
had been in the Middle Ages.
This principle of the census remains the leading
principle of all the constitutions which resulted from the
French Revolution. The only exception was a short
period during which the French Republic of 1793 lasted,
which perished on account of its own want of definite
ness, and of the entire condition of society at that
time, and on which I cannot enter here more particularly.
Yes, following the rule which is common to all
principles, it was a necessary consequence that the
amount first fixed should soon develope itself into a much
larger one.
In the decree of 1814, 300 francs or 80 thalers, instead
of the former amount of three days labour, was fixed as
the qualification of the franchise by the charter granted
by Louis XVIII. The Revolution of 1830 broke out,
and nevertheless, the law of the 19th of April 1831
enacts that a payment of direct taxes to the amount of
200 francs or about 53 thalers, shall be the qualification
of the franchise.
That which was called, under Louis Phillipe and
Guizot, the “ pays legal,” the country recognised by law,
consisted of 200,000 men. There were no more than ,
200,000 electors in France qualified by the amount of
their private property, and these bore rule over a country
of thirty millions of inhabitants.
We must here observe that it is obviously a matter
of indifference, whether the principle of the census,
the exclusion of those who have no property from the
�34
franchise, is applied by the law in a direct and open, or
in some covert manner. The effect is always the same.
Thus the second French Republic in the year 1850
could not possibly recall openly the universal and direct
right to the suffrage which had been once declared, and
which we shall consider presently in its operation. But
they partially effected their object by excluding from the
franchise, by the law of 31st May, 1850, all citizens who
had not been domiciled for at least three years without
intermission in the same place. For, as workmen in
France are often forced by their circumstances to change
their abode, and to seek for employment in another
commune, they hoped, and with good reason, to exclude
from the suffrage a very considerable number of work
ing men, who would be unable to prove a continuous
residence of three years in the same place.
We have here, then, a Census in a disguised
form.
Much worse, however, do we fare in Prussia since
the passing of the electoral law, which divided electors
into three classes. By this law, according to the cir
cumstances of different localities, three, ten, or thirty
or more electors of the third class who have no property,
exercise only the same voting power as a single large
. capitalist, a rich burgher who belongs to the first
electoral class. Consequently, in point of fact, if the
proportional numbers were on an average, for instance,
as one to ten, nine men in every ten of those who in the
year 1848 possessed the franchise, have lost it through
this electoral law which formed part of the charter of
the year 1849, and now exercise it only in appearance.
�35
But in order to show you how this law now actually
works on an average, it is only necessary to exhibit to
you some figures which are drawn from the official lists
published by the Government.
In the year 1848 we had in consequence of the right
of universal suffrage then introduced, 3,661,993 original
electors.
By the electoral law of 30th May, 1849, with its three
classes, the number of electors was in the first place
reduced to 3,255,703 by depriving of the suffrage all
who had no fixed abode, or who received public alms.
Thus 406,000 men were at once deprived of the fran
chise. This however was the smallest part of the evil.
The remaining 3,255,000 electors were now to be
divided, according to the electoral laws, into three
classes, and according to the official lists prepared by
the direction of the chartered electoral law of
1849—
153,808 men belonged to the 1st class
409,945
,,
,,
2nd class
2,691,950
,,
)t
3rd class
Now let us leave the second class out of view, and
compare only the first and the third, the rich burghers
and those who possessed no property, with one another,
and we find that 153,800 rich men exercised the same
voting power as 2,691,950 who belonged to the class of
workmen, small citizens, and peasants; that is to say,
one rich man exercised the same right of voting as
seventeen who had no property. And now if we take
as our basis the fact, that in the year 1848 universal
suffrage was decreed by the law of the 8th April, so that
�36
at that time 153,800 working men or small citizens were
of equal weight at the elections with 153,800 rich men,
and consequently one man without property was of
equal weight with one rich man, it is clear that now,
when it takes seventeen poor men to counterbalance the
vote of one rich man, sixteen working men and small
citizens out of seventeen have had their legal right of
voting wrested from them.
But even this, gentlemen, bad as it is, is only the
average effect. In practice the matter assumes, in con
sequence of the varying circumstances of different
localities , a very different and far more unfavourable
aspect ; and most unfavourable of all where the ine
qualities of property are the greatest.
Thus the
district of Dusseldorf has 6356 electors of the first
class and 166,300 of the third class ; twenty-six electors
of the third class therefore exercise in that place the
same voting power as one rich man.
To return from this digression to our main line of
argument. We have shown, and have yet to adduce
further proofs, that since the Bourgeoisie attained to
power through the French Revolution, it has made its
own element, private property, the ruling principle of all
the arrangements of society ; that the ■ Bourgeoisie,
behaving precisely as the nobles did in the middle ages
with regard to landed property, now affix the pre
dominant and exclusive impress edits peculiar principle,
private property or capital, the impress of its privilege,
upon all the arrangements of society. The parallel
between the nobility and the Bourgeoisie is in this
respect complete.
�37
In relation to the most important and fundamental
point, the composition of the State, we have already
seen this. As, in the middle ages, the possession of
land was the ruling principle of the representation in
the German Parliament, so now by means of the direct
or the disguised census, the payment of taxes, and
consequently, as this is conditioned by the capital
which a man possesses, the possession of capital, is
ultimately that which determines the right of election
to the Chambers, and consequently the participation in
power over the State.
And so with regard to all the other arrangements in
which I have proved to you that the landed interest
was the ruling principle in the Middle Ages.
I have drawn your attention to the freedom from
taxation of the nobles who then possessed the land ; and
I told you that every dominant privileged class en
deavours to shift the burden of supporting the expenses
tof the State on the oppressed classes who have no
property.
The Bourgeoisie have done precisely the same. It is
true they cannot openly declare that they intend to be
free of taxation. The principle that they express is on
the contrary that every one should pay taxes according
to his income. But they attain to the same result in a
disguised form, at least as far as it goes, by the distinction
between direct and indirect taxes.
Direct taxes, gentlemen, are those which like the
classified income tax, or the class taxes, are raised from
income, and are therefore fixed according to the amount
of the income and capital. Indirect taxes, on the other
D
�38
hand, are those which are imposed on needs of some
kind, for instance on salt, corn, beer, meat, fuel, or on
the need of the protection provided by law, on the cost
of litigation, stamps, &c. These are in most instances
paid by the individual in the price of the article, without
his knowing or observing that he is paying any tax
when he pays for it, or that it is the tax which enhances
the price he pays for the article.
Now you are aware, gentlemen, that one man who is
twenty, fifty, or a hundred times as rich as another, by
no means requires on that account, twenty, fifty, or a
hundred times as much salt, bread or meat, nor drinks
fifty or a hundred times as much beer or wine, nor
requires fifty or a hundred times as much warmth, and
therefore fuel, as a workman or poor citizen.
Hence it follows that all indirect taxes, instead of being
adapted to individuals according to the proportion of
their capital and income, are paid, in far the greater
part, by the poorest and most destitute classes of the
nation. It is true that the Bourgeoisie did not actually
invent indirect taxation; it existed before. But the
Bourgeoisie were the first to develop it in an unprece
dented degree into a system, and laid upon it almost the
whole burden of supplying the necessities of the
State.
In order to show you this, I will glance by way of
example at the revenue of Prussia for the year 1855.
The total amount received by the State in that year
was in round numbers 108,930,000 thalers. From this
-we have to deduct 11,967,000 thalers the proceeds of
the domains and forests, that is to say, income derived
�39
from State property which we need not reckon here.
There remain, therefore, about 97 millions of revenue
from other sources. Of this revenue, according to the
budget, about 26 millions were raised by direct taxation.
But this is not true, and is only made to appear so
because our budget is not constructed on scientific
principles, but is only regulated by the manner in which
the taxes are apparently collected.
Out of these 26
millions, 10 millions of land tax ought to be deducted ;
for though they are certainly taken directly from the
possessor of the land, yet they are again added by him
to the price he demands for his corn; they are there
fore actually paid by the consumer of the corn, and are
really an indirect tax. For the same reason the tax on
trades amounting to 2,900,000 thalers must be de
ducted.
There only remains as revenue really derived from
direct taxation—
2,928,000 thalers from classified income-tax.
7,884,000 ,,
from class taxes.
2,036,000 ,,
from surtax.
Total 12,848,000 thalers.
Thus only 12,800,000 thalers, gentlemen, out of a
revenue of 97 millions really proceed from direct tax
ation. All that is collected beyond this 12,800,000
thalers (for we must not follow the unscientific classifi
cation of the budget which does not reckon the proceeds
of the salt monopoly, amounting to 8,300,000 thalers,
nor 8,849,000 thalers received as a tax on litigation, as
�40
indirect taxes), all this balance I say, with the exception
of a few unimportant items of a special character, is
altogether raised from sources of revenue which are of
the nature of indirect taxes, that is to say they are raised
by indirect taxation.
Indirect taxation is therefore, gentlemen, the institu
tion by which the Bourgeoisie creates the privilege of
freedom from taxation for great capitalists, and lays the
'cost of maintaining the existence of the State on the
poorer classes of the community.
At the same time I beg you to observe, gentlemen,
the remarkable contradiction, and strange justice in
volved in this proceeding of laying the whole burden of
the expenses of the State on the indirect taxes, and so
on the poor people, but making the direct taxes the
criterion and condition of the right to the suffrage, that
is to say of the right to political power; while these
direct taxes contribute only the absurdly small pro
portion of 12 millions to the whole revenue of 108
millions !
Moreover, I told you, gentlemen, while speaking of
the nobles of the Middle Ages, that they held in social
contempt all the activity and industry of the burgher
class.
Precisely the same thing occurs to day. It is true
that every kind of labour is now held in high honour,
and if a rag picker or a nightman became a millionaire,
he might be certain of being received with high honour
into society.
But with what social contempt are they greeted, no
matter in what way or how hard they work, who have
�no private property to back them. This is a fact which
you have no need to learn from my lecture, but which,
unhappily, you can verify often enough by your own
daily experience.
Nay, in many respects the Bourgeoisie carries out
more thoroughly and logically the dominion of its own
peculiar element and privileges, than did the noble in
the Middle Ages with respect to the landed interest.
The education of the people—I speak here of the
education of adults—was in the Middle Ages left in the
hands of the clergy. Since then the newspapers have
undertaken this office. But owing to the caution money
which the journals must deposit, and still more to the
stamp duty which is imposed on the newspapers here,
in France, and in other countries, to start a daily paper
is a very expensive business- that can only be under
taken with the help of a large amount of capital ; so
that by this means the possibility of appealing to the
thought of the people, of enlightening and leading them,
has become a privilege of the possessors of capital.
If this were not the case, gentlemen, you would
possess very different, and much better journals I
It is interesting to see, gentlemen, at what an early
period this attempt of the richer Bourgeoise to make
the press one of the privileges of capital, showed itself,
and in what a naive undisguised form. On the 24th
July, 1789, a few days after the storming of the Bastille,
and therefore soon after the Bourgeoisie had seized upon
political power, the representatives of the Commune of
Paris -issued a decree by which the printers were de
clared to be responsible for the publication of pamphlets
�42
or leaflets written by authors “ sans existence connue."
The freedom of the press which was thus seized upon,
was to be allowed therefore only to writers of known
means of subsistence. Property appears therefore as the
the condition of the freedom of the press, nay in fact of
the morality of a writer I This naivete of the first days
of the rule of the Bourgeois, only expresses in an artless
and open way, what has been attained by the ingenious
contrivance of caution money and stamp duty in our
day.
We must be satisfied gentlemen, with these great and
characteristic facts, which corroborate the view we
have taken of the Middle Ages.
We have now seen, gentlemen, two periods of the
world, each of which is dominated by the ruling idea of
a particular class of the community which impresses its
own principle on all the social arrangements of its
time.
First the idea of nobility, or of the possession of land
which forms the ruling principle of the Middle Ages,
-and permeates all its institutions.
This period closed with the French Revolution,
although you will understand that, especially in Ger
many, where the change was not brought about by the
people, but by very gradual and incomplete reforms
introduced by the Government, numerous and import
ant extensions of that first period of history have
occurred, which even at the present day greatly hamper
the progress of the Bourgeoisie.
We saw in the next place the period of history which
begins at the eighteenth century with the French Revo
�43
lution, which has for its principle large private property,
or capital, and makes this into the privilege which per
vades all the arrangements of society, and is the con
dition of participation in directing the will of the State
and determining its aims.
This period also, little as outward appearances seem
to show it, is virtually already closed.
On the 24th February 1848, the dawn of a new
period of history appeared.
For on that day in France (that country in whose
great struggles the victory or the defeat of freedom
means victory or defeat for the whole human race) a
revolution broke out which called a working man into
the provisional Government, declared that the object of
the State was the improvement of the lot of the working
classes, and proclaimed the universal and direct right
to the suffrage, by which every citizen who had attained
his twenty-first year, without any reference to the
amount of his property, received an equal share in
the government of the State in the direction of its will
and the determination of its aims.
You see, gentlemen, that if the Revolution of 1789
was the Revolution of the Tiers etat, the Third class, it
is now the Fourth class, which in 1789 was still enfolded
within the third class and appeared to be identical with
it, which will now raise its principle to be the domi
nating principle of the community, and cause all its
arrangements to be permeated by it.
But here, in the domination of the fourth class comes
to light this immense difference, that the fourth class
is the last and the outside of all, the disinterested class
�44
of the community, which sets up and can set up no
further exclusive condition, either legal or actual,
neither nobility nor landed possessions nor the posses
sion of capital, which it could make into a new privilege
and force upon the arrangements of society.
We are all working men in so far as we have even
the will to make ourselves useful in any way to the
community.
This Fourth class in whose heart therefore no germ
of a new privilege is contained, is for this very reason
synonomous with the whole human race. Its interest is
in truth the interest of the whole of humanity, its freedom
is the freedom of humanity itself, and its domination is
the domination of all.
Whoever therefore invokes the idea of the working
class as the ruling principle of society, in the sense in
which I have explained it to you, does not put forth a
cry that divides and separates the classes of society.
On the contrary, he utters a cry of reconciliation, & cry
which embraces the whole of the community, a cry for
doing away with all the contradictions in every circle
of society ; a cry of union in which all should join who
do not wish for privileges, and the oppression of the
people by privileged classes ; a cry of love which
having once gone up from the heart of the people, will
for ever remain the true cry of the people, and whose meaning
will make it still a cry of love, even when it sounds
the war cry of the people.
We will now consider the principle of the working
class as the ruling principle of the community only in
three of its relations :—
�45
(1) In re1ation to the formal means of its realisation.
(2) In relation to its moral significance.
(3) In relation to the political conception of the
object of the State, which is inherent in that principle.
We cannot on this occasion enter upon its other
aspects, and even those to which we have referred can
be only very cursorily examined in the short time that
remains to us.
The formal means of carrying out this principle is the
universal and direct suffrage which we have already
discussed. I say universal andtf/m^ suffrage, gentlemen,
not that mere universal suffrage which we had in the
year 1848. The introduction of two degrees in the
electoral act, namely, original electors and electors
simply, is nothing but an ingenious method purposely
introduced with the object of falsifying as far as pos
sible the will of the people by means of the electoral
act.
It is true that even universal and direct suffrage is no
magic wand, gentlemen, which is able to protect you
from temporary mistakes.
We have seen in France two bad elections following
one another, in 1848 and 1849. But universal and
direct suffrage is the only means which in the long run
of itself corrects the mistakes to which its momentary
wrong use may lead. It is that spear which heals the
wounds itself has made. It is impossible in the long
run with universal and direct suffrage that the elected
body should be any other than the exact and true
likeness of the people which has elected it.
The people must therefore at all times regard uni
�46
versal and direct suffrage as its indispensable political
weapon, as the most fundamental and important of its
demands.
I will now glance at the moral significance of the
principle of society which we are considering.
It is possible that the idea of converting the principle
of the lower classes of society into the ruling principle of
the State and the community may appear to be ex
tremely dangerous and immoral, and to threaten the
destruction of morality and education by a “ modern
barbarism.”
And it is no wonder that this idea should be so
regarded at the present day since even public opinion,
gentlemen—I have already indicated by what means,
namely, the newspapers—receives its impressions from
the mint of capital, and from the hands of the privileged
wealthy Bourgeoisie.
Nevertheless this fear is only a prejudice, and it can
be proved on the contrary, that the idea would exhibit
the greatest advance and triumph of morality that the
history of the world has ever recorded.
That view is a prejudice I repeat, and it is simply the
prejudice of the present time which is dominated by
privilege.
At another time, namely, that of the first French
Republic of the year 1793 (of which I have already told
you that I cannot enter into further particulars on this
occasion, but that it was destined to perish by its own
want of definite aims) the opposite prejudice prevailed.
It was then a current dogma that all the upper classes
were immoral and corrupt, and that only the lower
�47
classes were good and moral. In the new declara
tion of the rights of man issued by the French
convention, that powerful constituent assembly of
France, this was actually laid down by a special article,
namely, article nineteen, which runs as follows, “ Toute
institution qui ne suppose le peuple bon, et lemagistrat
corruptible, est vicieuse.” “ Every institution which
does not assume that the people are good and the
magistracy contemptible is vicious.” You see that this
is exactly the opposite to the happy faith now required,
according to which there is no greater sin than to doubt
of the goodwill and the virtue of the Government,
while it is taken for granted that the people are a sort of
tiger and a sink of corruption.
At the time of which we are speaking the opposite
dogma had advanced so far, that almost every one who
had a whole coat on his back was thought to be a bad
man, or at least an object of suspicion ; and virtue,
purity, and patriotic morality were thought to be pos
sessed only by those who had no decent clothes. It was
the period of sansculottism.
This view, gentlemen, is in fact founded on a truth,
but it presents itself in an untrue and perverted form.
Now there is nothing more dangerous than a truth
which presents itself in an untrue perverted form. For
in whatever way we deal with it, we are certain to go
wrong. If we adopt such a truth in its untrue perverted
form, it will lead at certain times to most pernicious
destruction, as was the case with sansculottism. But
if we regard the whole statement as untrue on account
■of its untrue perverted form, then we are much worse.
�For we have rejected a truth, and, in the case before us,
a truth without the recognition of which not a single
sound step in our political life can be taken.
The only course that remains open to us, therefore,,
is to set aside the untrue and perverted form of the
statement, and to bring its true essence into distinct
relief.
The public opinion of the present day is inclined,
as I have said, to declare the whole statement to be
utterly untrue, and mere declamation on the part of
Rousseau and the French Revolution. But even if it
were possible to adopt the course of rejection in the
case of Rousseau and the French Revolution, it is quite
impossible to do so in the case of one of the greatest of
German philosophers, the centenary of whose birth-day
will be celebrated in this town next month : I allude to
the philosopher Fichte, one of the greatest thinkers of
all nations and times.
Even Fichte declares expressly in so many words,
that the higher the rank the greater the moral deteriora
tion, that—these are his very words — “Wickedness in
creases in proportion to the elevation of rank.”
But Fichte did not develope the ultimate ground of
this statement. He adduces, as the ground of this cor
ruption, the selfishness and egoism of the upper classes.
But then the question must immediately arise, whether
selfishness does not also prevail in the lower classes, or
why it should prevail less in these. Nay it must at first
sight appear to be an extraordinary paradox to assert
that less selfishness should prevail in" the lower classes
than in the higher who have a considerable advantage
�49
over them in education and training which are recog
nised as moralising elements.
The following is the true ground of what as I said
appears at first sight to be extraordinary paradox.
In a long period in the past, as we have seen, the
development of the people, which is the life-breath of
history, proceeds by an ever advancing abolition of
the privileges which guarantee to the higher classes their
position as higher and ruling classes. The desire to
maintain this, in other words their personal interest,
brings therefore every member of the higher classes who
has not once for all by a high range of vision elevated
himself above his purely personal existence—and you will
understand, gentlemen, that this can never be more than
a very small number of exceptional characters—into a
position thoroughly hostile in principle to the develop
ment of the people, to the progress of education and
science, to tne advance of culture, to all tne life-oreatn
and victory of historic life.
It is this opposition of the personal interest of the higher
classes to the development of the nation in culture
which evokes the great and necessary immorality of the
higher classes. It is a life, whose daily conditions you
need only represent to yourselves, in order to perceive the
deep inward deterioration to which it must lead. To
be compelled daily to oppose all that is great and good,
to be obliged to grieve at its successes, to rejoice at its
failures, to restrain its further progress, to be obliged
to undo or to execrate the advantages it has already
attained. It is to lead their life as in the country of an
enemy—and this enemy is the moral community of their
�own people, amongst whom they live, and for whom to
strive constitutes all true morality. It is to lead their
lives, I say, as in the country of an enemy; this enemy
is their own people, and the fact that it is regarded and
treated as their enemy must generally at all events be
cunningly concealed, and this hostility must more orless
artfully be covered with a veil.
And to this we must add that either they must do all
this against the voice of their own conscience and intelli
gence, or they must have stifled the voice by habit so
as not to be oppressed by it, or lastly they must have
never known this voice, never known anything different
and better than the religion of their own advantage !
This life, gentlemen, leads therefore necessarily to a
thorough depreciation and contempt of all striving to
realise an ideal, to a compassionate smile at the bare
mention of the great name of the Idea, to a deeply seated
want of sympathy and even antipathy to all that is
beautiful and great, to a complete swallowing up of
every moral element in us, by the one passion of selfish
seeking for our own advantage, and of immoderate desire
for pleasure.
It is this opposition, gentlemen, between personal
interest and the development of the nation in culture,
which the lower classes, happily for them, are
without.
It is unfortunately true that there is always enough
of selfishness in the lower classes, much more than
there should be, but this selfishness of theirs, wherever
it is found, is the fault of single persons, of individuals r
and not the inevitable fault of the class.
�5^
A very reasonable instinct warns the members of the
lower classes, that so long as each of them relates him
self only to himself, and each one thinks only of himself,
he can hope for no important improvement in his.
position.
But the more earnestly and deeply the lower classes
of society strive after the improvement of their condition
as a class, the improvement of the lot of their class, the
more does this personal interest, instead of opposing
the movement of history and thereby being condemned
to that immorality of which we have spoken, assume a
direction which thoroughly accords with the development
of the whole people, with the victory of the idea, with the
advance of culture, with the living principle of history
itself, which is no other than the development of freedom.
Or in other words, as we have already seen, its interest
is the interest of the entire human race.
You are therefore in this happy position, gentlemen,
that instead of its being possible for you to be dead to
the idea, you are on the contrary urged to the deepest
sympathy for it by your own personal interests. You
are in the happy position that the idea which constitutes
your true personal interest, is one with the throbbing
pulse of history, and with the living principle of moral
development. You are able therefore to devote your
selves with personal passion to this historical development,
and to be certain that the more strongly this passion
grows and burns within you in the true sense in which
I have explained it to you, the higher is the moral
position you have attained.
These are the reasons, gentlemen, why the dominion
�52
of the fourth class in the State must produce such an
efflorescence of morality, culture, and science, as has
not yet been witnessed in history.
But there is yet another reason for this, one which is
most intimately connected with all the views I have
explained to you, and forms their keystone.
The fourth estate not only has a different formal
political principle from that of the Bourgeoisie, namelv,
the universal direct franchise, instead of the census of
the Bourgeoisie, and not only has through its position
in life a different relation to moral forces than the higher
classes, but has also—and partly in consequence of these
—quite another and a different conception of the moral
object of the State from that of the Bourgeoisie.
According to the Bourgeoisie, the moral idea of the
State is exclusively this, that the unhindered exercise
by himself of his own faculties should be guaranteed to
each individual.
If we were all equally strong, equally clever, equally
educated, and equally rich, this might be regarded as
a sufficient and a moral idea.
But since we neither are nor can be thus equal, this
idea is not satisfactory, and therefore necessarily leads
in its consequences to deep immorality, for it leads
to this, that the stronger, the cleverer, and the richer
fleece the weaker and pick their pockets.
The moral idea of the State according to the working
class on the contrary is this, that the unhindered and
free activity of individual powers exercised by the indi
vidual is not sufficient, but that something must be added
to this in a morally ordered community—namely,
�53
solidarity of interests, community and reciprocity in
development.
In accordance with this difference, the Bourgeoisie
conceive the moral object of the State to consist
solely and exclusively in the protection of the personal
freedom and the property of the individual.
This is a policeman’s idea, gentlemen, a policeman’s
idea for this reason, because it represents to itself the
State from a point of view of a policeman, whose whole
function consists in preventing robbery and burglary.
Unfortunately this policeman’s idea is not only familiar
to genuine liberals, but is even to be met with not unfrequently among so-called democrats, owing to their
defective imagination. If the Bourgeoisie would express
the logical inference from their idea, they must maintain
that according to it if there were no such thing as
robbers and thieves, the State itself would be entirely
*
superfluous.
Very differently, gentlemen, does the fourth estate
regard the object of the State, for it apprehends it in its
true nature.
History, gentlemen, is a struggle with nature; with
* This idea of the State, which in fact does away with the State,
and changes it into a mere union of egoistic interests, is the idea
of the State as regarded by liberalism, and historically was
produced by it. It forms by the power which it has necessarily
obtained and which stands in direct relation to its superficiality,
the true danger of spiritual and moral decay, the true danger,
which threatens us at this day, of a “modern barbarism.” In
Germany happily it is strongly opposed by the ancient learning
which has once for all become the indestructible foundation of
German thought. From this proceeds the view “that it is neces
sary to enlarge the notion of the State to the fullest extent to which
in my opinion it is possible to enlarge it, that the State should be the
organisation, in which the whole virtue of man should realise itself.”
(Augustus Booth’s address to his University of the 22nd March, 1862.)
�54
the misery, the ignorance, the poverty, the weakness,
and consequent slavery in which we were involved
when the human race came upon the scene in the
beginning of history. The progressive victory over this
weakness—this is the development of freedom which
history displays to us.
In this struggle we should never have made one step
forward, nor shall we ever advance one step more by
acting on the principle of each one for himself, each one
alone.
It is the State whose function it is to carry on this
development of freedom, this development of the human
race until its freedom is attained.
The State is this unity of individuals into a moral
whole, a unity which increases a million-fold the
strength of all the individuals who are comprehended in
it, and multiplies a million times the power which
would be at the disposal of them all as individuals.
The object of the State, therefore, is not only to
protect the personal freedom and property of the indi
vidual with which he is supposed according to the idea
of the Bourgeoisie to have entered the State. On the
contrary, the object of the State is precisely this, to
place the individuals through this union in a position to
attain to such objects, and reach such a stage of existence as
they never could have reached as individuals ; to make
them capable of acquiring an amount of education, power,
and freedom which would have been wholly unattainable
by them as individuals.
Accordingly the object of the State is to bring man
to positive expansion, and progressive development, in
�55
other words, to bring the destiny of man—that is the
culture of which the human race is capable-—into actual
existence ; it is the training and development of the human
race to freedom.
This is the true moral nature of the State, gentlemen,
its true and high mission. So much is this the case,
that from the beginning of time through the very force
of events it has more or less been carried out by the
State without the exercise of will, and unconsciously
even against the will of its leaders.
But the working class, gentlemen, the lower classes
of the community in general, through the helpless con
dition in which its members find themselves placed as
individuals, have always acquired the deep instinct,
that this is and must be the duty of the State, to help
the individual by means of the union of all to such a
development as he would be incapable of attaining as an
individual.
A State therefore which was ruled by the idea of the
working class, would no longer be driven, as all States
have hitherto been, unconsciously and against their
will by the nature of things, and the force of circum
stances, but it would make this moral nature of the
State its mission, with perfect clearness of vision and
complete consciousness. It would complete with un
checked desire and perfect consistency, that which hitherto
has only been wrung in scanty and imperfect frag
ments from wills that were opposed to it, and for this
very reason—though time does, not permit me to explain
in any detail this necessary connection of cause and
effect—it would produce a soaring flight of the human
�56
spirit, a development of an amount of happiness, cul
ture, well-being, and freedom without example in the
history of the world, and in comparison with which, the
most favourable conditions that have existed in former
times would appear but dim shadows of the reality.
This it is, gentlemen, which must be called the work
ing man’s idea of the State, his conception of the
object of the State, which, as you see is just as different
from the bourgeois conception of the object of the
State, as the principle of the working class, of the
claim of all to direct the will of the State, or uni
versal suffrage, is different from the principle held by
the Bourgeoisie, the census.
The series of ideas which I have [explained to you
must be regarded as the idea of the working class. It is
this that I had in view when I spoke to you, at the com
mencement of my lecture, of the connection of the
particular period of history in which we live with the
idea of the working class. It is this period of history
beginning with February, 1848, to which has been
allotted the task of bringing this idea of the State into
actual existence. We may congratulate ourselves,
gentlemen, that we have been born at a time which is
destined to witness this the most glorious work of
history, and that we are permitted to take a part in
accomplishing it.
But on all who belong to the working class the duty
of taking up an entirely new attitude is imposed, if there
is any truth in what I have said.
Nothing is more calculated to impress upon a class
a worthy and moral character, than the consciousness
�57
that it is destined to become a ruling class, that it is
called upon to raise the principle of its class to the
principle of the entire age, to convert its idea into the
leading idea of the whole of society and thus to form
this society by impressing upon it its own char
acter.
The high and world-wide honour of this destiny must
occupy all your thoughts. Neither the load of the
oppressed, nor the idle dissipation of the thoughtless,
nor even the harmless frivolity of the insignificant, are
henceforth becoming to you. You are the rock on which
the Church of the present is to be built.
It is the lofty moral earnestness of this thought which
must with devouring exclusiveness possess your spirits,
fill your minds, and shape |your whole lives, so as to
make them worthy of it, conformable to it, and always
related to it. It is the moral earnestness of this thought
which must never leave you, but must be present to
your heart in your workshops during the hours of labour,
in your leisure hours, during your walks, at your meet
ings, and even when you stretch your limbs to rest
upon your hard couches, it is this thought which must
fill and occupy your minds till they lose themselves in
dreams. The more exclusively you immerse yourselves
in the moral earnestness of this thought, the more
undividedly you give yourselves up to its glowing
fervour, by so much the more, be assured, will you
hasten the time within which our present period of history
will have to fulfil its task, so much the sooner will you
bring about the accomplishment of this task.
If there be only two or three of you, gentlemen, who
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Is the Church of England Worth Preserving ? by W. E. Gladstone; George Jacob
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Animal Instinct in its relation to the Mind of Man, by the Duke of Argyll, etc.,
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R. Greg, etc., etc. November contains India, Political and Social, by M. E. Grant
Duff; Religious and Conservative Aspects of Positivism, by Frederic Harrison!;
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seven numbers for 1875 free for 2s. 9d.----- 1876. January contains The Fallacies
■ of Testimony, by W. B. Carpenter; Why have Animals a Nervous System? by H.
■Charlton Bastian; Goethe and Minna Herzlieb, by Andrew Hamilton; Wesleyan
Methodism, by J. L. Davies; Public Education, by Sir John Lubbock, etc., etc.
March contains Modem Materialism, by the Rev. James Martineau; Irrigation
Works and the Permanent Settlement in India, by J. Dacosta; Bishop Butler,
by Matthew Arnold ; Eternal Perdition and Universalism from a Roman Catholic
�15
Point of View Religion of Positivism, by Mark Pattison, etc., etc. April contains
Russian Idylls, by W. R. S. Ralston; The Bases of Morals, by James Hanton;
Homerology, by W. E. Gladstone ; John H. Newman: a Psychological Study, by
the Rev. John Hunt; Jellyfish Theory of Language, by the Rev. A. H. Sayce, etc.,
etc. May contains Humanity, by Frederic Harrison ; Strauss : a Chapter in the
History of Modem Religious Thought, by the Rev. A. M. Fairbairn; Religious
Teaching in Elementary Schools, by Francis Peek, etc., etc. June contains Th°
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Evolution and the Religion of the Future, by Anna Swanwick ; Elementary Edu
cation, by Sir John Lubbock, etc., etc. July contains- Turkey, by Arthur Arnold •
Christian Evidences, by Richard H. Hutton; Homerology, by W. E. Gladstone •
The Pulse of Europe, by M. E. Grant Duff; The Restitution of all Things, by
Andrew Jukes, etc., etc. September contains Automatism and Evolution, by Dr.
Charles Elam; Capital Punishment in England, by Francis W. Rowsell; Church
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the Eastern Question, by Geo. Potter and Geo. Howell, etc., etc. November contains
Philosophy without Assumptions, by Cardinal Manning ; The Prophetic Element
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stone; A Psychological Parallel, by Matthew Arnold, etc., etc. The above
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Eastern Question, by Edward A. Freeman; Henrietta Maria; The Roman
Catholics and the Puritans, by Peter Bayne; Transcendentalism in England
New England, and India, by H. Holbeach, etc., etc. March contains ■ Pro
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Language, by E. A. Freeman ; Spinoza : the man and the philosopher, by Arthur
Bolles Lee ; Prussia in the Nineteenth Century, by Prof. J. S. Blackie; Reason
able Faith, by a London Merchant, etc. April contains: Spinoza : 1677—1877 by
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Upheaval m Scotland, by William Wallace; Drifting Light Waves, by R. A.
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November contains : The Resurrection of Christ a new revelation, by Canon West
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1878. January contains •
Dog Poison m Man, by Dr. Acland; J. S. Mill’s Philosophy Tested, by Professor
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Facts of Indian Progress, by Monier Williams; Determinism and Moral
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J- Vaughan; Are the Working Classes Improvident? by George HowellFuture Punishment Eternal Hope, by F. W. Farrar, etc., etc. July contains?
The Position and Influence of Women in Ancient Greece, by Dr. DonaldsonRoman Metempsychosis: a sequel to the discussion on future punishment bv
Francis Peek; Future of Judaism, by Rev. W. H. Fremantle; A curious article
«l,.a
„rl!S punday Evening, etc., etc. August contains: Max Muller on
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�16
City, by Walter H. James; Evolution and. Pantheism, by R. St. J. Tyrwhitt, ;
Professor Blackie on the Scot, etc., etc. September contains : Progress of Indian
Religious Thought, by Professor Monier Williams; Selling the Soul, by R. H.
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Corona and his spots, by R. A. Proctor; Memoir of Charles Sumner; Super
natural in Nature, etc., etc. The above six numbers for 1878 free for 2s. 6d.---1879. February contains : A. K. Wallace on New Guinea and its Inhabitants;
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miracles and to evolution, by J. LI. Davies ; New Planets near the Sun, by R. A.
Proctor; Women in Ancient Athens (Aspasia and Sappho), by James Donaldson ;
Confession : its Scientific and Medical Aspects, by George Cowell; New Religious
Movement in France, by Josephine E. Butler, etc., etc. April contains: Car
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Revolt by Ernest Renan; Why is Pain a Mystery 1 by J. Burney Yeo ; "What are
Living Beings ’ by Prof. St. George Mivart; Chloral and other narcotics, by Dr.
B W Richardson, etc., etc. August contains : Religious Condition of Germany,
by Friedrich von Schulte; Cheap Justice, by Henry Crompton ; Indian Religious
Thought by Monier Williams; Progress of Education m England, by F. Peek;
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Sin as Recorded in the Bible and in Ancient Oriental Tradition, by Francois
Lenormant; Political and Intellectual Life in Greece, by N. Kasasis; Animals and
T>i<m+= hv Prof. St. Geore-e Mivart; The Future of China, by Sir Walter H.
�17
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Victorian Blogging
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A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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The working man's programme (arbeiter-programm)
Creator
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Lassalle, Ferdinand
Description
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Place of publication: London
Collation: 59, [1] p. ; 19 cm.
Notes: Includes bibliographical references. Stamp on p. 59: South Place Chapel Finsbury, Lending Library.
Publisher
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The Modern Press
Date
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1884
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T470
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Peters, Edward (tr)
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Socialism
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<img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /><br /><span>This work (The working man's programme (arbeiter-programm)), identified by </span><span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk">Humanist Library and Archives</a></span><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
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application/pdf
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Text
Language
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English
Addresses
Political Manifesto
Socialism
Speeches
Working Classes