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THE DUTCH BOERS
AND
SLAVERY
THE TRANS-VAAL REPUBLIC,
IN A LETTER TO R. H. FOWLER, ESO., M.P.,
BY F. W. CHESSON.
“ It would not do to agree that negroes are men, lest it should
appear that whites are not.”^-Montesquieu.
LONDON:
PUBLISHED BY W. TWEEDIE, 337, STRAND.
1869.
Price, One Shilling.
��PREFACE.
The Trans-Vaal Boers are a community not much
known to the English people, and unfortunately they
do not improve on acquaintance. The following pages
are written with two objects ; first, to show that the
Boers send out commandoes to kill the Kaffir men,
and to enslave the surviving women and children;
and, secondly, to call attention to the fact, that, as
they are building up this institution of slavery, in
direct contravention of the Treaty of 1852, which forms
the foundation of their independence, it is the duty of
the British Government to enforce the prohibition of
the nefarious traffic embodied in Article IV. of the
Convention. It is the belief of those best qualified to
form an opinion, that the moral influence of Great
Britain will amply suffice to accomplish this beneficent
end.
b
2
��SHE DUTCH BOERS AND SLAVERY IN THE
TRANS-VAAL REPUBLIC.
To R. N. Fowler, Esq., M.P., Treasurer of the Aborigines’
Protection Society.
My dear Sir,—You brought the subject of the conduct and
■policy of the Dutch Boers towards the native tribes of South
Africa under the notice of the members of the Aborigines’ Pro
tection Society, at the Annual Meeting, held at the London Tavern,
in May last. This is my apology for addressing you on a question
which is perhaps as important as any now claiming the attention
of those who are interested in the colonies of Great Britain. I
refer to the practice of slavery in the Trans-Vaal Republic,
*
to the violation of the treaty of 1852 which it involves, and to
the external warfare and domestic tyranny of which it is the fruitful
cause.
The two Republics of South Africa have a common origin,
and, so far as their relations with the native races are concerned,
a common history. The Dutch, in their own country, are. the
most peaceful and law-abiding of citizens; and those who have sat
by their firesides in Holland find it difficult to understand why it
is, that as colonists, they have ever been cruel and mercenary. It is
true that in this respect they are not singular; for in the northern
island of New Zealand, in the pastoral districts of Queensland,
and in the border territories of North America, men of the English
race have vied with the Boers of South Africa in their selfish or
inhuman treatment of the Aborigines. But, to the honour of the
British Government, its influence in the collisions which so often
take place between colonists and natives is generally exercised on
the side of justice and mercy. It lias more than once prevented
* An inland state of S.-E. Africa, bounded south by the Vaal, a
large tributary of the Orange River, north by the Limpopo, east by
the Drakenberg Mountains, and west by the Bechuana tribe. Area,
undefined. Length, 500 miles; breadth, 225 miles. — Johnston's
Gazeteer.
�6
the extermination of the Maories and the wholesale confiscation of
their lands; and to it is due the non-recurrence, for a period of
fifteen years, of a Kaffir war—that gulf into which Chancellors of the
Exchequer once periodically cast their surplus. As the hands of the
Imperial Government are now tolerably clean, there is no incon
sistency in appealing to them against the misdeeds of the Boers of
South Africa.
It may be alleged that this is a proposed interference with the
internal government of an independent state. It is true that the
Dutch Republics of South Africa have enjoyed a separate existence,
in one case for fourteen and in the other for sixteen years past. In
the interval they have been as much masters of their own affairs
as if the English had disappeared from the Cape; but it is not the
less a fact, that their independence is based upon treaties which
impose upon them (as well as upon us) certain well-defined obliga
tions. As these obligations are in themselvesjust and reasonable—
as indeed the non-observance of them involves, as a consequence,
the subversion of public morality—the lapse of sixteen or of sixty
years cannot lessen their force, or diminish the weight of the
responsibility they entail. England may fairly consider the ex
pediency of enforcing the treaty which has been broken; but of
her moral right to enforce it there cannot be the shadow of a
doubt.
The story of the wanderings of the Boers in the South-African
wilderness is one of the most remarkable in the annals of coloniza
tion. Owning large numbers of Hottentot slaves, they resented
the Act of Emancipation as a piece of grievous oppression towards
themselves. Their fears were so worked upon by unscrupulous
speculators, that many of them believed they would receive no
compensation for the liberation of their slaves, and sold their
claims on the Imperial Government at a ruinous loss. In 1835
there was a strong emigration movement among the disaffected,
and an advance party, headed by Uys and Maritz, turned
their backs upon the old colony, and, after encountering great
hardships, entered Natal, which was then only colonized by a
small settlement of Englishmen. In the following year they were
joined by a considerable party who may now be described as
“ the main body ” of their discontented countrymen. The Dutch
were soon strong enough to fight pitched battles with Dingaan,
the Zulu king (who had massacred many of their number); and
�7
ultimmely, in concert with Panda, they defeated him, and raised
his rival to the throne. Upon their proclaiming a Batavian Re
public, the Government of the Cape asserted its authority by
force, and a state of civil war ensued. In 1843 the Boers for
mally surrendered their claim to Natal, and retired over the Dra
kensberg to the country now known as the Free State. There
they united with bodies of their countrymen, who, from about the
■year 1826, had crossed the Orange River in seasons of drought.
Some of the Boers, headed by Mr. Andries Pretorius, proceeded
still further into the interior, crossed the Vaal River, and took
possession of the territory now known as the Trans-Vaal Re
public. But the Imperial Government did not cease to regard
them as British subjects, although it was not till 1848 that they
were actually compelled to submit to the authority of the Governor
of the Cape Colony.
In that year Sir Harry Smith proclaimed the Queen’s sovereignty over the Orange River territory. The Committee of the
Privy Council, in their report dated the 5th July 1850, justify
that act in these terms :—“ In 1836 the emigrant Boers settled them“ selves down in many parts of what is now called the Orange sovereignty; they assumed absolute independence; established a
“ species of government for themselves; disputed native titles to
a land ; disclaimed being amenable to any native jurisdiction, even
“ when within the acknowledged territory of native chiefs ; and, in
r ‘ the result, it became apparent, that unless the British Government
“ interposed its authority, nothing but discord, violence and crime,
“ and a total extinction of the rights of the natives, must follow.”
The Committee further allege, that “ to adopt any other course than
“ this would, in their opinion, be productive of scenes of anarchy
“ and bloodshed, probably ending in the extinction of the African
“ race over a wide extent of country.” Sir Harry Smith’s policy
was an unfortunate one. It was that of a soldier who, although
not without good impulses, was always obstinate and often unteachable, and a stranger to that spirit of conciliation by which alone
different races can be brought into subjection to one government.
His proclamation led to a rebellion of the Boers. Sir Harry,
who was more at home in the field than in the Council chamber,
marched against the Boers, and completely routed them at a place
called Boemplaats; but his measures for the internal government
of the country were of a most crude and unsatisfactory character,
�8
and, on their failure, the British Government resolved to abandon
the country. Those Englishmen who, on the faith of the Gover
nor’s proclamations and of orders in Council, had emigrated to, or
acquired property in, the territory across the Orange River, pro
tested in vain against the haste with which the Imperial autho
rities ignored principles upon which, only a short time previously,
they had considered themselves bound to act. Sir George Clerk
was the Commissioner under whose personal direction British
authority was withdrawn from the Trans-Orange territory. His
arguments in favour of the policy of which he was the instrument
were entirely drawn from considerations of self-interest, which
might well have operated before the annexation, but which at a
subsequent date could not fairly be regarded apart from the general
interests of civilization in South Africa.
Those interests have greatly suffered by the separation of the
Free State from the possessions of the British Crown. The Boers
have shown how right the . Committee of Council were in the
special reasons they gave for proclaiming them British subjects.
Not only has the country itself retrograded, but it has engaged in
a series of native wars of so pitiless and rapacious a character, that
Sir Philip Wodehouse has, with the sanction of the Home Govern
ment, consented to acknowledge the Basutos as British subjects—
this being the only means of preserving the remnant of their
lands from robbery, and the tribe itself from destruction. And
now, after a lapse of fourteen years, public opinion in South
Africa is again unanimous in favour of retracing the backward
step which was then taken.
Two years previously the bands of emigrant farmers who,
under the “rebel” Pretorius, had crossed the Vaal River, and
traversed a wide range of country (driving back or enslaving the
natives), had negotiated a treaty by which they ceased to be
British subjects. It is to the history of that treaty and its relation
to the events which have followed, that I wish to call particular
attention.
It is easy to sit in judgment on what experience has proved to be
an error of policy; and, great as the mistake was, it was doubtless
from the best possible motives that the independence of the dis
affected Boers, who now form the two Republics of the Trans-Vaal
and the Free State, was recognised. England found it difficult to
govern scattered and distant communities of farmers who had
�9 ~
defied her authority, and engaged in petty but vexatious rebellions,
and whose country, moreover, promised to be a burthen to the re
venue. The Gordian knot was therefore cut by the entire severance
of the territories occupied by the Boers from the British possessions
at the Cape. While a constitution was yet denied to the Cape
colonists, a handful of turbulent Dutch settlers in the interior
obtained not only self-government, but independence; and, what
was really to be deplored, they succeeded in making treaties
with us which they have converted into instruments of oppres
sion.
The convention with the Trans-Vaal Boers was drawn up on
the 16th of January 1852 between Major W. S. Hogge and
Mr. C. M. Owen, Her Majesty’s Assistant Commissioners for
settling and adjusting of the eastern and north-eastern boundaries
of the colony of the Cape of Good Hope on the one part, and on
the other a deputation of emigrant farmers residing north of the
the Vaal River, the principal member of which was Mr. Andries
Pretorius, then Commandant-General, and subsequently first Pre
sident of the Republic of South Africa. The following is the
text of the treaty, which was ratified at Fort Beaufort on the 13th
May 1852, by General Cathcart, Her Majesty’s High Commis
sioner and Governor of the Cape Colony—
“ 1. The Assistant-Commissioners guarantee in the fullest manner,
on the part of the British Government, to the emigrant farmers
beyond the Vaal River, the right to manage their own affairs, and to
govern themselves without any interference on the part of Her
Majesty the Queen’s Government, and that no encroachment shall be
made by the said Government on the territory beyond to the north of
the Vaal River; with the further assurance that the warmest wish of
the British Government is to promote peace, free trade, and friendly
intercourse with the emigrant farmers now inhabiting, or who may
hereafter inhabit, that country, it being understood that this system
of non-interference is binding upon both parties.
“ 2. Should any misunderstanding hereafter arise as to the true
meaning of the words ‘the Vaal River,’this question, insofar as
regards the line from the source of that river over the Drakensberg,
shall be settled and adjusted by Commissioners chosen by both parties.
“3. Her Majesty’s Assistant-Commissioners hereby disclaim all
alliances whatsoever, and with whomsoever, of the coloured natives
north of the Vaal River.
“4. It is agreed that no slavery is, or shall be permitted or prac
�10
tised in the country to the north of the Vaal River by the emigrantfarmers.
“5. Mutual facilities and liberty shall be afforded to tradersand
travellers on both sides of the Vaal River; it being understood that
every waggon containing ammunition and fire-arms, coming from the
south side of the Vaal River, shall produce a certificate, signed by a
British magistrate or other functionary duly authorised to grant such,
and which shall state the quantities of such articles contained in the
said waggon, to the nearest magistrate north of the Vaal River, who
shall act in the case as the regulations of the emigrant farmers direct.
“6. It is agreed that no objection shall be made by any British
authority against the emigrant Boers purchasing their supplies of
ammunition in any of the British Colonies and Possessions in South
Africa, it being mutually understood that all trade in ammunition
with the native tribes is prohibited, both by the British Government
and the emigrant farmers on both sides of the Vaal River.
“7. It is agreed that, as far as possible, all criminals and other guilty
parties who may fly from justice either way across the Vaal River,
shall be mutually delivered up if such should be required ; and that
the British Courts, as well as those of the emigrant farmers, shall be
mutually open to each other for all legitimate processes; and that
summonses for witnesses sent either way across the Vaal River
shall be backed by the magistrates on each side of the same respec
tively, to compel the attendance of such witnesses when required.
“8. It is agreed that certificates of marriage issued by proper authori
ties of the emigrant Farmers shall be held valid and sufficient to
entitle children of such marriages to receive portions accruing to them
in any British Colony or Possession in South Africa.
“ 9. It is agreed that any and every person now in possession of
land, and residing in British territory, shall have free right and power
to sell his said property, and remove unmolested across the Vaal River,
and vice versa; it being distinctly understood that this arrangement
does not comprehend criminals, or debtors without providing for the
payment of their just and lawful debts.
“This done and signed at Sand River aforesaid, this 17th day of
January 1852.”
I believe that from that day to the present the Boers of the
Trans-Vaal have had no reason to impeach the good faith of the
British Government. We have fulfilled our part of the compact
to the letter: it remains to be seen whether they have fulfilled theirs.
Before letting loose the Boers, or consenting that they should no
longer be subjected to British authority, we were bound to protect
the interests of the natives who were thus to be handed over abso-
�11
lutely to a new set of masters. Lord Grey had a just sense of the
duty which our Government owed to the natives beyond the
Vaal, to provide them with such assistance against the aggres
sions of the Boers as might lie in its power.
Military aid
was, of course, out of the question ; but he was of opinion that the
Government might, through its agents, promote a union of the
tribes against their white enemies, and assist them, by the appoint
ment of a suitable officer, to organize measures for their defence,
and to settle down to agricultural pursuits. In a despatch ad
dressed to Sir Harry Smith on the 12th November 1850, his
lordship made this recommendation, but it was never acted upon,
and indeed General Cathcart (the successor of Sir Harry) adopted
rigidly the policy of non-interference as regarded both the Boers
and the natives living to the north of the Vaal River.
It is true that the English Commissioners explicitly pledged the
Boers to the abolition of slavery, and that this article of the treaty
gives us, at the present time, an indubitable right to interfere with
the domestic institutions of “ the emigrant farmers.” But the
feelings of these persons towards the native tribes, and the out
rages of which they had been guilty, were too well known to
allow it to be supposed that the treaty would be in this particular
more than the dead letter it has ever since remained. Still it may
be urged, that the British authorities did what they could, and
that in making the prohibition of slavery one of the conditions
upon which the independence of the Republic was based, they
upheld a just principle, and, at the same time, gave to the Im
perial Government a perpetual right to interfere in the interest
of freedom.
But it is not too much to affirm that any value
which might be attached to Article IV. was wholly neutralized
by the exceptional privileges conceded by Article VI. The Boers
were permitted to purchase any quantity of ammunition from the
colonial markets, while (( all trade in ammunition with the native
tribes ” was absolutely prohibited.
*
This was placing the lamb at
the mercy of the wolf with a vengeance ; and although it cannot
be said that Article VI. has entirely accomplished its object, yet
the effect of it has been to place the best weapons in the hands of
the Boers, the worst in those of the natives; to give to the one
* So thoroughly did the Boers understand the value of this con
cession, that they attached to the sale of gunpowder to the natives
the penalty of death.
�12
Q
party an unlimited supply of good ammunition, and to limit the
other to a small and uncertain supply of inferior quality. If the Boers
had acted justly by the natives, there perhaps would not have been
much ground of complaint; but when it became manifest that they
used their power to oppress and enslave the tribes in their neighbour
hood, it was the duty of the British Government either impartially
to close the markets against both parties, or to place them on
equal terms.
The Trans-Vaal Boers signalized their independence after their
accustomed fashion. They expelled Missionaries, and jealously
excluded travellers from their country, even subjecting them
to the imposition of fines and other penalties. They despatched
marauding expeditions against the natives, because they were
friendly to Englishmen who desired to explore the interior, or
because they were supposed to be too powerful or to possess
arms. They enslaved the women and children among their
captives under the name of iriboelcing, or apprenticeship; and
made themselves notorious by the massacre of those ancient and
helpless tribes of Bushmen, who might have commanded a feeling
of pity, which the more warlike Kaffirs failed to extort. Many
pages might be filled with a recital of their earlier atrocities. It
is perhaps sufficient to refer to the experience of Dr. Livingstone,
who incurred their hostility because to his influence they attri
buted the refusal of Secheli to give them a monopoly of the ivory
trade. As this Chief would not exclude English traders from his
territories, the Boers not only burnt his town to ashes, killed a
large number of his people, and carried many more into captivity,
but destroyed Livingstone’s Missionary station, and would have
murdered the great explorer himself, if at the time he had not been
absent at Kuruman, the residence of his father-in-law, Mr. Moffat.
You will perhaps remember that Dr. Livingstone, in conversing
with us on this painful episode in his career, mentioned that, at a
later period, he saw in captivity among the Boers large numbers
of Bechuana children, who had been educated in his own Sundayschools, and afterwards torn from their homes by the ruffians who
composed the Dutch commandoes.
The heroic Missionary and explorer, in a memorial addressed to
Sir John Pakington (dated 12th December 1852), thus described
the outrages which the Boers perpetrated at Kolobeng, solely for
the purpose of shutting out Europeans from the interior:—
�13
I “ In order that my complaint may be fully understood, I beg leave
to state that I have resided with an independent tribe called the Bakwains, in the capacities of Christian Missionary and medical practi
tioner, during the last eight years. The chief of the tribe is named
Sechele, and their country is that which is watered by the Kolobeng,
Mariqua and Limpopo Rivers (about 24° south latitude, and 26° east
longitude). There was no trade carried on previous to the commence
ment of my Mission, and petty wars were of frequent occurrence. But
wars ceased, and a brisk commerce was soon established with the
colony, and trade was carried on in security, not only in that and the
adjacent tribes, but it was extended to tribes 800 miles beyond the
Bakwains. The latter field is called the region around and beyond
Lake Ngami. Now the path to this distant region has been discovered
in its entire course by Englishmen, and no portion of it runs through
the country occupied or claimed by the Trans-Vaal Boers. The Mis
sion stations of Kuruman and Kolobeng are situated on this path,
but both are about 100 miles west of the Boer territory. In addition
to the traffic carried on by Englishmen in the region beyond Kolobeng,
many English gentlemen availed themselves of our route, in order to
enjoy sport among the large game with which the country abounds.
The relays of cattle, of both traders and gentlemen, were left in charge
of the Bakwains, and my house was used as a depot for provisions in
their return trips; and though it became necessary to remove the
Bakwain town to a distance of eight miles from my house, the provi
sions of the English were always faithfully guarded, even in my
absence.
“ Frequent attempts were made by the Trans-Vaal Boers to induce
the Chief Sechele to prevent the English from passing him in their
way north ; and because he refused to comply with this policy, a com
mando was sent against him by Mr. Pretorius, which, on the 30th
September last, attacked and destroyed his town ; killed sixty of his
people, and carried off upwards of 200 women and children. I can
declare, most positively, that, except in the matter of refusing to
throw obstacles in the way of English traders, Sechele never offended
the Boers by either word or deed. They wished to divert the trade
into their own hands. They also plundered my house of property,
which would cost in England at least 335Z. They smashed all the
bottles containing medicines, and tore all the books of my library, scat
tering the leaves to the winds; and, besides my personal property, they
carried off or destroyed a large amount of property belonging to
English gentlemen and traders. Of the women and children captured,
many of the former will escape, but the latter are reduced to a state
of hopeless slavery. They are sold and bought as slaves; and I have
myself seen and converged with such taken from other tribes, and
�14
living as slaves in the houses of the Boers. One of Sechele’s chil
dren is among the number captured, and the Boer who owns him
can, if necessary, be pointed out.”
Dr. Livingstone was not so famous then as he is now; and he
obtained no redress, General Cathcart being of opinion that “ the
“ losses and inconveniences he had sustained did not amount to more
a than the ordinary occurrences incidental to a state of war.”
The Boers have not even the excuse of an unproductive soil for
their raids upon their neighbours. The editor of the Natal
Mercury has been good enough to send me an excellent descrip
tion of the territory, which was written by a keen observer, who
emigrated there from Natal seven years ago. It will be seen that
his bird’s-eye view is as complete as could be desired.
“First, a word about the country, which is, perhaps, the finest
stretch of land in all South Africa. Utrecht district (this side of Belela’s mountain) is excellently adapted for grazing purposes and for
cultivation—plenty of water, good grass, wood enough, and an abun
dance of coal of very good quality, both for smith’s work and for
domestic use. On Belela’s Berg, and towards Pongola, are splendid
sheep runs : horses live there during the worst times of sickness; coal
is found in abundance ; in the mountains are fine woods of yellow
wood, stink-wood, &c. ; and it is said the precious metals are found
there. The Utrecht district is small at present, because the ‘pro
claimed ground ’ is not yet inhabited, but if the latter is once accom
plished, then will Utrecht be one of the richest districts in the country,
and in a position to send to the market wool, butter, coal, cattle and
cereals in abundance. The little village of Utrecht now consists of
about seventy houses, a Dutch Reformed Church, school and parson
age, a temporary court-house and jail, no canteen, and, unhappily,
no good store, for which, however, there is a good opening. If once
the railway to Newcastle is opened, then there can be no doubt but
Utrecht will become a large and flourishing place, with a good trade,
and a fair chance of an extensive population. Utrecht is between five
and six hours on horseback from Marthinus-Wesselstroom, district
Wakkerstroom. If you go from Utrecht, and follow the main road to
Lydenburg, then seven hours’ travelling will bring you just at the
foot of the Drakensberg, at Mr. Engelbrecht’s place, and another hour’s
trek on to the top of the Berg, from where you may have one of the
finest views of Natal. To the right, the long Drakensberg range ; to
the left, Doorberg, Belelasberg, Zululand ; just in front, Biggarsberg,
�15
Klip River County, yea, almost part of the county of Weenen. A
trek of another two hours will bring you to the main road to the vil
lage of Marthinus-Wesselstroom, so called in honour of Mr, Pretorius.
It is, at present, a small, unsightly place, with a brick-built church, a
public office, and a few houses. It should be a very large town, with
a very extensive trade, situated as it is on the main road to Natal. The
Wakkerstroom district is very large, and very few sheep thrive well,
horses and cattle find abundant pasturage, coal is also found (here and
there,), and cereals grow well. Almost every farm has abundance of
water, though there is a scarcity of wood. Following the main road
to Lydenburg, we cross Vaal River, near Mr. Buhrman’s beautiful
farm, ‘ The Emigrantie,’ and enter upon the gradually rising Vaal
River vlakte, in the district of Lydenburg. Lydenburg was formerly
an independent Republic, but unfortunately joined the Republic. Not
many years ago there were no inhabited farms along this part of Vaal
River; but since the war with Massoch, many Lydenburg farmers
have left their own homesteads and settled on the flats, so that Vaal
River is gradually becoming lined with sheep farms, and the vlakte
studded with homesteads. From Mr. Buhrman’s place, six hours’ on
horseback, to the north-east, begin the M‘Corkindale stations, stretch
ing far and wide towards Umzwaai’s country. All the farms in this
part of the Republic are sheep farms—most of them good cattle runs;
coal in abundance. Still following the main road, we cross Comate,
and bend our course to the Crocodile River hoogte. Sheep must be
tended here with greater care, also horses ; but corn grows better. So
on the Lydenburg. Few farms here are suited for sheep, or, except
when properly stabled, for horses. Cattle do not thrive properly; but
it is the country for corn. Give Lydenburg an export market, and it
will grow thousands upon thousands of muids of wheat, besides dried
fruits, plenty of good tobacco, and spirits. Lydenburg is one of the
oldest places of the Republic—a pleasant, well-watered, finely-wooded
little town, with a Dutch Reformed Church and parsonage, a public
office and jail, a large Berlin Mission station, a mill, and several stores.
All that Lydenburg wants is a near market for her produce. The
country beyond Lydenburg for many a mile (to the east and north-east)
is bushy, and good for cattle in winter ; towards the north-east it is
also very good for agriculture. Gold is said to have been found in
the neighbourhood of Lydenburg; lead and other minerals are sure
to be there.
“Again, taking the main road to the W.S. W., we cross many a cool
and rich stream of water, and, gradually ascending, we reach the
Steenkampsberg, about one day’s ride on horseback from Lydenburg.
Steenkampsberg is one of the offshoots of the Drakensberg, and from
Steenkampsberg, to the north, we reach the Magneetbergen and
�16
Sekukunisland to the south- west, a pretty, elevated tableland, studded
for many a mile with farms, where cattle and sheep thrive well; cereals
grow beautifully, but horses require careful stabling. About sixteen
hours on horseback from Lydenburg is the projected village of Naz^
areth, where, as yet, only a Dutch Reformed Church and a few houses
are built; but which place, of a necessity, must become an important
town. The produce of this place is corn, wool, butter, cattle, tobacco
(of course there is coal). The whole country here is well watered, but
not wooded, except to the north-east and north.
“ Proceeding in a south-westerly direction, we enter the Pretoria
district, and reach the Magaliesberg, or Witwatersrand. The country
here is well grown with thorn-bush, and everywhere well watered.
Taking the east and north-east side of Magaliesberg, we enter the land
of coffee, cotton, sugar, oranges and corn; of hot springs and rich
mineral mines ; of all kinds of game ; of giraffes, ostriches, &c. An
infmense tract of country, stretching towards Zoutspanberg, and,
northward, the Rustenberg district, and the pleasant town of Rustenberg, with its fine Reformed Church, parsonage and school, its Hervoomde Kirk still in course of erection, its fine double-storied court
house, its several large stores (sometimes empty, however), its ever
burning brick-kilns, and its well-kept streets. Still more northwards,
and towards the north-west, lies the densely-populated neighbourhoods
of Marico groot en klein Marico. Rustenberg is, no doubt, except for
its rather oppressive atmosphere in summer, the pleasantest place in
the Republic.
“ Taking the south-west side of Magaliesberg, and just between
that berg and Witwatersrand, we reach Pretoria—so called in honour
of Mr. Pretorius—at present the capital of the Republic, or, as it is
called, the Zetelplaats. There are two churches, several schools, stores
(most times empty), Government buildings, and perhaps 150 or 200
houses, mostly whitewashed. The country round Pretoria is well
adapted for agriculture and cattle-breeding; agriculture, however,
will succeed best. It is only when you reach the higher tablelands that
sheep thrive well. From Nazareth to Pretoria is sixteen hours on
horseback : the roads are mostly very good. Still going W.S.W., we
soon enter the Potchefstroom district.
“Taking our course via Witwatersrand, we cross some elevated table
land, till we reach the sources of Mooi River and Schoonspruit. Both
Mooi River and Schoonspruit are lined with farms—chiefly agricul
tural farms, though cattle and sheep are found everywhere. Oranges,
all kinds of fruit (including grapes) are found here in abundance, espe
cially at Hartebeesteimtein and neighbourhood. Going north-west, we
get to Makwasi and Meletchof, small villages. Turning to the south
east, we pass Klerksdorp, and reach Potchefstroom.
�17
‘ ‘ Potchefstroom is the largest place in the Republic, and should be
the capital. A good description of this place appeared some time ago
in the Mercury, so that I need now only say that Potchefstroom wants
only a population and a proper Government to make it the finest, and
perhaps the most important town in South Africa.
“ From Potchefstroom, along the Loscberg road, and past the beau
tiful farm of J. J. Hoffman, Esq., we soon enter the Heildberg district,
with the little village of Heildberg in the centre, and gradually
ascending, we reach once more the Vaal River vlekte, inhabited for
many a mile only by wildebeeste, bucks, and a few lions ; and crossing
again the Vaal River, we reach the Natal frontier after a good day’s
ride. Nearly the whole of the Vaal River vlekte is good for sheep as
well as for cattle : though no abundance of water, there is still enough,
and coal nearly everywhere.
“ Such, in a few words, is the recent South-African Republic. From
Zululand to Mendai, from Vaal River to Zoutspansberg, a country
which can produce in any quantity wool, cattle, butter, corn, skins,
feathers, tobacco, coffee, sugar, cotton, fruit, spirits—not to speak of
its mines of coal, lead, iron, and most likely silver and gold.”
It is manifest from this description that Nature has not been
chary of her bounty in the territory of the Trans-Vaal, and that
the Boers have really come into possession of what the foregoing
writer calls “ the finest stretch of land in all South Africa.” Such
a country, 30,000 square miles in extent, and peopled by a hardy
and industrious race, should be at once prosperous, and growing
in prosperity. Instead of this, it is miserably poor, and public
credit is at so low an ebb, that the paper currency (which is the
only money circulating in the Republic) is worth next to nothing
—articles being sometimes sold at 500 per cent, above their value
in order to enable the merchants to eke out a profit. A depre
ciated currency from being a consequence in its turn becomes a
cause of poverty and social disorganization.
*
This unhappy state
* A correspondent of the Trans- Vaal Argus (20th May 1868) says :—
“ It would occupy too much space to enumerate ail the causes of the
disaffection that prevails, but a few may be given. A Government
which has failed as this has done to maintain the supremacy of the
law, and has allowed the districts of Wakkerstroom and Utrecht to
remain in a state of insurrection for eight months, without any
attempt to reduce them to order except by weak and unauthorised
concessions to the delinquents, cannot expect much respect from its
subjects.
A Government which gives transfer of 300,000 acres
of land to a private individual illegally, and is made to. cancel the
same without giving. any compensation for the grievous injury that
has been inflicted on that person, and without visiting, the offender
c
�18
of things fakes its root in various causes. There are laws, but
obedience to them is far from general. Little, if any, respect for
authority exists. There are many high-sounding officials and
departments, but there is no unity of action among them, and
they are mostly maintained for show. Education is all but
neglected, and the younger race of Boers are likely to be yet
more illiterate than their fathers. The State does not support
more than four public schools, and the teachers in these complain
that they cannot get their salaries. Ridiculous stories are told
of the sort of persons—discharged soldiers and other adventurers—
who are deemed qualified to teach the young idea how to shoot.
But the greatest source of demoralization—that, indeed, to which
all others are but tributary streams—is the remorseless and fana
tical hatred of the Boers towards the native tribes. Strange to
say, this passion has been exalted to a religious duty, and in
the Dutch commandoes the intolerant spirit of the Crusader
has mingled with the cupidity of the buccaneer.
To massacre
the men because they are heathen, and to enslave the children
because they make useful (as well as inexpensive) house servants
and farm-labourers—these are the chief features that distinguish
what may be called “the foreign” or Kaffir policy of the Boers.
The legal enslavement of Kaffir prisoners has been both denied
and justified. We are first told that the Republic recognises no
with any punishment, cannot look for much respect.
A Govern
ment whose orders are continually disobeyed with impunity, as in
the late commandeering, can look for neither submission nor respect.
A Government which cannot raise a revenue without continually
increasing the debt of the country and ruining its credit, and can only
provide for its payment by delusive ‘promises to pay,’ which has made
the Republic a bye word and laughing stock among neighbouring
States, is not worthy of much confidence.” A correspondent of a
Natal paper (June 1, 1868), writes :—“As to the liberties and facili
ties held out to travellers and merchants, let me enumerate a few
of them. . If a merchant refuses to receive Trans-Vaal Government
notes (which are avowedly at fifty per cent, discount, and which no
Boer will take in payment for produce), the same as gold and silver,
he commits a criminal offence, and renders himself liable to have bis
license annulled. If a merchant imports any goods the Government
may be in want of, he has to submit to their being seized by fhem,
no matter how large and valuable the consignment, or how much
wanted _for legitimate trading purposes : he will be paid, it is true,
but m Government s own time, at Government’s own price, and in
Government’s own paper money. Among the travelling facilities I
need only mention the commando law, and the recent attempt to stop
prospecting parties. ”
•
1
r
�19
such system, and then we are assured that its continuance is ne
cessary as an act of humanity to the captive children. The fol
lowing letter was written by direction of the Duke of Buck
ingham, in reply to a Memorial from the Aborigines’ Protection
Society:—
‘‘Downing Street, 8th January 1868.
“My Lord,
“I am directed by the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos to
acquaint your lordship that His Grace has received from the Foreign
Office the Memorial signed by yourself and others, on behalf of the
Aborigines’ Protection Society, dated December 1867, regarding the
practice of Slavery in the Trans-Vaal Republic.
“He desires me to inform you that Sir P. Wodehouse expressed an
opinion against interference in the year 1865, on the particular cases
brought to light by Mr. Martin, and referred to in the Memorial,
*
addressed by the Society to Lord Stanley in August last ; but His
Grace has satisfaction in apprising the Society that Sir P. Wodehouse,
in the following year, on further facts coming to his knowledge,
addressed vigorous remonstrances to the President of the Trans-Vaal
Republic against the practices which were alleged of kidnapping
children, and holding them in long terms of apprenticeship, tending
to their enslavement; and that the President, in reply, announced
“ Maritzburg, Natal,
“ June 7th, 1867.
* “In the year 1864, after a sea voyage to Delagoa Bay, thirty-six
hours from Natal, I took a 700 miles’ trip to Zoutpansberg, TransVaal Republic, which you will see on Hall’s map. On my return I
had charge of two waggons with ivory. I objected to any natives
accompanying the waggons, but was told they were going to Natal for
work. When we reached the capital, Pretoria, the natives (six in
number) were forcibly seized and taken away from my protection by a
Dutchman. I appealed to an official, the field cornet—who, I regret
to say, was an Englishman—who assured me that the boys would run
away, and that they were taken from me because they had not a pass,
although the waggon had been searched for runaways before we reached
the capital. Next day, on coming to the Vaal River boundary of the
Free State, I was astonished to find that the brother of the Dutchman,
who was a passenger in my cart, actually had one of the boys so
forcibly seized. Two days afterwards he sent the poor wretch, on a
Sunday, without allowing him anything to eat, a long journey ahead,
and took away his kaross or covering, although it was very wet. Next
day the Vaal River was full when we crossed with a boat.. The poor
boy came to the bank, said he could swim, and, in coming through
the stream, perished before our eyes, although every. exertion was
made to save him. I contend that this native lost his life by having
been taken out of my protection, and I suppose the other five are still
in ^ond&ge.”—Extract from Mr. Martin’s letter to the Aborigines’Pro
tection Society.
c2
�20
that legal proceedings had been taken against certain offenders, who
had kidnapped children, and conveyed earnest assurances of the in
tention of his Government to repress slave-dealing and slavery.
“ I am,
my
Lord,
“ Your lordship’s obedient Servant,
“ Frederick Elliot.
“Lord Alfred Spencer Churchill.”
Although this letter is an admission that the charges preferred
by the Society against the authorities of the Republic do
not rest upon an isolated case, it yet presents Mr. Pretorius in
the too flattering light of a Chief Magistrate who is scrupulously
anxious to enforce the law and to ensure the observance of
treaties. There is, however, too much reason to fear that in this
matter Mr. Marthinus Wessel Pretorius is simply walking in the
footsteps of his father, Mr. Andries Pretorius; and I am also
afraid (although I do not wish to detract from the services of
an honest and able public servant) that Sir Philip Wode
house was far too easily satisfied with “the earnest assurances”
of the Trans-Vaal President. It would be some satisfaction to
know what was the nature of the legal proceedings which are said
to have been instituted against “ certain offenders,” and whether
anybody was imprisoned, fined, or even reproved for indulging in
a practice which the civilized world now condemns as one of the
greatest of crimes. The fact is, that there is no mystery or
concealment about the so-called “ apprenticeship ” system. How
could there be mystery or concealment when 4000 Kaffir
“ children” (many of them grown-up children) are held as slaves
—although disguised as “ apprentices ”—by the Dutch farmers ?
To proceed fairly against “ certain offenders ” would be to arraign
half the country at the bar, and to expect prosecutors, judges,
and juries to convict themselves.
The Boers endeavour to conceal the real character of their insti
tution under the euphemism of “apprenticeship.” The theory
which they seek to palm off' on a credulous public is, that from
motives of humanity they apprentice and exercise a paternal
supervision over destitute Kaffir children. Tender-hearted Boers !
They do not tell us who make the children destitute; who send
out commandoes for the express purpose of killing the parents
4n order to steal the offspring; who fix a price on “ the black
�21
’ivory ” according to “the weight” (or age) of “ the tusk.” It
would, perhaps, be too much to expect the Boers to impart infor
mation on these points, but they would be a shade or two more
respectable if they ceased to play the hypocrite. I repeat that
the Boers create the misery which they profess to alleviate ; and
I assert, without fear of disproof, that commandoes are organized
for the express purpose of capturing children to be converted into
slaves, and that in all parts of the Republic a traffic in these
human chattels is briskly carried on, the prices usually vary
ing from twelve to twenty pounds per head.
Fortunately for the sake of humanity, the attention of rightminded persons in Natal and at the Cape has been drawn, of
late years, to the proceedings of the Dutch settlers of the Trans
Vaal. Nor would it be right to withhold the credit which is due
to citizens of the Republic who—not without considerable personal
risk—have raised their voices and employed their pens in con
demnation of the iniquities which have been perpetrated before
their eyes. In the worst governed States there is always a mino
rity who are keenly alive to injustice, and anxious to remove it as
soon as they can exert the power, and that such a party exists in
the Republic of South Africa is a great element of hope for the
future of that country.
I regret that freedom of speech is so little respected in the Trans
Vaal that it would not be safe to mention the names of those who
are prepared to revolutionize the native policy of the Boers. But
as one gentleman has had the courage to publish his name in con
nection with the disclosures he has made, it may be as well to
state that the annexed letter, published in the Friend of Free
State, is from the pen of Mr. G. W. Steyn :—
“ Haassekraal, near Potchefstroom, Trans-Vaal,
“ March 13th, 1866.
“You have already been made aware that loads of ‘black ivory’
(young Kaffirs) are constantly hawked about the country, and disposed
of like so many droves of cattle. This barbarous traffic has now
become the subject of deep regret to every man bom with a sense of
humanity. Many are the hearts that were burning to see the subject
brought to the notice of the Colonial Government; but as none would
take the task on himself for fear of receiving some absurd sentence
from a tyrannical, bigoted and arbitrary Government, the truth has
from time to time been veiled, till at last, animated with a feeling of
pity for the several naked and half-starved young natives who are
�22
daily sold and re-sold to men who consider them brutes, and treat
them as such, I addressed a letter to Governor Wodehouse, giving
him an unbiased account of this fast-increasing and lucrative branch
of our trade, with the request that His Excellency would be pleased
to forward a copy of my communication to President Pretorius, and
also referred him to some of the most influential gentlemen here to
verify my statements, which requests His Excellency immediately
complied with. The result, as I have been informed by His Excellency,
is as follows—£ I lost no time in addressing President Pretorius on the
subject; and also in applying to the gentlemen whom you had named
for confirmation of the statement as to the sale of the native children.
From the latter I have received letters fully supporting your allega
tions, but Mr. Pretorius has not yet replied. You may rely upon it
that the subject shall receive the most serious consideration of this
Government.’ ....
“ I am at any moment prepared to prove to the most bigoted and
biased jury, that, notwithstanding denials and evasions on the part of
an interested Government, a system of virtual slavery is carried on
here under the plausible pretence of 1 apprenticing orphan children. ’ I
will prove that the war now raging at Zoutpansberg is solely on
account of some Boers having made frequent, unprovoked and bloody
attacks on the natives there, to enrich themselves with cattle, and
secure victims of this system of forced labour.
“ I challenge President Pretorius to prove that the several young
natives he has in his service are orphans, or that one-fiftieth part of
the (at least) 4000 natives sold here during the last fifteen years are
such, unless they have been deprived of their fathers, and perhaps
mothers also, by the bullet of some ruflian of a Boer. Will President
Pretorius dare to deny that such is the manner in which hundreds of
helpless children are annually made orphans, for the sole purpose of
bene fitting the pockets of some miscreants ? It is often asserted that
all these acts of woe are done to civilize the natives, and only amount
to the apprenticing of orphan children until they are twenty-five
years old. Supposing, for the sake of argument, that the hundreds of
natives annually sold are all orphans. How are these children to
know when they are twenty-five years old? and the means by which
they may seek and obtain their freedom ? Their twenty-five is seldom
if ever completed till death relieves them from the bond of slavery.
Call it what you will, it is slavery, by compulsory labour and compul
sory detention. President Pretorius belongs to a self-called religious
people, and he agrees with them in looking on the dark-skinned races
as the ‘ accursed sons of Ham,’ who only deserve the name of
‘ schepsels,’ and who are doomed by heaven to perpetual servitude.
It is their opinion that by inflicting slavery on the natives they are
performing the will of God.”
�23
The statements made in this letter are sufficiently explicit, and
if borne out by subsequent inquiry (as they would have been if any
inquiry had been instituted), it is difficult to understand why
Governor Wodehouse should have been satisfied with the vague
assurances and promises of Mr. President Pretorius.
Some idea of the personal experiences of the captives may be
derived from two or three simple narratives which were taken
down from the lips of the native women in January of the pre
sent year, and forwarded to me by a gentleman in Natal, who has
been zealous in his efforts to expose the cruelties of the Boers.
Rachel’s story.
“ I was taken by the Dutch when quite a babe. Our people lived
on the other side of Makapan’s poort. The Dutch fought with them.
Our fathers were beaten in the fight, and many of them were killed.
Our mothers ran away with us, and hid in caves ; but at last thirst
compelled them to go in search of water. My mother and others were
seen before they reached the water, and were shot, and we children
were taken. The very little ones were put on horseback, while the
bigger ones had to run on before, until we got to the Laager. At the
division I fell to the lot of Mynheer ----- . * I stayed with him several
years, and then he sold me to the Mynheer----- . I stayed with him
several years, and then he sold me to Mynheer----- , with whom I
stayed until I was grown up. The price he gave for me was QI. and a
cow in calf. I did not know, however, that I was sold until long
afterwards. I was merely told to go and work for him. My first
master was kind to me, but my second was very cruel.
“ When I was grown up, my master sold me to a man (a native)
who wanted me for a wife. He gave QI. for me, but as he was a
drunken fellow, and used me very cruelly, I ran away from him, and
went back to my master. After some time I was again sold to the
man with whom I now live. He also gave QI. for me. Neither he nor
the other were Kaffirs living up there, but were waggon drivers from
Natal. My master thus got 12Z. for me. After taking me my husband
lived about two years amongst the Dutch, during which time I worked
for different people, traders and others, up that way, and earned a
cow: but when I came away with the man I am living with, I was not
allowed to take it with me. It was kept by Mynheer----- . When
with Mynheer----- , we lived in Pretoria, and during my stay there I
saw many children brought down from beyond Zoutpansberg, and sold
about town at from 3Z. to 81., according to size. Some were sold for
horses and cattle.
“At last my husband came down to Natal Us waggon-driver, and we
* The names of the woman’s two masters are in my possession.
�24
have lived here ever since. When at the Vaal River, on our way down,
my husband’s master told a little (black) boy to stay with a Dutchman
living there until his return; and it was not till we were more than
half-way down that we learnt that the boy had been sold. Children
are very dear down at the Vaal River, as it is so far from where they
are got. Children are what they call apprenticed out to the different
people for a number of years, or until grown up. I never saw my
papers, nor the papers of any one else. When we are bartered or
sold from one to another, we are not told of it, but are told that it is
to stay for a little while. It is not until afterwards that we find we
have been sold. When we think we have stayed long enough, and ask
to be set free, we are whipped. I do not know of any one having got
their liberty except by marriage to men not resident there. We are
told that after we have served our time we will get paid for our work,
but that we never do.”
adela’s story.
“ The country in which we lived before our people were scattered
by the Dutch is near Zoutpansberg. I remember when I was taken,
although very young at the time. There were others taken besides
myself, some older and some younger. The Dutch surrounded our
kraal while it was yet day, and set fire to the huts. The noise of the
fire awoke us, and we ran out just as we were. The grown-up people
who attempted to run out of the kraal were shot down, and the rest
huddled together, surrounded by the Dutch on horseback. The
children were then put together in one place, while the rest were
made to go into the castle kraal, which was built of stone, and were
there shot at till they all fell down dead or dying. The Dutch then
took us to their waggons, and we were divided amongst them. I fell
to the lot of Mr. Van Zweel. My master often lived in town, and
while there I used to see children brought down from Zoutpansberg
and sold for money or cattle. They did not use to hawk children
about in this way when I was taken: this practice has taken place
since, but one would sell to another, as occasion required. When I
was about fourteen years of age my master sold me to a Natal Kaffir
waggon-driver for 30?. I came down here with him, and have lived
with him ever since. He was at that time, and still is, waggon-driver
to the Messrs. Barrett of this city.”
sophia’s story.
il I was born in Zululand.
When I ivas still quite young the
Dutch came and made war against our king.
They were generally
•victorious, and then did their best to capture the children and
cattle. I remember the time I was taken captive. There had been
�25
a great fight, and our fathers were beaten. Our mothers fled with
us, and hid in the kloofs, but the white men saw where we went
to, gave chase, and we were taken. Our mothers were very sorrowful,
and cried very much. They attempted to follow on behind, but the
Dutch told them to go back, or they would shoot them. My mother
followed for some distance, but at last I lost sight of her. She could
not keep up with the horses. As we grew up and began to understand
the Dutch and their ways, we were told that we had to serve an
apprenticeship, and would then get wages. After we had served many
years their President told us that we had served long enough, and
ought to be set free or get wages; but we did neither. Finding that
I never would be free so long as I lived with the Dutch,- I made up my
mind to try and escape to where the English lived, as I had heard of
them from the Natal Kaffir waggon-drivers and leaders, who came into
the country with their masters to trade or hunt. So one evening I ran
away, and travelled during the night, until I got to where an English
man lived, near the border. He had a Dutch wife, who knew me.
She was a good woman, and hid me until her husband was ready to
go down to Natal with his waggon, and then I came with him. I am
a member of the Wesleyan Society, and was converted under the late
Rev. Mr. Pearse.”
.........................
. .
odeea’s story.
“ Odela says, when she was very little the Dutch came before day
break, and those who ran away were shot down. Old people were
shot down, the Dutch not waiting to see whether they were living or
not. The big people were separated from the others, and driven into
stone kraals. Since living amongst the Dutch she often saw com
mandoes go out, and the people return with children taken from their
homes in the same way as she was. She often saw Commandant
Schoeman and President Pretorius at Zoutpansberg. Another woman
from Zoutpansberg, who resided last at Pretoria, also alleges, in addition
to the foregoing, that whilst at Pretoria she often saw waggons with
children, who were sold to the people about there, 61. and 12?. being
the price asked for children according to their age............... If the
people are sent by the chief at the order of the commandant, they get
a sheepskin a month, or a heifer a year. If the chief could not prevail
on the people to come, or from some other cause, the Dutch would
say he was getting impudent, and required a lesson. This was their
excuse for assembling a commando.
' “ By Utrecht (adjoining Natal) the Dutch buy children for dogs.”
No language of mine could add to the pathetic interest of these
narratives, all of which bear the impress of truth.
The evidence as to the existence of slavery in the Trans-Vaal is
�26
so overwhelming, and I have received such a mass of testimony,
that it is difficult to make a selection. But it would be unpar
donable to omit to refer to the recent debate in the Cape Parlia
ment, when Mr. Godionton moved for the production of all the
correspondence on the subject that had passed between the Go
vernor and inhabitants of the Trans-Vaal Republic or Her Ma
jesty’s Government. The motion was agreed to without a divi
sion, but in his speech introducing the subject Mr. Godionton made
these weighty remarks:—
‘‘The British Government had expended twenty millions sterling in
its endeavour to put a stop to slavery in all parts of the world, and he
considered that at this moment the inhabitants of the Trans-Vaal
Republic, or a great majority of them, were British subjects, and it
would be an eternal disgrace to the English Government if it was to
permit its own subjects to remain in slavery to an extent which it was
said to be carried on in the Trans-Va.al. The other day he read an
extract from a letter, which would be in the recollection of hon.
members, which extract stated that no fewer than 3000 children had
been at that time very recently apprenticed, and that a great many
cruelties and atrocities had been committed. He thought it was not
right for the Council to pass over an allegation of this kind, and they
were, he considered, fully justified in calling for inquiry. For his own
part, he thought that the sooner the attention of the British Govern
ment was called to the relations which were held with the Republicans
beyond their border, the better. It would be for the interest of all
parties, and he looked forward to such a consummation at no distant
day, if there could be something like a federal union of all the colonies
in British South Africa. He could see no end to the difficulties
in which they would be involved, unless they adopted this system of
federation, so as to unite all the colonies, including Natal, the TransVaal Republic, the Free State, and the Eastern and Western Pro
vinces, under one general government on the federal principle. He
thought that they ought to consider this subject fairly, and it would
very well become the Council to take some steps in such a direction.”
It is perhaps premature to raise the question of a South-African
Confederation, although there are many persons, besides Mr.
Godionton, who see in such a scheme a remedy for many of the
evils which now distract that part of the empire and. impede its
progress. But the idea is taking root in South Africa, and events
which are now transpiring in the Trans-Vaal Republic, in the Free
�State, and in Basutoland are calculated to give it a great impetus.
In the same month (July last) in which Mr. Godionton asked in
the Cape Parliament for the production of official correspondence
Mr. Robinson made a similar motion in the Natal Legislature.
The Natal Witness publishes the following report of the hon. gentle
man’s speech: —
“ He did not hesitate to say that slavery existed in the Trans-Vaal,
and that, too, with the knowledge and connivance of the Government.
It might, he knew, be said that this was not slavery, but merely a
system for providing for destitute children, which was adopted by
benevolent farmers; but he (Mr. Robinson) pronounced it the most
abominable system of slavery ever carried on. How were these socalled destitute children got ? Why, war parties went out expressly
to get those children, and plunder the tribes against whom they went
out. A Commission on this subject had been appointed by the
Volksraad, at the close of last year, and had brought up a report
which was intended merely to satisfy the English Government. In
that report occurred the following paragraph, which also appeared in
the Staats Courant, of 4th December 1864:—‘ Another commando
was set on foot, under orders of the Superintendent Albasini and
Steph anus Venter, against the Chief Magor, he having been accused
of being unwilling to pay his taxes to the Government, and likewise
charged by Albasini with having, together with other chieftains, con
spired against the white inhabitants, which, however, has been con
tradicted by Vercuiel, late Landdrost of Zoutpansberg. On the arrival
of this commando at Magor’s, a message was sent to him to come
down, and to bring his taxes with him, an assurance for the safety of
his person and property being at the same time given. Magor came
down from the mountain, bringing with him between 200 and 300
head of cattle, which he handed to the chief officers of the laager.
Magor was at once placed in confinement, and during the night was
murdered, whilst his tribe was destroyed by the commando of Knob
noses (these are under the control of Albasini), their kraals laid waste,
and women and children carried off. Another commando against the
Chief Tabuna was got up by order of Michael Buys, a subject of the
Republic, and field-cornet of the coloured tribes near Schoemandaal,
and the Kaffir Tromp, a subordinate of the late Landdrost J. Vercuiel,
under supervision of the Chief Monene. Tabuna was murdered by
the commando, his cattle were taken, women and children carried off,
and various atrocities committed. According to the declaration of
J. Albasini, Tabuna was a friendly Kaffir, who annually paid his
taxes to the Government.’ That was a translation of part of the report
of the Commission referred to. But a more striking instance occurred
in the report of a public meeting held at Potchefstroom. There Mr.
�28
Ludorff was reported to have said, ‘ A number of children, too young
to remove, had been collected in a heap, and burnt alive.’ Mr.
Evans—‘The murderings and plunderings that had been committed
were but a fractional part of the crimes that had been perpetrated. ’
Mr. J. C. Steyn, one of the oldest residents, had said—‘ There is now
innocent blood on our hands, which has not yet been avenged, and
the curse of God rested on the land in consequence.’ Field-cornet
Rustenburg said—‘ The chief Kakekatge was told to come down from
the mountain, but he sent one of his subordinates as a proof of
amity; that while a delay of five days was guaranteed by the Com
mandant-General, Paul Kruger, who was then in command, orders
were at the same time given to attack the natives at the break of day,
which was accordingly done, but which resulted in utter failure. |
Mr. J. H. Roselt said—‘ No less than 103 children were found destitute,
together with seven belonging to another kraal. Of these children, he
had been informed, thirty-seven had been disposed of by lot; he
would like to know what had become of the remaining sixty-six, for
they had disappeared in a most marvellous and mysterious manner.’
Mr. Jan Taljaard said—‘ He was opposed to apprenticeship: children
were forcibly taken from their mothers, and were then called desti
tute, and apprenticed.’ But the most remarkable of all was Daniel
van Vauren, who had said that, ‘ If they had to clear the country,
and could not have the children they found, he would shoot them.’
The Attorney-General of the Trans-Vaal Republic was reported to
have said that he ‘ opposed the attempt to abolish the practice of
apprenticing destitute children to persons in the commandoes exclu-f
sively, as both illegal and unjust; illegal, because it made a distinc
tion ; unjust, because it created a preference. ’ This he (Mr. Robinson)
considered most conclusive evidence that slavery did exist in the
Trans-Vaal Republic, in the worst form, and that the Government
were implicated. He therefore thought it high time that this Govern
ment should take some steps to show that they had not any partici
pation in, but entirely repudiated, the disgraceful course followed in
the Trans-Vaal. It had been reported, as the House had just heard,
that not only did the Government wink at the existing slavery, but
that the President himself and the Government officers owned some of
those children ; one of which officers, on being ordered by the Raad to
restore fifty children who were in his possession, refused to give them
up,, and the Government could not enforce compliance with the order.
He believed the higher classes residing in Mooi River district repu
diated the Trans-Vaal system; but he had reason to know, and he
acknowledged with shame and regret, that even some of our own
countrymen are encouraging that system.”
Mr. Robinson has given an accurate summary of the proceedings
�29
of the meeting at Potchefstroom, the holding of which is a proof
that things are so bad that humane men, in spite of the risk they
run, feel compelled to speak out.
Mr. Robinson’s account of
the disclosures made by the Volksraad’s Commission requires to
be dealt with somewhat more in detail. Zoutpansberg is one
of the finest districts in South Africa: it has been the scene of
many of the most barbarous raids of the Boers; it is the chief
source of “ the black ivory ” trade, and the key to the traffic with
the interior in ivory, ostrich feathers, and other valuable com
modities. For years past this district has been the scene of con
stant warfare. In the end the tables have been turned, and the
Boers have sustained a series of reverses. Owing to the military
incompetence of their leaders as well as to the pusillanimity of
some of the men and the disgust of others who have been pressed
into the service, they have repeatedly been forced to retreat, and
have seen some of their outlying settlements devastated and
abandoned. In consequence of these reverses, the Volksraad
appointed a Commission to institute an inquiry. Their report has
been published in the Trans-Vaal Argus and it is no exagge
*
ration to say that it convicts the Boers on their own testimony
of having committed the very worst excesses. , It appears that
the government is represented at Zoutpansberg by several super
intendents of native affairs, one of whom is a certain Signor
Albasini, the Portuguese Consul, who is described as the evil
genius of that part of the country. The great chief, Mozela,
made a demand on Albasini for the delivery up to him of a
lesser chief named Monene, whom he accused of having robbed
some of his people. Although it was notorious that Mozela’s
purpose was to murder Monene, the Dutch authorities were
quite prepared to surrender him, Mozela having prohibited elephant
Rjunting in the district of Chinquini, until his enemy had been deli
vered into his hands. Monene was apparently fast in the grip of
one Field Cornet Stephanus van Rensenburg, but he succeeded
in making his escape, and after having fled from one tribe to
another, found a refuge with the chief Swaas. The Boers, on his
flight, with suicidal recklessness, turned ttieir arms against various
* An interesting and courageous sheet, and the only newspaper
^published in the Republic.
�30
tribes on the mere suspicion of theii’ having sheltered him.
For example : “ Commander Venter states that he attacked Paco
“ and Lahotto because he had heard that Monene had taken refuge
“ there, but after having routed these chiefs, he discovered that
“ Monene had gone to Swaas.” A commando was sent against
Magor, another Kaffir chief, on the false pretext (so the Commis
sioners declare it to have been) that he was implicated in a plot to
massacre the whites. “ Magor was told to come down from the
mountain and bring his taxes with him. Unless he came of his own
accord he could not be reached; but as his personal safety had
been promised him, and relying as he did upon that promise, he
came down from the mountain, thus placing himself in the lion’s
den, bringing his taxes with him, which consisted of between 200
and 300 head of cattle. No sooner, however had these taxes been
secured, and the victim in their power, than he was placed in con
finement, and the same night murdered, whilst his tribe was de
stroyed by those bloodhounds, the Knobnoses, who are exclusively
under the command of Albasini, and ready at any time to carry
out his orders, whatever their nature.”
Another victim was
Tabaan (or Tabuna), who, it is said, regularly paid his taxes to
the Government. He, too, was murdered, his cattle carried off, and
the women and children of his tribe made captive. This is the
mode by which the latter generally become destitute and are re
duced to such straits that, according to the benevolent theories of
Mr. Marthinus Wessel Pretorius, it is an act of charity to enslave
them. The Commissioners offer strong testimony as to the com
plicity of the Government in these misdeeds, and as to their
having successfully shielded the evil-doers against the punishment
due to their offences. The Commission further alleges as the
cause of the present deplorable state of Zoutpansberg, <£ that
certain officials and officers, who have from time to time broken
the law, by wilful neglect of duty, abuse of the power en
*
trusted to them, and other misdemeanours, have not been punished
for so doing, as also that by adopting a wrong course of treat
ment of the native tribes at that time both peaceable and subject
to the Government, many of these Kaffir tribes at length became
insubordinate.”
It must not be supposed that these facts represent a condition of
society which has passed away : on the contrary, the following letter
�31
shows that the Boers are still obstinately pursuing their evil
ways:—
“ To the Editor of the Transvaal Argus.
“ Potchefstroom, July 25, 1868.
“ Sir,—The following particulars relative to the late commando
may prove interesting to your readers : please therefore allow me the
requisite space : they may be accepted as strictly in accordance with
truth.
“I proceeded as the substitute of Mr. Jobs. Maartens on the late
commando, and, under orders of Commandant-General Paul Kruger,
was engaged in the storming of Mapela’s mountain. This we success
fully accomplished, excepting his head town, which, although virtually
taken by us, was at the same time, and in the hour of victory, aban
doned, a precipitate and scandalous retreat taking place. I was wounded
in the ear on the same day, and would have been left to my fate but
for the bravery and humanity of Field Cornets Piet Venter and Gert
Engelbrecht, who removed me to camp, and to whom, under Provi
dence, I am indebted for my life. At the commencement of the storm
ing of the mountain the Commandant-General on horseback gallantly
led the attack, but at the last point, the little hill, he was not to.be
seen. After the shameful retreat a £ Krygsraad (Council of War) was
held, and I heard Piet Venter say that he was both willing and ready
to storm the little hill; but the whole commando refused to make the
attempt. After this, the Commando left Mapela’s, and went to Macapaan’s poort. The Kaffirs, on our arrival there, hoisted a white flag,
pretending to enter into negotiations for peace, but in reality for the
purpose of gaining time, so as to remove the cattle.
“ We then surrounded the hill for the purpose of cutting off the
enemy from water, but which proved a complete failure ; and after
having been there for about seventeen days the burghers would not
remain any longer, but resolved to return home, and left on a Monday
morning. On the previous Saturday night the President arrived in
camp, but again left on the same Monday morning that the commando
broke up.
“ Commandant-General Kruger issued orders during the time that
I was on commando, that no one was allowed to forward any letters
except they had been previously perused by the respective officers of
Ebe men who had written those letters.
“At Machem and Kallacal’s (Macapaan’s poort) firing was kept up
day and night to no purpose, and without the slightest occasion: a
good deal of ammunition was thus wasted, during all of which time
■Seventeen days) I do not think any one of the enemy got killed, and
on our side not a man was even wounded.
�32
“ At Mapela's a number of women and children came into the pos
session of the commando; the number, however, I am unable to state,
nor do I know what afterwards became of them. We were well sup
plied with ammunition up to the time the commando left, when the
surplus was handed over to the different field cornets. To the best
of my knowledge and belief, not more than 100 Kaffirs were killed at
Mapela’s. Most of the wounded men on our side were so wounded in
their disgraceful retreat.
“ I am, Sir,
“ Your obedient Servant,
Michael Lynch.”
q
.
Mr. Michael Lynch does not know what became of the women
and children. A correspondent of mine, writing from the TransVaal territory on the 26th of August last, leaves little doubt as to
their ultimate destination. He says that, for the present, they
will remain in the hands of a friendly chief, but that w hen matters
become a little more settled the Boers will go and fetch them, and
make them' slaves. He states that, besides these captives, other
children were also taken. “ An inquiry was instituted to ascertain
“ whether the parents of these children •were alive. Much to the
“ disappointment of many of the officers who composed the krys“ graad (council of war), the parents were discovered in a neigh“ bouring kraal, and at a short distance from the camp; but this
“ did not signify. It was alleged that the distance was too great
“ to send the children to their parents. They will, therefore,
“ either become ‘ prisoners of war, or ‘ destitute apprentices’—in
“ reality, slaves.” The same correspondent calls my attention to
a letter from a Dutch Boer, published in the Trans Vaal Argus,
in which reference is made to the case of a native woman who was
deliberately shot dead, that some ruffian might gain possession of
her child, “ who now falls under the class called ‘ destitute,’ and
“ as such becomes an apprentice or slave.”
The Natal Mercury of 18th of August adds this additional
information :—
“ There are other circumstances connected with this commando
which fully account for the unwillingness with which the inhabitants
engage in these expeditions. Of the two men reported as dead, one
Van Eck is said to have been merely wounded in the leg, and aban-
�33
doned in that disabled state. It is not strange that the Kaffirs, on
finding the poor wretch, dispatched him with their assegais. We are
also told that Hans Steyn, formerly landdrost of Potchefstroom, was
present during the assault upon the hill, and told the Boers that if
they succeeded he would burn his Bible, as he then could no longer
put any faith in it, as he did not think a just God could bestow
his blessing on arms wielded in such a cause as they were then en
gaged in. This remark, we believe, would be echoed by many of the
Boers, who are intelligent enough to see that such proceedings are
opposed to the dictates and usages of humanity. Unfortunately, the
less scrupulous in this, as in many cases, have the upper hand. Clever
adventurers from other countries, not troubled by many moral
scruples, have found in the Republic a safe haven, and a convenient
sphere for the exercise of their wits and talents. We have reason to
know that low-class Englishmen have been implicated in certain cases
of atrocious cruelty and oppression, and the quicker intelligence, and
greater audacity of these people overbear and intimidate the betterdisposed but more quiet section of the population.”
No wonder that the farmers in this region have “trekked”
away from their homesteads; that the expenses of these miserable
■Commandoes have ruined the exchequer; that, in the language of
a petition to the Volksraad, “whilst the mechanic is compelled to
accept a pound note at twenty shillings, he has to pay it away for
goods at one-third to one-half less ;”* and that, in a word, the whole
country is going down the hill.
It is manifest from these various statements, and from many
others which might be quoted, that the Boers are constantly
engaged in aggressive warfare with the natives, and that their kid
napping propensities have made them more savage than the savages
f—more ruthless than the native owners of the soil, whom they
are doing their best to destroy or to enslave. It is equally clear
that slavery is not an isolated practice, but is supported by all
classes of the people, from the President down to the most uncouth
Boer residing on the uttermost limits of civilization. It is there
fore marvellous that Mr. Pretorius should have found it so easy to
* The Boers cannot say with Mrs. MacCandlish in “Guy Mannering”—“As lang as siller’s current folk maunna look ower nicely at
what king’s head’s on’tfor neither silver nor gold has any place in
the Trans-Vaal currency.
D
�34
throw dust into the eyes of Sir Philip Wodehouse, and that Mr.
Cardwell should have so readily acquiesced in that “ do nothing ”
policy, which is not always honourable, because it is convenient.
Upon this subject the Natal Mercury in its issue for June 23rd,
makes these weighty and pertinent remarks:—
“Recently we published a correspondence between the Duke of
Buckingham, Colonial Secretary, and the Aborigines’ Protection So
ciety, in which the following paragraph occurs :—‘ He desires to
inform you that Sir P. Wodehouse expressed an opinion against inter
ference, in the year 1865, on the particular case brought to light by
Mr. Martin, and referred to in the memorial addressed by the Society
to Lord Stanley in August last; but his Grace has satisfaction in ap
prising the Society that Sir P. Wodehouse, in the following year, on
further facts coming to his knowledge, addressed vigorous remon
strances to the President of the Trans-Vaal Republic, against the
practices which were alleged of kidnapping children, and holding them
in long terms of apprenticeship, tending to their enslavement; and
that of the President, in reply, announcing that legal proceedings had
been taken against certain offenders, who had kidnapped children, and
conveyed earnest assurances of the intention of his Government to
suppress slave-dealing and slavery.’
“ This wonderful assertion on the part of the chief local representa
tive of that power, which assumes to itself the championship of the
slave, and spends millions in preventing slavery, indicates profound
ignorance or fatal prejudice. It is in keeping with the reply made to
Mr. Martin’s representations, to the effect that he—the High Commis
sioner—was quite at a loss to discover in what manner he could inter
fere with any prospect of success; and, under all the circumstances, he
trusted the Natal Government would acquiesce in his desire to abstain
from addressing Mr. Pretorius on the subject. Nor are we surprised
when it is further added, that Mr. Cardwell, the then Colonial Minis
ter, entirely concurred in this reply, and did not think it expedient
that any action should be taken by the Government of Natal, or any
steps taken calculated to revive controversy with the Portuguese Go
vernment, as this trade is partly carried on within the boundaries of
the Portuguese settlements, which adjoin the Trans-Vaal Republic.
“ Although the Natal Government had done all that it could to get
these matters inquired into, the incredulity or apathy of the High
Commissioner rendered their efforts futile. The Aborigines’ Protec
tion Society, having got wind of the circumstances, took the matter
up, so far with the results that are known to our readers. It is more
than probable that the co-operation of this Society at home will lead
to the further enlightenment of the Home Authorities and public.
�35
‘ ‘ So long as the Imperial authorities attach any credence to the
words of a Government whose leading officials do not scruple to
violate in their own person the treaty to which they are principals, the
truth will never be known. President Pretorius and his chief officials
are wholly unfit to be treated as the ministers of any other State would
be dealt with. They have forfeited all right to the diplomatic usage
of civilized nations. Before us lies a letter, dated Potchefstroom,
loth June, and written by a gentleman of undoubted credibility, in
which the following remarkable sentence occurs :—‘I hope you will do
all in your power, not only to put a stop to the system of apprentice
ship, but also to get this country placed under British rule. Under a
Boer Government it never will, nor ever can, prosper; besides, we
have over and over again forfeited the independence that has been per
mitted, by embarking in slavery, coupled with which there is a large
majority already anxious for British rule. Not only must a stop be
put to the present system, but we must also be deprived-of the power
to carry it on, which can only be done by planting the British flag
here. Will it be believed, that, at the very time when the President
quieted Sir Philip Wodehouse, inducing the latter to write as he did
to the Secretary of State, and deluding the Aborigines’ Society in 1866,
that he was taking steps to suppress slavery by appointing a Commis
sion of Inquiry into the slave-hunting raids and outrages at Zoutpans
berg ; will it be believed that this same President, who accompanied
that expedition, actually brought back with him thirty-two of these
little apprentices, or slaves. The truth, therefore, will not be known
by communications with the Government of this State on the subject.’
“We are astonished to observe that the Cape Advertiser and Mail
takes for gospel the assurances made by Mr. Pretorius to Sir Philip
Wodehouse, and refers, in a sneering manner, to the ‘ misrepresenta
tions of well-meaning men, who delude themselves and others. ’ Such
a remark shows amazing ignorance. Mr. Martin’s statements were
simply a plain description of what he had seen, heard and experienced
in the Trans-Vaal, while the disclosures lately made at the public meet
ing in Potchefstroom, by the actual participants in these slave-hunting
expeditions, put the facts beyond all doubt. In this instance, how
ever, whatever mistake the Society may have made in other cases, its
action is most necessary and justifiable.
“ In again urging the appointment of such a Commission of Inquiry,
we therefore maintain most strenuously that the movement should be
made without reference to the Trans-Vaal authorities, or absolute de
pendence upon their acquiescence. The facts will flow in fast enough
when once the people there feel that the British Government is mov
ing. So long as the present Boer regime lasts, ‘ persons of property,’
so we are assured, ‘ dare not move for fear of having their property
D 2
�36
confiscated. ’ Surely if it is worth England’s while to lift a finger to check
slavery elsewhere, it is worth her while to intervene in the Trans-Vaal.
By extending her authority there, she could, without any appreciable
expenditure, not only put down this vile internal system of murderous
slave-holding, but tap the sources of the foreign slave-trade from the
Portuguese ports on the East Coast, to watch which a squadron of war
vessels is employed, at an immense annual expenditure, and with but
partial results. Naught but utter obtuseness can prevent the Imperial
authorities from making use of so splendid and rare an opportunity to
advance the interests of civilization in Africa, and to put down that
monster evil which she has made it her mission to extinguish.”
Great Britain has assumed duties and responsibilities in South
Africa which she cannot abandon. She cannot, with honour,
cease to protect the natives whom she has conquered, and whose
territories—so far as it has suited her own pleasure and interest—
she has seized. From the time that she subjugated the Kaffirs
and extended her dominion into the interior of that great continent,
which is no longer a terra incognita, she came under a bond to
impart to them a superior civilization. She had a perfect right
to consult her own ideas of policy when the question simply was
whether she should continue to recognise the Boers as subjects of
the British Crown. But when she surrendered her sovereignty
over her Dutch subjects she could not with justice withdraw her
protecting arm from the native tribes when they were assailed by
the lawless violence of men whom she had released from their
allegiance. The fact that, in the treaties which she entered into
with the two Dutch Republics, she directly stipulated with them
that the enslavement of the coloured race should for ever be pro
hibited was in itself a recognition on her part of this paramount
duty. The treaty has been shamelessly violated: it is her duty
to enforce it, and to insist that the plighted words of nations shall
not become “ false as dicers’ oaths.” The Trans-Vaal Boers are
in league with the Portuguese slave-traders on the East Coast.
Together they foment those inter-tribal wars which are the great
feeders of the external slave-trade, and make the European “ soul
merchant ” a far more revolting being than the lowest type of the
negro race. It is possible that Portugal may assist her accomplice to
obtain a port in Delagoa Bay, but at present the Boers can only carry
on their intercourse with the outer world through British territory.
�37
We are masters of the sea, and masters also of those markets (at
least of powder and shot) from which the Boers draw their sup
plies. Long ago Dr. Livingstone pointed out that we might soon
bring the offenders to terms by prohibiting, under heavy penalties,
the sale to them of arms and ammunition, or by declaring free
trade in those articles as respects the natives, and no longer giving
to the stronger party a monopoly of the means of destruction. It
is probable that so extreme a measure would be unnecessary if
England, in the person of her representative, the Governor of
the Cape Colony, would only exert her moral influence on the
side of justice.
If the facts are denied, let Her Majesty’s
representative despatch a Commission of Inquiry to Potchef
stroom, where abundant evidence to prove the truth of the allega
tions against the authorities and people of the Republic will be
forthcoming. But the facts are not denied. The plea set up by
the Boers is, that the children they enslave are destitute, and their
enforced labour prompted by motives of humanity. The facts
w hich the Boers conceal are, that the children have been made
orphans by Dutch rifles, and that the Kaffir cattle (which might
have supplied them with food) has been carried off to swell the
colonial herds.
The discovery of gold in the country which lies beyond the
north-west boundary of the Trans-Vaal Republic promises to re
volutionize this region of Africa. If half that is said concerning
the extent and productiveness of the new gold fields be true, the
establishment of a British colony in a part of Africa hitherto known
only to a few adventurous explorers, is a matter of absolute cer
tainty. That gold is to be had on the banks of the Tatin (a tribu
tary of the Limpopo) for the trouble of digging for it, is proved by
the report of the miners who have already commenced ope
rations ; and it is equally certain that the quartz is unusually rich
in the proportion of the precious metal which it will yield to ma
chinery. It is true that the journey is 700 or 800 miles from Natal,
but there are few perils to encounter by the way, and new and
more direct routes will shortly be opened. It seems probable that
gold exists in large quantities to the eastward and on other tribu
taries of the Limpopo. It is notoriously worked on a river called
the Bepi, where the natives pound the quartz, and then convey the
precious residuum to Sofala and barter it with the Portuguese for
�38
cattle, beads and blankets. To Herr Mauch, the enterprising Gerl
man traveller, belongs the credit of the immediate discovery of these
gold-fields, but numerous old workings testify to the antiquity of
the knowledge now newly regained. The Natal journals are
enthusiastically of opinion that Sofala is identical with the Ophir
of Solomon. One of them quotes Job—“Then shalt thou lay
up gold as dust, and the gold of Ophir as the stones of the
brooks.” Milton is also appealed to as to the locality of the
famous port—
“ And Sofala, thought Ophir, to the realm of Congo.”
Tradition, however, only points to Sofala as it has pointed to
Arabia, Malacca, and India. Herr Mauch has gone to explore
the ancient ruins which are said to exist to the west of Sofala,
and if the old story, that there is in lhat country a strong fortress
of unknown origin and pre-historic antiquity, should prove to be
well founded, he might chance to shed some light on the claim
of Sofala to the honour of identity with the Ophir of the Bible.
Be this as it may, the courageous German, like many contem
porary travellers, is doing his best to wipe away the old reproach
to which a great satirist gave witty expression
“ Geographers in Afric maps
With savage pictures fill their gaps ;
And o’er uninhabitable downs
Place elephants for want of towns. ”
It is curious that, during a recent visit to Europe, Father Sabon,
of Durban, discovered in one of the libraries of Paris a Jesuit
Missionary work, in which the precise situation of the Victoria
gold-fields is indicated.
*
But whether Sofala and Ophir are the
same or not, it cannot be denied that the opening up of a gold
region beyond Natal and the Trans-Vaal Republic marks a new
era in the history of African civilization.
The manner in which Mr. President Pretorius received the
intelligence of the discovery was characteristic. He at once issued
a proclamation, annexing a vast tract of country, as far, indeed,
to the north-west as Lake Ngami, and of course including the
* This statement is made by the Natal Mercury, a journal which is
published in the town in which Father Sabon resides.
�39
entire area in which the precious metal is likely to reward the
patient labour of the digger. Sir Philip Wodehouse has asked
Mr. Pretorius for an explanation, and the chiefs, whose territories
are thus coolly taken possession of on paper, are even more
entitled to an explanation. Nothing could more forcibly illustrate
the temper of the Boers towards the natives than this proceeding.
When Mr. Pretorius took up his pen to write his proclamation
he probably had no more idea of there being a right and a wrong
in the transaction than Ahab had when he laid hands on
Naboth’s vineyard. The Maories have a saying, that the Euro
pean rat has already devoured the Maori rat, but the European
rat in New Zealand is a creature of moderate appetite compared
with the Trans-Vaal vermin.
Mr. Pretorius, however, is powerless to give effect to his
proclamation, and its only result has been to expose the weak
ness and cupidity of the Boers. The British flag has been raised
at the Victoria gold fields, and Macheng, the chief to whom
the country belongs, has expressed his desire to have the
benefit of British protection. His tribe—the Bamangwato—
are said to be “ a quiet and kindly people,” among whom
“ the traveller, the trader, and the hunter find no dangers and
expect no heavy losses.”
Macheng, in a letter to Sir Philip
Wodehouse, invites His Excellency to come and occupy the gold
country, and to govern the gold-diggers in the name of the Queen
of England. He says that the Trans-Vaal Government, through
Commandant Jan Viljoen, had desired him to hand over the
district to the Republic, but that he had declined to consider
these overtures until he had heard from Sir Philip. Macheng
has a laudable fear of the Boers, and would greatly prefer to see
English authority established in his gold fields. It is still more
gratifying to know that our conduct towards the Kaffirs for many
years past justifies the good opinion in which we are held by the
Bechuana chief.
*
* It may be regarded as a singular and, at the same time, a feli
citous circumstance, that Macheng, after having been the prisoner of
Moselekatze, the great chief of the Matabele, ‘for sixteen years, was
released, and returned to his own people, by the intervention of
Mr. Moffat, the Missionary. It is therefore natural enough that
Macheng should prefer the English to the Boers.
.
Mr. Robinson, in moving his resolution in favour of the abolition
�40
It is perhaps as easy to exaggerate as it is to undervalue what
are called a the signs of the times;” but it really seems as if events
were now conspiring to realize the dream of a South-African con
federation. Formerly the expansion of British power was inse
parably associated with a levelling policy of annexation, and one
stereotyped system of government. To find rich farms for needy
colonists, and to rule the natives after a strictly British fashion,
were the two ideas which filled the brains of even able adminis
trators. The theory was, that the natives must either submit to be
so governed or die, and, in fact, thousands of them actually pre
ferred death to this sort of submission. Writing of a period by no
means very remote, Lord Macaulay says:—“ The only barbarian
about whom there was no wish to have any information was the
Highlander.” The Kaffirs were regarded with a somewhat diffe
rent manifestation of the same hateful prejudice. To prove that
this feeling was hateful it is not necessary to paint the untutored
savage in roseate hues. The Kaffirs, like the Highlanders, have a
higher capacity for improvement than too many of the colonists
suppose. It also unfortunately happened that many of the earlier
rulers of the Cape, who were military men, took a professional
view of these warlike tribes, and considered them as only fit to be
food for powder. Old errors are passing away with the generation
whose selfish purposes they served. Peace now reigns, as it has
long reigned, on the British frontier. How much this is due to
the efforts of men like Mr. Shepstone, the Native Secretary of
Natal, and Mr. Charles Brownlee, the Gaika Commissioner, it
would be hard to say; but these enlightened officials belong to
a class of colonial statesmen who prefer to rule by reason rather
of the office of High Commissioner, mentioned another fact which
illustrates the friendly disposition of the natives towards the En
glish Government. “He had asked,” he said, “ whether any appli‘ ‘ cations had recently reached the Government from native tribes
“ living near the Limpopo, to be taken under British rule; and the
“ Secretary for native affairs bad stated in reply, that a powerful
11 chief, who lived as far off as the Limpopo, had sent a relative, who
“ had spent two years in making a minute investigation into the con“ dition of our natives, and the bearing of our Government towards
‘ ‘ them; and that the result of that investigation had been a de“ putation from that Chief, praying that he and his people might be
“ admitted to the same privileges as our natives, by being allowed
to become subjects of our Government.”
�41
than by force, and who manage to avert danger by the keenness
with which they scent it from afar, and by the promptitude and
energy of their action. Great Britain is now sometimes magna
nimous as well as just; for it is not too much to affirm, that
by her timely interference on behalf of the Basutos and the de
voted French Missionaries in Basutoland she has prevented the
torch of Christianity from being extinguished in a heathen land,
and, at the same time, saved many thousands of natives from
enslavement or extermination. In Natal, since the Zulus were
beaten in open fight, the colonists have been at peace with the
^natives, and the latter have, in their turn, exhibited an amenability
to restraint, and a willingness to labour, which might have taught
the Boers a useful lesson if they had been willing to learn. To
unite the diverse tribes and communities of South Africa in one
confederation may appear a Quixotic enterprise, but the attempt
is worth the best efforts of the wisest statesmanship we can com
mand. It will, however, prove impracticable if, without regard
to differing circumstances, the whole country is sought to be
governed on one model. The wise ruler will endeavour to dis
cover the means by which English, Dutch, and native institutions
may continue in operation while the authority of British law and
the supremacy of the Crown are inflexibly maintained. It would
take time and patience, and great administrative skill, to carry out
so great an undertaking, but the achievement would be worthy of
many trials and sacrifices.
At present the functions of the Governor of the Cape Colony
as High Commissioner are as anomalous as those of a French
Minister might be who attempted to regulate the affairs of the
Algerian frontier without the intervention of a Governor-General.
Living a thousand miles from Natal, his knowledge of what is
going on in the Trans-Vaal Republic is ignorance itself, as com
pared with the information which is constantly within the reach of the
officials and people of that colony. He is also otherwise hampered
in the discharge of his important functions. Sir Philip recently
expressed his inability, for want of funds, to send an agent to
the gold-fields, the discovery of which has occasioned so much stir
among the white populations of South Africa; and even if the
Natal legislature found the means, it is doubtful whether the Go
vernment of that colony would not exceed its powers if it des
�42
patched an embassy on its own account. It is therefore not
surprising that the people of Natal should be dissatisfied, and
their legislature prompt to give expression to the public discontent,
The resolutions passed by the Legislative Council on the 10th of
August are so important that it is necessary to give them
in extenso :—
“ 1. That in the opinion of this House the office of High Commis
sioner, as exercised at present in relation to this colony, is inimical to
the maintenance of the prestige and influence of Her Majesty’s Go
vernment amongst the native tribes of South-East Africa, and the
House is guided to this conclusion by the following considerations :—
“ a. The High Commissioner, as Governor of the Cape Colony,
resides at Capetown, which is about 700 miles from the northern
frontier of the Eastern Province, where alone independent
native tribes are to be met with.
“ 6. That Natal is surrounded on three sides by territories chiefly
occupied by large and powerful independent tribes, with whom
the local authorities cannot deal irrespective of the consent of
the High Commissioner at Capetown.
“ c. That in times of disturbance amongst the surrounding com
munities, the Government of Natal is deprived of that power
of timely and effectual action which it might otherwise exercise
with great benefit to the interests of peace and civilization.
“ d. That ever since the annexation of the Orange River Sove
reignty (since abandoned) in 1848, the emigrant farmers who
settled over the Vaal River, and formed a Government of their
own, under the style of the South-African Republic, have
carried on a system of slavery, under the guise of child-appren
ticeship—such children being the result of raids carried on
against native tribes, whose men are slaughtered, but whose
children and property are seized, the one being enslaved and
sold as ‘ apprentices,’ the other being appropriated.
<£ e. That in 1862 this system of slavery was brought to the
notice of the High Commissioner and the Secretary of State by
Lieutenant-Governor Scott, in the form of a statement made by
a Bushman woman named Leya, who had been captured and
enslaved by the Boers of the Trans-Vaal Republic, but no steps
were then taken to put an end to the practice in question.
f. That on the 25th April 1865, Lieutenant-Governor Maclean
forwarded to the High’Commissioner a statement made by Mr.
W. Martin, of Maritzburg, dated June 1st, 1865, in which
clear and positive evidence, acquired during two visits to the
country in 1852 and 1864, was given at length, and in which
�43
certain wrongs suffered by the writer, in direct contravention
of the treaty entered into between Her Majesty’s Special Com
missioners, Hogge and Owen, in 1852, were set forth.
“ g. That the existence of this system of slavery, attended as it
is by indescribable atrocities and evils, is a notorious fact to all
persons acquainted with the Trans-Vaal Republic ; that these
so-called ‘destitute children,’ are bought and sold under the
denomination of ‘black ivory;’ that these evils were fully ad
mitted by persons officially cognizant of them at a public meet
ing held in Potchefstroom, the chief town of the Republic, in
April 1868, and that the whole subject has been brought fully
under the notice of the High Commissioner.
“ h. That the following reply was sent to Lieutenant- Governor
Maclean by the High Commissioner :—‘I can assure you that I
fully sympathize with you in your anxiety to put a stop to what
is so strongly described by Mr. Martin, but I am really quite
at a loss to discover in what manner I could interfere with any
prospect of success. There can scarcely be a doubt that the
President, if referred to, would strenuously deny the existence
of such traffic. A bona fide inquiry would be almost impracti
cable, and, moreover, it would be beyond the power of the
Trans-Vaal Republic, admitting it to have the inclination, to
put down a trade which the Boers must find to be very tempt
ing and profitable. Under all the circumstances, I trust that
you will, on further consideration, be prepared to acquiesce in
my desire to abstain from addressing Mr. Pretorius on the
subject.’
“ i. That as a bona fide inquiry to be instituted by the Govern
ment of the Trans-Vaal Republic would be, under the circum
stances, ‘ quite impracticable,’it is highly important that Her
Majesty’s Government should take other steps to ascertain the
truth, and to put a stop to a trade which, however ‘ tempting
and profitable to the Boers,’ is a direct breach of the treaty
entered into with Her Majesty’s Commissioners, is an outrage
on humanity and civilization, and is an aggravation of the
traffic which Her Majesty’s Government has so long sought to
suppress upon the East Coast.
“ j. That so long as this traffic in children is suffered to exist,
there can be little hope for the progress of civilization amongst
the native tribes living in the Trans-Vaal Republic, while the
prevalence of such practices in the immediate neighbourhood of
independent and colonial tribes, has a most pernicious and in
jurious effect, and tends to lower the position and influence of
the whole race.
�44
“ k. That it is impossible for the High Commissioner, living as he
does so far from the scene of these atrocities, to judge clearly
and fully their character and tendencies; but it would be in the
power of the Government of Natal, had it the right to act, to
interfere in the matter, without entailing any troublesome or
costly implications on the Home Government.
“ I. That the state of peace which the colony of Natal has enjoyed
ever since its establishment, combined with the constant re
cognition here of all the just rights and claims of the natives,
have secured for the local government the confidence of the
neighbouring independent tribes, and would enable the repre
sentatives of Her Majesty’s authority here, were they freed
from the control of the High Commissioner, to exercise a most
salutary and beneficent influence over the natives of SouthEastern Africa.
“ 2. That a respectful address be presented to the Lieutenant-Go
vernor, forwarding copy of above resolution ; and praying His Ex
cellency to transmit the same to the Right Honourable the Secretary,
of State for the Colonies for his consideration, together with copies of
all documents bearing upon the subject.”
Seldom have resolutions passed by a Colonial Assembly sur
passed these in the gravity of their statements, or of the issues
which they raise. It cannot, for a moment, be tolerated, that
while a costly squadron is vainly striving to suppress the slave
trade on the East Coast of Africa the traffic should be allowed to
continue unchecked, and without an effort being made to put it
down in a country whose right to enjoy a separate Government is
contingent on the fidelity with which it abstains from the practice
of slavery and slave-trading.
Of still greater importance are the resolutions in favour of the
annexation to Natal of the Free State and the Trans-Vaal, which
were adopted by the House of Assembly on the 19th of August
last:—
“ 1st. That the interests of the two South-African British Colonies,
viz. the Cape Colony and Natal, are in many respects so
closely united with the Republics situated on their several
borders, that a union of these under British rule can scarcely
fail to conduce to the material welfare of the whole, both as
a means of promoting an interchange of friendly relations
amongst them, as well as of providing, by judicious combi
nation. for their adequate security and confidence in time
�45
of danger; and establishing and regulating commercial in
tercourse on a permanent and satisfactory basis, to all
parties.
“ 2nd. That the comparative dependence of these Republics on the
Cape Colony and Natal, together with the similarity of the
religion, laws and customs of the white inhabitants, to those
of the same classes inhabiting the two latter colonies, favours
the belief, that sooner or later they will be desirous of coming
under the dominion of the British Government.
“ 3rd. That the Council is therefore of opinion, that with a view tp
furthering the objects above set forth, it would be highly
desirable for Her Majesty’s Government favourably to con
sider any proposal which the authorities of these Republics,
being empowered thereto by <the inhabitants, may put for
ward, affecting their annexation to either the Cape Colony
or Natal, or embracing suggestions with respect to any other
form of allied or separate administration deemed suitable by
the majority of the white inhabitants of such States.
“ 4th. That a respectful address be presented to the LieutenantGovernor, transmitting to His Excellency copy of the above
resolutions, and requesting His Excellency to forward the
same to the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for the
Colonies, for the favourable consideration of Her Majesty’s
Government.”
These resolutions, of course, raise a very large and momentous
question—one which cannot be decided superficially or by theo
retical considerations, however reasonable. One thing is certain, that
a Federal union will not meet with the approval of the statesmen
of this country, unless it be self-supporting; and this, therefore, is
a point to which its advocates should at once direct their attention.
There is good reason to believe that the movement proceeds from
within as well as from without; that a powerful party in both
Republics are tired of Commandoes, sick of the ruinous insecu
rity of their position, alarmed at the moral deterioration of their
own race, disgusted with the brutalities of the Boers of the old
school. While I write, details of more recent outrages—massa
cres committed in cold blood for the sake of plunder—have reached
me. Neither the British Government nor its representatives can
remain passive spectators — accomplices both before and after
the fact—of these murderous deeds. Let the decision on the
�46
larger question be what it may, it is impossible that any European
community in South Africa can be permitted to build up the institu
tion of slavery in territories which are within the j urisdiction, or
subject to the just influence of Great Britain.
I am sure that the sentiments to which I have given expression
will meet with your concurrence, and that in the new House of
Commons you will, in concert with Mr. Buxton, Mr. Torrens, Mr.
Hughes, and other members of the Society, continue to assist a
cause which has already had many substantial proofs of your
sympathy.
I am, my dear Sir,
Yours very faithfully,
F. W. Chesson.
London, 1st December 1868.
W. M. WATTS, 80 GKAY’S INN ROAD.
���
Dublin Core
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Title
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Victorian Blogging
Description
An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
Creator
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
Date
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2018
Publisher
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
Text
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Pamphlet
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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The Dutch Boers and slavery in the Trans-vaal Republic in a letter to R.N. Fowler, Esq., M.P.
Creator
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Chesson, F.W.
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: London
Collation: 46 p. ; 21 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway.
Publisher
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W. Tweedie
Date
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1869
Identifier
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G5240
Rights
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<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (The Dutch Boers and slavery in the Trans-vaal Republic in a letter to R.N. Fowler, Esq., M.P.), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
Format
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application/pdf
Type
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Text
Language
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English
Subject
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South Africa
Slavery
Boer
Conway Tracts
Slavery
Transvaal Colony