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Cades’
-A.3ST -A.
ISAAC I
AT A PUBLIC MEETING HELD IN THE
TEMPERANCE HALL, SHEFFIELD,
ON
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1867.
MB. EDWIN GRAYSON IN THE CHAIR.
K, PICCADILLY,
London: R. HARD
aM
Sheffield: J. ROBER
I
ANGEL STREET.
��TRADES
AN ADDRESS BY
>
IRON
DE.
I have been requested by a deputation of gentlemen to deliver an Address
on “ Trades Unions.” On duly considering the matter, and asceitaining that
the request was of a Ijonci fide character, I consented, on condition that no
one was to be held responsible, except myself, for what I might utter.
It was a saying of Talleyrand that society was divided into two classes—
the Shearers and the Sheared; and his advice to the Sheared was to get
among the Shearers as soon as they could, inasmuch as they were always the
better off. Sheep are dumb when before the Shearers. Even when clipped
so closely that the skin is cut, a feeble bleat is all their remonstiance. Men
are different: they spoil the shears and damage the Shearers when the
clipping is too close. A remarkable instance of this is recorded in Exodus,
beginning chapter 1, verse xi.—“ The Egyptians did set over the children of
Israel task-masters to afflict them with their burdens. And the Egyptians
made the children of Israel to serve with rigour ; and they made their lives
bitter with hard bondage in mortar, and in brick, and in all manner of service
in the field; all their service, wherein they made them serve, was with
rigour.” In the 2nd chapter, verse xi., it is said—“ And it came to pass in
those days, when Moses was grown, that he went out unto his brethren, and
looked on their burdens, and he spied an Egyptian smiting an Hebrew, one
of his brethren. And he looked this way and that way, and when he saw
that there was no man, he slew the Egyptian and hid him in the sand.
Now when Pharaoh heard this thingjie sought to slay Moses. But Moses
fled from the face of Pharaoh, and dwelt in the land of Midian.” In a subse
quent portion of the account it is stated that the angel of the Lord appeared to
Moses, and the Lord said—“ I have surely seen the affliction of my people
which are in Egypt, and have heard their cry by reason of their taskmasters ;
I have also seen the oppression wherewith the Egyptians oppress them.
Come now, therefore, and I will send thee unto Pharaoh, that thou mayest
�4
my people We children of Israel out of Egypt.” Moses, went, ant
nds became a great and migli^’ lawgiver, a man after God's own hear^® ,
case Moses had no malio^^ainst the Egyptian whom he slew,
•ny lawful authority fn^
him. No doubt there would b#®
'«fery ; the Egyptians—the /^Ä/.s7crs of the children of Israel—wouT<
a murderer, and Pharoalf^Kuld have put him to death unless h®
led. The Israelites, hn«^k would not consider it a murder,
kl on jjp law of
Wich was contrary to the law of the
1» was aftorWwTfuiyi justified. Mr. Cardwell, M.P. for
lis statemeiAdJjfce House of Commons on July 2nd, 1807—
e law’ of We^nd
the law of necessity; and any person
acting under wie law of necessity wfls responsible for his acts, and was liable
to the established law of the country. Persons who took such a responsibility
upon themselves were placed in a position of great difficulty.” In Macmillan’s
Magazine for August, Mr. Thomas Carlyle said—“ Unwritten if you will, but
real and fundamental, anterior to all 'written law’s, and first making 'written
laws possible, there must have been, and is, and wall be, coeval with bn man
society from its first beginning to its ultimate end, an actual martial law of
more validity than any other law’ whatever.” These statements are merely
declaratory of what is universally known : there is nothing new about them.
This law of necessity rests on the instinct of self-preservation. When a
man is born, the fact of his birth imposes on him the duty of preserving
Iris life in the best condition for the longest period that is possible. The
law recognizes this duty. If a man commit suicide, and the verdict of the
coroner’s jury is felo de se—felony on himself—the body is not permitted to
have Christian burial. If a man is apprehended in the act of attempting to
commit suicide the law punishes him; and if a man neglects to provide for
his family he is also punishable. All these rest upon the duty of self-pre
servation. When that duty can be properly discharged in a lawful manner,
there is no violence, but when the law prevents it, the higher law’ steps in,
and violence is the result. When anything is wrong and cannot, be put
right without violence, then, whether lawful or unlawful, violence is exercised.
The violent thunder storm does some mischief, but it purifies the whole
atmosphere. The gaoler uses violence to the garotter, and puts him on the
treadmill to cure him. Jack Ketch—who does not like to be known, like
“ Mary Ann”—by his violence rids the world of a scoundrel. The turnpikes
in Wales got wrong some years ago, and Rebecca and her daughters were very
violent. Ultimately, however, they put the turnpikes to right.
Trades Unions act on this law of necessity. On the blowing up at the
Tower M heel, more than 20 years ago, a public meeting was held in the
Cutlers’ Hall, and I there put this position clearly forth. No one then
attempted to controvert it; nor has it been controverted. When the Social
Science Congress was held in Sheffield, in 1865, there was a public meeting
held on Trades Unions, at which Mir. Hughes, M.P., spoke. I wrote to him
on the Sth of October, and will read part of my letter and his reply:—
“ I take the ground of justifyiny the enforcement of the rules of the Union?.
�5
What is theii' ultimate object? Self-preservation. This is not a right, but a
duty; a law higher than any Act-of-Parliament law. Who manufacture Acts
of Parliament? Not unionists, but the ten-poundry. Who administer the
parliament laws? Not unionists, but, judges dependent on Parliament, and
juries whose qualification is a much h^jyr one than unionists can pay. Hence
the parliament-law is invariably agaflmt Unions. Hence the impossibility, of
an accused unionist being fairly t^bd. Hence the atrocious and cruel
severity of nearly all sentences upon ^j>victed unionists. Hence the Unions
are compelled, by the duty of self-nj^brvation, to obey the highei^law, to
enforce obedience to the laws whicl^Mfey enact, in order to discharge this •
duty, and take the consequences of dfOW^Ag ‘the Parliament-law? when the
enforcement of their own laws renders that necessary. Were I an artisan, it
would be my duty to obey the laws of the trade which I followed. If that
obedience involved a breach of the Parliament-law, I would not be guilty of
that breach, and it would be, therefore, my duty to leave the trade and get my
living in some other way.
“There are Trades’ Unions in diplomacy, government, the law, church,
medicine, at Oxford and Cambridge. Those engaged in these trades elect
the Parliament which enacts that their Unions are legal. Let Parliament do
the same with the Unions of the artisans, or else let them have a part in
selecting the Parliament.
“ As perfection is impossible, I do not expect it in the management of
Unions. No doubt they make mistakes; so do we all. Mine are manifold.
Therefore, I refrain from meddling with the management of them: it is not
my business. I heartily wish every Union could be managed with a clear eye
and a pure mind; but my meddling would not bring that about.
“ Were the golden rule to be the practice instead of the profession, Trades
Unions and strikes would never be heard of. There are manufactories in
Sheffield where there has been neither outrage nor strike for generations.
Why? Because the masters practice this golden rule.
Your obedient servant,
Thomas Hughes, Esq., M.P.
Isaac Ironside.
“113, Park Street, W., Oct. 15, 1865.
Sir,—I am obliged by your letter. You are mistaken if you tliink (as some
Remarks in your letter seem to indicate) that I am opposed to Trades’ Unions.
On the contrary, for the last 16 years I have been fighting their battles as
Well as I could, and trying to do away with some of the absurd prejudices
and fears so common in other ranks as to the objects and action of the
Unions. At the same time.I can’t go to the length you seem to do, and
therefore I could not pass in silence the subject of trades’ outrages when
speaking to a Sheffield working-men’s meeting. The subject was uppermost
in the minds of half the members of the association who attended the congress,
and it would have been a great mistake if it had been passed over in silence.
As it is, the men have had the opportunity of protesting against the popular
belief concerning them and their town.
t
�6
•
•
“ I agree with most of your letter, but on one point must distinctly clear
myself. You say you justify the enforcement of the rules by the unions. So
do I, the enforcement of rules by fines, or by expulsion if necessary, against,
their own members. But if, as the context would seem to imply, you mean to
justify personal violence directed either against members or non-members by
unionists, for neglect or infringemenFfcf trades’ rules, I must protest most
emphatically against such a doctrine, <^hich I most sincerely hope you don't
teach the men. If you do, the g|® of such doings as the Acorn-street
outrage is yours far more than theirs.^
••
am, very truly yours,
Isaac Ii^nside, Esq.
•
Thos. Hughes.”
When I received this letter my heart bounded. Here was a scholar, a
gmtleman, and a lawyer; and I was anxious to be put right on a most
iaiportant matter, if wrong. No one can be more desirous to lay aside every
weight, and to throw away anything wrong than I am; and I therefore
resolved that there should be no mistake in my rejoinder, which was in these
terms:—
“ October 20th, 1865.
“ Sib,—My letter was clear. I said, ‘ The unionists are compelled by the
duty of self-preservation to obey the higher law—to enforce obedience to the
laws which they enact—in order to discharge that duty.’
“ As Parliament-law will not give the unionists a constable, they have to
appoint him themselves, and see that he discharges the duty of carrying into
effect their decisions. You say you are favourable to the Unions enforcing
their laws ‘ by fines or by expulsion, if necessary, against their own members.’
This is nothing. Were you unfavourable, what would it matter? Any
voluntary association can do that. I maintain that all who get their living
by a trade are bound to obey the laws of the Union of the trade. After
entering a trade it is not a voluntary act of theirs to become members of that
Trades’ Union. 'The rebel States wanted to secede—to be expelled from the
Union—but the United States thrashed them into obedience. So with
Trades’ Unions. It is their duty to thrash all into submission who get their
living by the trade, and who will not obey the laws of the Union without
thrashing. If in so doing they become obnoxious to Parhament-law, they
take the consequences.
“ Never in the history of the world have any men allowed a smaller number of
men to do as they liked. No man can do so unless with the consent of those
around him. There is either an eye to convey determined indignation, or a
hand to strike down the offender.
“ The Irish are brought down to seaweed, sawdust, and Fenianism. Thank
God, Trades’ Unions will prevent the English from being reduced to that
condition.
“ You hope I don't teach my doctrine to the men. There is no necessity.
Their own instinct teaches them. I have not to teach them that the sun rises
in the east, and sets in the west. Would an ‘emphatic protest’ from you
�óáuse the sun to rise in the west? You have to show that the instinct of
self-preservation does not exist—that no duty springs therefrom—and that a
powerful body of men will submit to be coerced, and see their families starved,
at the instance of a smaller body who have obtained possession of the lav making power. You may enact the laws; the natural law will beat you in the
long run, as it. does in the case of a deceased wife’s sister marrying her sister s
husband, and in the case of first cousins marrying. Nature rebels and laughs
at your impotence.
7 Your obedient servant,
„
Isaac Ironside.
Mr. Hughes did not attempt anythin further. I do not say that it was
impossible for him to invalidate my position, but he did not attempt it. As I
have said, no one has attempted to controvert it. I except the anonymous
writers of the press, because I know something about them : they who write
“ we,” and are very learned upon every possible subject. There is a prominent
man amongst them, one upon whose words the newspaper nation hangs. He
discourses upon everything, wherever it may occur. He has just now made
his appearance in the Bankruptcy Court: his debts are large, but his assets
are nil. He is a specimen of these gentlemen who can govern all States, and
manage everybody’s business but their own. Some years ago, one of them
who is now connected with a London daily paper, had been writing in favour
of local self-government. At an interview with him, I strongly advised him
to make his voice heard at the vestry meetings of the parish in which he
resided. I was afterwards informed that he had no house of his own—that
the lease of the house in which he lived was held by a friend, who had a bill
of sale on the furniture. Another had been writing very fully on the capa
bilities of the land. He and I were visiting a mutual friend who was a
large farmer, and during the visit we were in one of the fields which contained
17 °acres. On being asked to name the quantity of land in the field, the
learned “we” estimated it at nearly an acre. So that although he could
write on the land, his agricultural and farming knowledge was limited to
growing mignionette in a cigar box. These are some of the reasons why I
never meddle with the anonymous press. Let me have a gentleman with a
name and I rejoice to try conclusions with him. Mr. T. G. laylor, F.S.A.,
sworn broker, in his steam-shipping circular, dated 11, Tottenham-yard,
London, August, 1867, makes these remarks—“ The press is omnipotent for
evil as well as for good. There is no court of appeal from its unjust decisions.
It will not let you fight it on its own ground. It declares itself pure and
incorruptible, and you have no voice in denial except at vast expense.” This
is an exceedingly truthful and accurate description, and therefore I do not
descend to encounters with the press. The worst feature in this point is that
you cannot find anyone now with whom to converse and exchange ideas. They
are all only so many copies of the day’s newspapers. None consider, study,
and come to judgment themselves. It is all the gossip of the press.
The position I take is well and concisely put by a gentleman who has
written to me. He says, under date September 16th, 1867,—“ I have seen a
�8
paragraph on what is called an extraordinary discussion in your Town
Council on Trades’ Unions. I should like to see the best report. You are
right. Depend upon it, the working men of England null assert then' right to
]ive in one way or another, and so long as the law remains one-sided and
unjust, so long will they resort to violence.” This gentleman is a manufac
turer, and a distinguished member of the Chamber of Commerce in the place
where he resides.
As the acts of violence of Trades’ Unions are of comparatively modern
occurrence, it is necessary to refer
the period when they were unknown,
and to ascertain why it was so, and how the alteration came about. In ancient
times, the Church was the mother oftic people and their protector, resisting
those who would have oppressed them, and who, therefore, had to strike
through the Church at their victims. The Church was the only public insti
tution, and by its machinery all public matters were managed. Good and
devout men left their property to the Church, and the revenues were admin
istered by one-tliird being appropriated to the service of the Church, one-third
to the relief of the poor, and one-third to the maintenance of highways and
bridges. There were no rates and taxes then. This state of things was put
an end to by what is spoken of in history as “ The great Reformation.” The
Church was subjugated and shorn of her power, and the poor of their patri
mony, by the great Reformer, Henry VIII. The only remnant of that
wholesome and restraining power now left on the Continent, is the temporal
power of the Pope, and every vile means is used to subjugate him. Falsehood,
misrepresentation, violence, and deceit, are unscrupulously employed with that
object. The statements made by the anonymous press as to the condition and
feeling of the people at Rome, are false, and you are deceived. The phrase
employed is “ The temporal power of the Popethe real object is, to remove
the only safe-guard, the only existing barrier between the taskmasters and the
people. Let the conspirators only succeed in subjugating him, and you will
soon have to suffer in consequence.
The natural result of this robbery by King Henry, was the enactment of the
Poor Law, in the reign of his daughter, Elizabeth; and when the new Poor
Law was enacted some years ago, the avowed object was to make the poor
live on a coarser diet.
There does not appear to have been any laws relating to Trades and Work
men in Sheffield, before the time of Elizabeth. The people having lost the
powerful protection of the Church, appear to have combined in order to create
by their union, a substitute for the restraining influence of which they had
been deprived.
In Hunter’s History of Hallamshirc, (the edition of 1819,) the regulations
of the first Trades’ Unions are set forth in these terms, p. 119:—“ The actes
and ordinaunces made and agreed uppon the firste daye of September, in the
two and thirtieth yere of the reigne of oure Soveraigne Ladye, Elizabeth, by
thee grace of God,Queene of England, Frannce, and Ireland, Defender of the
Faithe, &c., As well by all the hole fellowshippe and company of Cutlers
and makers of knyves within the Lordshippe of Hallamshire, in the Countye
�9
of Yorke, whose names are particularlye expressed in a sedule hereunto an
nexed, As alsoe by the assente of the Righte Honorable George, Erie of
Shrewsburye, Lorde and owner of the said Lordshippe of Hallamshire,
for the better relief and comodytie of the porer sorte of the said fcllowshippe.”
The first article makes a provision that “no person engaged in the said
manufactures, either as a master, servant, or apprentice, shall perform any
worke apperteyninge to the said scyence or mysterye of cutlers,” for eight
and twenty days next ensuing the eighth day of August in each year; nor
from Christmas to the twenty-third day of January; but shall apply them
selves to other labours, “upon payne 9 forfeyture for everye offence founde
and presented by twelve men of the san^fellowshippe, of the Some of twentye
shillinges, to the use of the said Earle, fln heirs, and assignes, to be levyed as
other his fines and amercyaments within the said Lordshippe have beene
accustomed.” 2. No person to exercise the said trade, who had not served an
apprenticeship of seven years, or been instructed by his father for that term.
Penalty, forty shillings. 3. No person to have more than one apprentice in
his service at one time, nor engage another till the former be in his last year,
nor take any for a less term than seven years. Penalty, forty shillings. 4. No
person occupying any wheel for the grinding of knives, to allow of any work
being done there during the holiday months. Penalty, as before. 5. No
occupier of a wheel to suffer any person to grind or glaze any knives there,
who does not reside within the Lordship and liberties, on the same penalty.
6. No person to be suffered to exercise the trade, who has not sufficiently
learned it, within the said Lordship. Penalty as before. 7. No person to
strike any mark upon his wares, but that which is assigned him, in the Lord’s
Court. Penalty, ten shillings. 8. No liafter shall haft any knives for any
chapman, hardware man, or dagger maker, or other person not dwelling within
the liberties. Penalty, twenty shillings. 9. Nor shall knife blades be sold to
any person not dwelling within the liberties. Penalty, six shillings and eight
pence. 10. No journeyman to be employed under the age of twenty, except
such as shall be allowed by the jury, or who have been apprentices, or taught
by their fathers. Penalty, forty shillings. 11. No person who has not served
an apprenticeship, or been instructed by his father, to set up in the trade,
except he first pay to the jury or twelve men of the cutler’s occupation for the
time being, five pounds, the one-half for the Earl’s use, the other half for the
poor of the said corporation, to be distributed by the jury. Penalty, forty
shillings. 12. Every apprentice to be presented to the jury, within one year,
and the indentures to be sealed before them. At the expiration of the term,
each apprentice to bring his indenture to the jury, and to subscribe the rules
here established. Penalty, ten shillings. 13. All persons summoned to serve
upon the jury, to appear, on pain of forfeiting six shillings and eightpence.
14. Each juryman to appear when summoned by the foreman, to settle ques
tions touching these ordinances, on the like penalty. The 15th article gives
power to the jury, with the concurrence of the Lord or his learned Steward
for the time being, to make fresh regulations. 16. At the great Court of the
Earl, holden at Sheffield, in Easter week, twelve men of the said science and
�10
mysteiy, to be nominated by the Earl or his learned Steward, to inquire into
offences and to punish offenders. The last article declares that, if these
ordinances do not prove so beneficial as is expected to the poorer sort, the
Earl may make them or any of them void.
Upon this, Hunter says—“There is something amiable in the spirit of
attention to the condition of the poor, in which these regulations are conceived.
We may observe in them also a laudable attention to the maintenance of that
reputation which the manufacturers of Hallamsliire had obtained; and I wish
I could add that the records of the Manor Court did not present instances in
which in some of their best points,"these ordinances were violated. The
cutlers’ jury were frequently called ea to levy the penalties for unworkmanly
wares.”
w
Hunter afterwards goes on to state that an Act of Parliament was passed
in 1624, which embodied these rules. He says, p. 120,—“The Act is entitled
‘An Act for the good order and government of the makers of knives, sickles,
shears, scissors, and other cutlery wares, in Hallamshire, in the County of
York, and parts near adjoining;” and in its preamble is set forth, that
whereas the greatest part of the inhabitants of those parts consists of persons
engaged in the different departments of the cutlery manufacture, and that by
their industry and labour they have not only gained the reputation of great
skill and dexterity in the said faculty, but have relieved and maintained their
families, and have been enabled to set on work many poor men inhabiting
thereabout, who have very small means or maintenance of living, other than
by then' hard daily labour as workmen to the said cutlers, and have made
knives of the best edge, wherewith they served the most part of this kingdom
and other foreign countries, until now of late that divers persons using the
same profession, in and about the said Eordship and liberty, and within six
miles compass of the same, not being subject to any rule, government, or search
of any others of skill in those manufactures, have refused to submit themselves
to any order, ordinance, or search, but every workman has taken liberty to
himself to take as many apprentices, and for what term of years he pleases,
whereby and by the multitude of workmen, the whole trade and the exact skill
formerly exercised therein, is like in a short time to be overthrown, by means
of which want of government and search, the said workmen holding themselves
free and exempt from all search and correction, are thereby emboldened and
do make such deceitful and unworkmanly wares, and sell the same in divers
parts of the kingdom, to the great deceit of liis majesty’s subjects and scandal
of the cutlers in that Lordship and liberty, and disgrace and hindrance of the
sale of cutlery and iron and steel wares there made, and to the great impover
ishment, ruin, and overthrow of multitudes of poor people; which offenders
not being subject under any oversight, survey, or authority, do pass unpunished
for their offences, abuses, and misdemeanours. For the remedy whereof, it is
enacted, that all persons engaged in those manufactures within the aforesaid
limits, shall form one body politic, perpetual and incorporate, of one master,
two waidens, six searchers, twenty-four assistants, and the rest commonalty
of the said Company of Cutlers of the Lordship of Hallamshire. It is further
!■
�Il
enacted, that it shall be lawful for the said officers or the greater part of them,
to make such laws, acts, ordinances, and constitutions, as to them shall appear
good and wholesome, profitable, honest, and necessary for the good order,
rule, and government of all the members of the said Company, their appren
tices, and servants ; and to levy reasonable penalties on those who neglect to
observe them ; the money so raised, to be given to the poor of the said corpo
ration. Three hundred and sixty persons immediately enrolled themselves
members of the Company, and by then- proper officers proceeded to enact such
laws as at that time appeared to be convenient and necessary. They passed
a law that all persons should serve the offices to which they were regularly
chosen, should attend necessary meetii|^3, and answer summonses. To the
six searchers, power was given to enter dwelling-houses where they had reason
to suppose that deceitful wares were concealed. The restrictions on taking
apprentices, already sufficiently rigid, were made yet more so. The members
of the body were prohibited from working for strangers, or selling to them
unfinished wares. Twopence annually was required from every member of
the corporation, under the description of mark-rent.
The first of these regulations, (7th of Elizabeth, 1565,) provides that all
engaged in the manufacture of cutlery shall have two holidays of a month
each every year, at seedtime and harvest. The wisdom of this provision is
manifest, and it would be well if we could return to it, although it would be
going 300 years back. This silly objection would be as much to the purpose
if applied to the sun, which shone thousands of years ago. I want all persons
engaged in the manufacture of any article, to meet together in a fair and
proper spirit, and make regulations for the good government of that particular
trade. It is foolish to blame the masters for their exactions ; they only obey
the natural law of capital. When working men become masters, they act in
a similar manner—often worse. I want to see a trial of intellect—the heads
of the masters against the heads of the men. The twelfth of the regula
tions, providing for the sealing of the indentures of apprenticeship, gave rise
to the custom in Sheffield, of having a half-holiday on Shrove Tuesday.
Apprentices signed their indentures before the Cutlers’ Company on that day,
which was therefore called, and continues to be called, Fasten Tuesday. The
same regulations show that the sophistry, fallacy, and nonsense now uttered
with reference to unionists and non-unionists was not then known. “ At the
expiration of the term, each apprentice to bring his indentures to the jury, and
to subscribe the rules here established. Penalty, ten shillings.” If a workman
got his living by the trade, he was bound to obey the rules of the trade. I moved
a proposition in the Town Council with reference to this subject. After reciting
the rules, the proposition was—“ That, in consequence of the repeal of these
powers without the consent of the ‘porer sorte,’ they have had to form themselves
into Trades’ Unions, to protect themselves, their wives, and families, and to en
force the observance of the rules thereof by acts of violence, when such acts
were considered necessary. That in order to prevent any recurrence of similar
acts of violence, and to promote the wellbeing of all the inhabitants of the
Borough, it is essentially requisite that the artisans should have restored to them
�12
the same power of lawfully enforcing obedience to their rules, for the good
government of their trades, which they possessed in 1565, 1590, and 1624, as
herein rehearsed. It was artfully objected that I wished to revive the same
rules as existed 300 years ago, although the proposition distinctly says “ The
same power of lawfully enforcing obedience to their rules.” The rules would
have to be agreed upon now by “ all those engaged” in the trade, masters as
well as men. In 1843, Mr. James Wilson, Law-clerk to the Cutlers’ Company,
published an epitome of the present constitution of the Company, from which
it is clear that these rules are now valid, if they were honestly put in force.
He says—“ The power of imposing reasonable fines upon the non-observance
of bye-laws, is still unrepealed. I ccAider that the bye-laws made before the
31st and the 54th Geo. III., are valid and binding, and that the MasterWardens, Searchers, and Assistants, still retain their power of making bye
laws.
It will be well recollected that some years ago, Master Cutler Broad
hurst rattened a large quantity of cast iron cutlery, and that he invited the
inhabitants, by placard, to Paradise Square, in order to see the cutlery
destroyed. You know how large a meeting assembled, and how delighted
they were at the sight, although it was “restraint of trade.” Mr. Wilson
further says—“ Every person who shall have served an apprenticeship for
seven years, to any member of the Company, is entitled to the freedom of the
Company, and the officers are required to grant him the freedom without his
paying any fee whatever.” He also suggests, in conclusion, that the members
of the Company should use their influence to induce persons to become mem
bers. I mention these facts to shew that my proposition is at least no
innovation, although the press may call it strange and peculiar. More than
fifty copies of the proposition were printed and sent to public men who had
written on Trades’ Unions. There was only one response from a clear-minded
writer and an accurate logician, whose writings I never read without being
instructed thereby; His first answer was in the slip-slop newspaper style,
and it was evident he had not studied the matter. In his second letter he
said—“ Do you mean that those who are engaged in a trade, should make
regulations for the government of the trade, to be enforced by the magistrates?”
I replied that this was my proposition, and I asked who ought to regulate a
trade except those engaged in it, who understood it? This question has not
yet been answered.
With reference to the acts of violence by Trades’ Unions, at Sheffield, and
the Inquisition thereon, it was an act of marvellous insanity on the part of the
working men, to fall into the trap of their taskmasters by praying for the
inquiry. As Englishmen, it was their duty to resist it. All enquiries of that
character have a sinister object, not a bona fide one. The law ought to be
administered by the regular judicial tribunals. The object of crown-appointed
commissions—inquisitions—is to register foregone conclusions. It is to
manufacture evidence by manipulation, bullying, threatening, coaxing,
excluding, refusing, and modifying by the use of rose water and lavender, so
as to support the case already made. When the newspapers were loudly
declaring their satisfaction at the appointment of the Jamaica Commission of
�13
Enquiry, the Sheffield Foreign Affairs Committee wrote to the Colonial
Secretary, Mr. Cardwell, telling him that his object was not to further the
ends of justice, but to thwart them, and shield the guilty criminals. That
letter was published in the Jamaica papers, and the prediction was singularly
verified to the letter. None of the criminals have been put on their trial.
Some have even been promoted. Instead of praying for the Sheffield Enquiry,
the working men should have recollected that they were outside the law, and that
everything would be against them in that sense; nothing in tlieir power. They
should have simply stood on the defensive, ready to have met any special charge
against any individuals, and not have floundered into the general proposition
on which the Inquisition was based. Bid they not recollect the circumstances
of the late Mr. Wilson Overend’s appointment as a magistrate ; his determina
tion to put down Trades’ Unions; his invariable sentence on all unionists
being the extreme penalty ; the great public meeting, and petition signed by
18,000 inhabitants; its presentation by the late Mr. Duncombe, M.P.; the
result of the subsequent enquiry, which was that after Mr. Overend’s appoint
ment, every Trades’ Union conviction under him, was accompanied with a
sentence of three months’ imprisonment, with hard labour; and that most of
the cases had been quashed on appeal to the Court of Quarter Sessions. It is
unpleasant to dwell on that idiotic act of the working men, and tlieii silly
leaders, who appear to have altogether lost their heads. Had the proposition
been mooted of a similar enquiry into the sayings and doings of manufacturers,
coal owners, and others, with reference to their trade secrets, it would have
been scouted ; nay, it -would never have drawn breath. The witnesses on the
Enquiry should have resolutely refused to give evidence which might
criminate them, and have relied upon a writ of habeas corpus in case of
committal. I firmly believed that on the argument upon such a writ the
prisoners would have been discharged from custody on the ground that the
Act of Parliament authorising the inquisition was in contravention of the
law, the constitution, and Magna Charta. The ultimate object of the task
masters in the enquiry, was to reduce wages, and the necessary step was
to destroy the power of the Unions, by getting them painted as black as
possible in newspapers. A letter appeared in the Standard, the other day,
which concluded in these terms:—“ Capital cannot be cheaper, skill is on the
rack, profits will not permit of curtailment. Labour at continental rates, is
the only alternative known to myself as a Manufacturer. City, Sept. 20. The
object is here plainly avowed, “ Labour at continental rates.” What is the
meaning of this phrase? It may perhaps be gathered from another letter,
in the London Daily Telegraph, in these terms—“Sir,—Allow me to call
yam* readers’ attention to the following paragraph, taken from the No) th
Devon Journal of the 19th Sept., 1867.”
“ Barnstaple.—Last week, a poor man, named Robt. Milton, was sent to
gaol for 21 days, by the Mayor and G. E. Kingson, Esq., for allowing his two
children to become chargeable to the parish. His master, Mr. Richards, afarmer, of East Buckland, gave the man a good character, and said that he
was a first-class labourer. On being asked how much wages he gave him,
�14
farmer Richards replied that he received four shillings a week, and that this
was considered first-class wages in that part of the country. The prisoner
said that out of this 4s., he already paid 2s. 9d. for the support of one child,
leaving only a balance of Is. 3d. for himself.”
This is an instructive lesson. The case is one of free labour to perfection.
There was no “tyranny of Trades’ Unions’’ at Barnstaple, to interfere between
Robert Milton disposing of his labour to farmer Richards, who gave him a
good character, and said he was a first-rate labourer receiving first-class wages,
which were four shillings a week.
With reference to the Sheffield Enquiry, iniquitous though it was, the enquiry
at Manchester was more barefaced, ♦Vfter one of the witnesses there had
given his evidence, this exhibition took place, according to the report:—“The
witness before leaving the box said the society wished him to mention one fact
which told against the masters. After Mr. Marsden’s strike, the Masters’
Association issued a circular, containing the names of the thirty-two members
who had struck, the object being to deprive them of the means of obtaining
employment. The circular was despatched throughout the country, and at
this moment fourteen of the thirty-two were still out of work. The Chief
Examiner said this was not one of the cases which he thought they were to
enquire into. The general commission now sitting in London was the proper
tribunal to refer the matter to. The witness added that for the last twelve
months he had been out of employment. The masters objected to employ any
official connected with a trades’ union.” Is it necessary to add a single
word to this statement ?
The first manufacturer who was a witness, at Sheffield, was Mr. Eadon.
His evidence was of the puling character. He said he had often been
rattened, and he did not know the reason. He had never informed the police,
and had always made matters up. Had the enquiry been in a regular judicial
court, Mr. Eadon would have been cross-examined, and asked whether the
whole of the goods sent out from his establishment bore his own mark or not.
It is said that most of the goods he sends out, do not bear his mark, and that
he manufactures goods with any mark upon them that may be ordered. This
most reprehensible practice was prohibited by the trade regulations in the
reign of Elizabeth, under a severe penalty, as I have already shewn. It
was considered very prejudicial to the welfare of the town, and it tends
greatly to the production of “ deceitful and unworkmanly wares.” Mr.
Bragge was another witness. He boasted that John Brown & Co., Limited,
would not employ Trades’ Unionists, and that the practice was successful.
Had Mr. Bragge been cross-examined, he would have admitted that
the business of John Brown & Co. was merged in one of Limited Liability
in April, 1864; that a month afterwards, £20 per share had been paid
up, and that the shares were at £11 premium. At the present time,
there is £70 per share paid up, which is at a discount of £35. In other
words, every £1 invested in May, 1864, was worth 30s., and now every
£1 invested is only worth 10s. That is the value which the public has
placed upon the undertaking. I will give another illustration. When any
�15
application was formerly made to me for a house, and the applicant said he
worked at Brown’s, no further enquiry was deemed necessary. The conduct,
however, of these men as tenants, has recently been so bad that we have
reversed the practice in my office, and if an applicant for a house now says he
works at Brown’s, we immediately close all négociations with him. It is
possible that the low financial condition of the concern may not be owing to
the disreputable fellows employed there, but at all events, it is a state of
things somewhat like that historical Sheffield character, Tet Hague, “nowt to
brag on.” I have had considerable experience of Trades’ Unionists as tenants
of property under my management, and I have invariably found that rents
were better paid by them than by * knobsticks,” who cheat and 'defraud
whenever they have an opportunity.
Everything was done upon the enquiry to make it appear that the death of
Linley was a murder. This is notoriously untrue. According to the evidence
there was no malice against him ; nor was there any intention to kill him.
Had there been any trial at York, the evidence of an eminent surgeon would
have conclusively proved that the shooting did not cause his death. It was
owing to other causes. The grinder at Oughtibridge named this point. In
the letter of“ Paul the Aged;” he says, “ Lindley was not murdered, the asser
tion oft repeated ; that he was is gross Hypocrisy. ‘ murder is the deliberate
taking away the life of a man, woman, or child who does not deserve to lose
it.’ Lindley deserved to lose his—the Children starved to death during the
past ten years did not deserve to lose theirs.” It is unpleasant to have to
speak of the dead, and I should not have done so unless from absolute
necessity, arising from the pertinacious parading of the statement that he
was murdered.
I shall now notice a few specimens of the manner in which those outside
the inquiry have commented upon it. The Archbishop of York spoke in
very strong terms on two occasions immediately after the close of the inquiry.
One of his statements was that “hiring a youth and paying him for it appeared
to be an offence which deserved the penalty of death.” No phrase could be
more full of perversion and fallacy than this. Ilis Grace knew, in the first
instance, that there was no intention to kill Linley. Besides, is the taking an
apprentice simply hiring a youth and paying him? Has the master no
moral responsibility? Has he not to instruct, guide, and govern the appren
tice ? Can a working-man do his duty to his employer, and have the care and
instruction of six apprentices at the same time ? The thing is utterly impos
sible. In the time of Elizabeth, due care was taken to prevent this, as you have
seen. Apprentices were formerly under much more control than at present.
Fifty years ago a Sheffield gentleman, now living, went to the Three Tuns, in
Orchard street, during the last week of his apprenticeship. When the com
pany knew that he was not of age he was turned out of the house, though he
was a very respectable young man. At that time men did not permit
apprentices to consort with them. Now, apprentices are married almost
before the signatures to their indentures are dry, and numbers of low beer
houses are entirely supported by boys and girls. Let the statement of His
�10
Grace be applied to himself. He has valuable church livings in his gift.
Instead of appointing duly qualified clergymen when vacancies occur, let him
hire youths to discharge their duties and pay them for it, pocketing the
emoluments himself. Would he be permitted to do so? Would his shallow
fallacy be taken as an excuse or justification ? Men may take academical
degrees and become Archbishops, and yet their logic be of a most indifferent
character. The exhibition of His Grace at Barnsley, after the Oaks Colliery
explosion, was a pitiful one. Whilst hecatombs of men were entombed in the
earth, undergoing the most frightful and hideous deaths that can be conceived,
His Grace said, at a public meeting, that it was satisfactory to know that no
one was to blame for the occurrence« Was not this almost blasphemous ?
The coal which was in the bowels of the earth emitted gas which caused the
explosion. If the coal had not been disturbed there would have been no
catastrophe. If it were possible to get the coal without an explosion, then
there was blame somewhere: if it were not possible, it ought not to have been
attempted, and still there was blame. The horns of this dilemma disposed of,
His Grace’s statement, and the evidence on the inquest, showed that there
was great blame in various quarters. When the jury considered then.’ verdict
they had to make a compromise between the evidence sworn to at the inquest
and the declaration of His Grace. The result was the cautious and unmeaning
verdict to which they agreed.
I now come to the two clergymen who wrote to the Times saying that the
Rev. Mr. Stainton was not a clergyman of the Established Church,—he did
not belong to that Union,—and that they disapproved of his conduct with
reference to Crookes. I do not know the names of these clergymen and wish
to remain in ignorance, because I desire to hold all clergymen and ministers
of religion in respect, and I could not respect these two. I was at a public hotel
in Bristol when the paragraph announcing this fact was going the round of
the papers. My reply to an enquiry as to the meaning of it was that Mr.
Stainton had waited on the employers of Crookes, and put the case in this
manner—that the conduct of Crookes could not be sufficiently reprobated,
but the question was, should he get his living by labour, by criminal means,
or by becoming a pauper: and that Air. Stainton pressed the employers to
continue Crookes in their service. In my judgment, Mr. Stainton was the
true Christian, the good Samaritan. There is a beautiful passage in one of
the prayers of the Church service, which is read twice every Sunday, but
from these recent exhibitions it is not read with a living eye, nor heard with
living ears. I will read it from the prayer book. “ Finally, we commend to
thy fatherly goodness all those who are any ways afflicted or distressed, in
mind, body, or estate ; that it may please thee to comfort and relieve them,
according to their several necessities, giving them patience under their
sufferings, and a happy issue out of all their afflictions.’’ No man can read
or hear this prayer without being influenced for the better. These two
clergymen would alter it; and instead of simply saying “all” who were in any
way distressed, they would add the words “ except Broadhead and Crookes.”
How can they truly say “ Forgive us our trespasses, even as we forgive them
�that trespass against us.” A humorous incident occurred during my stay at
Bristol. As soon as it was known that I was from Sheffield there was a
chorus of loud condemnation at the public table. I took all very quietly, and
then said the case was a very simple one ; the working-men of Sheffield were
determined to live by their labour,—to have beef, mutton, bread, beer,
broadcloth,—and not to be brought down to the condition of the Irish, or the
first-class labourer of Barnstaple at 4s. per week. They w’ere in earnest to
secure this, and rattened those whose conduct prevented it. If that was not
sufficient they blew them up, and, in extreme cases, shot them. Upon my
saying this, the chorus became more loud and fierce, and some of the gentle
men actually frothed at the mouth. They said, amongst other things, that I
justified murder. I retorted by quoting the incident of Moses slaying the
Egyptian. This made the matter worse. The next day, however, they were
very cautious in saying anything to me on the matter. At breakfast, on the
third morning, one of the gentlemen who was very loud in his condemnation,
was leaving for London. He said that he was a cabinet maker ; that he
dealt largely in veneers with piano-forte makers ; that he took piano-fortes in
payment ; the price in the shop being 25 guineas each, while he calculated the
value at ¿£16, and charged for his veneers accordingly. That his mode of dis
posing of the pianos was in this wise :—He had the last taken to his residence,
and employed a music-master to sell it, giving him instructions to invent any
story whatever so as to dispose of it. One morning the music-master told him
that a lady and gentleman were coming to examine the piano, and informed him
of the story which he had invented. It was that the cabinet maker had a
favourite daughter to whom he had presented a new piano on her last birth
day ; that she had subsequently married contrary to his wish, and that he
had wholly disowned her. The lady and gentleman came, and in the course
of the négociations they alluded to the story which had been told to them.
The cabinet-maker said it was perfectly true ; he was dearly fond of his
daughter, but he could not forgive her, nor could he bear the sight of the
piano in his house. They ultimately gave him tlie price which he asked—
20 guineas. As soon as he had finished his recital, I ceased eating breakfast,
and told the company that I knew I had only to wait. On my arrival they were
all loud and fierce in condemning Sheffield, the London gentleman being the
loudest of all. He now boasted at a breakfast table of English gentlemen,
that he had been guilty of a conspiracy to defraud by means of gross false
hood. He admitted the falsehood. I then asked the company what was
their conduct ? After he had finished his recital, did they rise in indignation
and say they would not sit at table with such a monster ? No. Their looks
and gestures were those of approval ; and yet they condemned Sheffield.
The president of the table then observed that if there were a commission
appointed to examine into all trade secrets, perhaps Sheffield would not look
so bad. My reply was that there was a mote in the eye of Sheffield, and A
beam in theirs ; that the doings of Sheffield were to support the wives and
children of the working-men in comfort, whilst they cheated and defrauded
each other in order to prey one on the other. Nothing was said to me about
the atrocities of Sheffield after that.
�18
Returning to the enquiry, Mr. W. E. Forster, M.P., has delivered himself
on the subject very recently. He stated at a public meeting that “ He was
very strongly of opinion that the course which had been taken at Sheffield
was not the right one. He did not think that the terms ought to have been
such as were made between the public authorities and murderers in Sheffield.
He did not think that, in order to obtain information to make a Blue Book,
they ought to have allowed such murderers as Broadhead and Crookes to
flaunt their murders through the streets of Sheffield, and to say that they had
successfully defied the law and the police. By so doing he thought they had
done something to lessen, if that were possible, the sense of the gravity of
murder in the minds of the community. Whatever was done ought to have
been done upon the old principle of Queen's evidence, and he believed that
upon Hallam’s evidence they might have convicted Broadhead and Crookes.”
Was ever such nonsense uttered? Yet Mr. Forster is an “ advanced liberal.”
Everyone knows that none of the evidence extracted at the Sheffield Inqui
sition could have been used in an assize court. No council of standing could
have tendered it; no judge would have received it. It is notorious that no
value is attached to evidence obtained by favour, fear, or threat. The worst
part of Mr. Forster’s statement 'was that the sense of the gravity of murder
was lessened in the minds of the community. He was Under Colonial
Secretary when the hideous Saturnalia of murder, arson, and robbery took
place in Jamaica. Did he then do anything to lessen the gravity of the sense
of murder? Did he declare that unless the law was enforced against the
criminals he would resign his post? On the contrary, he apologised for the
scoundrels. What gross hypocrisy. Lessen the sense of the gravity of
murder! The bombardment of Kagosima without any declaration of war;
the bombardment of Canton in a similar manner, and based, as Mr. Gladstone
declared, “ on an acknowledged lie.” Sir John Bowring was guilty of the ‘‘lie”
in that case. He also is an advanced liberal. What was done to lessen the
sense of the gravity of murder in the Indian insurrection, when we blew our
victims from guns, and shot them down like rabbits ? Was it not then said at
an agricultural meeting, at Oughtibridge, by one speaker, that he “ would not
leave one black Sepoy alive?” and was he not loudly applauded? Again I
repeat what gross hypocrisy and inconsistency.
The most recent comment has been by Mr. Rathbone, at the Social Science
Congress held in Dundee. He said—“ The real remedy against the tyranny
of a union, lay, he believed, in the formation of a free-labour union, as had
been done at Stavely.
* To sum up, the moral he thought to be derived
from the Trades’ Union Inquiry, seemed to him to be that—1st. When trade
outrages occur in a trade, the union should be held responsible. He also
said that it was a question whether artizans ought to have high wages, because
they spent them in sensual indulgence. Could there be more insufferable
insolence than this? One who does not labour as a producer, saying that it
is a question what portion of the produce the producers should be permitted
to have. Suppose the producers were to deal with him in the same way, and
say that it was a question whether he ought to have anything, inasmuch as he
�produced nothing, and deal with him as the working bees do with drones.
His “moral,” too, is an atrocious one, wholly unworthy of any consideration.
The Inquisition being over, the result was anxiously expected. When
Mr. Overend took his work in to be examined, he said, amongst other things
—“ During the course of our investigation, matters connected with trades’
unions (such as the number of apprentices allowed to each workman, and the
class from which they may be taken, the remuneration of labour, the restraints
exercised upon voluntary action, and the rules and general policy of trades’
unions) have frequently been brought before our notice. These, however, are
questions for the consideration of the Royal Commission sitting in London,
and we purposely avoid making any observations upon them. We are con
vinced that the most material disclosures made to us were so made in reliance
on our promise of indemnity made in conformity with the act of parliament.
Had no such indemnity been afforded, we are satisfied that we should never have
obtained any clear and conclusive evidence touching the most important subjects
of our inquiry." In other words, he said that he had cleansed the cesspool,
and nearly poisoned the nation with the foul effluvia ; that he could not have
succeeded without the help of those who had filled it; that he had heard a
good deal as to how it came to be so full and foul, but he had nothing to do
with that, and if it should become full again, he was ready to cleanse it at
statement prices.
After this abortion, and partly in consequence of it, I brought the case before
the Town Council. There were two objects in that proceeding;—to state the
case, and to ascertain what the taskmasters who were in the Council proposed
to do. The case was partially stated, and it has to be answered before there
can be any further repressive legislation. The taskmasters had nothing to
propose. They were, like Mr. Overend, all at sea. Some rambling statements
were made to the effect that Government would do something, and that there
should be free-labour. The Government will carefully consider the whole
case, before doing anything. Their legal advisers know the utter impossibility
of safely governing the people with any increased repression of Trades’
Unions. As to the phrase, “free-labour,” it is too absurd and ridiculous to
require any lengthened notice. Nor is it necessary, as Mr. Austin shewed at
Preston that he fully understood it. On that point, he is reported in these
terms:—“ What men called free-labour institutions, he denounced as a device
of the capitalist to divert the attention of the men from their societies, which
were the only protection of their labour, in order more easily to destroy the
trade organizations.” Nothing would be more desirable than to carry out the
idea of free labour in its integrity. Let a short act of parliament be passed,
declaring it to be expedient that there should be free-labour throughout the
country, and that after a certain day, all salaries and statement prices depen
dent upon the votes of parliament, or in any other public manner, should be
withdrawn. The Lord Chancellor, all the Judges and other administrators of
the law, all Bishops and Clergymen, all Ambassadors and diplomatists, and
all Members of the Government, would then be free. The Chairman of this
meeting might put himself forward as a free magistrate, hearing cases at
�2Ó
3s. 6d. each. Another might set up as a free County Court Judge, at half the
statement price now paid. I might even become a free Archbishop. The
absurd imbecility of this nonsense is only equalled by the conduct of those
who assume to be the leaders of the Unions in reference to it—Mr. George
Potter and the chattering magpies and parrots who surround him. Mr. Potter
was once a good man, when he was an artisan. Now his object is to sell the
Beehive and become a Member of Parliament. These gentlemen have passed
a resolution excommunicating some of the Sheffield trades. This is a ridicu
lous act of suicide. Did anyone ever hear of any assistance coming from any
organisation in London ? Nearly thirty years ago, there was a strike in the
Potteries which lasted seventeen weeks, and the sum of nearly ¿£8,000 was
advanced by the Sheffield trades in support of the men. There were no
amalgamated associations and executives of Trades’ Unions then, but there
was substantial help, and the men in the Potteries almost worshipped Sheffield
for the assistance rendered. Besides this, is it not madness for the Unions to
quarrel among themselves when the foot of the taskmasters is on their neck ?
Under these circumstances, the proposition of restoring to the working men
the power which they formerly possessed of legally enforcing obedience to
their rules, is put forth. It is not a theory, a speculation, a wild vision, an
innovation: it is simply a restoration. Some of these London people do not
want it. They say that moral force and persuasion are sufficient. If they
can do without legal force or illegal violence, let them do so. Baron Bramwell,
however, has recently given them a lesson on this point of moral force and
persuasion, which will probably not be without its effect. After his exposition
of the law, on the 22nd of August, in the case of the tailors who were con
victed of picketting, I wrote to him in these terms:—
“ Sheffield, August 30th, 1867.
Sir,—I have read your charge to the jury, on the 22nd instant, in the
prosecution against Druitt and others for picketting, with ‘respectful amaze
ment.’ As reported, the charge appears to be illogical and inconsistent
throughout. There is one passage in your remarks, when sentencing the
defendants, which is wholly incomprehensible. It is this—‘ The aggregate of
the happiness of mankind was created by each man being left to his own
discretion, and to do what he pleased in reference to his own affairs.’ In that
case, why are you a judge ? Why were the ten commandments promulgated?
Why is there law ?
“Previous to this statement, you had said that the lock-out of the masters
had nothing to do with the enquiry, the object of the lock-out being to prevent the
men being left to their‘discretion,’and to do what they‘pleased’in reference
to their own affairs. You also observed that the lock-out had been successful;
that is, that the men had been coerced by means of the lock-out. Your obser
vation that the masters had as much right to combine as the men, is true,
only it so happens that magistrates, juries, and judges, who belong to the
class of masters, invariably decide that the action of any and every combina
tion of masters is lawful, and that the action of any combination of men, is
unlawful.
�21
»Tn the current number of Macmillan, Carlyle says ‘That a good man be
free as we call it; be permitted to unfold himself in works of goodness and
nobleness, is surely a blessing to him, immense and indispensable, to him and
to those about him. But that a bad man be(left to his own discretion,
and to do what he pleases,) permitted to unfold himself in his particular way,
is, contrariwise, the fatallest curse you could inflict upon him—curse, and
nothing else, to him and all his neighbours.’ Is Mr. Carlyle right, or are you.
Your obedient servant,
Isaac Ironside,”
Mr. Baron Bramwell.
If after Baron Bramwell, the London people say that sugar and barley*
water will be effective, nothing more is necessaiy.
It is clear that if things go on as at present, or if there are more cruel and
vindictive laws and sentences against the Unions, the acts of violence will be
more frequent. It must not be supposed that the lads of Sheffield are ignorant
of what took place at the inquiry. They would devour the revelations there
made, with eagerness and avidity, and as they grow up, they will know and
practice the like deeds, if compelled thereto. Being a man of peace, and
opposed to violence, I desire to avoid this, and confidently propose a return
to the practice of ancient times, when acts of violence in connection with
trade were unknown. There is no legal difficulty in the way. Let the Friendly
Societies’ Act be amended in this sense; the Lord Chancellor and the Lord
Chief Justice mffiht settle the terms of the emendation ; then let masters and
men meet to agree upon the rules, which might be sent to Mr. Tidd Pratt to
be certified.
T .
, , ,. ,
One word to those who are called “ knobsticks.” It is your conduct which
has caused all this deplorable misery. If you had acted like men there
would have been none of it. You would have been respected by your fellow
workmen and by society. I trust that you wffl cease to be the cause of any
more acts of violence, and that you will agree and act with your fellow
in conclusion, I ask you to dismiss from your minds all that has been said,
for a few minutes. It is not often that I meet you face to face, and I wish to
take this opportunity of giving a little advice. You and I find ourselves
living upon the surface of the earth, surrounded by every variety of animate
and inanimate objects. The more we investigate the nature and properties of
these objects, the more thoroughly we become convinced of the extent of our
ignorance. It is not possible for us to penetrate the mystery of the universe ;
the mystery of life: and our case would be a hopeless one if there were not a
sure and unerring guide for us under all circumstances. _ That guide has been
followed by all the great and good men who have ever lived, of whom there is
any record. It is declared by Christ to be the second great commandment,
like unto the first:—Thou slialt love thy neighbour as thyself. St. Paul left no
doubt as to the meaning of the term “neighbour” in his magnificent sermon at
Athens, wherein he said—“ God hath made of one blood all nations of men to
�22
dwell together on the face of the earth.” You are to love your neighbour aa
yourself, whatever his colour or condition. In proportion as you do this you
will become possessed of the peace which passeth all understanding, which
will rest upon you and remain with you; and when you are summoned to the
silent land “to that bourne from which no traveller returns”—it will be said
of you, “ The memory of the just is blessed.”
Since the delivery of this Address, the question has been put, as to “ whether
duly qualified medical men would have the same reason for committing acts of
violence against quack doctors, as saw grinders exercise against ‘knobsticks?’”
The answer is simple—the medical man goes through a course of study and exami
nation; if successful, he obtains a diploma; this document is his certificate of
qualification. The saw grinder serves an apprenticeship of seven years to learn his
trade. At the expiration of the term his indentures are given to him, which are
his certificate of qualification. The medical man, armed with his diploma, is
entitled to have his name inserted in the “Medical Register,” a publication
authorised by Her Majesty. No quack doctor can get his name inserted therein,
and anyone holding himself out, or practising as a qualified medical man, whose
name is not in the “ Register,” is punishable by a heavy fine. The medical authori
ties can also withdraw the diploma of those who offend against the medical Trades’
Union. There is no Saw Grinders’ Register published by authority, nor any punish
ment of quack saw grinders by the law. In addition to this, the quack doctor is
prohibited from recovering by law any charge for medical services. There is no
prohibition of quack saw grinders from recovering their wages by law. Let the
saw grinders be put in the same legal position in these respects as the medical
profession, and then the question will be a proper one.
I. I.
J. ROBEBTSHAW, PRINTER (BY STEAM POWER), ANGEL STREET, SHEFFIELD,
�
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A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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2018
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Trades' unions: an address by Isaac Ironside at a public meeting in the Temperance Hall, Sheffield on Monday, September 30, 1867. Mr Edwin Grayson in the chair
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Ironside, Isaac
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Place of publication: London; Sheffield
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Notes: Large ink stains partly obscuring text. Printed by J. Robertshaw, Sheffield. From the library of Dr Moncure Conway.
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R. Hardwick; J. Robertshaw
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1867
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G5217
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Trade unions
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Conway Tracts
Trade Unions
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Text
NATIONAL SECULAR SOCIETY
t-eovi e-
i~e v/i
WORK AND PAY.
�M .m tffM .IT H IM W ................
'
�WORK AND PAY:
OR,
PRINCIPLES OF INDUSTRIAL ECONOMY.
IN KING’S COLLEGE, LONDON.
WITH
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION-
ON COMBINATIONS OF LABOURERS AND CAPITALISTS.
By LEONE LEVI, F.S.A., F.S.S.,
PROFESSOR OF THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE AND COMMERCIAL LAW IN KING S
COLLEGE, LONDON ; DOCTOR OF POLITICAL ECONOMY ; AND OF
LINCOLN’S INN, BARRISTER-AT-LAW.
STRAHAN AND CO., LIMITED,
34, PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON.
1877.
The right of translation is reserved.^
�Hazell, Watson, & Viney, Printers, London & Aylesbury.
�TO
SAMUEL MORLEY, ESQ., M.P.
Dear Sir,—
These lectures are the outcome of the Bristol Meeting
of the British Association, when the report of its Committee on
Combinations of Capitalists and Labourers was read and dis
cussed. And they owe their delivery to your earnest desire to
have the important questions at issue between masters and men
treated in a calm spirit and in an impartial manner. I do not
jay claim to the enunciation of any new theories, or to any
novelty in argument. What I have advanced is nothing more
than what the well-established principles of political economy,
recognised alike in their essentials by British and foreign
economists, have taught us.
Your desire and mine is that the relations between capital and
labour be placed on a sound and equitable basis, and I earnestly
trust that the effort now made to bring the principles of economic
science and the interests and aspirations of the working classes
into direct contact and possible harmony may have a beneficial
influence on the well-being of the people.
Believe me, dear Sir, yours very faithfully,
LEONE LEVI.
5,
Crown Office Row, Temple,
March, 1877.
��CONTENTS
RAGE
LECTURE
I. WORK AND WORKERS............................................................ I
II. THE DIVISION . OF LABOUR AND THE WONDERS OF
MACHINERY............................................................................... 17
III. USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY............................................... 33
IV. THE REWARD OF LABOUR..........................................................49
V. TRADE UNIONS.............................................................................. 67
VI. STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS
.
.
VIII.
.
.
.85
.
.
VII. BUDGETS OF THE WORKINGCLASSES
.96
SAVINGS BANKS AND OTHER INVESTMENTS OF THE
WORKING CLASSES.................................................................. HI
APPENDIX.
(a)
cost of living in 1839, 1849, i859>
1&75 ,
• 129
.
.
. 130
(c) BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES .
.
. 131
(b) wages
in 1839, 1849, 1859, 1873
(D) REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF THEBRITISH
ASSOCIATION.................................................................. 137
��I.
WORK AND WORKERS.
If I venture to come before you, in this great centre of labour,
to discuss some of those questions connected with “Work
and Pay ” which so often give occasion to quarrels and diffi
culties, it is in the full consciousness that the proper solution
of economic problems depends not only on the right con
ception of abstract theories and principles, but on their being
regarded side by side with the realities of life. I do not pre
tend to be a philosopher, but I would like to be a practical
economist. If I am able to state to you what I consider the
dictates of economic science on the questions before us, you
may also be able to point out to me how such dictates are found
to work in practical life. In any case, should I be unable to
carry conviction into your mind, should you see reason to object
to any principles I may lay before you, I hope you will not refuse
giving due heed to the lessons and warnings of a science which is
essentially connected with the progress and wealth of the nation.
It is cheering to know that we are all wanted in this wide
world ; that all of us have a purpose to accomplish, and that, if
we have only the will to exercise them, our faculties need not lie
dormant, or languish. To me, and to all of us, constituted as
we are, it is a real pleasure to work. I delight in a tableful of
papers. I do not sympathize with the sentiment, dolce far
niente; I rather believe in the adage, “Amind at rest is a
mind unblest.” With our powers of thought and imaginaI
�2
WORK AND- WORKERS.
tion, and with our capacity of invention, construction, and
intercourse, we must be active in order to be happy. The use
of such expressions as “ condemned to labour,” or the “ task of
labour,” or the calling of labour of any kind “ servile,” whilst
we enjoy full freedom of labour, betokens simple ignorance of its
dignity and utility. Sometimes, indeed, we may be disappointed
at the result of our labour. Occasionally, it may be, thorns
and thistles spring where we expected luxuriant fruitfulness
and beauty. But what then ? The necessity to meet our daily
wants, and even our failure to accomplish the object of our
aspirations, often prove a salutary incentive to strengthen and
refine the powers and faculties with which we are endowed.
One thing is absolutely certain, that without labour nothing is
produced. The sun, water, fire, wind, gravitation, magnetism,
the vital forces of animals, the vegetative forces of the soil, the
duration, resistance, and ductility of metals, whatever active
or inert forces may exist, if left to themselves they will not
exist for us, and will be quite indifferent to our happiness. That
they may serve us, they must be turned to our service; that they
may be able to produce, they must be directed in the work of
production. Though they exist independently of us, as agents
of production, they exist only by human industry.
"... Nature lives by labour ;
Beast, bird, air, fire, the Heavens and rolling world,
All live by action ; nothing lives at rest,
But death and ruin! ” *
We often speak of the working classes as a distinct body
of persons upon whom mainly fall the work and toil of life.
What a blunder ! We are all workers. Every one of us, from
the Queen on the throne to the humblest of her subjects, has a
place to fill and a work to do. Some are labouring in directing
and administering the affairs of the State. They are the
Ministers of State, the Governors of Colonies, the whole Civil
* Dyer.
�WORK AND WORKERS.
Service. Some are engaged in extracting the fruit of the soil,
in appropriating, adapting, converting, shaping matter to our
convenience. They work the land. They are busy with animal
and vegetable substances and minerals. Many are fulfilling
various offices for man—curing diseases, teaching youth, pre
serving peace, defending right, punishing wrong, and in a
thousand ways upholding the great structure of human society.
Some work in the field, some in workshops, some in the
mines, and some on the sea. Some labour with the hand,
some with the head, and some with both. Yes, we are all
workers. Strictly speaking, we may not be all producers of
wealth; all labour being, economically speaking, unproductive
which ends in immediate enjoyment without tending to any
increase of permanent stock, or not having for its result a
material product. Yet we can scarcely say that no labour is
valuable which is not immediately employed in the production
of material riches. The genius which enlightens, the religion
which comforts, the justice which preserves, the sciences and
arts which improve and charm our existence, are indirectly, if
not in a direct manner, as truly productive as commerce, which
affords us the enjoyment of the produce and labour of other
countries; as agriculture, which extracts the fruit special to
each soil; and as manufactures, which transform the raw produce
of different countries into articles adapted to the taste and
wants of the opulent, as well as of the masses of the people.
Few, indeed, who truly fulfil the mission to which they are
called, who labour in the sphere a,nd condition in which they are
placed, and who exercise the faculties and talents with which
they are endowed, can be said to be unproductive in this great
laboratory. The whole nation is practically working together
as a great co-operative society, under the very best division of
labour; all the more perfect since it is natural and spontaneous.
Let us perform our part well, and we need not fear but our
labour will be useful.
Ashamed of working ?—
�4
WORK AND WORKERS.
“ Work, work ! be not afraid,
Look labour boldly in the face;
Take up the hammer or the spade,
And blush not for your humble place.
There’s glory in the shuttle’s song,
There’s triumph in the anvil’s stroke,
There’s merit in the grave and strong,
Who dig the mine or fell the oak.
The wind disturbs the sleeping lake,
And bids it ripple pure and fresh,
It moves the grain boughs till they make
Grand music in their leafy mesh.”
I have often wondered at the power of endurance of the
human frame when engaged in some of the most arduous tasks
of manual labour. It must be hard to be continually lifting
enormous weights, to deal with such substances as iron and
steel, to stand the heat of a fiery furnace, or to work for hours
in the very bowels of the earth. But do not imagine that those
who labour with the head have a much lighter work. The head
ache, the excited nerve, the sleepless eye, of the man of letters
are as irksome and injurious to life as the undue exercise of our
physical energies. An agricultural labourer, working in the
open air with mind and heart perfectly at ease, has a greater
expectancy of life than a solicitor or a physician. The distinc
tion, moreover, between manual and intellectual labour is no
ldnger so marked as it once was. It is ungenerous to assume
that the manual labourer employs no skill, for what labour is
there which does not need skill and judgment ? What are the
wonderful results of machinery, those exquisite examples of
handicraft at our Kensington Museum, but so many monuments
of the talent and dexterity of those who are engaged in socalled manual labour ? Among the labouring classes there is a
wonderful and endless variety of talent and skill. Between the
Michael Angelos employed by a Bond Street goldsmith, and the
common labourer employed in the East and West India Docks,
the gradations are most numerous. We speak of a million of
�WORK AND WORKERS
5
men engaged in agricultural work, of half a million in the
building trade, of a third of a million employed in the textile
manufacture, and of a third more in tailoring and shoemaking.
But really these different descriptions of workmen divide them
selves into as many classes as they have special skill and
capacity. Together, they cultivate during the yea 47,000,000
acres of land, rear 32,000,000 sheep and 10,000,000 cattle, ex
tract some ^65,000,000 worth of minerals, produce goods for
export to the extent of ^200,000,000, and bring into existence
ever so many commodities and utilities needed for the susten
ance, comforts, and luxuries of the inhabitants of all countries.
But to what extent each individual labourer assists in this work
it would be difficult to say. I fear the difference is in many
cases enormous.
It is well indeed to remember what are the conditions for
the efficient discharge of duties in the work of production. To
my mind, first and foremost amongst such conditions is energy,
or the possession of a good strong will to work ; for with in
dolence and carelessness no work is done, no wealth is pro
duced. There must be steady and persevering labour, and an
energetic and willing mind to overcome the difficulties which
Nature presents. An impulsive and transient effort is not
sufficient. How far it is true that six Englishmen can do as
much work as eight Belgians or Frenchmen, I do not know;
but to be able to do a certain amount of work, and to give
oneself in earnest to do it, are two distinct things. There is
such a thing, let it be remembered, as idling away our time
whilst we profess to work, as laying 500 bricks in a day when
1000 might easily be laid, as giving five blows to strike a tree-nail
when three ought to be sufficient. A day’s work means a day
of continuous, energetic work—a day in which as much work
is done as can possibly be done, a day in which our powers
and talents are employed in full active service, when the work
is gone through thoroughly, speedily, earnestly. To pretend to
�6
WORK AND WORKERS.
be working when you are wasting your time in idle talk, is to
defraud your master of the value of your service. To make a
show of work is a very different thing from doing real work.
Then there is another consideration. How many days in the
year do you work ? An Irishman’s year used to be 200 days,
instead of at least 300 ; for he had 52 Sundays, 52 market-days,
a fair in each month, half a day a week for a funeral, and some
13 days in the year as saints’-days and birthdays. What a
waste ! “ Alas for that workman who takes all the Mondays
for pastime and idleness, who keeps fairs and wakes, or who
deliberately neglects the work which a bountiful Providence
set before him ! Miserable is he who slumbers on in idleness.
Miserable the workman who sleeps before the hour of his rest,
or who sits down in the shadow whilst his brethren work in
the sun.” * There is enough of forced idleness and slack time
in every occupation, without aggravating the evil by wilful
neglect. “To live really,” said Mr. Smiles, “is to act energeti
cally. Life is a battle to be fought valiantly. Inspired by high
and honourable resolve, a man must stand to his post, and die
there, if need be. Like the old Danish hero, his determination
should be to dare nobly, to will strongly, and never falter in the
path of duty.”
" Let us go forth, and resolutely dare
With sweat of brow to toil our little day;
And if a tear fall on the task of care,
Brush it not by 1”
The national characteristics of each country are sure to be
reflected in the work performed by its people. Her Majesty’s
Secretaries of Legation reported of the French that there is
much instability in their manner of work; that the workmen are
most competent when it suits their fancy to display their skill, but
that, as a rule, they do not work steadily. Of the Germans, that
their work is well performed, but that their chief fault is slowness
and indifference as to time in completing their task. Thequality
* Tynman.
�WORK AND WORKERS.
1
of the work in Italy is not to be despised, but the workmen
require a great amount of watching, their conscience not being
at all sensitive. Of the Swiss, they say that, as a rule, they are
competent for their work, and that they do take an interest in
it. The work of the Dutch is sound and good, but it has not
the polish and finish of the English. The Russians, the Secretary
of Legation reports, seem utterly indifferent as to the quality
of their labour. They take no pride in their work, and require
the most constant supervision. The Turks perform their work
roughly, rudely, and incompletely. The Argentines turn out a
rough and unfinished work. And our friends in the United
States have many short cuts for arriving at what may not be
quite equal to the article turned out in the English workshop.
Rare are the instances where absolute praise is awarded for
energy, where it can be said with truth that the labourers do
really take a pride in their work, and throw their character
into it. What reports are the Secretaries of Foreign Legations
in England sending out to their Governments as regards work
in this country? Is there good foundation for the complaint of
the deterioration of work in many branches of British labour ?
Nearly one hundred years ago, a German writer described the
Englishman as the best workman in the world ; for he worked
so as to satisfy his own mind, and always gave his work that
degree of perfection which he had learnt to appreciate and
attain. As the Frenchman sought to enhance the value of his
manufactures by all kinds of external ornament, so the English
man sought to give his productions in exactitude, usefulness,
and durability a less fleeting worth. Has this important encomium
been forfeited? I do not think so, whatever may be said to the
contrary. As a matter of fact it is seen in the cotton industry
that an English labourer is able to superintend 74 spindles,
whilst a German can at most [superintend 35, a Russian 28,
and a Frenchman 14. Physically and intellectually, the British
workman is better than he ever was. I doubt, indeed, if he has
�8
AND WORKERS.
a rival in his capacity for continuous exertion ; and if there be
reason to lament his disposition to obey with perfect discipline
the mandates of such associations as undertake to protect his
rights, we should not forget that it is that same disposition that
best fits the British workman for taking his place in the modern
organization of labour, where every human hand has work
assigned, the value of which depends on the relation it bears toa great whole.
I am persuaded, however, that the exercise of energy in work
depends in a great measure on the possession of strength and
health ; for it is impossible to work well unless we are in health
and comfort. The body must be in full vigour, the vital energies'
must be elastic and fresh, the mental faculties must be quick
and active, ere we can give ourselves to patient and persevering
labour. Viewed in this aspect, every measure of sanitary reform
has a direct economic value. How can you expect hard-working-
men and women where the very air is tainted by the most noxious
gases ? Liverpool, Manchester, and Salford, said Dr. Farr, are
at the head of a mournful cohort of unhealthy districts which
call aloud for healers. It is not the water, nor the food,
nor the absence of food, nor the clothing that produce the
mischief, but it is the heedless admixture of tallow-chandlery
and slaughter-houses, and the vitiated atmosphere from the
black outpourings from innumerable chimneys, that make the
Manchester artisan pale, sallow, and unhealthy, and that make his
children grow pale, thin, and listless. Many of our workmen,
moreover, have to meet dangers peculiar to their occupations..
They are liable to suffer from exposure to dust and other foreign
substances, from exposure to noxious gases and heated and im
pure air, from mechanical concussions, from peculiar postures of
body, and from excessive exertion. In the manufacture of artificial
flowers or wall-paper with emerald-green, the workers are in
danger of slow poisoning from arsenic. A dozen leaves from
a lady’s head-dress were found to contain ten grains of white
�WORK AND WORKERS.
9
arsenic. Those who have to do with phosphorous are exposed
to its fumes, which produce jaw disease and bronchitic affections.
The workers in lead are exposed to lead-poisoning, and those
who work with mercury to mercurial poisoning ; whilst builders,,
miners, fishermen, and seamen are in special danger of sudden
death from falls, explosions, or storms. Domestic servants,
always at home, comparatively at ease as respects the necessaries
of life, may be supposed to have a good expectancy of life ; yet
carpenters and even metal-workers have better prospects of great
age than they.
But, as I have just hinted, quite apart from dangers of this
nature, other risks follow many of our workmen in their homes.
Born, many of them, in the midst of comparative privations,
living often in low, dingy, uncomfortable houses, how hard it
is for them to maintain anything like freshness and vivacity.
The rents of houses are certainly dear, and they often absorb a
good portion of their weekly wages. Yet I apprehend that a
comparatively high house-rent might be really a good investment,
should it prevent, as it is sure to do, the slow deterioration of
health, the lowered vitality of enjoyment, and the long series of
evils arising from overcrowding. Room to breathe is wanted
everywhere. Much good will, I hope, result from the recent
Act for facilitating the improvement of the dwellings of the
working classes ; and good work is done in London by such
associations as the Metropolitan Association for Improving
the Dwellings of the Industrious Classes, the Improved Indus
trial Dwellings Company, and many other kindred societies.
But all such efforts need the co-operation of the labouringclasses themselves. How much an individual is justified in
spending in house-rent it is difficult to say, circumstances
varying so much. Ten per cent, of the income is, I believe,
generally devoted to house-rent by the middle classes, whether
by paying that proportion for a whole house, or by paying more
and recovering a portion by sub-letting. But ten per cent, of
�IO
AND WORKERS.
the working Oman’s wages, viz., three or four shillings a week
on an income of thirty shillings to forty shillings, is hardly
enough for sufficient accommodation for even a moderate
family. Supposing, therefore, that twelve per cent, be required,
or even fifteen per cent., better far to economise in other
items of expenditure than to live in a house smaller than we
require. In the economic management of a limited income
the first thought should be an airy, wholesome, cheerful
house—a real home for every inmate of the household.
Need I say that there may be a house without a home?
A house where father, mother, and children, some even of
tender age, are absent from six in the morning to six or seven
at night, can scarcely be called a home. Where mothers
cease to nurse their children, and leave them to the tender
mercies of servants, or deposit them at the Creches, there must
of necessity be a frightful mortality of children, a grievous de
generation of the race, and a total absence of moral education.
And when, late in the evening, father, mother, and children
meet together, more as strangers than as members of a common
household, often in the only room they possess, empty and
cheerless, what comfort can they expect ? Alas ! cleanliness in
such a case is out of the question. The fire is out; the food is
not ready; the children’s clothing falls into rags ; and, worse
than all, father and brothers, disgusted, take refuge at the
nearest public-house. I know nothing more essential, both in
a social and economic aspect, than a happy home. “ Home 1
If any of you working men have not got a home yet, resolve,
and tell your wife of your good resolution, to get, to make it at
almost any sacrifice. She will aid it all she can. Her step will
be lighter and her hand will be busier all day, expecting the
comfortable evening at home when you return. Household
affairs will have been well attended to. A place for everything,
and everything in its place, will, like some good genius, have
made even an humble home the scene of neatness, arrange-
�WORK AND WORKERS.
ii
ment, and taste. The table will be ready at the fireside ; the
loaf will be one of that order which says, by its appearance, You
may cut and come again. The cups and saucers will be waiting
for supplies. The kettle will be singing; and the children,
happy with fresh air and exercise, will be smiling in their glad
anticipation of that evening meal when father is at home, and
of the pleasant reading afterwards.” *
In matters of food and drink, I imagine, the British labourer
is better off than the labourers of any other country. Meat is
indeed dear, yet not dearer than in New York or Paris ; whilst
bread is decidedly cheaper, vegetables are abundant, and fish
plentiful. And the people are doing full justice to such bounties.
What a change in the quantities of foreign commodities con
sumed during the last thirty years 1 In 1844, there were ijj lbs.
of tea per head consumed in the United Kingdom; in 1875,
4'44 lbs. In 1844, f lb. of foreign butter ; in 1875, 4’92 lbs. In
1844, scarcely anything of foreign bacon and hams was con
sumed; in 1875, 8-26 lbs. per head. And, whilst the home pro
duction of wheat and flour is as large as ever, the consumption
of wheat and flour of foreign countries increased from iyjlbs., in
1844, to 197 lbs. per head in 1875. How many who are now able
to eat wheaten bread, were thirty years ago content with rye
bread ! and how many who never saw butcher meat from
week to week, now enjoy it every day I Surely we may rejoice
that by a wise legislation the door has been opened for the
importation of the necessaries of life from every part of the
globe ; and that, as a result of the same and of other favourable
circumstances, whereas the number of paupers, including indoor
and outdoor, in 1849 was in the proportion of 573 per cent, of the
population, in 1875 it was only 3’11 per cent. These are facts of
unmistakable importance as regards the well-being of the people.
An important element in the maintenance of health is cer
tainly the duration of labour; but how many hours a day a
* Helps.
�12
WORK AND WORKERS.
workman may safely work in any industry without injury to
his health must depend not only on the age and constitution of
the worker, but on the kind of labour and the spirit with which
the work is performed. I cannot say that, personally, I have
much sympathy with any excessive indulgence for rest; for I
am myself a great worker, having been often at my work sixteen
or eighteen hours a day-—not occasionally, but for weeks to
gether ; nor do I feel the slightest inconvenience from it. Yet
it must be allowed that labour saved is not lost; and that unless
we husband our strength, we stand a good risk of losing it
altogether. I fully approve, therefore, of the legislation respect
ing labour in factories, which limits the number of hours of
work to women and children. But let us not carry the matter
too far. Remember, that even an hour a day extended over say
5,000,000 workpeople, working 300 days in the year, means a
loss of 150,000,000 days a year. Doubtless such loss may be
recovered by increased energy on the part of the workers, and
by the introduction of improved ’machinery. As a matter of
fact, at no time has England produced more than at present,
notwithstanding the extension of the factory laws, and the widely
diffused adoption of shorter hours. But is that a reason why
we should indulge in idleness, beyond what is requisite for
health and moderate enjoyment ?
Hitherto I have dwelt on energy, physical strength, and
health. It is necessary that I should add education as one of
the very first conditions for the efficient discharge of duties
in the work of production. Never was the saying, “ Knowledge
is power,” more truly applicable than at present. Compare the
value of skilled and unskilled labour. The demand for com
paratively unskilled labour may be as great as ever, but the
reward of skilled labour is certainly much greater. It is no new
discovery, though it has, of late, acquired greater prominence,
that in the work of production to sturdy will, patient endurance,
and strong hands, we must add some knowledge of science, a
�WORK AND WORKERS.
13
cultivated mind, and a refined taste. Education and science
must no longer remain the ornament and luxury of the few—
they must become the necessary endowment of the many, if we
will succeed in the great arena of industrial competition.
To what but to science does England owe her great achieve
ments ? Mechanical and chemical science have revolutionized
the productive power of the country. It was but yesterday,
comparatively, that in the coal beneath our feet we found a
primary source of colour which makes England almost inde
pendent of the most costly dyewoods hitherto consumed in’the
ornamentation of the textile fabrics. Yet, with all our dis
coveries, and all our advantages, here we are but little in
advance of other countries, and our only hope of maintaining
our position depends on the success which we may yet attain
in fathoming the inexhaustible secrets of Nature, on the increase
in the number of patient yet ardent votaries of science, and
still more, on the diffusion of education and scientific knowledge,
among the great body of labourers. With the progress of
civilization and refinement all over the world, it is no longer
sufficient now to be able to produce what is cheap and
plentiful, or objects adapted to the common wants of the
masses. If England is to keep her place as the greatest manu
facturing country in the world, we must endeavour, by the
cultivation of the science of the perception of beauty, and by
paying proper attention to the fine arts, to produce articles
suitable to every state of civilization.
Much has been said, of late, on technical education, by
which we understand the teaching of those sciences which
are useful in industrial pursuits. Is it not a sound principle
that the designer should know something of drawing, the
dyer something of chemistry, the miner of geology and
mineralogy? The chairmaker, the tailor, the bootmaker, the
hatter, the coachmaker, and even the pastrycook, all requiresome knowledge of form.
All honour then to the London
�14
WORK AND WORKERS.
School Board for introducing drawing m their scheme of
Elementary Education.
How few, indeed, are at all ac
quainted with the scientific principles of their labour. An
order comes for cloth of a particular shade of colour. How
few can tell, beforehand, precisely, what manipulation will
give it to a nicety ! And if there be one in an establishment
endowed with such knowledge, probably because he stumbled
into it, he is deemed the possessor of a great mystery.
But
why should it be so ? Science need neither be a mystery nor a
monopoly. Its pages are open to all, and let us not think that
its meaning is hid or incomprehensible to the common under
standing With the simplicity of language ordinarily used, and
the constant appeal to real facts by visible demonstrations and
illustrations, the acquisition of scientific knowledge has been
rendered wonderfully easy.
Apart- from intellectual powers, however, I own great par
tiality for the moral. It seems to me that we must elevate, not
the mind only, but the taste and affections of the people, if we
wish to realize true progress. With such huge conglomerations
of people as we have in this metropolis and in our manufactur
ing towns, quite away from the beauties of nature, we do need
museums and galleries to educate the sense of the beautiful.
What a power on our imagination have the common prints
and representations which adorn our walls! What an effect the
ornaments which cover our mantelpieces ! Nor should we
forget that more important even than the cultivation of the
taste and the affections is the possession of good morals and
simple piety. To secure a good reward, the labourer must not
only have a good physical frame, and a proper aptitude for
labour, but those qualities which create confidence and animate
trust. Unless a labourer is worthy of confidence, it is impos
sible that he can be regularly employed. And what is; it that
. creates confidence? Sober and steady conduct, truthfulness
and purity of character, conscientiousness and strict regar
�WORK AND WORKERS.
i5
to duty ; in short, an abiding sense of the responsibility of
our calling.
The requisites of production, John Stuart Mill said, are
two—labour and appropriate natural objects. Certain lands
are more favoured than others in natural productiveness. The
climate has great influence in promoting vegetation, and in
making the people hearty and robust. Numerous external in
fluences, physical, economical, political, and social, determine
more or less the success of labour. Taking it all in all, England
is highly favoured as a field of human labour. Geographically,
she is splendidly situated, on all sides open to communica
tion with all the world.
Her climate is most temperate.
Coal and iron are sources of immense wealth. Her manufac
turing industry is wonderfully developed. The commercial
spirit of her people quite boundless. Her political organization,
based on personal freedom to move, to speak, to meet, well nigh
perfect. Her economical policy is immensely superior to that
of almost any other nation. Can we wonder that her people
are tranquil, that the Queen reigns supreme in the heart of the
nation, and that wealth is increasing at an enormous ratio ?
Where can you find a better field of labour than in
England ? Go to France, and you have no freedom of action
and a constant dread of revolution. Go to Russia, and you
meet despotism all rampant. Go to the United States, and you
find that better wages are scarcely equivalent to the higher cost
of living. Go to any of the British Colonies, and you must be
prepared to work harder far than you are doing in this country,
and to bid adieu to every association and to all the pleasures of
civilized life.
Nowhere, indeed, is labour more appreciated,
nay, I might say more ennobled, than in this country, and no
where is an ampler field afforded for its application.
But if labour is honoured, is the labourer receiving due con
sideration? Are his trials and difficulties taken into account?
Are his wants as a man and a citizen properly recognised ?
�AND WORKERS.
Alas ! I fear not. On the contrary, there is far too ready a
disposition to regard the labourers as a class as ignorant,
wasteful, drunken, idle, and criminal. But where is the evi
dence for such a charge ? In the number signing the marriage
register with marks there is a vast improvement. The Savingsbanks and Building Societies testify that the labouring classes
have saved large sums in recent years. The yearly amount
of production in the kingdom tells us that they have not been
altogether idle ; and if they drink more, or it may be are more
amenable to its consequences than they formerly were, probably
through better police administration, of crime, especially of the
heavier character, they are certainly less guilty. They might
be better, and so we all should be. But let us not indulge in
sweeping condemnations of whole classes of the people. They
are not true, and their effect is most injurious.
In the new organization of labour incident to production on
a large scale, there is abundant scope for the display, by both
masters and men, of those qualities which are essential for the
maintenance of peace and concord. Let the master recognise,
fully and unreservedly, the free position of the workman, and
his absolute right to improve his condition. Let him see that
labour be carried on under conditions, as favourable as possible,
to the preservation of human health and vigour. Let him pro
mote, as far as in him lies, provident habits and intellectual
improvement among his labourers. Let him manifest a per
sonal sympathetic interest in their behalf. Let the master
do all this, and we shall also witness among workmen an in
creasing earnestness and energy in the execution of their work,
a greater interest in the success of production, and a better
disposition to apply all their forces, physical, intellectual, and
moral, towards the surmounting of those obstacles which hinder
and retard the economic progress of the nation.
�II.
THE DIVISION OF LABOUR AND THE WONDERS OF
MACHINERY.
Within this century, within the recollection of many living
among us, one of the greatest of economic revolutions has taken
place, the consequence of which has far exceeded any human
expectation. It is the substitute of collective for individual
labour, of factory for home industry, and of mechanical for
human labour.
Time was when the weaver was both the-:
capitalist and the labourer ; when the linen weaver cultivated
the flax, heckled it, spun it into yarn, wove it, and sold the web
at the linen market. There was no division of labour in those
days. The producer gloried in his independence. He was his.
own master. He did all the work himself. But production
proceeded slowly in that fashion. And so the capitalist came
to the rescue by supplying the weaver with the material, and
paying him a given sum on the delivery of a given quantity ot
finished cloth. As yet, the loom belonged to the weaver; and if
he had no loom of his own, he worked at a loom belonging to<
some other weaver, in which case he was the journeyman, and
the weaver at whose loom he worked was the master weaver.
But, in time, the loom itself was supplied by the capitalist or
manufacturer; and then the journeyman, free from the master
weaver, came into direct relation with the manufacturer. This
is the system of home industry which existed in this country
2
�i8
THE DIVISION OF LABOUR AND
for a considerable time, certainly till as late as the end of the
last century. And this is the system which obtains to a con
siderable extent in Russia at the present time. Employed in
the actual work of agriculture only a portion of the year, the
Russian farmer spends the remainder in weaving and bleaching.
The home system of industry has been passing away so
rapidly from this country that we are apt to connect all manu
facture with x the machinery and steam power in use in the
Lancashire cotton industry. But it is not so. And I venture
to say that by far the largest amount of production in the north
of Europe, in Asia, and Africa, and largely in America also,
consists of home-made goods, which, though dearer in price,
are in the end cheaper far than the trashy prints, and some
of the highly-sized calicoes and other inferior descriptions of
Manchester goods. The battle of the hand-loom against the
power-loom, of home industry against factory labour, is not yet
quite ended, for in not a few industries, especially in Nottingham
and Leicester, hand-loom weavers are numerous. But of the
final issue of the conflict who can doubt ? In truth, young men
o not take to the old and almost effete system. What remains
of it is carried on by old people, and for those descriptions of
labour only where the hand can work with more dexterity than
the machine itself. But how soon is machinery overtaking
every obstacle 1 And what a change has taken place in the
divorcement of manufacture from agriculture, in the creation
of great cities of labour, in the mode of producing on a
large scale, in the division of labour, and the introduction
of machinery!
From the moment the manufacturing system acquired a
sufficient importance to stand by itself, from the moment the
requirements of manufacture necessitated concurrence and co
operation in the various pursuits necessary for the same, the
manufacturers were compelled to emigrate from the farm
house and the sequestered village, and to constitute themselves
�THE WONDERS OF MACHINERY.
into distinct communities. Both industries are indeed inter
dependent. Agriculture gains from the existence of a thriving
manufacturing industry, and is the better for its products.
Manufactures depend upon a prosperous agriculture for a sufciency of food and provision. But the two industries are not
■capable of being prosecuted in like manner. Agriculture does
not admit of the same concentration of labour, of the same
■division of employment, and of the same constancy of labour.
Even steam-power can only be employed in agriculture under
less advantageous circumstances than in manufactures. The
experience of every nation abundantly proves that the more
absolute is the separation between the two industries, the better
■each may be developed in its own manner and fashion. Would,
indeed, that the agricultural could copy a little more from the
manufacturing industry than it appears to be doing ! How
much it has to learn in dealing with diversities of soil, in the
reclamation of waste lands, in the introduction of machines and
implements of husbandry, in the use of manure, and above all
in the economy of labour and the application of scientific prin
ciples in the management of farms ! Some writers used to
•distinguish agriculture from industry, the one being intent
upon the extraction of produce from the soil, the other upon the
shaping, converting, or manufacturing what nature supplies.
But it is not so. Agriculture and manufactures are both indus
tries requiring alike labour, skill, capital. In England, the
divorce is indeed complete ; but they had better look keenly to
one another, and each draw from the other the lessons which it
needs.
Look at Lancashire, the first county which inaugurated the
great change. See how coal and iron have superseded turf
and corn. Behold those illumined factories, with more (windows
than in Italian palaces, and smoking chimneys taller than
Egyptian obelisks. Everywhere you find monuments of in
domitable energy. All you see indicates the march of modern
�20
THE DIVISION OF LABOUR AND
progress. Enter for a moment one of those numerous factories,,
behold the ranks of thousands of operatives all steadily working,
behold how every minute of time, every yard of space, every
practised eye, every dexterous finger, every active mind, is at
high-pressure service. There are no lumber attics nor lumber
cellars ; everything seems cut out for the work, and the work for
it. And what can be more wonderful than those factories far
the manufacture of machines ? Listen to the deafening din.
What power has mind over matter ! What metamorphoses can
human industry perform ! One hundred years ago, Manchester
had only 1,600 inhabitants. Now, with Salford, she has 500,000..
Three hundred years ago, Liverpool was only a fishing hamlet,,
with 138 inhabitants ; now she has 527>°°°. Whilst Westmore
land, a purely agricultural county, has 771 acres to one person,
Lancashire has only 0-43 acres to one person. In 1861, the town
population of England was in the proportion of twenty-four per
cent, of the whole. In 1871, her town population had increased
to such an extent that it constituted fifty-six per cent, of the
whole. The very meaning of the word town has changed.
Whilst in olden times it meant a tract of land enjoyed by a
community, though there might not be a single house in it; in
modern times it has come to signify a place with a multitude of
houses, built side by side, and standing in streets, rows, or
lanes, all as like one another as possible,— the very personation,
of the Coketown of the inimitable Dickens.
Shall we lament the change from the primitive industrial
organization of former days to the complex, and, in many ways,,
the artificial combination of the present time? Is England
the better or the worse for the change? Have the working
classes been injured or benefited by it ? Could we return to the
agricultural system if we would ? And would we return to it if
we could ? Compare the state of England a hundred years ago
and now, by any test you please, socially, politically, and morally,
in education, wealth, power, population, agriculture, and mann-
�THE WONDERS OF MACHINERY.
21
factures. Nothing has been stationary. On every side we note
change, progress, improvement.
There are evils connected
with the agglomeration of many people within fixed boundaries,
for where ignorance, vice, crime, exists, oh how contagious it be
comes ! And yet, if you compare the moral condition of the
agricultural and manufacturing districts, you will find that the
latter are by no means inferior to the former, for if there is
an army of evil-doers in our great cities, there are also many
regiments of those who do well. Call the present organization
of labour artificial, capitalistic, or by any title you please, yet
the fact remains that not only is it the inevitable result of
science, civilization, and economic progress, and therefore it
is of no use whatever grumbling about it, but it is on the whole
beneficial to the well-being of the people, an element of strength
and power to the nation at large.
Steam, whose power dwarfs the fabled feats of Grecian
prodigy, has not only torn asunder the manufacturing from
the agricultural industry, but has centred industrial labour
within large buildings and great factories. When human force
was the only motive power, work could as advantageously be
performed in the solitary chamber as in great centres of popu
lation ; but when a force greater than human was discovered,
which far exceeded the energies of any single individual, which
needed no rest, which could be transported anywhere, and
which could be regulated at discretion,—isolated working gave
place to factory labour, and production on a small scale was
immediately superseded by production on a large scale. Of
course, factory labour has its own evils,—but what human
system is free from them ? With a motive power at hand
capable of continuing without intermission, the temptation was
too strong to use human labour as unsparingly. The compara
tively light labour required to assist the machinery, prompted
the employment of women and children; and their strength, by
too long hours of employment, was taxed beyond measure. And
�22
THE DIVISION OF LABOUR AND
so the Legislature had to interfere, in the way of fixing the
number of hours that women and children should be allowed to
work, of taking care that the education of such children shall
not be altogether neglected, of compelling proper precautionsagainst accidents from machinery, of providing for the health
of the workers, and of securing by the right of inspection
scrupulous compliance with the prescribed regulations. And
thankful we may be that the provisions of such laws have been
extended and strengthened, for we do need the protection of
the law against abuse of power, whether by masters or by men.
Apart, however, from such abuses which the law has set itself
to rectify, there is a great principle involved in the present
system of producing on a large scale of very wide reach and
application. Do we not see large farms, large shops, large jointstock companies, and large enterprises, fast superseding small
farms, small shops, small partnerships, and small enterprises ?'
And why? Simply because the expense of management and
the labour of administration do not increase in proportion to the
extension of the undertaking; because expensive machinery may
be more advantageously employed; and because greater economy
of power and administration is thereby obtained. In a largefactory, moreover, the master can exercise more supeiwision of
labour, can have more command over the detail of the work.
And the result is more production, more wealth. The more
united the forces, the greater the momentum.
And what shall I say of the division of labour, which produc
tion on a large scale permits ? Adam Smith has well noted the
increase of dexterity in every particular workman, the saving of
time spent in passing from one species of work to another, and
the happy contrivances for facilitating and abridging laboui
which such division of labour suggests and permits. Nothing, in
deed, is more natural, and yet nothing is more wonderful in the
present organization of labour, than the symmetry of its appor
tionment, the careful regard to the adaptation of the work to the
�THE WONDERS OF MACHINERY.
23
worker. But little consideration suffices to convince us that
the surest way to acquire a thorough knowledge of anything is
to concentrate our thoughts, and to devote our energies almost
exclusively upon the one thing before us. No science could be
cultivated with any hope of success, were it not that special
men give themselves to the innumerable researches which are
required for their development. The physician, the chemist,,
the botanist, the mineralogist, the astronomer, each takes upon,
himself the study of special phenomena in nature. Sir David.
Brewster made optics his special study; Professor Owen devoted
himself to fossils; Professor Liebig to organic chemistry
Professor Tyndal to light; Professor Huxley to physiology..
Mr. Glaisher made his experiments on balloon ascents; Dr.
Carpenter made observations on oceanic circulation. The
principle of the division of labour with a view to the greater
concentration of mental energies is of wide application, and,,
wherever applied, it of necessity leads to the greater efficiency
and economy of labour. How natural the division of labour
between agriculture, manufacture, and commerce ! How conso
nant with the laws of nature the preference given in different
countries to special industries 1 What is international commerce
but the result of an extended division of labour ? Of course the
division of labour is limited by the power of exchange. One
may confine himself to one specific branch of industry which
may satisfy one kind of wants only, provided on the one hand
he can find purchasers enough of that commodity as to render
it worth his while producing nothing else, and provided also
there are others ready to satisfy all the other wants. An ex
tended division of labour demands a large and varied con
sumption. In little villages where the consumption of groceries
is limited, the grocer is also the haberdasher, the stationer, the
innkeeper. In London we have shops for certain specific classes
of articles, and no more. But wherever the division of labour
can be advantageously adopted, it is certain to be attended with
�24
THE DIVISION OF LABOUR AND
advantage, at least in an economic aspect. And yet, that too
has its evil, for it has certainly a tendency to concentrate the
mind too consecutively to one operation, and it may have the
effect of weakening a man’s power, and make him become a
mere machine. What fertility of invention, what independence
of thought can you expect from a man who is required to do
but one thing—say, to watch a pair of wheels, or to walk three
steps forward and three steps backwards—throughout his life
time? He will doubtless do that work more perfectly, more
quickly, more economically, but the monotony and the same
ness of the operation, and the want of excitement attending it,
are sure to take away any spirit he might have.
Alas 1 nothing pleases us. Undivided work is very unpro
ductive, too divided work is prejudicial to the human under
standing. I am not ignorant of, and we cannot ignore or deny,
the evils of the present organization of industry; but is it of
any use to complain of them ? Let us the rather strive to
neutralize what is prejudicial, and set into motion remedies and
influences which shall bring good out of evil. Let the church
and the school be active in their work of moral and intellectual
instruction. Let science and philanthropy devise good work
able plans for the well-being of the masses of people huddled
together in places unfit for human habitation. And if the
family circle has still to be broken by the employment of
women and children in factories, let us at least do our utmost
to check vice, waste, luxury, extravagance, betting, gambling,
drunkenness, and the license and wretchedness which meet us
on every side—the result, to a large extent, of a vicious social
system.
If it is to Watt and his wonderful engine that we owe the
use of the new motive power, steam, it is to Arkwright, Har
greaves, Crompton, and many more illustrious inventors and
discoverers, that we owe our machines and instruments for regu
lating the action of force. There is an intimate relation between
�THE WONDERS OF MACHINERY.
25
the division of labour and machinery. If, on the one hand, it is
the steam engine and machinery that have rendered division
of labour possible, it is to the division of labour that we owe
the large increase of machinery, The change wrought by
machinery is something wonderful, A woman habituated to
knit can make 80 stitches a minute. By the use of the circular
loom, she can now make 480,000 stitches a minute, showing
an increase of 6,000 times the quantity. To make by hand
all the yarn spun in England in one year, by the use of the
self-acting mule, carrying 1,000 spindles, viz., 1,000 threads
at the time, we would require 100,000,000 of men. I have just
spoken of knitting; but see what is done by the sewing machine.
To make a shirt by the hand it takes at least fourteen hours ; by
the machine, less than two hours. A pair of trousers cannot
be done by the hand in less than five hours; by the machine
it may be done in one. A woman’s chemise, which by the
hand would take ten hours and a half, may be completed by
the machine—ay, ornamented—in one hour. This is indeed
the era of machines. We have the calculating machine and
the electric machine. Hats are made by machinery, and so
are opera-glasses. There is a machine to mould the mortar,
a machine to make cigarettes, and a machine to make neck
cravats. There are machines for measuring the wind, the
evaporation, and the rain; machines for measuring the in
tensity and velocity of light; an instrument for measuring the
interval between the appearance of the flash and the arrival
of the sound; an instrument for measuring the pressure of the
atmosphere, and an instrument for measuring the ten-thousandth
part of an inch.
The machine is simple when it transmits
force in a direct manner; it is composite when it is composed
of so many organs all combined and acting together in the
transmission of force. But whether simple or complex, in
whatever form or description, as a machine, an instrument,
or a tool, their uniform tendency has been to take from the
�26
THE DIVISION OF LABOUR AND
human hand some of the most drudgery work, to produce
largely, to bring within the reach of the lowest classes many
articles which were once rarities and luxuries. Machinery
has lightened human labour of the most irksome tasks, and
opened up to man the widest field for the exercise of his in
tellectual faculties. At one time it was muscular force that
performed most of our work. Now, it is art, it is design, it
is intellect. It is labour just the same, it is true, but it is
nobler, higher, and more befitting our place and destinies.,
more in keeping with our aspirations and ambition. Only
let workmen have sufficient dexterity in passing from one
kind of labour to another, and the introduction of machinery
is certain to prove a blessing, not a curse. But, alas ! it is that
capacity that is sometimes wanting.
Time was when inventions were the products of simple
vagaries, or freaks of the imagination, of ignorant pretenders or
mere charlatans. How to make a wheel turn by itself, and to
get at perpetual motion ; how to clean and keep bright the skin
and flesh so as to preserve it in its perfect state ; how to make
upon the Thames a floating garden of pleasure, with trees,,
flowers, and fountains, and all in the midst of the stream
where it is most rapid;—these were secrets and inventions of
former days which contributed but little to the well-being of
the people. Happily, the inventions, machines, and instru
ments of the present day are of a more utilitarian and sober
caste, and they have immensely augmented, not only the
wealth, but the comfort and the intelligence of the whole
nation—ay, of the whole world. And who are the inventors ?
In many cases our working men themselves, and, strange
to say, those very men who have to perform daily the same
monotonous work, to repeat over and over again the operation
of the same single member of a complicated whole. Yes,
our working men, our artizans, are often able to suggest im
provements in manufacture, and short cuts in workmanship,
�THE WONDERS OF MACHINERY.
27
which economise labour, and are of immense value to the pro
ducers. Would that they were justly rewarded! A working man
who has brain enough to invent a new article, or to use a new
process, has a full right to the fruits of his labour, and to be
rewarded for the product of his brain ; and I am glad to know
that sometimes, though not always, they do get the benefit of
their inventions, either in an increased salary, or in a portion of
the profits. Do not imagine, however, that the profits of an
invention can go to any considerable extent into the pockets of the
inventor, for the success of the invention depends often less on
the fact of the invention itself, than on the appliances, energy,
and capital employed in carrying it into practice. I should be
glad if the cost of a patent were greatly reduced, in order to
enable our working men to patent inventions for themselves even
before they communicate them to their own employers ; but oh
how often the most sanguine hopes are placed on worthless inven
tions, how soon they are superseded, how often they prove more
costly than they are worth ! On the whole, the profession of an
inventor is a profitless one, and it is this among other things
that has more than once suggested the expediency of abolish
ing the Patent Laws altogether.
That machinery has immensely benefited production, and
that it has placed a new engine of success in the hands of the
producer, is beyond doubt, for though still depending upon
labour, the machine enables the producer to spare a great
number of labourers, whilst it immensely economises the cost of
production. Once let him have a machine that will do the work
of a thousand men, with only ten persons attending to it, and he
is in a position to distance far any other manufacturer who
wholly depends on human labour. How often indeed a persist
ence on the part of the labourer in asking higher wages than
the business could afford, or demands of conditions of labour
incompatible with its success, or the refusal to perform certain
acts, or to allow other labourers to be introduced for their
�28
THE DIVISION OF LABOUR AND
performance, have driven our manufacturers to introduce
machinery !
But how has machinery affected the working classes? An
inventor once proposed to Colbert, the great minister of Louis
XIV. of France, a machine which would do the work of ten
men. “ I am anxious,” said the minister, “ that men should be
able to live honestly by their work, and you propose to me to
take the work out of their hands. Take the invention, if you
please, somewhere else.” Statesmen are often as ignorant of
economic questions as the least among us, and just as when
railways were projected all manner of apprehensions were enter
tained lest horses, cattle, and carriages should cease to be
required, so when machines were introduced into any branch
of industry, the first thought was, Well, labourers will no longer
be wanted in it. But has it been so ? Calculate the number
employed in the occupation of transport and conveyance before
and since the adoption of the railway system,—the number
employed in the cotton manufacture, or any other textile
industry, before and since the introduction of machinery,—the
number employed in printing, copying, and publishing, before
and since the invention of the printing machine. The first
introduction of machinery may indeed displace and diminish
for a while the employment of labour, may perchance take
labour out of the hands of persons otherwise not able to take
another employment, and create the need of another class of
labourers altogether; but if it has taken labour from ten
persons, it has provided labour for a thousand. How does it
work? A yard of calico made by hand costs two shillings,
made by machinery it may cost fourpence. At two shillings a
yard, few buy it ; at fourpence a yard, multitudes are glad to
avail themselves of it. Cheapness promotes consumption : the
article which hitherto was used by the higher classes only, is
now to be seen in the hand of the labouring classes as well.
As’the demand increases, so production increases, and to such
�THE WONDERS OF MACHINERY.
■29
an extent, that although the number of labourers now employed
in the production of calico may be immensely less in proportion
to a given quantity of calico, the total number required for
the millions of yards now used greatly exceeds the number
engaged when the whole work was performed without any
aid of machinery.
And so as regards wages. Doubtless
a manufacturer who has to pay for the use of an invention and
for the cost and maintenance of the machinery, and who needs
only a few labourers able to perform some mechanical act,
might be tempted to take advantage of his position and to
offer less wages. But if the cost of production and the mainte
nance of the machinery are more than replaced by the profits
arising from increasing production, will not a large portion of
those profits, in one way or another, fall on the labouring classes ?
And if to wrork the machinery, in the production of immensely
larger quantities, the manufacturer requires more labourers than
ever he did in the palmy days of hand labour, where will be his
greater independence ? No, no ! Machinery may have decreased,
in some cases, the rates of wages, but it has in all cases increased
the total earnings of the labouring classes. It may have taken
labour out of some, impoverished a few, done injury here and
there, but it has given more labour to the community at large,
and has added immensely to the resources of the artisans
and labouring classes all the world over. M. Bastiat, in his.
excellent work on “ What is Seen and What is not Seen in.
Political Economy,” illustrated.the operation of machinery on
human labour in his usual spirited manner. “Jacque Bonhomme,” he said, “ had two francs, which he was in the habit of
paying to two workmen whom he employed. Suddenly, how
ever, having found out the means of abridging the work by
half, he discharged one workman, and so saved one franc.
Upon this, the ignorant is ready to exclaim, 1 See how misery
follows civilization! See how fatal is freedom to equality 1
The human mind has made a conquest, and immediately a
�3o *
THE DIVISION OF LABOUR AND
workman, falls into pauperism. Even if Jacque Bonhomme
should continue to employ the two workmen, he will only give
them half a franc each, for they will compete one with another,
and they will offer their labour for half the money.’ But it is
not so, since both the premises and the conclusions are false.
Behind the half of this phenomenon which is seen, there is
another half which is not seen ; for what does Jacque Bonhomme
do with the other franc, which he saved ? He employs it in
another work, and whilst the same work is done for one franc
by one workman which formerly required two to do it, extra
work is done with the other franc, which employs the other also.
The two workmen are as much employed as ever, but double
work is done, and so the invention has procured a gratuitous
benefit.”
The introduction of machinery should never be used as a
threat against the demands of labourers. It is mean to i esort to
such an expedient in order to frighten the labourers to acquiesce
in the conditions offered. But remember, machinery is of great
utility to production, and manufacturers may be compelled to
introduce it for the salvation, possibly, of the whole industry.
See what is taking place now in the watch manufacture of
Switzerland. Hitherto watchmaking at Geneva has been almost
entirely a hand-work industry.
But Switzerland stands in
danger of losing the industry altogether, since Germany and
America have learnt to make watches and clocks by machinery.
There is a certain protection, after all, against the sudden intro
duction of machinery in the fact that it is very costly, that it
requires great capital, that manufacturers are very unwilling to
alter their usual course of business, and that, in reality, in some
industries the hand has some advantage over the machine,
though machinery is now becoming so perfect and automatic
that it is impossible to say what it cannot accomplish. It
has been complained that the use of machinery often leads to
over-production, and to gluts of merchandize, which redounds
�THE WONDERS OF MACHINERY.
31
against the well-being of the masses especially by alternations of
great activity and great depression. But a large production of
articles of general use is always attended by increasing cheap
ness, and increasing cheapness most assuredly leads to an
enlarged demand, which soon absorbs any surplus production.
Machine and tool making has become' an important industry.
In x851 it employed in England and Wales 48,000 persons ; in
1861, 117,000; and in 1871, 175,000. In 1851 our exports of
steam engines, and other kinds, amounted to ,£1,168,000; in
I^75> to £4,213,000. We export engines and machinery to
every part of the world. Any one is now at liberty to order from
the British workshop the most complex and the finest piece of
machinery that can possibly be invented. It may be said, What
folly it is to injure ourselves by enabling foreign manufacturers
to obtain an advantage which is exclusively our owp ! True,
England has superior facilities for the manufacture of machinery
in her abundance of coal and iron, but the power of inventive
ness is not confined within the British shores. In 1824, the
Americans were considered as thirty years behind England, and
France was the only country which could be said to rival
England in the making of machinery. Since then, however,
and for many years past, foreign countries have made won
derful progress. As well attempt to shut up all the avenues
of science and knowledge as to secrete from public gaze the
discoveries and inventions which benefit industry and manu
facture.
It is well to realize that many of the primary conditions
necessary to the development of manufacturing industry are
no longer exclusively enjoyed by any country, and it would be
folly for the British manufacturer to remain content and tran
quil, as if he needed to dread no competition, and as if he
could be sure to continue to enjoy the practical monopoly of
the markets of the world.. Greater command over capital,
the possession of mineral resources almost boundless in extent
�32
THE DIVISION OF LABOUR, ETC.
and productiveness, greater commercial sagacity and power of
enterprise, have hitherto kept and may yet keep Britain on a
position of eminence above all her competitors; but in every
one of these elements, France, Germany, Switzerland, and the
United States are striving to advance; and with the most
powerful machinery within the reach of every one, who can
say how soon, from eager competitors, they may become for
midable rivals? It would be a great mistake indeed on the
part of our manufacturers^ to imagine that their only hope to
preserve their supremacy rests in their being able to keep the
wages of labour low. I have no faith in any plan which
begins by starving the labourer. The essentials of real pro
gress must ever consist in increasing power of production, in
greater adaptiveness of our manufactures to the wants of the
masses of the people at home and abroad, and in greater
skill and advancement in the arts and sciences. Emulate
other nations in their efforts to combine beauty with usefulness,
elegance with solidity. Let nothing discourage the investment
of capital in industry. Furbish your intellect to achieve greater
wonders than were ever yet imagined. Let Capital and Labour
march hand in hand, and England need not fear being out
done, however keen the contest, however close the issue.
�III.
USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
On the sea-coast of Sicily there was once a wild, lawless,
gigantic race, who, with one eye in the middle of their forehead,
but with strong hands, were constantly employed in forging
thunderbolts for Jupiter. And in this island of Britain, there
are many sons of the sturdy Saxon race who, with two eyes
and both wide open, are constantly forging capital, not for
Jupiter, but for the whole world. A disposition to labour, to
save, and to accumulate ; a growing conviction that wealth is
power, whatever knowledge may be; a keen relish of the
comforts of life, which wealth to a large extent provides ; a
decided aptitude for commerce, industry, and enterprise ; con
fidence in the public institutions of the country; and a firm
reliance on the impartial administration of justice,—these, to
gether with those wonderful inventions and discoveries which
have so enlarged the range and utility of human labour, have
rendered Britain the great storehouse of capital, and at this
moment borrowers from every nation are for ever coming to
this modern Egypt, to buy capital of the living J osephs,—the
Bank of England, the Rothschilds, the Barings, and many
others who keep the keys of the coveted granary. An enviable
position this for England to occupy. The taunt of contempt
once expressed by the title La Nation Boutiquiere (the shop
keeping nation), only betokens the sentiment of jealousy which
3
�34
USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
♦
France once felt for this new power in the hands of England.
But if England has got riches, it is because she has been
industrious. If the broad acres of old England have become
more luxurious and productive, if her mineral stores have become
a source of perennial wealth, if her cities are full of people, and
her manufacturing industry has become the wonder of all nations,
it is simply because English labour and English perseverance
have combated valorously with the obstacles presented by
nature. What is the ocean to the daring British manner?
Boldly to the depths of the earth the British miner will
venture, fearing nothing. Nature’s inexhaustible riches and
powers have all along animated the British discoverer to make
unknown sacrifices. And so the British have thriven.
We might suppose that by this time every country would
have become rich. With an old civilization, an immense
population, untold resources, and varied opportunities, what
is it that hindered the accumulation of wealth, and kept
nearly every state in a condition of poverty? Alas! the
work of destruction has been even more effective than the
work of production. The warlike policy of the Roman Empire
was not favourable to the production of wealth. . In the
Middle Ages, whatever was achieved by the thriving cities was
more than destroyed by the injurious influence of feudalism and
barbarism.
Insecurity of person and property discouraged
accumulation. Monopoly diverted the streams of wealth into
narrow channels. Vicious fiscal systems often corroded the
very sources of wealth. The Thirty Years’ War, the Seven
Years’ War, and the French War, brought desolation into every
home, and destroyed, not only all that had theretofore been
produced, but even the produce of years to come, Can we
wonder that under such circumstances but little or nothing
was accumulated ? Cast a glance beyond Europe. In Asia
there has been much hoarding of wealth, but no accumulation
and no workable capital. India has been rather the absorbent
�USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
35
than the producer of capital. Africa is as yet destitute both
of wealth and capital. And America, the land of promise for
capital, is still, comparatively speaking, a new country, where
the means of investment are always greater than the available
resources for the same. There is no end of openings all over
the world for the disposal of British capital; and for the interest
of the great mass of our population we may well desire that,
whatever the competition, British industry and commerce may
ever prove the safest and the most advantageous investment of
British capital.
Does it seem an easy thing to you to accumulate capital?
Look around. See the vast numbers of persons who find it hard
enough to get their daily bread, and to make the two ends meet.
See the vast numbers earning a good income, yet spending it as
fast as it comes, and never thinking of saving a farthing, far less
of accumulating any capital. Think of the numbers who strive
hard to save, but who, after succeeding for a time, are compelled
to give up the attempt from sickness, misfortune, or losses.
Think of the vicissitudes of trade, changes of fashion, and new
inventions which from time to time disconcert the best conceived
plan. What violent efforts, and what sudden collapses, what
heaving and subsiding, what flow and ebb of fortune, do we wit
ness ! How many try, how few succeed ! It is easy compara
tively to accumulate after a good foundation has been laid ;
but how hard it is to lay that foundation. What judgment,
what decision of will, what disposition to economise, there must
exist to have the slightest chance of success. Doubtless the
present division of property is not all that could be wished.
The laws of primogeniture and entail favour the accumulation
of wealth, at least in land, in comparatively few hands.
Those rich enough to pay income tax on any amount of
profits of trade and industry are only about 16 for every
1000 of the population of Great Britain, and of these much
less than one in 1,000 (0'65) pay on incomes amounting to
�36
USE OF CAPITAL iN INDUSTRY.
^1,000, and upward, per annum. Yet the number of capitalists
might be immensely greater were there more thrift, more com
mon prudence, and more practical wisdom among the people.
I do not speak of the working classes only, but of the middle
and higher classes quite as much, or more. Would that they
had the wisdom to lay by something for a rainy day when they
have a chance of doing so ! Would that they used and not
abused the means which Providence places within their reach !
Realize, I pray you, what capital really is, and what a useful
commodity it is to every nation. Generally speaking, capital
is that portion of an individual’s or of a nation’s wealth which
is applied to reproduction. All property becomes capital so
soon as it, or the value received from it, is set apart for pro
ductive employment. By dint of industry, a shilling to-day,
a pound to-morrow, you gather ^ioo. You resolve to have
a home of your own, and to employ ^25 in furnishing
it, and with the ^75 remaining you determine to set up
a shop. You have got, indeed, ZIO° of your own, but only
^75 of capital.
Just as wealth, in its economic mean
ing, consists of all those things, and those things only,
which are transferable, limited in supply, and directly or
indirectly productive of value, so capital, which is part of that
wealth, must bear the same characteristic. There are many
things most valuable in themselves, which are not, in their strict
economic sense, capital. Capital does not include the instru
ments furnished by nature, without our aid. The water of the
sea, the air we breathe, are not capital, unless, indeed, by labour
we enclose a portion of the sea, or introduce the air into a
building. Capital consists of those things which are created,
and which were previously accumulated by man. To be capital,
moreover, the possession must be a material object, and capable
of transfer. The skill of an artist, the genius of a composer, the
wisdom of a statesman, the talent of a man of letters, the health
and strength of a labourer, are doubtless so many valuable
�USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
37
endowments to their respective possessors, but they are not of.
a material character, and cannot be transferred. If English
statesmen could transfer a little of their wisdom to the French ;
if British labourers could endow their confreres in France with
a little of their strength and steadiness of purpose; if French
artizans could pass over to British artizans part of their fertility
of invention, and their quickness of perception, what a market
there would be for them all! But these personal endowments
cannot be sold or bought, and, therefore, they do not corrie
within the meaning of the word capital.
I do not know what we should do without capital.
The
riches of nature are profusely scattered, some on the surface
and some on the very bowels of the earth; and human labour is
required to make them subservient to the many uses for which
they are adapted.
Few things are the spontaneous, unaided
gifts of nature, requiring no exertion for their production.
Nature offers its powers and its products.
Industry and
labour discover their latent utility, and surmount the diffi
culties of obtaining such products, and of giving them their
requisite modification.
‘' I know a bank whereon the wild thyme blows,
Where ox-lips and the nodding violet grows ;
Quite over-canopied with luscious woodbine,
With sweet musk-roses, and white eglantine.” *
Yet who is ignorant of the wonders of gardening ? What
triumphs of skill do we see in a streak, a tint, a shade
secured by the morning care, the evening caution, and the
vigilance of days bestowed by the diligent horticulturist.
Even labour, however, cannot always act singly. It needs
the aid of tools, implements, and machines. There are in the
United Kingdom immense tracts of cultivable land. Will it
do simply to employ any number of men or women to till, to
plough, to sow, to reap? No. The farmer must erect the
* Shakspeare.
�38
USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
steadings. He must clear and drain. He must eradicate noxious
weeds, must make the road, the bank, the fence, the bridge.
He must purchase guano or some other fertilizer. He must have
a sufficient number of live stock. He must have the grubber, the
roller, the harrow, the rake, the reaping machine, the thrashing
machine ; ay, even the steam plough, and the steam engine, if
he can afford it. How can these be obtained, unless there be
something left of previous accumulation whereby to get them ?
Now that something is—Capital. The labourers in the act of
producing must be fed and clothed.
From whom can they
expect their sustenance but from the capitalist ? The very first
use of capital, therefore, is to provide such commodities as are
employed in producing wealth and in supplying the fund neces
sary for supporting labour.
Capital is used in all manner of ways for purposes of repro
duction. We often see our manufacturers intentionally destroy
ing it, in order to obtain the effects which are the direct
consequences of its destruction ; as, for example, they consume
coal in the furnace that they may produce iron. They are
content to see capital used up little by little as in machinery,
or consent to vary its very kind by manufacturing, or shaping
it in new forms, as in the case of cotton, wool, or other raw
material.
Subject certain quantities of cotton and wool to
certain processes ; destroy, in fact, their identity, and you obtain
in their stead shirts, drawers, gloves, shawls, stockings, hose.
Subject wool and woollen yarn to other processes, and you have
Brussels carpets, tapestry, velvets, felt, blankets, beaveis,
flannel, coverlets, etc. Capital is given away in wages as
reward for labour. It is employed in providing, extracting,
or producing materials, as in agriculture, mining, fisheries,
manufactures. It is invested in roads, railways, shipping. But
in whatever way it is employed, capital is the spring, the mover
of labour, and scarcely any work can be accomplished without
t. The greater, indeed, the amount of capital accumulated, the
�USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
39
larger the amount of work executed. What egregious folly it is
to call capital the natural foe of labour, and the capitalist the
jealous rival of labour. Instead of being an incubus on the
energies of the labourer, or the weight that crushes him down,
capital is the very prop and stay of labour, it is the indispensable
means of all employment, and of all reward of labour.
But there is a difference in the method of employing capital.
On a closer examination of what is required for production, in
the very instances already given, you will find that part of the
capital is employed in works of a permanent character, and part
for temporary and fluctuating purposes. If you wish to establish
a cotton mill, you must needs build the factory and purchase the
machinery ; if you will construct iron works, you must have the
furnaces ; if you will give yourself to agriculture, you must im
prove the land. Now capital so employed cannot be withdrawn
at pleasure. It is for all practical purposes sunk; and all you
may derive from it is a yearly rent or interest. This is techni
cally called fixed capital. But to work the factory, to produce
iron, to cultivate grain or fruit, you must get the raw material,
pay wages, buy the seed, and provide for the thousand require
ments of the business. And this is circulating or floating capital.
The fixed capital of the hunter consists of his gun and dog;
the floating, of powder and shot. The boat and net are the
fixed capital of the fisherman; any food in the boat is the float
ing. The warehouse is the fixed capital of the trader, and so
are his weights or machines ; his stock in trade and effects are
his floating capital. There is this further difference between
fixed and circulating capital, that whilst the fixed always re
mains, the circulating is always spent. You buy land for a
railway, that land remains. You pay money in wages, it goes.
Do not imagine, however, that what is termed fixed capital is
absolutely fixed or indestructible, or that what is termed float
ing is really lost. In truth, the fixed capital, unless renewed,
is in time completely lost. The floating, though temporarily
�40
USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
departing, always returns. That the whole floating capital em
ployed, together with a certain amount of profits, shall return,
is the whole aim of the capitalist. Alas if it does not return !
And remember, too, that as all fixed capital must come originally
from the operation of circulating capital, and must be fed by it,
—no factory, no machine being obtainable except by first pro
viding, and afterwards sustaining, labour,—so no fixed capital
can, by any possible means, give a revenue except by the use
of circulating capital; for what is the use of building the factory,
or purchasing a piece of land, unless you are able and prepared
to manufacture cotton or woollen, or to cultivate the ground ?
At home and abroad, wherever this wonderful element, capital,
is distributed, it is employed as floating and as fixed in certain
proportions, not always precisely the same, but still pretty well
balanced. In truth, it is quite a misadventure when either form
takes an undue share of public attention. Suppose, for instance
the construction of public works should require the conversion
of any considerable part of floating into fixed capital, and what
follows ? There will be much less left for the general wants of
trade and ordinary purposes of manufacture, and serious incon
venience may ensue from it.
I wish I could give you some idea of the extraordinary sums
of capital required to carry on the industries of this country.
There are in the United Kingdom some 47,000,000 acres of
land under cultivation, on which farmers sometimes invest
y^'io or ^15 per acre. Allow ^5 10s. per acre on the average,
and you have ^258,000,000 required for agriculture. We have
a large number of industries whose very existence depends
on the constant flow of capital. Some ^80,000,000 sterling
are required for the cotton manufacture; some ^40,000,000
for the woollen; some ^30,000,000 for the iron industry ;
some £70,000,000 for our mercantile marine. Just imagine the
amount required to carry on the foreign trade of the country
--those distant trades, especially, with Australia, India, China,
�USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
4i
and Japan, which do not allow of quick returns. As many
as ^600,000,000 of capital are invested in our railways, and
I cannot tell you how much has been invested by British
capitalists in public undertakings for water, gas, and docks, in
banking and insurance, and in a hundred other objects at home
and abroad. Yes, abroad also ; for immense sums of capital
are constantly going out from Britain to every part of the
world, to fructify the soil of native industry, to fill waste places,
and to construct great public works. And what a drain is
caused by foreign loans, that new, and in many respects novel,
species of gambling of the present day. Scarcely a year passes
but we have princes and potentates, wealthy states and puny
republics, knocking at the door of the British Stock Exchange
for a new loan. At this moment, a large portion of the debt of
most states in the world, probably ^300,000,000, and more, is
due to British capitalists. This is the way in which capital
is employed. It will not do to keep capital idle, for idleness is
sure to bring about its own punishment. Take it into your head
that you will not work, and of course you get no wages. That
is your well-deserved punishment.
Let capital be kept idle,
and it will bring no interest. That is its punishment. It would
be interesting to know in what proportion capital is employed
respectively in British industry, commerce, and shipping, and
foreign enterprises and loans. I wTill not venture on bold esti
mates, but what is it that determines what specific investment
shall be preferred? Nothing else than what offers the best ad
vantage. It is the same with large as with small transactions.
A fourth or a half per annum per cent, will turn the scale,
whether I will buy American or British funded securities. One
or two per cent, will determine whether agriculture or manufac
tures shall be preferred. It is wonderful what a little difference
often turns the scale, But, mind you, it makes all the differ
ence to those who are to participate in the benefit arising from
the employment of capital, how capital is eventually invested.
�42
USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
There is a great difference, for instance, in the various
proportions in which capital is distributed among the several
agents of production even as between different industries. It
has been calculated in France, that for every hundred francs
produced, fifteen go in labour, fifty-five in materials, and the
remainder in the maintenance of fixed capital, fuel, adminis
tration, and profits. According to the census of the United
States for 1870, out of $100 produced, eighteen go in labour,
fifty-six in raw materials, and the rest in interest and ad
ministration.
What are the proportions in England it is
difficult to say, but all industries are not alike. In industries
where the material is of no great value, the proportion
falling on labour for wages may even exceed the proportion
required for the material. But there are industries of just
the reverse character, where the value of the material far
exceeds every other element in the cost of production. In
the production of flour, which is only a process in the further
utilization of wheat, in calico-printing, bleaching, and dyeing,
in the reduction of gold and silver, in the refining of sugar,
the proportion of the produce falling on wages is comparatively
small, in some cases four, six, and eight per cent., and no more.
In the production of hardwares, glass wares, furniture, cotton
goods, bricks, and ship-building, the proportion of the product
falling on labour ranges from twenty to thirty per cent. I have
often been struck at the incongruity exhibited by a man constantly
touching gold and silver, silk or woollen, of the finest description,
yet he himself poor and half-starving. Walk to Spitalfields,
and see the poor silk weaver: he is manufacturing some magni
ficent velvet, or some splendid moire antique; he must be a
‘trusty man, for he is trusted with the material in his own home ;
he must have considerable knowledge of his work, and he must
be at great expense in the maintenance of the loom, and even in
house rent, for he must have as much space and light as he can.
Ask what are his wages, and he will tell you that he has the
�USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
43
poorest wages, often not better than a common labourer can
earn. Go to a cotton factory, and you see men and women
apparently simply watching a machine, or performing some
mechanical act, now taking a lump of cotton from one place
to another, and again replacing a single thread on the spindle.
Ask what is their earning, and you will find that they get
handsome wages.
Why this difference ? In the one case
the raw material is very dear, and takes away considerable
part of the produce; in the other it is very cheap, and
leaves a good share to be divided among the workers. The
dearer the raw material, whether ordinarily or exceptionally, the
worse for the labourer and the manufacturer, for often in the
difficulty of obtaining the full price the only alternative left is
to work at reduced wages and profits. Happily, in England,
the great bulk of our manufactures are the products of raw
materials of comparatively little value. Whilst France is the
home of the silk manufacture, England is the seat of the cotton
and iron industries. It will not do, however, to say we should
pick and choose the industries which give the best return to
labour. Whatever is most beneficial to capital must also be
equally beneficial to labour, and you may be sure of this, that
the watchful eye of the capitalist will ever be on the outlook
to make a good selection for his investments.
It is difficult to say what we should most dread, either an
unlimited growth of capital, or any sudden stoppage of accumu
lation ; for an unlimited growth would inevitably be followed by
a diminution of profit, and a consequent discouragement of
industry; and a diminution of capital would have results still
more disastrous. As yet, we are -thankful to say, there is no
danger either of the one or of the other. Capital is growing in
England at an enormous ratio. But the demand for capital both
at home and abroad is greater than ever. Nor is it a bad thing,
after all, that some of our surplus should find its way abroad.
John Stuart Mill attributed to the perpetual overflow of capital
�44
USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
to colonies or to foreign countries, to seek higher profits than
can be obtained at home, the principal cause by which the
decline of profits in England has been arrested. This, he said,
has a twofold operation. “ In the first place, it does what a fire,
or an inundation, or a commercial crisis, would have done ;—it
carries off a part of the increase of capital from which the
reduction of profits proceeds. Secondly, the capital so carried
off is not lost, but is chiefly employed either in founding colonies,
which become large exporters of cheap agricultural produce, or
in extending, and perhaps improving, the agriculture of older
communities. It is to the emigration of English capital, that we
have chiefly to look for keeping up a supply of cheap food and
cheap materials of clothing, proportioned to the increase of our
population : thus enabling an increasing capital to find employ
ment in the country, without reduction of profits, in producing
manufactured articles with which to pay for this supply of raw
produce. Thus, the exportation of capital is an agent of great
efficacy in extending the field of employment for that which
remains ; and it may be said truly, that up to a certain point,
the more capital we send away the more we shall possess and
be able to retain at home.” Fear not, indeed, the exportation
of capital, so long as it goes to fertilize the land, to create
new means of transport, to animate industry, and to strengthen
and invigorate labour in America, India, Australia, or any part
of the world. But fear such exportation when it goes to act as
the sinews of war, when it is to be employed for destruction,
and not for production, Better far to sink capital into the
deep, than to lend it to any power in Europe—ay, to the British
Government itself—for the support of a warlike policy in any
quarter, and for any purpose whatever.
It is good, after all, to be able to say that, however selfish
and materialistic it may seem at first sight, political economy
has this redeeming characteristic, that it does not teach us to
hide our light under a bushel, to keep what we have to ourselves
�USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
45
and for ourselves. If you have gathered capital, let it out; do
not keep it in your pocket, nor hide it in an old stocking.
If you have any talent, let it shine. Use it liberally for your
selves and for others. I remember reading a happy illustration
of the principle in question as applied to literary pursuits in
“Excelsior,” a charming publication, edited by the late Dr.
Hamilton. “An earnest mind,” he said, “is not a bucket, but
a fountain; and as good thoughts flow out, better thoughts flow
in. Good thoughts are gregarious. The bright image or spark
ling aphorism, the gold or silver of capital,—fear not to give it
wing, for, lured by its decoy, thoughts of sublimer range and
sunnier pinion will be sure to descend and gather round it. As
you scatter, you’ll increase. And it is in this way that, whilst
many a thought that might have enriched the world has been
buried in a sullen and monastic spirit, like a crock of gold in
a coffin, the good idea of a frank and forth-spoken man gets
currency, and after being improved to the advantage of thou
sands, has returned to its originator with usury. It has been
lent, and so it has not been lost; it has been communicated,
and so it has been preserved ; it has circulated, and so it has
increased.”
We should all remember that, in one sense or another, we are
all capitalists. In an economic sense, labour is an element
distinct from capital. But in a better sense—for it is the sense
of common experience—we stand much more on a level. We are
all labourers, and all capitalists. Taking the working classes
at two-thirds of the entire population, and assuming an average
weekly aggregate earning of thirty shillings for each family of 4'50
persons, the entire income of the working classes will amount
to ^400,000,000 per annum, probably quite as much as the
income of all the middle and higher classes together. You, the
working classes, destitute of all capital, a class distinct from the
capitalists ? What folly ! Multiply that earning of yours at ten
years’ purchase, and your property in your labour income from
�46
USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
all sources is worth ^4,000,000,000. Away with all jealousy
between Labour and Capital ! We are all interested in each
other’s welfare : on the success of the capitalist your income
depends ; and on your welfare and happiness, the capitalist’s
chief strength must ever rest.
Moralists have often been led to decry the all-absorbing eager
ness of the present age in the pursuit of wealth, and fears have
been expressed lest the love of money should engross far too much
the heart and mind of the nation,—lest, instead of seeking wealth
as an instrument for the purchase of ease and enjoyment, both
the ease and the enjoyment of a whole life should be rendered
up a sacrifice to its shrine,—lest, instead of its being desired as a
minister of gratification to the appetites of nature, it should bring
nature itself into bondage, robbing her of all her simple delights,
pouring wormwood into the current of her feelings, making that
man sad who ought to be cheerful. Well might Matthew Henry
say, “ There is a burden of care in getting riches ; fear in keep
ing them ; temptation in using them ; guilt in abusing them;
sorrow in losing them ; and a burden of account at last to be
given up concerning them.”
But let us not ignore or forget the many benefits derived from
wealth ; and whilst we condemn an excessive devotion to its
pursuit, let us be ready to acknowledge that the acquisition of
wealth is good in itself as the reward of well-directed labour, of
industry, frugality, and economy. And look at the results !
What power of attraction, what magic influence, does capital
possess ! What wonders does it achieve ! Behold the embodi
ments of capital in our halls and palaces, docks and warehouses,
factories and workshops, railways and canals, parks and plea
sure grounds. What a mighty power is capital, even in politics !
Three millions of British sovereigns haye silenced the grumbling
of the Americans for the concession of belligerent rights to the
Confederate States, and the raids of the Alabama and other
privateers on American shipping. Four millions of hard sove-
�USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
47
reigns have procured to England an interest in the Suez Canal.
What is it that renders Britain so influential in the council of
the nations ? What is it that placed this nation, once so ob
scure, in the foremost place in civilization and science ? Whence,
but by the expenditure of much treasure, has Britain been
rendered the healthy and courted resort of princes and nobles
from all countries ? Look around, and see what wealth is
capable of performing,—what monuments it has raised,—what
agencies it has called into activity,—what encouragement it
has afforded to science, art, and discoveries. What but wealth
has procured for Britain those store-houses of knowledge which
enrich our museums and galleries ? And what but the exist
ence of a class in the full enjoyment of ease and wealth has
given to the nation the immense benefit of a large number of
men who, with refined taste and enlarged views, can give them
selves to those higher objects which foster civilization and
science ? It is the glory of England that she possesses so
many men of position and wealth, who, eschewing the tempta
tion of ease and luxury, are thankful if they are selected to
preside over our hospitals, to take their share in the maintenance
of order and justice, to devote themselves to legislation, to take
an active part in the laborious task of our School Boards.
Many are the examples of liberality, moreover, which redeem
wealth from the charge of sordid avarice or cold unconcern for
human suffering. The names of George Moore and George
Peabody, of Samuel Morley and the Baroness Coutts, are
household words in the national catalogue of benefactors :—
“Those are great souls, who touch’d with warmth divine,
Give gold a price, and teach its beams to shine ;
All hoarded pleasures they repute a load,
Nor think their wealth their own, till well bestow’d.”
And let any cry of distress be heard, do we not see at once a
flow of liberality to mitigate its pressure ? Yes ! let wealth
continue to diffuse blessings such as these, and what a crop of
�^g
USE OF CAPITAL IN INDUSTRY.
beneficence will be gathered !
How much misery will be alle
viated ! What amount of ignorance will be removed 1. What
high purposes will be served 1 In the work of production and
distribution of wealth, most of us are immediately interested.
Let us be thankful for the measure of prosperity this work of
ours procures for us. Let us remember that, whether rich or
poor in gold and silver, it is always in our power to possess the
godlike happiness of doing good, to be benefactors to others,
and to have a perpetual spring of peace and joy in ourselves.
�IV.
THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
Are the working classes at this moment receiving such wages as
they are entitled to have ? Do they participate fully and justly in
the produce of their labour ? Do they get a just reward for the
work they perform ? These are the questions before us this
evening ; and certainly I know of no other social theme which
has called forth more continuous, more keen, and more interest
ing controversy. We all know that labour is indispensable for
production, that it must be performed with energy, health, and
intelligence, that it is economised by machinery, and rendered
more productive by the division of labour,—and that, as a whole,
labour is exercised in England under circumstances, physical,
economical, and political, far superior to those of many other
countries. Now let us bring labour face to face with capital, that
element so much dreaded for its power and influence, yet without
which labour cannot proceed. On the one hand, we have the
labourer hard at work in the business of life j on the other, the
capitalist, bringing to the help of labour the fruit of his saving, yet
trying to economise it, and to render it as useful as possible.
Labourers both they are, the labourer and the capitalist, because
all capital is the fruit of labour—saved, not wasted, and em
ployed in reproduction. Whilst, however, there lie before us
the two parties in the great conflict, ever at issue, ever jealous
of one another, and now and again coming to an open struggle,
4
�5°
THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
let us keep in mind that the two great factors in the determina
tion of the reward of labour, are not capital and labour, but the
producers on the one hand, as including both labour and capital,
and the consumers on the other. On what condition can the
interests of all parties be satisfactorily established, and any
seeming divergence reconciled ?
I do not know how far you are prepared to give heed to what
economists have to say on a question which so touches your
interest to the quick. I have heard the science charged with
being cold and unsympathetic, yet I believe that its dictates
ought to be listened to with attention, for Adam Smith and
John Stuart Mill, Jean Baptiste Say and Michel Chevalier, did
not give their oracles as from the gods, but as the result of
induction from ascertained facts. And whence the immense
accumulation of wealth within the last quarter of a century,
in which the labouring classes have so much participated,
but from the recognition of the principles of economic science
and the practical application of their dictates to national
legislation ?
The machinery of production and distribution is much more
complicated than we are apt to imagine, for it extends back
to the manifold operations connected with the production and
acquisition of the raw materials, tools, and factories, and reaches
far and away, through manifold ramifications, till the produce
finds its way into the hands of the consumer. In a primitive
state of society, a labourer may easily cut a tree and build a
hut for himself, or work on the virgin soil and draw from it a
scanty subsistence ; but it is not so in the present advanced
civilization. The raw materials come from the most distant
regions. The tools, machines, and instruments are the pro
ducts of exquisite skill. The motive power is no longer the
running steam or the rushing wind.
How extensive, how
systematic, how economically adapted everything must be ere
a labourer can enter into his labour! What scheming, what
�THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
Si
.organization, what foresight are required in the master in the
conduct of all his operations 1 What a number of agents !
How many are the instrumentalities required to bring the pro
duce within the reach of the consumer, in towns and hamlets,
at home and abroad ! Travel among the Exquimaux or the
Hottentots, penetrate Asia or America, visit the Fair of Nijni
Novgorod, and the bazaars at Constantinople, and everywhere
you find British goods. How came they there? What toil,
what expenditure to bring them there ! How much of the pro
duce of such goods falls into the hands of the producer in
England, and how much is divided and subdivided among the
merchants and traders, carriers and shipmasters, agents and
brokers, engaged in their transmission, who can say ?
Nor is it easy to ascertain how the net amount which eventually
falls into the hands of the producer should be distributed
between the master and the workmen, the capitalist and the
labourer. Deeply interested alike in the results of production,
interdependent on one another for its success, we might fancy
they might easily agree to act jointly in a kind of partnership.
But can the labourer wait till the article is completed and sold,
to divide the proceeds with the capitalist ? Can he work on
the chance that the article may be sold or prove profitable ?
Better for him, in most cases, to receive something prompt and
certain, than a larger sum at a distant time, and contingent on
the success of the enterprise. Nor would such an agreement
answer the interest of the master, for he must look to the best
time for selling his merchandize, and he cannot expose himself
to the pressure of the labourers, or to the danger of disagree
ment. Better for them both to substitute for such an uncertain
issue, which might in the end prove satisfactory to neither party,
the contract of wages, or the purchase and sale of certain labour
for a certain renumeration, the workmen consenting to have
their share of the profits, whatever they be, or their chance
of profit or loss, commuted into a fixed payment. Only let it
�'52
THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
be understood that in entering into such a contract the parties
agree on the mutual recognition of property in capital and
labour, and on the absolute freedom on the part of both, the one
to demand, and the other to give, whatever their respective
interests may dictate.
The business of production is one requiring extreme nicety
of calculation. To accept a contract for the building of a
house, to undertake the working of a mill, or to rent a farm,
are alike operations the success of which depends on the
careful estimate of receipts and expenditure. We often speak
of the master as the capitalist, but the capital he requires is a
commodity having a market value, and the cost of which he
must take into account. You wish to establish a cotton mill.
the mill itself may cost you some ^30,000 in land’ bulld'
ings, steam-engines, gas-works, warehouses, and all the fixed
requisites, besides a per centage per annum for repair and
dilapidation. Beyond this, as much capital will be required
for the machinery; and to that, too, a still larger per centage
per annum must be added for wear and tear, and renewal
when worked out. Then you need capital to purchase cotton
and stock for carrying on the trade. You have the insurance
to pay, and the expense of taxes, engines, horses, the weekly
contengencies of oil, tallow, etc.; and the most important
item, the interest of all this capital, which varies from time
to time from 2| to io per cent, per annum. Add now, the
wages of labour, and the remuneration due to the master for
the labour and talent required in the administration—talent
often of a very high order,—and you can form a fair estimate of
the cost of the article produced. But can the manufacturer
count upon recovering the whole of his cost from the consumer ?
Ultimately, indeed, the value of any article is regulated by the
cost of production, whatever that be ; but is there no probability
that the competition between the producers within the same or
in different countries, or the inability of the consumers, may
�THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
53
compel the producer to sell at prices lower than he had calcu
lated. And if so, the cost of capital and other commodities being
the same, must not the master, if he is to continue to produce,
lower the wages of labour and be content to do himself with
less remuneration ?
It is objected, that before thinking of lowering the wages, the
master should see whether some economy might not be effected
in the expense of distribution, which often absorbs so large a
portion of the produce of an article. It is possible that some
economy may be effected in this direction, but in this matter
the producer is often helpless, the business of production
being quite distinct from that of distribution. Do not imagine
that it would be economy if the producer should attempt to
take into his own hands the business of distribution, for would
he not require double the number of agents, a corresponding
increase in the amount of capital, and double the amount of
profits? But allowing the necessity of lowering both profits
and wages, it is asserted that it must still remain at the
option of the workman whether he will sell his labour at the
lower rates. No one can certainly question the right of the
workman to act on his own judgment in the matter. All I
venture to assert is that the master may be compelled by the
circumstances of trade to offer to his workmen less wages for
the future than he was wont to give for the past. If they will
not accept such lower wages, the master cannot help it, but the
chances are that if they insist on refusing the offer production
may be thereby suspended, for surely the master may be credited
for using the best means in his power to carry on his business,
not only without interruption, but in peace and harmony with
his men, if he can possibly do so.
The motive power which prompts a master in accepting a
contract for the building of a house, in undertaking the working
of a mill, or the renting of a farm, is doubtless profit. It is
with a view to profit that he emplo- s his own capital, and
�54
the reward of labour.
Whatever additional capital may be required in his business ;
and it is with a view to profit that he employs his labourers.
To succeed the master must seek to economise the use of
every element which affects the cost of the produce ; must
choose the best market for it; must endeavour to maintain his
productive power, and avoid any break or interruption of work.
But do you think that it is the interest of the employer to starve
his labourers ? I venture to say, the employer is fully conscious
of the fact that those whom he employs, must be able to live
by their work, that they must educate their children, and they
must have a share of relaxation and enjoyment, without which
life becomes a burden. The master cannot forget that the
best way to make his labourers work well is to pay them well,
or as well as the state of business permits, to keep them happy
and cheerful, strong and healthy ; and he knows, too, full well,
that if he will deal justly by his labourers, they will neither neg
lect their work nor be disaffected, they will neither complain nor
be disposed to strike. Only, the master cannot always control
the course of the market, and he may be compelled to lower the
wages and reduce his profits, lest by keeping the cost of pro
duction too high, he should become unable to compete with the
foreign producers, or to meet the ability of the consumers, and
so lose his custom altogether.
‘ Where is the guarantee, however, that the employer will act
fairly in such calculations ? What if his intentions be solely to
force the labourers to accept lower wages with a view to the
retention of higher profits? What if the statements of bad
trade, or restricted demand, or increasing competition, should
be purposely exaggerated for the same end ? What, m short,
if the wages offered are not justified by the state of the market ?
I fully admit the possibility of such circumstances, and I think
that where there has been between masters and men a long
course of dealings, the men have a moral right to expect from
the master an open and frank statement of the position of the
�THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
55
business, and of the reasons which necessitate an alteration of
the terms of their contract, before he summarily announces a
reduction of wages. In any case, he should remember that he
has to deal with his labourers as with free men, and that they
will exercise their judgment to accept or not, as they please, the
wages offered. And be sure of this, that if the competition
'among labourers is certain to prove favourable to the employer
in keeping the wages low, the freedom of the labourers,
and an extensive field of labour in the colonies and America,
enable the labourers to resist any attempt of his to lower
wages unduly, and to prevent them falling below what is just
and necessary.
There is, indeed, a minimum below which wages can never
go. Much labour has been expended in ascertaining what
that minimum is, or what is the intrinsic value of labour at
any time ; and it has been said that, as the intrinsic value of
anything is regulated by the cost of production, so the intrinsic
value of labour is ultimately governed by the cost of subsistence
of the labourer and his family. However large the competition
among labourers, the wages can never fall below the cost of
bare living, for the simple reason that if the labourer cannot
live in one occupation, he will leave it and choose another ; and
if he is not able for any other, he will emigrate. This, then, is
the natural or necessary rate of wages, and it is variable ac
cording to the cost of articles of food and clothing, and must
also differ at different times and in different countries. Let it
be established, for instance, that the cost of living in England,
including food, drink, clothing, and house-rent, has increased
twenty per cent, within the last twenty years, and the natural or
intrinsic value of labour must of necessity have risen in similar
proportions.* And must not the intrinsic value of labour be
higher in England, where the labourer eats wheaten bread
* See Appendix A.
�56
THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
and butcher’s meat daily, than in China, where a labourer is
content and able to live almost exclusively on rice ?
Happily, this minimum of wages is scarcely ever touched, but
there are industries where the profits of production are extremely
low, and where the competition among labourers is extreme.
Who has not heard of the pitiful cases of the silk weavers and
throwsters, of the needlewomen and kid-glove stitchers, of the
stocking and glove weavers, of the farm and dock labourers ? It
does seem miserable pay to offer z^d. for embroidering a skirt
two or three yards wide, even with the sewing machine. Who has
not felt pain, sorrow, and I may say indignation, when reading
those plaintive words of Hood :
“ With fingers weary and worn,
With eyelids heavy and red,
A woman sat, in unwomanly rags,
Plying her needle and thread—
Stitch ! stitch 1 stitch 1
In poverty, hunger, and dirt;
And still with a voice of dolorous pitch
She sang the ‘ Song of the Shirt.'
Work, work, work—
Till the brain begins to swim !
Work, work, work—
Till the eyes are heavy and dim 1
Seam, and gusset, and band,
Band, and gusset, and seam—
Till over the buttons I fall asleep,
And sew them on in a dream !”
But what is the cause of such low wages ? Some say,
nothing else but the competition among producers to sell their
products sufficiently cheap to attract custom. But pay higher
wages, and immediately a rise on the price of such articles must
be made, which will lessen proportionally their consumption,
and check likewise production. Do not say that the consumers
would pay more if they could not get such articles so cheap.
Probably a great number will, but a large number will abstain
�7HE REWARD OF LABOUR.
57
rom consuming them. The consumption of articles of necessity,
as well as of luxury, is alike governed by the price. Add a
penny to the cost of a single shirt, or to that of a pound of tea,
or a halfpenny to the price of sugar or a loaf of bread, and at
once the consumption is sure to diminish in exact proportion.
And what will be the consequence ? A reduction of production
means a less demand for labour ; and many who are now
obtaining a scanty livelihood, may, instead of getting more,
be doomed to get nothing at all. The wages of agricultural
labour are low, but remember that in most cases the labour is
purely manual, and that the supply of simply manual labour is
always superabundant. Mr. Malthus exhibited with great force
the disagreeable fact, that, whilst the population is capable of
increasing at a geometrical ratio, such as 2, 4, 8, 16, 32, and so
forth, the means of subsistence only increase at an arithmetical
ratio such as 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, etc. Doubtless, a proper restraint in
the matter of matrimony, and prudence as regards the increase
of our families, might check the excess of labourers, and so tend
to keep wages above their minimum, but we cannot trust on so
much wisdom on the part of the people, and so our only hope
must lie in the vast fields of emigration ever open for our super
abundant population. As an evidence that supply and demand of
labour regulate the wages compare Devon and Northumberland.
In Devon the wages are, say, I2j. a week ; in Northumberland,
20j. But in Devon the supply of labour is far in excess of the
demand; in Northumberland, with the demand for coal-mining
and with Newcastle at hand, full of industries absorbing any
quantity of labour, labour is ever scarce. What is it that lowers
so much the wages in the manufacturing districts but the con
stant influx of agricultural labourers ? As Mr. Cobden tersely put
it, when two workmen run after one master, the wages will fall;
and when two masters run after a workman, the wages are
certain to rise.
There are industries, however,—and I am happy to say they
�58
THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
include almost every branch of the artisan population,—where
the wages are not pressed down by excessive supply of labour,
and where fair wages ought to obtain. To be remunerative the
wages ought to provide the workman not only the cost of living
to himself and his family in the locality where the workman
must live,-—in London, if his work be there, or in a provincial
town, if his labour be there,—but also the cost and maintenance
of his tools, the recovery of the cost of his apprenticeship,
some provision for old age and infirmity, and an insurance
against the perils of sudden or early death, especially in those
occupations which are essentially injurious to health. And
some difference should be made, too, for the agreeableness or
disagreeableness of the work. But all these items are repre
sented in the relative wages of different classes of artisans.
What is included in the price of an article, in a certain rate of
wages of labour, in the course of exchange between one country
and another, or in the rate of interest on capital, it is often
extremely difficult to analyse. The Bank rate is, say, 3^ per
cent. In what proportions are included in that rate the value
of capital proper, the commission and expense of the trans
action, and the insurance of the risk ? And so as regard wages.
How much, for instance, of the ninepence per hour goes to meet
the relation of supply and demand of masons or carpenters, the
cost of their tools, and any of the other considerations named ?
Such analyses are not easily made, yet depend upon it the wages
or the price represents the aggregate of all the items which
enter into their value at the time.
It should be remembered that whilst the labourer calculates
what he receives in relation to the compensation he expects for
his work and toil, the employer calculates what he gives in
relation to the amount of work performed for him in return ;
for the same amount of wages may produce twice as much
labour where the labourer is sturdier in strength, and really in
earnest in his work, than where the labourer is weak and
�THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
59
indolent. And is there not a difference in the power of labour
between the stalwart Northumbrian and the weakly Devonian ?
A greater amount of labour will be performed in a summer
than in a winter’s day, in countries where the people are less
given to enjoyments than in those where pleasure seems
the first and most attractive pursuit. Let us suppose that in
France, Austria, or any other country, a manufacturer should
require twice the number of hands, twice as large a building to
contain the hands, twice as many clerks and bookkeepers and
Overlookers to look after them, and twice as many tools as he
would to do the same quantity of work in England, must he
not pay such labourers less there than he would here? The
rate of wages may be lower in France than in England, and yet
the amount of wages paid for a given quantity of work may be
more in France than in England. “ Profits,” said Mr. Ricardo,
“ depend on wages,—not on nominal but real wages ; not on the
number of pounds that may be annually paid to the labourers,
but on the number of days’ work necessary to obtain those
pounds.”
By whichever standard the rate of wages may be estimated,
the question really at issue between masters and men is whether
or not what is now paid in the shape of wages is just, or below
what is really due to the share taken by labour in production.
There is no concealing the fact that in the mind of many of
our workmen there is a lurking idea that the immense fortunes
amassed by our producers and traders are more or less the
result of an unequal division of the profits of production, and
that they could pay considerably more wages, but they will not.
That indeed, they say, is the real secret of low wages. Only, they
try to cover it under the pretext of the doctrine of the wages or
labour fund. But what is this theory ? According to the econo
mists, the doctrine is simply this : that wages, by an irresistible
law, depend on the demand and supply of labour, and can in no
circumstances be either more or less than what will distribute the
�6o
THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
existing wage fund among the existing number of competitors for
the same,—the demand for labour consisting of the whole circu
lating capital of the country, including what is paid in wages
for unproductive labour ; the supply, the whole labouring popu
lation. If the supply is in excess of what the capital can at
present employ, wages must fall. If the labourers are all
employed, and there is a surplus of capital still unused, wages
will rise.
This is the wage-fund theory upon which Mr.
Thornton broke lance with John Stuart Mill. If the question
be asked, Is there such a thing as a wage fund, in the sense
here implied ? exists there any fixed amount which is neither
more nor less than what is destined to be expended in wages ?
Mr. Thornton boldly declares that the supposed barrier to the
expansion of wages as indicated by this theory is a shadow, and
not a reality, for besides the original capital which the employer
invests in the business, there are the growing profits which may
also be used in wages. Mr. Mill, in his review of Mr. Thornton’s
work on “ Labour and its Claims,” in the Fortnightly Review, so
far admitted that there is no law of nature making it impossible
for wages to rise to the point of absorbing not only the funds
which the employer had intended to devote to the carrying on
his business, but the whole of what he allows for his private
expenses beyond the necessaries of life. But, said Mr. Mill,
there is a limit nevertheless, and that limit to the rise of wages
is the practical consideration how much would ruin the employer,
or drive him to abandon his business. In short, just as wages
may be too low, so as to impair the working power of the
labourer, so they may be too high, so as to leave no profit; and
just as excessively low wages will drive the labourer to emigrate,
so unduly high wages will drive capital out of the business.
How far the assumption is correct that employers are
amassing large profits, I am not prepared to say. The under
standing is, that the return of seven per cent, on the capital
invested is a pie, and it cannot be considered excessive when
�THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
6l
we consider the dangers and vicissitudes of commerce. See
what losses are incurred by bankruptcy. During the last six
years, from 1870 to 1875, the total amount of liabilities of estates
liquidated by bankruptcy, by arrangement, or composition with
creditors, was Ziioj759?ooo> and the total amount of assets
^32,607,000, showing an actual loss to creditors of £78,152,000,
or in the proportion of Z^?000,000 Per annum; and this,
remember, irrespective of the cost of bankruptcy, which in
many cases absorbs nearly the whole of the assets. Suppose,
however, good fortune should favour any branch of production,
and unusual profits be realised, will there not' be a sudden rush
of capital for investment in the same ? For a time, the greedy
employer may pocket large profits, but as soon as fresh capital
is invested, competition causes a larger share of the same to fall
on the labourer, and wages rise, till the rates of profits and the
rates of wages are brought to their normal level. The relation
of profits to wages is often wrongly apprehended. It is an error
to suppose that large profits are the results of low wages, and
low profits the results of high wages. Although an increase of
capital has the tendency to lower the profits, and to increase
wages, the same increase of capital also tends to render labour
more profitable, and to increase the amount of production, which
in turn maintains a high rate of profits. See the operation of
machinery on wages. The investment of capital in machinery
enables the workman to produce tenfold more than he was able
to produce by the hand ; and in proportion as he increases his
productive power, so his earnings increase. A workman at
Bristol said that the extra production of machinery ought to
be divided by masters and workmen.
And so they are, in
certain proportions.
Before 1842, said Mr. Ashworth, the
operative spinner’s wages for the production of 20 lb. of yarn
70’s, on a pair of mules of 400 spindles each, was 43-. yd. (or 2fd.
per lb.), and at this rate his net earnings amounted to about
20s. per week. In 1859, with the improvements effected in the
�62
THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
spinning mule, by which each machine carries 800 spindles,
the same workman, with a little extra assistance by piecers
(boys), could earn 30J. icvf. per week net, although the amount he
received in wages for 20 lb. of yarn was reduced from 4s. ^d. to
3J. ii%d. or 2'36d, per pound. Compare the actual earnings of
spinners and others employed in the cotton industry during
the last forty years : they show an increase of 30 or 50 per
cent., besides a considerable reduction in the number of hours
of labour.*
The reason why the employer amasses a larger amount of
wealth in proportion than the labourer, will be found, not in
any usurpation of the share of profits which may belong to
workmen, for that, after all, is a matter of simple contract, but
in the fact that whilst the labourer receives only the proper
remuneration of his labour, the employer not only gets higher
remuneration for his skill, because of a higher order, but also
the profit of his capital, or an annual sum of profit on the
aggregate accumulation of all his savings for years past ;—to
say nothing of the immense advantage of production on a large
scale which the possession of large capital enables the master
to realize, and of his chances of large profits from sudden
changes in the value of produce, to be placed, however,
against the chance of equally sudden losses, the result either of
unusual skill and good fortune, or of sad miscalculations and
blunders.
The wages of labour, the profits of merchants and bankers,
the earnings of men of letters, of barristers and doctors, the
salaries of civil servants, and even the incomes of bishops and
clergymen, are not, I apprehend, so uniformly balanced as we
might wish. Doubtless, the progress of freedom, the extended
knowledge of the use of capital, the progress of division of
labour, the facilities of communication, and the advanced conSee Appendix B.
�THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
63
dition of certain industries, may tend to the greater equalization
of wages. But such equalization can never supersede the essen
tial difference of earnings of any number of persons, the natural
consequence of greater or less amount of skill, greater or less
amount of energy, health, or special capacities, and of relative
advantage of position for the exercise of certain industries. To
suppose the possibility of any uniformity of wages, irrespective
of such differences of skill, knowledge, industry, and character,
is to imagine that equal enjoyment may be had as the return
for unequal efforts, abilities, and sacrifices. Upon the relative
merits of the payment of wages, by the day or hour, or by socalled piece-work, little need be said. The contract of labour
is doubtless not so many hours, but so much labour for so much
money ; and it should be a matter of simple convenience to both
parties which of the two systems should be preferable. Honestly
performed, and as honestly inspected, piece-work appears to
me to contain the elements of perfect fairness, though payment
by the day may stimulate greater attention to solidity and finish
of workmanship.
I will not venture to assert that present wages are satis
factory. Taking the wages of builders in the metropolis at
9<£ per hour, they may appear sufficiently liberal. But are all
builders earning as much ? How many get no more than
per hour ? How little are the building labourers earning ! Nor
do such wages continue uninterrupted during the year : for at
least two months of the year many of them remain in forced idle
ness. True, the rates of wages are higher now than they were,
but the cost of living has increased also, whilst the standard
of living is altogether altered.
Must they not pay more now
for the education of their children ? Can they do without their
newspapers ? Must they not travel from their homes to their
works ? And ought they not to have their due relaxation on
Bank holidays, at Christmas, and Whitsuntide ? Many items of
expenditure, once deemed extravagant, are now become almost
�64
I
THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
as imperative as the necessaries of life. And if the imperial
taxes are higher, are not the local rates greatly increased ? There
are features at work which leave much to be desired in the
economics of the labouring classes. The sudden emancipation
of youth from all family control, and the consequent waste of
recourses which a family purse would avoid, are a decided evil.
The large proportion of married women employed in the textile
industries, is a sad element in the social system. Let the man be
the bread-winner, and the woman attend to household duties.
That is Nature’s rule ; but instead of this, all home comforts are
sacrificed for recruiting the scanty wages of the men, certain to
be destroyed by mismanagement. Happy indeed would it be
for the manufacturing districts of England were every married
woman having a family prohibited working in any factory, for
it is contrary to the course of all nature that mothers should
have to deposit their nurslings with some friend or neighbour,
or perhaps in some institution established for that purpose,
whilst they go out to work for the family living.*
Better wages, and better use of wages, we must still desire.
Think not that higher wages will restrain industry, for the
economic condition of the masses all over ,the world is im
mensely improved, and their means of purchase are decidedly
enlarged. Low wages are the concomitant of declining, not of
prosperous industries. It has been said that high wages engender
idleness and dissipation. I do not agree with such a proposi
tion. Idleness and dissipation are more frequently the conse
quence of misery and want of strength than of comfort, health,
and vigour. A sudden increase of means may, for a time, lead
to extravagance, but let it consolidate itself into a regular income,
and it is sure to create love of property, a desire of acquisition,
and a sense of self-esteem,—the best safeguards against waste and
dissipation. Charge not the recent rise of wages for the un* See Report of Robert Baker, Esq., Factory Inspector, 31st October,
1873, p. 120.
�THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
65
happy condition of large numbers of the labouring classes.
Charge the same, the rather, on the want of education, on the
employment of women and children in factories, and on the
many evils incident to our present, in many respects, artificial
organization of society.
For all the progress achieved during the last half century
in the economic condition of the people, let us be thankful.
What a change in the mode of living from the time of Queen
Elizabeth, when, while the gentlemen provided themselves with
sufficiency of wheat for their own table, their households and
poor neighbours were content with rice or barley, or in time of
dearth with bread made either of beans, peas, or oats. And
we are cleverer, too, as to the true sources of better wages.
Bitter experience has more than proved that war cannot improve
the condition of the labouring classes, for whatever hinders or
interrupts the production of wealth, whatever discourages the
investment of capital, must of necessity reduce employment and
lower wages. True, a sudden demand of men for the army and
navy may cause a temporary diminution of competition among
labourers; but while production is well-nigh suspended, and the
unproductive expenditure excessive, the resources of the people
are sure to suffer. The attempt to .regulate wages by law has been
tried and failed, as might have been well expected. An artificial
barrier of prohibitions and import duties has been tried as a means
to foster the productive power of the nation, but what is the use
of producing, when the people cannot consume ? The fictitious
and dangerous experiment of supplementing wages by poor relief
has also been tried, and abandoned as Communistic in principle,
and economically most mischievous. A better era, a sounder
policy, has been at last inaugurated, and wealth has increased at
a rapid pace. Have the labouring classes profited by the happy
change to the full extent in their power ? Workmen, it is for
you to answer. Are you desirous to improve your condition, to
become yourselves capitalists ? It is quite within your reach, for
5
�66
THE REWARD OF LABOUR.
wages are the parent of all capital. Only, learn to be thrifty.
Beware of little expenses, and you will soon amass capital which
will enable you from labourers to become employers ; employers,
I hope, the more able to deal kindly and justly with your men
because you have yourselves occasionally had reason to com
plain of your own employers.
�V.
TRADE UNIONS.
The tree is known by its fruit. You cannot expect roses from
thorns. And from a legislation which deliberately robbed the
working man of the only true patrimony he possessed—his
labour by compelling him to work at such wages as the master
chose to pay, by one degree only removed from the state of
slavery, where both the slave and his work are the property of
the master j from a legislation which consigned to the common
gaol any one who attempted to improve his wages, and doomed
to the pillory any one who dared attempt to conspire, cove
nant, or promise, with or to any other, that he should not do
certain works but at certain rates, and should not work but
at certain hours and time, you could expect nothing else but
secret societies acting in the most arbitrary manner, dis
countenancing any record of their proceedings, having their
most stringent laws unwritten, and their most significant usages
unrecorded, whose committees were practically irresponsible,
whose threats were not expressed but understood, and whose
punishments were carried out, not in broad daylight, but by in
visible hands. Happily, we may say, the age of secret societies
is now gone by. We have no sympathy for the Templars or the
Jesuits, the Red Cross or the Carbonari, and though we laugh at
the Pope putting Freemasonry in the Syllabus—for we know it
�68
TRADE UNIONS.
not to be any conspiracy against Government and religion, but
a fraternity for the practice of mutual charity, protection, and
assistance—we rejoice to know also that secret societies need no
longer exist, and should have no place in the political, social, or
economical condition of the nation.
There are a few, but very few, who profess to regard capitalists,
as a class, with suspicion, and who account for their existence
simply as an historical accident, owing its birth, perhaps, to
the fact of all nations having begun in slavery. Incapable
of accounting for the fact that for every hundred persons ninetysix are working people and four capitalists, such enthusiasts
are prepared, like Caspar Rauchbilder, a kind of philosophic
sugar-baker, to put society into a cauldron, secure a perfect
vacuum by relieving it of all prejudices and all property, and
from the ashes make a filter, through which this selfish age
shall pass, and emerge a new moral world. But the great
mass of members of our Trade Societies are not such foolish
dreamers. If they fail at all, they fail in contemplating capital
as something to a certain extent antagonistic to labour,—in
striving not for a maximum of production, but for the maxi
mum share of a given amount of production, in endeavouring to
secure for labour the largest share of a product, which is, to
say the least, the joint result of capital and labour. But what
ever be the object, workmen have a perfect right to combine,
and seek such ends as are lawful, in the way they best prefer.
The right to combine with others in order to secure a common
benefit is, I believe, a sacred one, not a whit less sacred
than that of individual liberty; and I rejoice that all laws
against combinations have long ago been abolished. Nay, I
go further ; I believe that the formation of Trade Societies,
within proper limits, is perfectly justifiable, and may be even to
some extent beneficial, for I sympathise with the condition of
many of our workmen, who seldom come into direct contact
with their employers, or who have to deal with masters too
�TRADE UNIONS.
much hardened in the old system of ruling with the iron rod to
be able fully to recognise the higher aspirations of our workmen.
Only, let me say to such societies, and more particularly to
their leaders, that great as is the power of association, it cannot
be all-supreme ; and undoubted as is their utility, there are
rights and privileges which must be likewise guarded and pro
tected. Individual independence, and the right of isolated
action, are quite as essential as the right of association, and no
one ought to be called to abdicate such rights in deference to
-those of the association. Whilst asserting their right to act
in a corporate capacity, they must not ignore the right of those
who prefer to act by themselves and for themselves. What
ever be the proportion of Trade Unionists to the total number
■of workers in any branch of industry, this is not a case where
■the majority can bind the minority, simply because by no act
of theirs, as in a case of partnership, can non-unionists be said
to have delegated to unionists any power to interfere with their
rights and independence.
Much do I deplore any contest between labour and capital.
It is ominous to find, on the one hand, a National Federation
■of Associated Employers established with a view “ to secure,
through the continuance of existing laws and the enactment of
new ones, complete freedom of labour, protection to capital, and
the true interests of national industry,” with their excellent organ
Capital and. Labourj and, on the other, “ a Federation of Trade
Unions,” recently organized, or about to be organized, in view
“ that struggles between capital and labour will probably be con
ducted in future on a far more gigantic scale than we have hitherto
witnessed, with the Beehive, now the Industrial Review, also ably
conducted as their organ. What can we expect from two such
antagonistic forces set in battle array but quarrels and conflicts ?
What better justification could Trade Societies have for their ex
istence than the very fact of such associations among the masters?
The masters justify their unions by the necessity of self-defence.
�70
TRADE UNIONS.
But what other plea is put forth by Trade Unions but selfdefence ? Whether or not the regulations which bind the masters
associations substantially differ from those of Trade Unions is
of less importance than the fact itself, that those who may be
supposed to be more intelligent, and better acquainted with
economic laws, find that union is strength for them as well as
for others, and that instead of resting on the working of economic
laws, they endeavour by united action to offer an effective resist
ance to the claims of labour.
But can labour effectively contend with capital ? Here effec
tive strength does not depend on mere numbers. What though
the proletaires be ninety-six and the capitalists only four in a
hundred? True, labour is property, and capital is property.
But what is the value of labour as property unless employed
by capital ? As well have a Raphael in the Sandwich Islands
as have ninety-six labourers without the four capitalists. And
is not this superabundance of labour a constant source of
weakness ? Even if you succeed in regulating the supply of
labour in this country, can you attempt to do so in foreign
countries ? True, capital can do nothing without labour, but
neither can labour do anything without capital. To both
capital and labour I should say, by all means use your power
and energy in maintaining your rights ; but avoid any resort to
strikes, or the final arbitrement of war, which is sure to destroy
the very spoil you are striving to possess.
Well organized as many of the Trade Societies are, I cannot
help thinking that their constitution is defective, in supposing a
greater equality of capacities and skill in their members than
human experience justifies us in expecting, a greater amount of
intelligence and prescience in their councils or committees than
they can lay title to possess, and in assuming greater authority
to compel obedience to their rules than is consistent with the
nature of a perfectly voluntary society. The members are sup
posed to be, every one, able to earn the average wages which
�TRADE UNIONS.
U-
the trade gives, or the minimum wages which the Union deter
mines, the test of that ability being found in either five years’
apprenticeship or five years’ work in the trade, or the testimony
of any member who may have worked with the candidate.
Are such tests invariably reliable ? Intelligent workmanship is,
I imagine, the result of qualities and circumstances not always
acquired by apprenticeship, nor are many years’ work in a busi
ness a sure guarantee for ability; whilst the testimony which will
satisfy the committee of a Union may not be such as will satisfy
an employer. Within an apparent uniformity of qualifications
there may be an essential diversity of merit. Hundreds of gen
tlemen are called to the bar every year by the Inns of Court
under the same regulations. Can it be said that they are all
equally gifted ? A uniform wage obtains among privates in the
army, but that continues so long only as they are idling in the
barracks, a mass of inert force. Let them be in active service,
and immediately individual valour will show that they are not
a band of uniform automatic machines.
The executive councils or committees are called to fulfil duties
of a most difficult and delicate character. Their efforts are to
secure a fair and reasonable remuneration for labour, to maintain
a fair rate of wages, to provide the means of legally resisting
unnecessary reductions in the price of work, and to allow no en
croachment on the peculiar privileges of the trade. But is it an
easy work to determine what is a fair rate of wages, what is a
reasonable remuneration, when a reduction may be successfully
resisted, or when no such resistance should be attempted ? The
members of council or committees are themselves workmen.
They do not pretend to be guided by the theories or maxims of
political economists. Naturally in favour of high wages and
short hours, are they such impartial judges as to be able duly to
appreciate the real circumstances of the case before acting in any
emergency? True, they are guided by the periodical reports of
the state of trade and wages from every part of the kingdom ;
�72
TRADE UNIONS.
but these very facts are only the exponent of phenomena which
require a deep and extended range of observation on conditions
and circumstances not within the reach of every one. Far be it
from me to detract from the intelligence and practical knowledge
of the councils of such trade unions. I give them full credit for
an earnest desire to form sound opinions on the questions before
them, and to urge the same for acceptance by fair, open, and
peaceful means. Only, it is not in their power to regulate
economical phenomena, and they cannot prevent their action.
The societies are supported by entrance fees, by weekly or
monthly fees, and by fines. Failing to pay the proper contribu
tion, absenting oneself from a quarterly or a special meeting,
mentioning any club transactions to outsiders, omitting to make
a proper report, and performing many more such acts and trans
actions, are visited with fines; whilst a still more hostile system
of ostracism may be resorted to where perfect obedience is not
secured by fines. But is it desirable to enforce obedience among
a large number of men on matters which touch very nearly the
mode of earning a livelihood ? Doubtless the constitution of such
societies empowers the committees to determine the policy to
be pursued, and there would be an end of all authority if it
were left optional with the members to accept or not the de
cision of their committees ; yet the very fact that large sums are
annually collected by means of fines indicates the frequent resort
to compulsion, on every account to be deprecated. On the whole,
I cannot help thinking that a more elastic system would operate
better, and prove in the end even more efficient than the present
stringent method of action.
The principal objects which Trade Unions have in view are
the regulation of the supply of labour and the supervision of the
rate of wages. By controlling the labour of their own members,
by endeavouring to equalize the supply of labour all over the
country, by regulating and restricting the admission of appren
tices, by hindering the employment of boy and woman labour, and
�TRADE UNIONS.
73
by putting obstacles to the employment of non-unionists, the
Trade Societies hope to maintain a monopoly of labour, and
thereby to reduce that competition among labourers which is so
formidable a barrier to the rise of wages. Nay, more; in the
hope of spreading the work among as large a number of members
as possible, they prohibit working overtime. But rules such as
these contravene some of the first maxims of legal rights,
besides being clearly opposed to sound economy. The mutual
rights and duties arising from the contract of labour are simple
and direct—so much labour for so much reward. The master
has a right to employ his labourers or not as he pleases. The
labourer may consent to work or not as he likes. What right
has either to interfere with the free action of the other in any
matter concerning their respective businesses ? The objection
to overtime is justified by the plea that it is essential for any
labourer overburdened with hard work to have time left for in
struction and recreation, and that it is a grievous evil to protract
labour beyond what nature seems to suggest. But to lay down
any general rule, that no man shall labour beyond a certain
number of hours on each day, is to deprive the young and strong
•of the best opportunity they may have of making hay whilst
health and vigour last. It seems very philanthropic to limit the
work of the over-employed that some work may be left for the
unemployed. But it is, I fear, the law of society, that wealth and
employment are not equally distributed. Aptitude for labour is
not a common gift, and if we neglect the work which Providence
places within our reach, it by no means follows that it will be
given to those less fortunate than ourselves.
Apart, however, from any legal or social considerations, what
are the economic effects of any effort to monopolize or regulate
labour ? Are they not to cripple production, which in turn
must react on wages ? Every hour you take from your daily
labour is so much deducted from the profits of production, all
the fixed capital being to that extent rendered less productive.
�74
TRADE UNIONS.
The fewer labourers are at work the less will be produced,
unless new machinery comes to take their place. Whenever
adult labour is employed where boys and women would besufficient, so much encouragement is given to a waste of forces,
which will render production less profitable. But can you pre
vent an increase of labourers in a profitable industry ? High
wages are certain to be attractive. An agricultural labourer in
the receipt of 15^. a week will be too glad to apprentice his son
to an engineer, in the expectation of getting 305-. or 40^. a week.
And it is against all natural and economic law to attempt to
hinder a process so simple and necessary. There is, indeed, a
necessary monopoly of talent which we cannot abolish. The
few actors, musicians, painters, barristers, and doctors, who
may possess learning and skill far excelling those of the masses
of their competitors ; the few workmen absolutely superior to
others in the perfection of their bodily organs, in the dexterity
of their hands and motions, and in the skill with which they
execute their task, must, of necessity, have a natural monopoly
of the work which may be offered. And they are sure to enjoy
the benefit of that monopoly in a larger remuneration than is
obtained by their competitors, as a fair compensation for ser
vices conferred in the work of production. But to pretend to
establish any monopoly whereby labourers, strong or weak,
skilful or ignorant, shall derive an equal remuneration, and
to entertain any expectation that such higher remuneration
may be derived from diminished production—these are wild
notions, which no true economic principle will sanction.
On the question whether or not Trade Unions can exercise
any influence on wages, I am prepared to make some conces
sions. Wherever wages are in any measure governed by
custom, as to some extent in agriculture, a Trade Society
may shake off that dull sloth and produce a sudden improve
ment. Wherever the labourers are in a position so low and
dejected as to be under the necessity of working for wages not
�TRADE UNIONS.
75
sufficient to pay for the simple cost of living, as in the case of
the needlewomen, a Trade Society may, by granting temporary
help with a view to resistance, operate some reform of wages,
though with the almost certain result of either lessening pro
duction, and so causing a diminution of employment, or of
stimulating machinery.. Wherever, moreover, the rate of profit
is larger than is necessary to provide for the interest of capital,
and a legitimate remuneration for the employer’s services, a
Trade Society may, by a vigilant supervision, operate upon the
margin which may exist between the rate of wages and the rate
of profits below which all production would cease, and in all
probability succeed in securing part of the same for labour,
unless defeated either by the competition of labourers among
themselves, or by foreign competition. In the former case,
however, wages will remain low, though the profits may be
high ; and in the latter, wages will fall, and the profits decline
also, or, at most, remain stationary. Under any circumstance
the advantage derived by Trade Unions can only be temporary,
for supply and demand are sure to assert their sway. Shake
off the custom if you can, and yet if there be seven persons
available to one hundred acres, where four are amply sufficient
for agricultural purposes, the competition among the seven
to get the employment which can only be had by four will be
sure to keep wages low. Enhance by artificial combination
the wages in any one business, or in any one district, yet, unless
that rise is supported by increased savings, and by the sub
stantial accumulation of capital, it will not, it cannot be sus
tained. But suppose the employer should secure for himself a
large amount of profits out of what would be due to the em
ployees, or by keeping wages unduly low, what can he do with
such profits but employ them to render them productive ? See
how it works practically. In i860, the exports of the produce
and manufactures of the United Kingdom were valued at
^136,000,000, and the profits assessed to income tax under
�76
TRADE UNIONS.
Schedule D were declared at ^95,000,000.
But trade has
been very prosperous ever since, and the result has been that in
1874 the amount of profits so assessed to income tax amounted
to ^197,000,000, showing an increase of ^102,000,000, which
you may say went all to the masters, since few or no workmen
pay income tax. But wait a little. How was that extra amount
of profits gained but by increased production? During that
period the amount of exports of British produce rose from
^136,000,000 in i860 to ^223,000,000 in 1874. And from that
increased production workmen got increased wages. Allow
that 20 per cent, of the total amount of produce go in wages,
and upon the ^87,000,000 of extra production for exports only,
at least £ 17,000,000 more per annum must have been divided
among labourers in wages. In truth, the excess of profits must
in all, or in part, sooner or later find its way among the people,
and that is the best possible guarantee for an equitable distri
bution of profits among employers and employed.
Trade Unions endeavour to operate on wages by fixing the
lowest rate and by determining that all their members shall
earn at least that low rate. It is not easy, however, to say
what the lowest rate of wages should be under any circum
stances. You observe the state of the market, that it is buoyant;
the number of orders, which appear numerous. You notice a
certain amount of eagerness among the employers in pursuing
their operations. And as everything seems to denote activity
and progress you say wages must rise. But do not misunder
stand high prices for large profits, for a high price may be the
result of pure speculation, to be soon followed by a great re
action; or the result of increased cost of the raw materials,
which may render production even less remunerative. In truth,
it is not possible to fix what the wages should be, any more than
you can fix what shall be the price of any article or the rate of
interest, and any haphazard way of determining what the lowest
rate of wages ought to be, apart from what is produced by
�TRADE UNIONS.
77
the relation of supply and demand, must be uncertain and un
satisfactory. It is somewhat discomforting to feel that we can
do comparatively so little for ourselves, that we cannot secure
a rise, cannot prevent a fall, and must in a manner stand still.
Only depend upon it, economical laws do not stand still, and
they will operate quite irrespective of our action.
It has been urged by Trade Unionists that they do not
demand any uniformity of wages, but that they only fix the rate
under which no member of the Union shall work. Give such
of them as deserve it as much more as you please, but none
shall work for less. What, however, if what you lay down as
the minimum, employers should regard as the maximum ? Give
to the least capable the maximum wages, and what more can the
most capable earn ? Again, it is said it is to protect labour against
the pernicious system of competition by tender, that labourers
must insist upon a uniform minimum rate ; but on what principle
can the labourers make themselves the guardians of the public
interests ?
Weak as is generally the power of Trade Unions with reference
to the determination of the lowest rate of wages, still more doubtful
is the possibility of their being able to maintain any uniformity in
the wages and earnings of their members. If there be no such
thing as uniformity of talent, skill, judgment, strength, vigour,
will, or of anything that constitutes and regulates our real power
to act upon matter, how can there be such a thing as a uniformity
in the value of the part taken by any number of men in the
production of any article? There is no such thing as an
average ability, for what is an average but an ideal abstract
and imaginary medium of an equal distribution of all the
inequalities among individuals of a series ? We say the average
temperature of England is 50° Fahrenheit, but that is made up
of constant changes from day to day, varying from 38° to 71 °.
And so it is with the average life of a man, or the average loss
of ships, or the like. The great value of an average rests in the
�78
TRADE UNIONS.
indication it gives of the medium of the range in those
variations, but that does not destroy their existence. In matter
of labour, though you may form a fair idea of the average
strength and capacity of any number of labourers, that does not
affect the fact of their possessing some more and some less of
those faculties which are required in production, and which con
stitute the very basis and conditions of the earning of wages.
In the engineering trade, the classification of wages with refer
ence to skill must be carried on to a high point, it having been
given in evidence before the Royal Commissioners on Trade
Unions, that in an establishment of more than 900 men there
were as many as 267 rates of wages earned. The introduction
of machinery may have reduced the great extremes, many of
those feats of force and skill which at one time placed one work
man so much above another being now done by machinery.
Yet there is room enough left for the display of superior personal
ability, strength, and judgment, and to attempt to enforce any
ideal uniformity in wages is as unsound in principle as it is
mischievous in practice.
Partly with a view to uniformity of wages, and partly also as
a means of defence against the masters’ attempts to reduce
wages, some Trade Societies have resisted what is called pay
ment by piecework. The different systems of payment of wages,
by time as by the day or hour, or by piecework as according
to results, or by a combination of the two as by time with
relation to so much work done, are respectively adapted to
different descriptions of labour. For the performance of labour
requiring great exactitude and patient attention, payment by
time is probably the best. For the performance of work ad
mitting of great swiftness of operation, payment by piecework
appears fair for the workman and just to the employer ; whilst
for the execution of work demanding both precision of execution
and economy of time, the combined system seems the best
adapted. In any case there can be no doubt that payment by
�TRADE UNIONS.
79
result is the least fallible test of the value of labour, whilst it is
the only mode by which patient labour and superior intelligence
can raise itself above the surrounding level of low mediocrity.
It is alleged against piecework that it incites the worker to work
longer hours than is good for him, that it tempts him to hurry
over the work, and leave it imperfectly finished ; that it is often
abused by the master appointing middle men, or piece-masters,
to fix the price arbitrarily ; that it is used by the master to
■cut down the wages to the minimum, thus preventing the
labourer from deriving any corresponding benefit from his
greater labour and exertion. Far be it from me to justify any
such practices. I admit that the system may be greatly abused
by both masters and workmen. I allow that unprincipled men
may use it as a snare, rather than as a fair mode of rewarding
labour. And I cannot too strongly condemn any attempt on
the part of either to make it the vehicle of fraud and usurpation.
But as to the objections that piecework is a system by which
the weakest always goes to the wall, or that it incites the labourer
to work too much, or that it gives an advantage to the skilful
over the unskilful, I fear that, practically hard as such objec
tions may prove in some cases, they are but futile in this matterof-fact world. A paternal government, be it by societies or by
the State, can never be advantageous, and you cannot inflict a
deeper injury on any number of people than by taking from them
the right to utilize their forces and energies to the maximum of
their power. It is the great recommendation of piecework that
it is conducive to a better reward of skill, strength, and energy,
that it affords the best possible encouragement to improvement
in workmanship, and that it is a beneficial instrument to the in
crease of the productive power of the nation. Some difficulty,
however, does doubtless exist in the adoption of the piecework
system in different industries. Taking as our guide the two prin
ciples already enunciated, that whilst on the one hand the contract
•of labour is not so many hours in a day, but so much work for so
�8o
TRADE UNIONS.
much money ; and on the other, that the wages themselves are
a commutation of something certain and fixed for the uncertain
share which might fall on the workman of the result of produc
tion,—it is evident that whilst piecework affords the best test
of the real amount of work performed, as a basis for the reward
of wages, it still fails in this, that it does not produce that
certainty of earning which the workman very justly appreciates.
In the cotton manufacture, in printing, and in many other
industries, where the work to be done is generally uniform, thevalue of piecework may be estimated with nearly as much
correctness as day-work. But in other industries, especially in
engineering works, where each article is different from the
other, no such certainty can possibly exist. In the printing and
cotton industries, the price of the work is arrived at from ex
tensive experience, by a committee of masters and men. In
such engineering works as I have mentioned, the price named
is simply what the foreman thinks will be a fair remuneration..
To my mind, the method of gauging wages by the actual work
done, however technically just, is not always practicable, and
to force piecework on unwilling labourers, and to provoke a
strike upon that question, is conduct which can scarcely be
justified. If masters and men are to work harmoniously, piece
work must be held out, wherever there is any doubt on the
matter, as an inducement for greater exertion, and not as a hardand-fast rule for the payment of ordinary wages.
It would be interesting to ascertain how far Trade Unions
have proved themselves beneficial to the labouring classes in
the matter of wages. During the last twenty years, all prices,,
salaries, and wages have risen considerably. The salaries of
clerks at the Bank of England and in every house of trade,,
the salaries of assistants in wholesale warehouses and work
shops, are all higher. In consideration that the cost of livingis dearer, and that a higher standard of living has been intro
duced, more remuneration has been asked and granted in every
�81
TRADE UNIONS.
occupation. But is not this owing to the immense addition to
the supply of the precious metals, the largely increased trade, the
-enormous augmentation of capital ? What else but these cir
cumstances have provided for such increase of wages, prices, and
•salaries ? Trade Unions may have clamoured for higher wages
in certain branches of industry. But if masons and carpenters,
•engineers and ironworkers, protected by Trade Unions, have
realized a handsome rise, so have agricultural labourers, and
especially domestic servants, realized it without any Trade
Unions. Simply left to the tender mercies of the law of supply
and demand, a cook and housekeeper who twenty years ago
was well paid at ^16, now cannot be had for ^25 to ^30. See
what supply and demand do in agricultural labour. Take six
purely agricultural counties, such as Devon, Dorset, Wilts,
Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridge, and six agricultural and
industrial counties, such as Cheshire, Lancashire, the West
Riding of Yorkshire, Durham, Kent, and Monmouthshire. The
average wages of agricultural labourers, and the earnings especi
ally by piece-labour, wherever introduced, have risen everywhere,
in consequence of the increasing amount of capital invested in
agriculture ; but whilst the wages in the purely agricultural
counties have risen 15 per cent., those in the agricultural and
industrial counties, from the simple competition in the demand
for labour, have risen 30 to 40 per cent. Making every allow
ance for special cases, it is absurd to imagine that Trade Unions
have been the main instruments in bringing so much additional
wealth into the lap of the working classes. If by constant vigilance
on the relation of wages to profits, they have caused, in certain
instances, a distribution of any excess at an earlier date than
might otherwise have taken place, it is quite possible that the
sudden rise of wages consequent upon it may have been as
rapidly followed by a reaction. And we well know that frequent
oscillations of wages and uncertainty of earnings are more an
•evil than a boon to the working population. Nor should it be
6
�82
TRADE UNIONS.
forgotten that an employer, who may have for some time been
producing at a loss, has a right to retrieve his position by securing
somewhat more liberal profits for a certain period, before he can
risk to establish a more equitable level between profits and wages.
The employer’s object in production is profit, and unless he has
a fair prospect of reasonable profits, we cannot expect that he
will continue to employ his capital or to engage his services in
the business.
Fears have been expressed, that Trade Unions, by harassing
the employers with constant demands, by thwarting the
operation of supply and demand, and by placing restrictions
on the freedom of labour, have discouraged production, and
placed the industries of the country in danger of foreign
competition. But the statistics of trade do not corroborate any
such fear. During recent years production has proceeded at an
enormous scale, whether through the extension of mechanical
agency and steam-power, which has been enormous, or by the
larger adoption of production on a large scale, or by an
actual increase of manual labour. Nor is foreign competition
more formidable now than ever it was.
An increase of
exports from ^136,000,000 in i860 to ^223,000,000 in 1875,
an increase in the quantity of coals produced from 80,000,000
tons in i860 to 132,000,000 tons in 1875, an increase in the
tonnage of shipping belonging to the United Kingdom from
4,600,000 tons to 6,152,000 tons in 1875, are facts which do
not indicate that the British workman has been idle during
the last fifteen years. And what do we find with respect to
the relative increase of the productive power of different
countries ? Compare the exports of Britain with the exports
of other countries, and you will find that British exports
have increased fully in proportion to those of other countries.
Taking the entire amount of exports of seven principal
countries, viz., France, Belgium, Holland, Italy, Austria, the
United States, and the United Kingdom in i860 and 1873, you
�TRADE UNIONS.
S3
will see that the proportion of British exports to the whole
was 37 per cent, in i860, and 37 per cent, in 1874. Nor can
we take the total exports of such countries as a guide to the
great question of danger from foreign competition. Comparing
the exports of manufactured goods, such as cotton, linen, silk,
woollen, from Britain and France in the years 1861 and 1874, it
appears that whilst the exports from the United Kingdom in
creased at the rate of 64 per cent., the exports from France in
creased at the rate of 60 per cent. Since then, I am sorry to
say, the exports from the United Kingdom have been decreasing ;
but trade has been depressed in nearly every country,—the neces
sary reaction from many years of unusual buoyancy.
Trade Unions have been charged with having contributed
to the deterioration of the character of British workmen, by
making them more quarrelsome, more selfish, and more guided
by a spirit of antagonism towards employers than heretofore.
But I doubt the truth of such sweeping charges. In so far as
Trade Unions are concerned, they doubtless consist mostly of
skilled artisans who compare favourably with the great mass
of the labouring classes; whilst as societies they manifest a
degree of organization and a power of management of no mean
order. It must be allowed also that the demonstrations of Trade
Unionists, and the conduct of workmen during any strike at
the present time, contrast favourably with similar exhibitions in
times past. We hear of no incendiarism, no outrage, no riotous
assemblage. The practices at Sheffield were utterly disowned
by the great body of workmen, and though we still hear of
picketing and coercion of different kinds, which the committees
of trade societies would do well to repress as acts of true
cowardice, I am not prepared to join in the cry that our work
men are worse than other people. In the universal progress of
society our workmen have not lagged behind. If they are a
little more quarrelsome than we would like them to be, it is
because they wish to lift themselves up in the scale of society,
�84
TRADE UNIONS.
and because they see the need of protecting their interests,
which were too often heretofore held at nought or trodden
under foot.
Upon the action of trade societies on their benefit funds, I have
scarcely time to touch. For my part, I deeply regret that the
high purposes of a benefit society should be mixed up with the
contentious questions of restraints of trade. I can conceive of
nothing more important than that money laid aside for sick
ness and burials, for widows and orphans, should be perfectly
secure from danger of being swamped up by any warfare with
employers. The best service Trade Unions can render to the
labouring population is to inculcate habits of thrift, and to check
as far as in them lies the evil of intemperance. Let our Trade
Unions abandon the advocacy of theories which are contrary to
sound economy. Let them adopt a spirit of harmony and
conciliation. Let them cease to make war against capital,
which is the necessary handmaid of labour. Let them use only
such means as the law permits, and society sanctions, for the
protection of the just rights of workmen. Let them lead the
mass of labourers in the way of solid progress, and they will
render themselves the benefactors of the people, and be
acknowledged as the friends and trusted helpers of both
capital and labour.
�VI.
STRIKES AND LOCK-OUTS.
That masters and men engaged in industries of a most com
plex character, so often disturbed by the introduction of new
methods and machinery, having much in common, yet each
striving for their own distinct interests, should at times find it
difficult to avoid disagreements, is not, after all, a matter to
cause much surprise. The marvel rather is, that such conflicts
occur so seldom, in comparison with the immense number of
employers and employed, and that when they do occur, they
exercise, comparatively, so small an influence on the general
industry of the country.
What gives to such dissensions any degree of importance is
the dire effect they have on the large number of persons thereby
affected,—the consequence of the modern organization of labour.
A passenger ship has often been compared to a floating village,
and so a mill, or a factory, gathers around itself a complete
community, every inhabitant of which depends on the unin
terrupted progress of the special industry. Let the factory or
the iron work be in full activity, and you see hundreds of
families , rejoicing in plenty, dwelling-houses neatly furnished,
tradesmen and artificers all earning sufficient incomes, and if
the employer be a Sir Titus Salt, or a Sir Francis Crossley,
you will find in such communities the church and the school,
�86
STRIKES AND LOCK-OUTS.
reading-rooms and savings-banks, the club, and many other
institutions which contribute to the moral and intellectual
advancement of the labouring population. But let a dissension
occur, and a strike or lock-out be resolved upon, and what a
sudden blight falls on the whole prospect, what dejection, what
sufferings 1 Here the full loaf is replaced by the half loaf, there
are poverty and sickness, everywhere an idleness which makes
one sad.
A strike, or the joint action on the part of a body of workmen
or persons employed in any department of business, by which
each and all refuse to work except under certain prescribed
conditions, often with the means of sustenance, or some
approximate equivalent to the loss of wages thereby incurred,
provided for by a common fund, is war, which, as Lord Bacon
defined, is “ the highest trial of right.” And a grave responsi
bility rests on those who resort to such a step on any ground
not clearly justifiable, who rush into it before exhausting every
means of conciliation, and who are not ready to withdraw from
it at any moment when a fair compromise can be effected.
That a war may be just, at least in diplomatic language (for
I doubt the possibility of the justice or moral lawfulness of an
act which carries with it so much carnage and destruction), it
must at least be dictated by the necessity of defending ab
solute rights, and be the very last expedient which a nation can
resort to.
" Force is at best
A fearful thing e’en in a righteous cause.
God only helps when man can help no more.”
Strikes have arisen for the purpose of securing higher wages,
for resisting a fall of wages, for opposing or preventing the
introduction of machinery, for obtaining a reduction of the
hours of labour, for resisting any addition to the number of
apprentices. They have been waged against the employment
of non-unionists, against contract work, against piece-work and
�STRIKES AND LOCK-OUTS.
«7
overtime, or to secure overtime beginning earlier. Only the
other day there was a strike in London in consequence of
the employment of plasterers to do a kind of work which the
bricklayers thought they were themselves entitled to do. And
in another case, a printing office lost some of its best members
for the sole reason that the masters accepted in their em
ployment one who had not a full certificate of apprenticeship,
though as able as any of the rest. By what criterion shall
we judge of the justice of such a course where there is no
inalienable right to depart from? The labourer has a right
to his wages, but the rate of wages is a matter of contract, and
depends more on the operation of economic laws than on the
will of the master. Where is the right of the labourer to prevent
any economy of labour by machinery ? On what principle can
he oppose the employment of non-unionists? The right to
resist, and the rectitude of the cause for which resistance is
made, are two distinct things.
An impression seems to exist among our workmen that it is
advantageous to them to show that they are in earnest in
resisting any attempt on the part of masters to ignore their just
rights, and that whether they gain or not the object in view in
the particular instance, they are enabled by such resistance to
secure better terms for the future. A strike, say they, is the
only remedy we have in our own hands. What else can we do ?
What, if masters, strong as a money power, presuming on our
weakness, are found to set aside all considerations of moral
duty, to stretch unduly the laws of economic science, and to
impose conditions which we cannot accept,—what other course
can we pursue but refuse to work at their terms, or, in short, to
strike ? Against such considerations, however, be mindful, I
pray you, to place the immediate sacrifices you thereby inflict
on yourselves, the injury you cause to large multitudes who
can ill spare any cessation of labour, the disorganization of the
industry, the hatred and rancour engendered in your relations
�88
STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS.
with your employers, the chance of failure in the struggle, the
want of security as to the maintenance of your success should
you be so fortunate as to obtain what you strive for, the loss of
wages, the loss and waste of funds the fruit of years of labour
and privations, the injury to theSnation at large ; for remember
that trade is a plant of tender growth, it requires sun and soil
and fine seasons to make it thrive and flourish. It will not
grow like the palm-tree, which with the more weight and
pressure rises the more.” Ere you strike, I pray you, count the
cost. The present dispute in the cotton trade, for instance, is
fraught with danger. Whatever reason there may be for re
vising the standard list, that is no excuse for a strike, especially in
mills where no ground of complaint really exists. Nor have the
masters any justification for a general lock-out simply because
a few workmen in certain mills have unhappily taken such an
objectionable course. I cannot expect that anything I may
say will influence materially the progress of the dispute. But,,
if a word of mine can reach the contending parties, most
earnestly would I urge on the workmen on strike, at once toreturn to their work, on the assurance that a' committee from
both masters and men will be appointed to inquire into the
whole matter and forthwith remove any just ground of com
plaint. And on the masters I would urge not to commit them
selves to joint action in the matter, or to anything like a
general lock-out, which would be the cause of so much trouble
and misery. Ere you resort to a measure so disastrous as to
shut the door of your factories to thousands of innocent labourers,
I pray you, I beseech of you, count the cost.
Before a war is finally resorted to among nations, diplomacy
generally uses its best endeavours to prevent the sad catastrophe,
and certainly no step should be omitted to prevent a strike.
The rules of many Trade Unions prescribe that in case of
dispute, a deputation of two or more members shall wait
on the employer and endeavour to come to an amicable
�STRIKES AND LOCK-OUTS.
89
arrangement; that the men shall first reason the matter with
their employers; that no strike be resorted to without an
attempt having first been made to settle the matter of con
tention between employers and employed by an amicable
negotiation ; and that where a grievance exists, the labourers
shall, in the first place, solicit their employer or foreman for
relief from the same. Now it is only fair to expect from the
masters that they should follow a similar course, for I do not
think it would be beneath their dignity to descend a little and
reason with their workmen on the ground of dispute between
them. How much misgiving, how much prejudice would be saved,
if masters only condescended to reason with their men, not as
so many hands in their service, but as men, working with and
for them ! When masters give sudden notice of a reduction of
wages, without saying why and under what circumstances, the
men are under the necessity of taking an immediate course,
and having had no previous consultation, or time to deliberate^
they cannot help assuming a position of resistance not easily
altered by subsequent action. It is an unfortunate consequence
of the present organization of labour, or of production on a
large scale, that the employers do not deal with the men
individually, and that they are therefore called to act together
in a kind of combination. But that should not prevent a full
mutual understanding of the matter in question. 'Only, if a
deputation be sent to the masters, let it be composed of the
most trusted members in their employment. In the choice of
an ambassador, care is always taken to send one whose pre
sence shall be acceptable at the Court to which he is to be ac
credited, and similar care should be exercised in the selection
of those who are to represent the wishes and views of the
workmen to their masters. Avoid by all means all causes of
irritation at a time when you engage in negotiations requiring
for their solution mutual forbearance and mutual sympathy.
Whatever be the issue of such direct negotiations, care should
�9°
STRIKES AND LOCK-OUTS.
be taken to allow time to work its own good, influence of better
counsel and more ripened judgment. A disposition to strike is
incident to the association of working men smarting under a
sense of wrong. When large numbers have a common griev
ance, a spirit of opposition is speedily engendered, and it is
well if they have not it in their power to act on the impulse of
the moment.
It has been said that Trade Unions encourage workmen to
resistance. Doubtless the feeling that they have such societies
at their back may render workmen less afraid of the issue, but,
on the other hand, an organized society, acting upon rules, must
also introduce an increased sense of order, subordination, and
reflection. Many of such Unions reserve in their own hands the
right of deciding whether a strike should be sanctioned or not.
Some of their rules perscribe that no strike shall be con
sidered legal without the consent of the majority of the lodges,
to all of whom information of any movement has to be sent;
that when a strike for an advance of wages is contemplated by
any lodge, the secretary is to report the same to the Central
Committee, showing the number that would be out, the number
of payable members, the state of trade, and the position of the
Society in the neighbourhood ; that should an attempt be
made unnecessarily to reduce the wages of any of the members,
or to increase their hours of labour unjustly, they shall first
solicit relief from their employers, and afterwards apply to the
president or secretary of their branch, who shall call a com
mittee, or general meeting to inquire into the case ; and that
should the members of any branch leave their employment
without having first obtained the sanction of the Executive
Committee, such members shall not be entitled to the allowance
provided in case of oppression. Would it not be desirable that
the rules of the different Unions on such an important matter
should be more uniform than they appear to be ? I see no
reason why Trade Unions should not operate most favourably
�STRIKES AND LOCK-OUTS.
9i
in matters of strikes, and when we consider that part of the
funds entrusted to them is expended in the maintenance of
persons on strike, surely it becomes their interest to reduce the
demand for such purposes to the minimum possible.
When a strike has, unhappily, commenced, it is too much
to expect the maintenance of much courtesy between the parties,
and many are the circumstances which tend to increase the
bitterness arising from such a forced suspension of labour.
The time when the strike happens is often most inconvenient,
for advantage is taken of a brisk trade to insist on a rise of
wages, just when the employer is, so to say, at the mercy of the
employed. What if the work in operation was contracted for
on the basis of existing wages ? What if the contractor under
took, under penalties of a heavy character, to complete the work
'within a limited time ? What if the season be towards the close,
and the opportunity of fulfilling the engagement fast hastening
away ? Two persons are engaged in a partnership at will, the
condition being that either can retire when he pleases. Can
either leave at an inopportune moment, when difficult questions
are in suspense, when hazardous contracts are pending ? And
ought there not to be in the relation between masters and
men, as far as is possible and is otherwise applicable, the same
sense and practice of equity as we expect between partners
in trade ? A strike occurs, and in the plenitude of your right
you take your tools and go. Can you compel others to follow
your course ? Can you object to others coming to take your
place? You may wish to force your master to make the con
cession you demand, and you may regret seeing your efforts
frustrated by the avidity of others to grasp the chance of em
ployment on any condition ; but remember, you have no right to
interfere, and if you proceed to violence of any kind, even if it
be a slight assault, if you indulge in such threats as will convey
to the mind of such other parties that you will bring any form of
evil upon them, either in their person, property, or reputation,
�92
STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS.
with the intent of forcing them to act otherwise than you wish,,
or if you intimidate them by any deed or word which hnight
create fear, or if you molest them or obstruct them in the
exercise of their rights,—in either of such cases you commit a
wrong which may expose you to criminal proceedings.
A reference to past strikes is not very encouraging as totheir good results to workmen. In 1834 the workmen in the
Staffordshire potteries struck for an advance of wages, and
after fifteen weeks the masters yielded. Elated by their suc
cess, however, the men thought they could demand more, and
so two years after they struck for a diminution in the hours of
labour and a restriction in the number of apprentices. But the
masters were not so ready now to make concessions. They
united together, and they decided to suspend their manufacture
whenever the workmen struck to any master. And the strike
was an utter failure, though it cost the men ,£188,000. What
was gained on the previous occasion was more than lost only
two years after. In 1853 a great strike took place at Preston
for higher wages, which were unconditionally demanded. The
masters made some concessions, but these were indignantly
refused. So the mills were closed, 18,000 Jiands were rendered
inoperative, and after a lengthened struggle, in which the men
sPent Z100,000, submission became unavoidable. A few strikes
have proved successful, but many more have utterly failed.
Not many years ago seven distinct strikes took place in
Lancashire, every one of them unsuccessful. They involved
a loss of employment to 38,000 hands. They lasted a long
time one thirty weeks, another fifty weeks—and together they
produced a loss in wages of ,£757,000 ; and if you add to that
sum the profits on capital, and the subscriptions, at | of the
wages, the total loss exceeded £^1,000,000. In the recent un
happy strike in South Wales nearly 120,000 workers stood out
against a reduction of wages, and upwards of £3,000,000 in
wages was actually lost in the contest.
Did they succeed ?
�STRIKES AND LOCK-OUTS.
93
l?ar from it. They refused, to accept a reduction of ten per
■cent., yet eventually they were compelled by the force of events
-f-0 re-enter work at a reduction of I21> per. cent. ! Suppose,
however, you do succeed in the contest. Remember that you
will have to work a long time at the higher wages before you
■can recover what you have lost by forfeiting the entire amount
week by week. Suppose you strike for 5^. more wages, or for
more in every pound. Dr. Watt made a calculation to show
in how long a time you will get back what you had before. A
week is two per cent, of a working year, or two per cent, of
the wage of one year. Let the strike succeed, and you will
require
year, at the increased rate, to make up for 1
month’s wages lost j 3v years to make up for 2 months
wages lost ; 4-t years to make up for 3 months wages lost ,
94 years to make up for 6 months’ wages lost; and 20 years
to make up for 12 months’ wages lost.
Do not think that the money distributed by the Trade
Societies during the strike goes to diminish the loss of the
persons on strike, for the money so consumed is the saving of
former labour, which might go towards further production. It
is one of the most unfortunate results of a strike, that funds
gained by toil and prudence are expended so fruitlessly in
times of forced idleness. During a strike you not only lose
what you might otherwise earn, but expend what you had
amassed. Nor is the loss confined to the workmen. The
employer is certainly as great a sufferer, for a strike may not
only rob him of his trade for the time being, but may. make
him lose the custom which he possesses, and the labour of men
of skill well versed in the peculiar work he has on hand,
never probably to be replaced, and probably affect also his
permanent power to produce as economically as heretofore.
If the strike be for higher wages when the condition of the
trade or of the nation cannot bear it, either the community will
suffer from the increased cost of the article produced, or else
�94
STRIKES AND LOCK-OUTS.
it may cause the introduction of machinery. A strike may
have the effect of equalizing wages. An industry badly paid
may, by a strike, attract to itself part of the wages which fall
to another; but no equalization of wages can possibly be
equivalent to the production of capital, which alone can support
an increase of wages. If the strike be against the introduc
tion of machinery, it may be the means of the trade being
transplanted to other places. It was probably an exaggeration,,
some years ago, when it was asserted that the frequent strikes
of shipwrights’on the Thames caused shipbuilding to leave the
Thames for the Clyde and the i yne ; the real reason being that
iron shipbuilding found a more natural home where iron and
coals were immediately available. Yet it is no exaggeration to
say that an industry distracted and rendered unproductive in
one quarter may take wing and find rest in another. I have,,
indeed, proved in my previous lecture that up to 1873 at least
the trade and industry of England had not suffered from the
many disturbances which have taken place,—at least, not to any
material extent,—and that foreign competition had not till then
gamed upon British industry. But what has not yet been may
still be. The danger remains, though it may not be imminent.
I doubt the possibility of our ever reaching a time when there
shall be no strikes, for just in proportion as our labouring
population rises to the consciousness of its power, and seeks to
participate in a higher degree in the profits of production, so
the struggle between capital and labour may be expected to be
more frequent. But may we not expect that, side by side with
this, a greater disposition may also be engendered to remove
sources of quarrel, to soften their asperity when they do arise,
and to settle disputes by arbitration and conciliation ? Must
force ever reign ? Is the arbitrement of the sword befitting our
character and position in life. The legislature has done
whatever it could possibly do to provide for the adoption of
more peaceful means. A refusal to leave a matter of dispute to
�STRIKES AND LOCK-OUTS.
95
arbitration betokens either haughtiness and arrogance, or
weakness.
I do not think that the appointment of one or
more strangers as arbitrators, be they lords, lawyers, or phi
lanthropists, is a desirable method, for their decision can, at
best, be a simple compromise of the immediate ground of dis
pute ; it will never be able to regulate the subsequent action of
the parties, and will be certain to leave one of the contending
parties dissatisfied with the result. A conciliation board, on
the other hand, within the establishment itself, composed of an
equal number of masters and men, with a neutral umpire, ah
of them having a perfect acquaintance, not only with the case
in point, but with the bearing of the question generally upon
production, and upon the comfort of working as concerning both
masters and men, and each of them possessing the full con
fidence of the parties interested, is sure to give a verdict
entitled to respect and assent. But let it be fully remembered
that it is the essence of arbitration or conciliation that you
commit the matter in dispute to the decision of other parties,,
and that you thereby incur an obligation to abide by their
verdict, whether it may go in your favour or against you,—
provided, of course, the arbitrators or the board confine them
selves strictly to the matter submitted to them. How far any
national board of arbitration may be advantageously established,
seems to me very doubtful. The first essential to success in any
effort for the prevention of disputes, or their early settlement, is
the possession of a conciliatory spirit, and a ready disposition
to consider the rights and interests of both sides. Let that
spirit prevail within the establishment among both masters and
men, and there will be no difficulty in arriving at an equitable
and satisfactory settlement of any disputes, however formidable
they may appear.
�VII.
BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
About twenty years ago, a work was published in France, by
M. Le Play, the superintendent of the Paris International Ex
hibition, entitled “ Studies on the Labour, the Domestic Life, and
theMoral Condition of the Working Population of Europe,” giving
accurate and minute details, from actual fact, of all the money
received and expended during one year, by a certain number of
families of the working population in every country in Europe;
the income including the wages of the head of the family, as
well as of the mother and children, counting the actual number
of days they were at work, as well as any income from a garden
or parcel of land, rent of house or field, produce of pasture,
pig, sheep, or from any pension, funds, interest, and any miscel
laneous or accidental sources ; the expenditure divided into
expenses for food and drink, for house, fire, and light, for cloth
ing, for moral, educational, or religious purposes, for taxes,
recreation, or debt. And most interesting it is to compare the
habits of the different people, and the effects of temperature,
climate, race, and religion, on the description and quantity ot
food and drink used, the nature of their amusements, and the
amount devoted to the cause of charity and beneficence. I
imagine, however, that if a similar work were attempted regarding
the various classes of labourers in England, if, instead of com-
�BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
97
paring the French andthe Russian, the German and the Italian,
the Spanish, Turkish, and Greek labourers, with the English,
the Scotch, and the Irish, we had before us the real income and
expenditure of any number of families in England from among
the agricultural, the manufacturing, and the industrial classes,
in town and country, and in the metropolis, we would find
the same diversity of results, the same strange anomalies, and
the same gulf in the different traits of manner and character,
as can be found among them in any part of the world.
How, then, can I venture to give you the budgets of the working
classes ? Of what guidance can the income and expenditure of
one family of five be to the income and expenditure of another
family of ten ? What is there in common between a bachelor
living in lodgings and a young couple with two babies, and it may
be with a mother or father to keep ? The ways of life are very
different; so much depends on the surroundings of the family, on
the mode in which the parties have been brought up, the character,
the education, the state of health, and a vast variety of circum
stances, that, really, every household is a world of itself. Home
is the Englishman's castle—impregnable and inaccessible ; who
can assail it ? No ; my object is not to pry into matters which
are happily beyond the public gaze, but rather to lay before you
the value and importance of simply taking a good account of
what we are actually receiving, and what we are actually spend
ing, during the whole of a long year. You are aware that one
of the most important evenings of the Session in Parliament is
the evening when the Chancellor of the Exchequer makes his
financial statement j that is, when he reviews all the circum
stances connected with the income and expenditure of the State
during the preceding year, investigates the condition and pros
pects of the nation as respects the future, communicates his
calculations of the probable income and expenditure for the
year to come, and declares whether the burthens upon the
people are to be increased or diminished. This statement is
7
�98
*
BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
familiarly known as the Budget, and it is regarded with the
greatest possible interest by the whole nation. Now if this is
a good practice for the State, would it not be an excellent practice
for private individuals also ! The large questions that have
engaged our attention in the previous lectures are most impor
tant. A knowledge of the economic laws which govern the rate
of wages is most interesting and valuable. Still more important,
however, in any case, is it to come home to ourselves, and to
consider whether our own annual income is fully equal to our
expenditure, whether every item of income of every member of
the family is duly gathered, accounted for, and properly utilized,
and whether the expenditure is, in every respect, moderate,
legitimate, and kept within proper control. “ Gear is easier got
than guided.” Have you ever tried to keep a diary? The
difficulty of persevering in it is immense. You require habits
of order and method not often possessed. Carefully to note
down what we are doing, and what happens to us every day, is
as difficult as to register all the money that comes and goes.
Merchants, who make all their payments by cheques, and who
draw all their current money by cheques on their bankers, have
a ready means of ascertaining what they get and expend during
the year. But those who have not the luxury of a banker must
keep a little book for themselves ; and it is wonderful how useful
and interesting it becomes in course of time for a comparison
with the past and a check for the future. Let your wife begin
to put down what she expends, and you begin to put down what
you expend,-—and what a monitor such a record will prove !
The pay of the labourer is his wages, but his earnings will
comprise also the produce of labour from any other industry
at spare hours, any allowance from any society, and the fruit of
any money or property he or any member of his family may have
at the savings bank, building society, trade society, or other
wise. The pay itself may consist either in money or in kind,
or in both ; and where clothing, board, or lodging is given, the
�BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
99
money value of the same ought to be taken into account. A
sailor who gets 6oj., or 70s., and sometimes 90s., per month,
must remember that during the whole time of his engagement
he is fed and lodged on board. An agricultural labourer often
gets very little money wages. But in Northumberland the
wages include an allowance of corn for a cow or pig, house and
garden, coals, etc. A hind’s poll in Scotland comprises a given
quantity of oats, barley, peas, and land enough for potato plant
ing. In Devonshire, besides the money wage, there is the allow
ance of cider, and a labourer has a cottage for £1, with a patch
of land, from which he can get vegetables for the whole year for
the entire family, and enough to feed a pig, which again becomes
a source of income. A domestic servant gets from ^10 to ^30 a
year, in money, besides board and lodging, which, in London at
least, are equivalent to as much again. In the occupations I have
noted, the combination of payment in money and kind is not
only indispensable, but really advantageous to the labourers. In
calculating the amount of earnings, therefore, do not forget the
value of the advantages you obtain from your employment over
and above the weekly or monthly wages in money.
Where, moreover, there are more earners than one in a family,
where the wife, or sons, or daughters, earn also money, and bring
it into the common purse, that must be calculated also.' I
imagine sons and daughters do not bring to their fathers and
mothers all they earn, or anything like it. Would that they did 1
A very large portion of the earnings of the younger members of
the whole working population is, I fear, utterly wasted, simply be
cause it never reaches the home treasury. The practice of either
father or children allotting any portion of their wages to the
wife or mother for their food, keeping the rest for themselves,
and throwing on the poor mother the burden of making the two
ends meet, is wrong in principle. The boarding system is wrong
when applied to the family. Oh for a return to the patriarchal
system of united and not divided interest! There are thousands
�IOO
BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
of families of working people in England where the aggregate
earnings would amount to ^3 or £4 a week, but where no account
is taken of a great portion of the same. I am not exaggerating
when I say that in very many cases fully one-fourth of the
income of the family is, in this way, utterly squandered, leading
to no result, giving no comfort, and only going in waste,
drunkenness, and vice. It is the same, unfortunately, in the
country as in towns. The agricultural villages, which have been
greatly multiplied since the introduction of machinery into agri
culture, are the absorbent of most of the earnings of many hard
working agricultural labourers. The public-house, the music
hall, and other places of amusement, waste away many an income
which could maintain a family in honour and comfort.
In order to make the income and the expenditure meet, there
are only two ways: one is, to increase the income; the other
is, to diminish the expenditure. Don’t you be deceived into
any expectation that you may increase your income by any
other means than by hard work. Don’t you be so foolish as to
renounce any income now in the hope that by renouncing it
to-day, you may get more to-morrow. Get what you can, and
keep what you have, is the way to get rich. Don’t you trifle
with any penny you may get, simply trusting on the continuance
of health and work to earn more. Trust in Providence ? Yes,
but never forget the duty of using rightful means. There is one
source of income, moreover, which we should scorn to resort to,
unless under the direst necessity, and that is, the poor rate. I
am strongly of opinion that the poor law in England is most
destructive to the industry, forethought, and honesty of the
labourers. What more degrading than using the parish doctor
both for birth and death ? What more lowering than the
workhouse? What more inconsistent with political economy
than the supporting, by public rates, of able-bodied labourers ?
It is a noble axiom, that none shall die of hunger,—that the
wealth of the rich shall supply the necessities of the poor. But
�BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
IOI
it is communistic in essence, and in practice most mischievous.
The subject is a very difficult one, and a change from a system
which has been so long in use might be attended with hardship ;
but it is for the working classes to say how long a compulsory
charity shall be allowed to enervate the very vitals of their
character and independence. They manage poor relief better
in other countries. In Sweden, every able-bodied person is
expected to maintain himself, his wife, and children, as a legal
obligation. In France, there is no legal claim for support.
“ When the virtue of charity ceases to be private,” said M.
Thiers, “ and becomes collective, it ceases to be a virtue, and it
becomes a dangerous compulsion.” In Belgium, the classic land
of pauperism, there is no poor rate. The legal provision for the
support of the poor consists in the donations of the public, vested
in, and administered by, the civil authorities. In Elberfeld there
is a right to relief, but outdoor relief is entrusted to overseers, and
every person applying for help must show that he cannot exist
without it. In Italy there is no legal provision for the support of
the poor. Comparing the proportion of pauperism to population,
England may seem to stand better than any other country; but
remember, the amount of charity in England, over and beyond
any provision of the poor law, is far in excess of what is given
abroad. Look at the report of the Charity Commissioners. See
how much is spent and squandered in every parish. See what
is passing through the poor box in every police office in the
metropolis. The public support of the sick, the lame, the blind,
the old, and the helpless infant, is a duty; but it is a disgrace
in any one who earns enough and, it may be, to spare, to abandon
an old father or mother, a wife or a child, to the miserable
pittance of the parish. It is a shame and a crime, by extrava
gance and waste, to throw our burden off our shoulders. Burden,
did I say ? There is no sweeter joy, no pleasanter duty, than
to contribute to the well-being of our dear ones, our friends, and
our kindred.
�102
BUDGETS OB THE WORKING CLASSES.
It is time, however, to turn to the other side of the account—
the expenditure. There is a well-known saying fitly applicable
to our subject—“ Cut your coat according to your cloth.”
Measure your expenditure by your income. It is a most un
fortunate practice of our Chancellor of the Exchequer, in
making up the financial statement of the nation, that he does
exactly the reverse, by measuring the public income by the public
expenditure. But he can do that, because he has a whole nation
to fall upon, by compulsory taxation. Not so the private
individual. You and I have no other resource than what we
earn; and we must, of necessity, measure our ekpenditure
by that, and by nothing else whatever. In any case, under no
circumstances, allow yourselves to fall into debt, for it is the
certain source of ruin. “Out of debt out of danger.” A very
large number of the plaints brought before the county courts
consist of sums not exceeding 4°r., and many are for sums not
exceeding ij. It is impossible to exaggerate the burden, the
aggravation, the misery, and the dependence of a man who
gets into the habit of purchasing what he requires, often, it may
be, in excess of what he needs, but with the consciousness of
not having the wherewithal to pay for it. “ Cut your coat ac
cording to your cloth.” Never give out what does not come in.
Avoid, above all, shop debt ; for you pay very dear for it, in
exorbitant prices of all you purchase.
I do hope Mr. Bass
will succeed in his effort to abolish imprisonment for debt, as
a discouragement to shops to sell on credit, for then prices would
sink to the scale of cash prices, and shopkeepers would get rid
of a great deal of care. Have the money before you spend it,
and you will be sure to economise it to the very best.
" Ken when to spend, and when to spare,
And when to buy, and you’ll ne'er be bare,”
The expenditure of a working man’s family cannot differ very
much from the expenditure of a person of the middle classes,
�BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
103
except in this, that the proportion of what is spent in necessaries,
comforts, or luxuries must vary according to the amount of
income. With 5 or. or 6or. a week, you may devote some
portion to the comforts or even the luxuries of life. With 20J.
a week, you may be thankful if you can provide for the neces
saries of life. Our absolute wants usually consist of bread,
flour, vegetables, meat, butter, sugar, tea, and milk ; house-rent,
fire and light, clothing, and the education of children. These
are the necessaries of life. The comforts of life consist, pro
bably, in an extensive use of these very things, plus spices and
condiments, newspaper and omnibus, church and charity,
an excursion, and some insurance for the future. And the
luxuries may consist of tobacco and drink, frivolities, pots
of flowers, keeping of birds, etc. But are we all agreed in
such a classification as this ? Time was when white bread
was a luxury ; now it is an article of common use, as a neces
sary of life. Meat is necessary, but is it necessary to eat it
every day ? And is there not a material difference between
purchasing a prime joint and other portions equally if not
more nutritious ? Clothing is necessary, but what clothing ?
Are bonnets with feathers and flowers necessary ? Are twenty
yards necessary for a dress ? N eed we all dress in silk attire ?
Whether an article of use is to be classed among the neces
saries, comforts, or luxuries of life depends in a great measure
on the standard by which we are guided, on the ideal we form
for ourselves of our own wants.
Looking over a large number of budgets in the work already
■quoted on European labourers, in returns kindly sent to me
direct by several workmen, and in the reports of the Secre
taries of Legation on the industrial condition of the working
classes abroad,* the conclusion I arrive at of a legitimate
appropriation of wages is somewhat as follows : 60 per cent.
* See Appendix B.
�104
BUDGETS OF THE WOEKTNG CLASSES.
is required for food and drink ■ 12 per cent, for'rent and taxes •
10 per cent, for clothing; 6 per cent, for fire and;[light; 1 peicent. for newspapers, omnibus, or travelling;' 4 per cent, for
church, education, and charity; 2 per cent, for amusementsand 5 per cent, for savings. In other words, for every pound of
wages the expense would be-12.. for food and drink; 2s.
for
lodgmg; 3d. forfiring and light; 2s. for clothing; 2ff. for omnibus
and newspaper ; t,. 6d. for church, education, and charity •
for amusements; and u. for saving in any insurance company
or benefit club. But this takes no account of the doctor’s bill
nor of slack time, and it would be only fair that some economy
should be made in either of the items to meet these possible
if not unavoidable, drawbacks. Nor are drink and tobacco’
specially calculated, for the cost of a reasonable quantity of beer
should certainly be included in the 12J. for food and drink
and the cost of the tobacco should be included in the expense
for amusement,-if, by any construction of language, smoking
can be considered an amusement. As a general rule, the neces
saries of life should be first provided ; and whatever excess may
remam may go towards the comforts of life; but, under any cir
cumstance, leave something for saving. It may be kind to be
liberal, and to be anxious to make every member of the family,
day by day, as comfortable as your means allow; but it is
kinder far to provide something for the almost inevitable con
tingency of sickness, want of work, or old age, when you, that
are now the strength and support of the family, are com
pelled sadly to put all work aside, or when any member of your
family, from disease or otherwise, may have to draw more on
your resources than you are able to provide.
Need I say that a considerable economy may be effected in
our. every-day expenditure without abridging in the slightest
manner our means of subsistence and comfort ? You buy | of
an ounce of the best tea, and you are charged fff.—equivalent to
4s- per pound. Buy J pound for cash, and you may get the same
�BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
105
tea at the rate of y. or 2s. 6d. per pound. Is there not much
waste in our cooking ? Is there not wanton waste in many of our
household arrangements ? A penny here and a penny there, and
soon shillings and pounds vanish. It is, however, impossible,
when we come to details such as these, not to place in the very
foremost rank of waste a very considerable portion of what is
spent in drink. Am I wrong in supposing that a person earning
30^. a week will spend 3^. in drink, that being considered a
moderate allowance for dinner and supper ? Am I exaggerating
when I say that in a very large number of cases that pro
portion is far, far exceeded, the amount so expended often being
more than 25 or 30 per cent, of the income ? What is the use
of reasoning on economy in little matters with such a drain
as this? What can the poor wife do with the very small
amount entrusted to her for housekeeping? And how often
does a dissipated husband make a dissipated wife ! What a
wretched example for children ! What a source of vice and
crime drunkenness is proving over the whole country! I am
not in favour of the so-called Permissive Bill, because it would
introduce strife in parishes, and because I think it would, at
best, be of partial application, and might be applied just
where it is least needed.
Nor can I say that we should
lightly interfere with any legitimate business, or with the
common rights of the people.
If there is a demand, the
supply will most assuredly be forthcoming somehow or other.
No, the reform must begin with ourselves. Reasons of duty,
reasons of self-respect, reasons of education, must impel us
to remove this source of scandal, at any rate, from our own
shoulder, and by our exhortation, and by our example, strive to
blot it out from the escutcheon of England. When I last
visited Liverpool I was attracted by the cocoa-shops established
in the immediate centre of the dock and sea-faring population,
and there I got a mug of cocoa for \d. and a scone for ^d.—both
excellent and satisfying. Take that in the morning, and you
�io6
BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES
will find it an excellent preservative against any craving for
strong drink. All honour to Mr. Lockhart for his noble efforts
in that direction. Would that we had such cocoa-shops in
London! Would that public-houses without drink, and public
coffee and working men’s clubs,, were multiplied, for I am sure
there is ample room, and an imperious need, for extensive
efforts in improving the morals of the people in this one direc
tion. I do not trust much in the power of an Act of Parliament
to make people temperate. But I do trust in a sound and
wholesome public opinion, and I appeal to you to create it by
your hearty, spontaneous, and energetic example and action.
Who will help in this glorious enterprise? Do not wait for
great opportunities. Begin at once, and at home. In Mr.
Smiles’ excellent work on Thrift there is a story illustrative of
the influence of example in this matter which is worth re
peating :—
“A calico printer in Manchester was persuaded by his wife,
on their wedding-day, to allow her two half-pints of ale a day,
as her share. He rather winced at the bargain, for, though a
drinker himself, he would have preferred a perfectly sober wife.
They both worked hard, and he, poor man, was seldom out of
the public-house as soon as the factory was closed. She had
her daily pint, and he, perhaps, had his two or three quarts,
and neither interfered with the other, except that, at odd times,
she succeeded, by dint of one little gentle artifice or another,
to win him home an hour or two earlier at night, and now and
then to spend an entire evening in his own home. They had
been married a year, and on the morning of their wedding
anniversary the husband looked askance at her neat and
comely person, with some shade of remorse, as he said, ‘ Mary,
we’ve had no holiday since we were wed ; and, only that I have
not a penny in the world, we’d take a jaunt down to the village
to see thee mother.’
Would’st like to go, John ?’ said she, softly, between a smile
�BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
and a tear, so glad to hear him speak so kindly,
io7
so like old
times. £ If thee’d like to go, John, I’ll stand treat.’
“ £ Thou stand treat! ’ said he, with half a sneer : £ has’t got a
fortune, wench?’
« £ Nay,’ said she, £ but I’ve gotten the pint o’ ale.’
“ £ Gotten what ? ’ said he.
“ £ The pint o’ ale,’ said she.
“ John still didn’t understand her, till the faithful creature
reached down an old stocking from under a loose brick up the
chimney, and counted* over her daily pint of ale, in the shape
of three hundred and sixty-five threepences, or ^4 4-y* 6^-, and
put them into his hand, exclaiming, £ Thou shalt have thee
holiday, J ohn 1 ’
“John was ashamed, astonished, conscience-stricken, charmed,
and wouldn’t touch it. £Hasn’t thee had thy share? Then
I’ll ha’ no more ! ’ he said. He kept his word. They kept theii
wedding day with mother, and the wife’s little capital was the
nucleus of a series of frugal investments, that ultimately swelled
out into a shop, a factory, a warehouse, a country seat, a carriage,
and perhaps a Liverpool mayor.”
In England, the working classes have not much reason to
complain that their taxes are too heavy. That every subject
of the kingdom should, in proportion to his means, contribute his
quota to the general taxation is a principle of finance universally
admitted.
As members of the commonwealth, we are all,
though certainly in different degrees, interested in securing its
preservation and advancement. The poorest among us feels
an interest, if not pride, in the honour and glory of his fatherland. In truth, we should regard the national expenditure in
the light of an insurance, and the payment of the premuim as
a common duty and privilege. During the last thirty years,
however, nearly every step in the reform of the Budget has
been in the direction of lessening the taxes which pressed on
the necessaries of life, and of increasing the taxes affecting
�10S
BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
wealth, industries, and, especially, luxuries. Taxes on sugar, tea,
co ee, corn, and on a vast number of imported articles have
been greatly reduced, or remitted altogether; and in their stead
stamp duties, income tax, land tax, probate duties, and duties on
spirits malt, wine, and tobacco have been newly imposed or in
creased. And what is the result? Of the taxes affecting wealth
and industry, amounting in all to
000,000, the working
classes do not pay more than half a million. Of taxes on ne
cessaries they may pay probably £2,500,ooo-the greater part on
tea. But of the taxes on luxuries, including spirits, malt, and to
bacco, the working classes pay their full quota in some£23,ooo,ooo
a year. But this large sum of taxation, borne by the working
classes under this head, is entirely voluntary. Give up drinking,
give up tobacco, and you avoid nearly every farthing of taxation.
owhere, probably, are the working classes treated with more
consideration than in England. What a pity that greater advan
tage is not taken of this wonderful exemption ! As it is, no tax
of any consequence is paid by the working classes, except in
t e slight addition caused by the duties on the cost of their
spirits, malt liquor, or narcotics ; and no one would grumble if
these taxes were considerably increased.
I have ventured to give what might be deemed a legiti
mate distribution of the expenditure of our working classes
Now, look at the results. I have estimated the total annual
wages and earnings of the working classes at the large amount
o £400,000,000, including money and money’s worth ; but take
no account of money’s worth, and assume only £300,000,000
in hard cash as falling into the hands of our working classes.
And on the proportion given, the money should go in the following
shapes : £180,000,000 would be expended on food and drink;
£36,000,000 in rent; £6,000,000 in firing and light; £30,000,000
m clothing; £3,000,000 in newspapers, omnibuses, and rail
way travelling, £12,000,000 in church, education, and
charity; £6,000,000 in amusements; whilst £15,000,000 would
�BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES. '
109
be reserved, for savings. But is the money so expended ?
Let us see. We may fairly assume that the ,£180,000,000 is
fully expended in food. The £36,000,000 laid down for house
rent tallies, so far, with the census report of 1871, showing
that the rental of houses under ,£20 had an estimated
aggregate annual value of ^32;000?000, Fire and light will
cost quite as much as I have estimated. The amount given for
clothing is, I fear, rather below than above the amount annually
expended. And so, probably, the amount given for amusements
and other items. But as for the ^12,000,000 expended in church,
education, and charity, and ,£15,000,000 reserved for saving,
alas ! where are they ? No, my calculations are fallacious in
two distinct items. Instead of the 60 per cent, given for food
covering the amount expended in drink, that item, to the ex
tent of fully 15 per cent, of the whole income, or £45,000,000,
and also 2 per cent, or £6,000,000 for tobacco, or, in all,
,£51,000,000, must be added as a separate and additional ex
penditure. But if this large amount is really so expended, as
is, unhappily, most likely to be the fact, if it is not indeed
greatly exceeded, what remains for church, education, and
charity, or for savings, or for any other rational purpose ?
Positively nothing. The little saved—probably £3,000,000 or
,£4,000,000 a year—as indicated in the annual increase of the
amount in the savings banks, friendly and building societies,
co-operative societies, etc., is the fruit of the economies of some
families, too few in number to constitute any perceptible
percentage in the whole number of the working population of
the country.
Now this I consider a very lamentable result of the budgets
of the working classes. What wonder if debt and pauperism
be rampant? What surprise can it cause that days of
sunshine and prosperity are so soon followed by dark,’ dark
days of misery and wretchedness ? I hope I may be wrong in
my calculations.
But if I am not, as I fear is not the case, it
�no
BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
may not be in vain that I have called your attention to the
subject.
In discoursing upon the budgets of the working
classes, it would be wrong to ignore the thousand cases of
real, unmistakable hardship. That there is real poverty in
the land, that there is suffering, want, and misadventure, who
can ignore? The difficulties of the poor, their valour and
fortitude in bearing with and mastering them, are best known
to those who come most intimately in contact with them.
Their charitable disposition towards their friends in trouble,
their self-sacrifice, their heroism in labour, have been depicted
by the most masterly hands. But I am now speaking to the
great mass of our working men and women, and I say, if you
will avoid falling into the deep mire of calamities, if you will
maintain yourselves in comfort, honour, and self-reliance, look to
your budget, and endeavour so to economise your income that
you may have always enough and to spare.
�VIII.
SAVINGS BANKS AND OTHER INVESTMENTS OF THE
WORKING CLASSES.
The drift of all my Lectures has been—Look well into your
estate. Large economies depend upon little economies. If
you must be liberal in some kind of expense, do try to save in
some other. If you will be plentiful in diet, be at least saving
in drink. Let not your candle burn at both ends. By all
means, try to save. But how ? By putting aside whatever is
not absolutely indispensable for present want, in order that you
may make a reserve for unforeseen eventualities. And be not
ashamed to save. Call it not penury, miserliness, niggardliness,
and the like. A disposition to save for the future, a prescience
of, and a preparation for, what is to come, are just what place
us above the brute. Savages are not thrifty. They live from
day to day.
It is prudence that prompts us to save, and
wisdom that regulates the amount of our savings. It is modera
tion which enables us to realize any saving, and intelligence
which enables us to render it fruitful. And what are prudence,
wisdom, moderation, and intelligence, but the offspring of
civilization and morals? To have no thought for the morrow,
to have no regard for the welfare of friends and relatives, to
make no provision for old age and sickness, to indulge in
waste while the sun shines, never reflecting that after summer
�112
SA TINGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
comes winter, are not consistent with our moral duties and
obligations. Is it a true picture of the English what Mr.
Smiles said, that though they are a diligent, hard-working, and
generally self-reliant race, they are not yet sufficiently educated
to be temperate, provident, and foreseeing; that they live for
the present, and are too regardless of the coming time ; that
though industrious, they are improvident—though money-making
they are spendthrift. I would fain believe that the future is too
highly drawn, for, certainly, there is no nation of the world that
puts aside so much wealth from year to year as England. What
is it but thrift that renders this country able to accumulate
capital at such an enormous ratio ? Ask the merchant and the
manufacturer, and they will tell you that they must and do
strain every nerve to increase their capital. The State, it is true,
has no reserve in the Tower to meet any possible contingency of
war as France had, prior to the Napoleonic wars, in the palace
of the Tuileries. We make no account of the blessing of water
when it rains in abundance. We have no public granaries for
the storing of the surplus of prosperous harvest years. Yet
production and saving must be far in excess of our expenditure,
or else how could wealth increase so fast ? No, there is much
saving going on in England, but the effort is made compara
tively by the few. How often do we see calculations, almost
fabulous, of what good could be done if we would only put
aside what is superfluous or wasteful! What number of churches
and schools, of museums and palaces, of parks and gardens,
could be built and provided with the expenses now allotted to
the army and navy, or the sum devoted to the interest of the
national debt, or the amount expended in drink, or any other
luxuries. Alas I alas! the dreams of the reformer are not so
easily realized.
The first step in the way of saving is to spend well.
You
save one pound. Spend it on some evening classes to learn
drawing or mechanics, arithmetic or French, whatever may be
�SAVINGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
113
most useful to you. Remember, we are never too old to learn.
Better late than never. You save another pound. Buy Cassell’s
Popular or Technical Educator. Spend it in, or set it aside to
wards, a new set of tools for your employment. • Lay it out, in short,
in what may be useful to you in improving your fitness for work,
in enabling you to raise yourself and earn better wages. Howmuch has been set aside in tools and implements by our work
ing classes it would be difficult to estimate. A joiner’s tools
may be worth £10, and more, but unhappily with the introduc
tion of machinery the labourer is no longer called to provide
himself with tools and implements, and so this form of saving is
rather diminishing than increasing. Well prepared for your
work, look to your house. By all means let it be comfortable,
cheerful, and well furnished. Mr. Mundella noticed the great
demand for pianofortes and other musical instruments for work
ing men’s houses. Do not indulge in luxuries, but do take a
pride in having a pretty house, a full house, and a comfortable
home. Am I wrong in taking ^10 each, at least, as the
value of furniture in the 3,500,000 houses tenanted by working
people? If so, then some ^35,000,000 or ^40,000,000 must
have been set aside by them in this form.
Under no circumstances, I pray you, keep your money in
your pockets, for it may not be long there. The coin is round,
and it rolls away swiftly. Temptations are strong. The shops
are inviting. If you keep your money loose, you may not have
the fortitude to resist the attraction to spend it amiss. So put
it aside. And where ? Not inside an old stocking, not under a
brick, but at the savings bank. The savings banks only com
menced with the opening of the present century. In 1798,
a Miss Priscilla Wakefield founded a bank at Tottenham, for
receiving the savings of workwomen and female domestic ser
vants. In 1799, an offer was made by the Rev. Joseph Smith,
of Wendover, to receive any part of the savings of the people in
his parish every Sunday evening, during the summer, and to
8
�H4
SA CLEGS OR THE WOREiimG CLASSES.
repay them at Christmas, with the addition of one-third of the
whole amount deposited, as a bounty; and in 1810, the Rev.
Henry Duncan founded the Parish Bank Friendly Society at
Ruthwell. These were the days of small things, but institutions
of this nature soon multiplied, and so a Bill was introduced in
the House of Commons by Mr. Whitbread to make use of the
Post Office machinery for the purpose of receiving and repaying
the savings of the people, though matters were not ripe for that
step. However, in 1817 the first Act was passed upon the subject,
authorising the formation of savings banks for the purpose of
receiving deposits of money for the benefit of the persons de
positing, allowing the same to accumulate at compound interest,
and to return the whole, or any part of the same, to depositors,
after deducting the necessary expense of management, but
deriving no profit from the transaction. The limit of the de
posits was set at ^100 for the first year, and /50 for every year
following, and the interest allowed to depositors was 4 per cent,
net; the Commissioners for the Reduction of the National Debt
paying the trustees for the amount invested with them, at the rate
of 3d. per day for every ^100, producing an interest of ^4 iu. 3^.
Some change was made in the limits of deposits in 1824, reducing
it to ^30 for the first year, and ^30 for the subsequent ones; the
whole not to exceed ^150, and interest to cease when principal
and interest amounted to ^200,—as at present. But money
having become less valuable, in 1844 the interest to depositors
was reduced to ^3 os. iod. per cent, per annum. And how
great has been the success of such measures ! In 1817, on the
first formation of these banks, the amount due to depositors
was^^ooo. In 1831, the amount rose to ^15,000,000, and
thirty years after, in-1861, it reached £42,000,000. By that
time, however, the proposal to make use of the Post Office for
facilitating the employment of the savings of the people acquired
more force from the failure of some savings banks, whilst the
eagerness shown by the people in France in responding to the
�SAVINGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
115
appeal of Napoleon III. for one loan after another, with full
confidence in their national securities, commended the use of
the Post Office as an instrument for multiplying the means of
depositing the savings of the people all over the country, as
alike convenient and advantageous. So the suggestion years
before made by Mr. Whitbread was taken up in earnest. And
in i860 Mr. Gladstone laid before the House of Commons a
plan which became the basis of the pi esent system. For a
short time, the old savings banks somewhat suffered from the
presence of these fresh competitors, but they speedily recovered,
and now whilst the Trustees Savings Banks have an amount as
large as ever, or ^42,000,000, the Post Office Banks, so suddenly
sprung up, have already in hand ^25,000,000—making in all
^67,000,000.
This amount is supposed to represent, at least to a large ex
tent, the savings of the labouring classes. There is no means,
however, of ascertaining the classes of persons to whom such
deposits really belong. The probability is that not an incon
siderable portion of such savings belongs to the middle classes,
who need such instruments of saving quite as much as the
working classes. If we take two-thirds of the whole amount
as belonging to the working classes, the sum to their credit
would be ^45,000,000. Nor is this all, for there are a large
multitude of small savings banks connected with Sunday
schools, churches, and other societies, which are of great value,
and which would be found to have together a handsome sum.
The present Post Office Savings Banks fail in their not being
open in the evening, particularly on Fridays and Saturdays,
in their not receiving less than one shilling at a time, and in
their limiting the deposits to ^3° a year. The Society of Aits
and the Provident Knowledge Society represented these wants
to the Postmaster-General, and whilst he consented to open the
banks in the evening, at least gradually, he objected to the
diminution of deposits to less than ij. on the ground of expense-
�u6
SAJHNGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
As it is, every transaction of a depositor, whether he pays in
or draws out money, costs the State nearly 6d. Let the de
posit be i^„ and for each transaction the cost may be ij.
To the objection against the limits of £3o, the Postmaster
said that it was necessary to maintain it on account of
expense, and also for the purpose of keeping clear of com
petition with the ordinary business of bankers. Meanwhile,
however, the National Penny Bank has been founded, in which
our friend Mr. Hamilton Hoare takes a deep interest. It is
open in the evening. It has school branches and workshop
branches, and it is perfectly safe. Patronise it with your pennies,
Do not imagine, indeed, that every penny or pound once de
posited at the savings banks is allowed to remain there. Far,
far from it. It is an advantage certainly of the savings bank
that you have no trouble in taking out whatever you need, but
remember the pith and marrow of the transaction is to keep the
money there. Once taken out, unless, indeed, for the purpose
of a better investment, and it is done. Look at the accounts for
1875, for England only. During that year the old Trustees
Savings Bank received /6,656,000, and actually paid out
^7?O49?OO°? or more than they got. True, some of that money
has possibly been transferred to the Post Office Savings Banks,
and there we find that they received in the year .£8,779,000,
and paid back £6,864,000. But, certainly, it is not satisfactory
that, with receipts amounting in all to upwards of £i5,ooo,oooj
the amount left, or saved, in all the savings banks in one year,
was only £1,5 22,000. Just imagine how many must have tried to
save something, and how few have been able to manage it. How
many must have started with a good resolution, how few were
strong enough to keep to it. And how many must have used
the savings banks simply for a temporary convenience, probably
till Christmas or Whitsuntide, or till the want or the fancy
came to buy something. Thankful, indeed, we may be that
so much has been gathered, and that such a substantial sum
�OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
H7
as /45 000,000, or thereabout, remains there on account of the
nrkino- classes Only remember, it is the accumulation of very
- a matter of fact, if we compare the deposrts
per head of the population in 18S1 and .874, - find tha he
smallest per centage increase has been m England
Whilst^
England the increase was at the rate of 53 pei
•>
it was 175 per cent., and in Scotland 200 per cent.
In connection with savings banks I pray you to remember that
by allowing 3 per cent, per annum the nation loses a large sum
of money every year* The Post Office Savings Banks allow only
per cent., and I venture to say that with the present low
value of money it will not be long before the Trustees Savings
Banks will have to revise their system, unless they obta
greater freedom in the choice of investments. In France, the
savings banks invest their funds in landed and other real pro
perty^ well as in the public funds. In Belgium, they even dis
count bills. InHolland,theylendonmortgages. Needlsaytha
in the United Kingdom all the deposits are invested in the Bntis
funds 7 Whether or not greater latitude might be allowed in the
investments consistently with sufficient security, .s a question for
grave consideration. Comparing the savings bank system in
England and other countries, it would appear that England stands
far ahead, in Europe at least. In 1874, m England and Wales,
the savings banks had £2 yn 8<Z. per head, Scotland £1 1 w.
Ireland nr., France gs. toil., Holland Jr. 4rf, Austria 36s. yi.,
Germany 3^., Switzerland 84s., Italy r6r. 6.. While Great
Britain had 9,436 depositors for every 100,000 persons, Switzer
land had 20,3m, and France only 5,600. But, for purposes of
comparison, you must take into account other faculties of invest
ments, and the habits of the people. The workmg people 0
France and Belgium are less venturesome than those of Englan .
* On the 20th November, 1876, the deficiency from the amount of the liabilitS of tie Government, and the value of the securities held by the Com
missioners for the Reduction of the National Debt, amounted to £a,5^,727
�H8
0^
l^OA^VG CLASSES.
They prefer becoming rentieres, or fundholders, to having money
at their disposal at the savings bank, and still more they like a
plot of ground which they may call their own. The subdivision
o and in France certainly favours this, and the Frenchman
e lghts m it. In England land is not to be had. The funds
o not present much facility for investment. Whilst in England
no m°re than 228,696 persons are entitled to various amounts
of dividends on the several kinds of stock in the public funds, in
rance the number of fundholders is given at 5,500,000. It is
safety and physical grasp of the property that mostly attract
the Frenchman. The Englishman is quite prepared to hazard a
ittle more for profit. After all, the savings banks offer no suffi
cient compensation. All they do is to keep for you any sum
of money you please, paying you as high a rate of interest as
and indeed more than, money is worth in this great storehouse
of capital.
Next to having some ready money always available in case
of need, we do well if we can make provision to secure some
help m case of sickness, or special contingencies ■ and here come
to our aid the many friendly societies. In the savings banks
e depositor’s capital remains his own, he has full freedom to
use it howsoever he likes, and can withdraw it whenever he
likes. In a friendly society the capital of the members con
stitutes a common fund; the investor is understood to devote the
amount to the object of the society, and he can get the fund
back only on the happening of certain events. The purposes
of friendly societies are very varied. They relieve members in
sickness and old age ; they furnish proper medicine and medical
attendance; they provide members with assistance when tra
velling in search of employment; they assist them when in
istress ; they provide a sum on the death of members for their
widows and children; and they defray the expense of burialcomplete list of such societies in every part of the kingdom
would show how extensively the spirit of association is in opera-
�SAVINGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
tion First is the Manchester Unity of Odd Fellows Next is
the Ancient Order of Fore^XtXVd" ReZite
Zpeyran“ FrieX' sXyZ for its motto, “ We will drink
LX for Jonadab the son of Rechab our father commanded
"Z Ye shall drink no wine, neither ye nor your sons, fo
ever.” Besides these, and among many others we ha«t e^
c*
a »
TJparts of Oak Benefit Society?
Dreids” “The Loyal Order of Ancient Shepherds,” “The Order
golden Fleece,” “ The Stat of the E-t,” and many mu,
numberin'* together one million and a quarter of members Aft
heTe come the burial societies, with another milhon mid hatf of
members. Then the societies
ZdLiXs ” aL
Sisters ” the “ Comforting Sisters,” the United Siste ,
Xe Daughters of Temperance.” The Scottish Societies go
by the names of “ The Humane,” “ The Protector,
Accord” “The Thistle” Ireland has her Emerald Isle T
bne So’ciety,” the “ Adam and Eve Tontine,” the “ St. DommiP
“St Ignatius,”“St. Joseph,” andmany more. Besides the frien y
societE proper, there are the trade unions, which are friendly
societies and something more ; the industrial an provi en
societies, constituted for carrying on trade ; the loan socie i
and co-operative societies, which have of late made wonderfu
progress. These friendly societies have been ivi e
y
commissioners into seventeen classes. And even these byno
means exhaust all the varieties of societies thus formed. A
y
all solvent? Can they be all recommended? Their object is,
doubtless, good, their intention excellent. But do they Kt e
proper precautions in their investments of money. Do they t
sufficient account of the rate of mortality in the different emp oyments. Are the returns they give reliable ? Should W society
of this character be allowed to meet at public-houses
I
hone the Act recently passed may eventually afford sufficient
guarantees for the 4,000,000 members interested in sue
�120
SA™rCS OF THE WORIawG CLASSES.
societies, having together about g'to,000,000 or ZI2 000 000
"aXa‘
°f thCir
ove^xx:: xx xxxsfrom bWers’
yourseives with such societies, XXXXZXX
are registered, those whose accounts are properly audited and
ose which can produce real certificates that they are sound
solvent, and safe.*
ouna’
.. °.f friendl>'societies th= most useful, when properly used are
«
certa-n
AXr
"r ; “d theSC
”gSa° yiS
"’1WSe
te™inatin»’
F“Xbe
J- °r Peil°dlcal sums> "’h>oh accumulate till the
ate sufficient to give a stipulated sum to each member
When the whole is divided amongst them. The members of
funds
sue societies may have the amount of their share in anticipation
by allowing a large discount,-not all, however, but such as by a’
sort of auction, bid the highest sum of discount, the repayment
bemg secured by mortgages on real or household property The
P-mnent societies do not disso.ve upon the completion of the
ares In a termmatmg society a person must either become
member at the time the'society is established or else pay a
rge amount of back subscriptions. In a permanent, one mac
become a member at any time. In a terminating, one does not
now ow ong he has to continue his payments, and how much
ay withdraw. In a permanent, he does. Together they
have a capital of some ^2,000,000, of which perhaps ,£8,000,000
may belong to the working classes. Are building societies advantageous as an investment for the working classes ? Are they
sa^e.
toperly conducted, a building society ought to be safe,
FrieJdlySodetv^n1305^ tHat
Government shou’d establish a National
the PostOffice Savin*s Banks;
of the causes and d ° t
%
X
abS6nCe °f any reliable data
cost of management n nd°th
]iaMity to decePtion2 the
meats
&
’
he dlfficulty of securing the continuance of pay-
�SAVINGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
121
for it invests its funds in houses and other real property, and
it ought to be able to calculate exactly what its funds at com
pound interest are likely to produce. And as for conveni
ence, I can conceive no investment more attractive than one
which may enable you in a comparativly few years to have a
house of your own. In London, indeed, the distance between
your house and your work, the expense of living in the suburbs,
and the uncertainty of remaining long in any employment m
any locality, may prove an obstacle to the purchase of a house,
but I cannot conceive a more mischievous disposition m any
family than that of being continually shifting from place to
place. “A rolling stone gathers no moss.” What waste is the
expense of removing ! What unfixedness of habits '. What
discouragement to beautify your house—to make it a home.
Stay still, my friends. And by all means if you can, buy a house
for yourselves. It is the best and most profitable expenditure
you can possibly make.
The building society will provide you with a house to dwell
in. The friendly society will see that in sickness you have a
doctor, and that on your death you may have a decent burial.
But what of the friends you must leave behind? For any
security to them, you must have recourse to the provident
principle of life insurance. Based on the fixedness of the law
of nature, which not only lays a bound to our natural life, but
seems to indicate what proportion of any given number of
human beings is likely to die, at every age, the life insurer
is ready to take upon himself the obligation to pay a certain
amount to your friends and relatives whenever you may die,
be it to-morrow or fifty years hence, provided you engage to
pay, and do actually pay, every year, as long as you live, a fixed
annual premium. Suppose you have a wife and children, and
you are anxious that when you die they shall not remain pemless. If you are thirty years of age you will have to pay, say,
£2 is. 6d. per annum to secure ^100 at death for your friends.
�122
SAVINGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
But mind you—and this is a hard measure in life insurancethat if you do miss a single year, you lose all you have put in.
er, say, ten years, you may surrender the policy to the Office
and get some allowance for what you have paid. But not be
fore But can workmen engage to make annual payments, and
an they be sure of continuing them ? This is indeed the difficu ty, or the collection of weekly payments is very costly, and
hitherto, where insurance has been tried among working men, the
proportion of lapses is very large. It is certainly an advantage,
in life insurance, that it compels you to make some self-sacrifice
nay, to make a very hard struggle every year, somehow, to pay
the premium; for the longer you pay it the safer is the policy.
ou are not likely to grudge paying the premium, because you
wish for yourself length of days, whatever it may cost. And the
insurance company will be glad if you live very long, if you be
come a very centenarian, for then it will get the premium out of
you twice or three times over. But workmen having uncertain
employments have great difficulty to meet the demands of life
insurance. Nevertheless, 1 do wish life insurance could be ex
tended among the labouring classes, for it is of great comfort
and benefit, and the upper and middle classes use it largely, up
wards of £300,000,000 being insured upon their lives, upon which
they pay more than £ 10,000,000 per annum in premium. The
Government has provided for the granting of Government
annuities and insurance in connection with the Post Office ; and
there if you only succeed in paying the premium for five years,
you will be entitled, if you wish to discontinue it, to the sur
render value. But the working classes do not seem to have taken
much advantage of the plan. Founded as far back as 1865, con
tracts have been entered into for the purpose by the Post Office,
for less than £300,000. Insurance companies do not come to
you. You must go to them. If you do decide upon insuring, take
care to choose the safest office ; for valuable as life insurance is,
it should not be forgotten that’the actual solvency of the com-
�SAWINGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
123
puny depends on the accuracy of the data upon which it carries
on its business, on the rate of mortality which they
™
the rate of interest which they are able to realize,. an
portion of income from premium which they are able tc. reserve
for future expenses and profits. Inthe words of Messrs. Malcolm
and Hamilton, who have reported on the accounts o insurance
companies, “taking insurance business as it ex
country, where adequate premiums are charged, and live
selected with care, the public cannot be misled if, when seek
ing an office in which to effect an insurance, they select one
which transacts its business at a small percentage of wor mg
cost, and does not anticipate its profits.”
. .
I have mentioned among the friendly societies, the co
operative societies, both for distribution and production. Co
operative societies may be regarded as a means of invest
ment, and as a mode of securing a more liberal reward for
labour. It is not indeed put forth that either co-operative
societies or industrial partnerships can supersede effectua ly, or
in any important degree, the present relation of capital an
labour, as by far the simplest and capable of the wides
application, yet it is conceived that by affording grea er
encouragement to save, and ampler opportunities tor the
profitable use of such savings, many who at present have
other prospect than that of remaining m a condition of com
parative dependence, may eventually become possessed of a
small capital. How to give to the consumer direct access o
the producer ; how to give to the immediate producer, that ,
labour, direct access to capital, either directly, by an antecede»
act of aggregate saving on the part of the producer himself or
mediately, by crediting the immediate producer or labourer with
the necessary capital,-these are the objects which co-operation
seeks to obtain. Co-operative societies have been formed or
distribution and production, and even for credit. The con
ception is certainly simple and practical. Here are a hundre
�■24
SAVINGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
men goring yearly’ Say< Z4° each> at Ieast> of commodities,
which if bought wholesale will cost no more than £3o Form
a co-operative society to buy direct such provisions from the
producer, and the profit which the retailers would have gained
Will form a substantial economy to the consumers. Or let the
price of the commodities consumed remain as they would be if
so
y retailers, and let the profits accumulate in the hands of
such society; and you will have, by degree, a handsome capital
belonging to such members, which may be employed in prouction. And thus, from a co-operative society for distribution
you may easily rise to a co-operative society for production’
Here are a thousand operatives, each having a small savinoGather them savings together to form the capital. Let the con
tributors be themselves the operatives, and the combination
will seem perfect. But how should the relative rights of capital
and labour be adjusted ? The workman, as a capitalist, has an
interest m increasing, as much as possible, the profits of the
establishment, but as a workman he is still more interested in
securing a liberal rate of wages. Here an antagonism of
interests is sure to follow, and it is a great question whether the
problem admits of a satisfactory solution. But I have supposed
t e existence of capital in the hands of the labourers. What
if they have no such capital? Can they be credited with it ?
What security can they offer? Shall we ask the State to lend
capital to such labourers if the capitalists will not incur the
usk ? The idea is in itself preposterous.
Take, however, the most probable case, where labourers have
on y a very small capital. Shall we encourage them to em
ploy their savings in co-operative societies for production ? A
arge portion of the success which attends commercial operations
is the result of the skill and shrewdness of those who engage in
them. Capital is an important element, but the capacity to
know when and where to buy and to sell, and the possession of
a spirit of adventure balanced by prudence and caution, are
�12'5
SA RINGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
elements of enormous value in securing success. Can working
men lay claim to such knowledge and foresight
If they
have to depend upon others for the management of such
dertakings, is there no danger of their falling into the hands
of designers and schemers, who will soon squander
savings?
e 1
Of the many"^“^X'CeTXcceeded.
1
t chas are for distribution-as grocers, drapers, and proven
dealers—have succeeded exceedingly well, scarcely anyt formed
for productive purposes can show any real gam.
Whils the
Rochdale Equitable Pioneers-as grocers, provision dea e ,
drapers, tailors-realized a goodly sum, the Rochdale card manu
facture realized nothing, and so in a number of instances. The
recent abandonment of the principle of industrial partner^.by
Messrs. Briggs has been exceedingly disappomtmg to the fnends
“ co-operatfon ; and so also has the breakdown of the Ouseburn
Engine Works, of the Shirland Colliery, and the Industnal Ba
in Newcastle. To my mind, there is no royal road to.wealth
The workman must, in some measure, become a capitalist
before he can seek to become a co-operator with the capitalist
in industrial enterprise. And when he has amassed a ittb sum
let him take care what he does with it. In these d y , P
duction on a small scale has no chance of success m competition
with production on a large scale. Great enterprises, w,th la ge
capital, are carried on at much less expense, and can always
command greater facilities. Lay you a solid foundation for your
advancement in a substratum of real capital, foster >t bypru
deuce and foresight, increase it by legitimate means, and yo
may depend upon it that in Z/«t? you will have the surest sa eguard for independence and improvement.
§ The introduction of limited liability in joint stock compam
has opened for the working classes the avenues_ to commercial operations to any extent. All you require is capital,
�^6
SAVINGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
and this capital you must gather, little by little, by hard labour
and, it may be, by continuous toil and hardship. Gentlemen it
requires some amount of heroism to set aside any fragment’of
our present income for our future wants, to deprive ourselves
it may be, of needed comforts that we may provide for con
tingencies at present, at least, beyond our ken. But it is worth
doing. A pound to-day and another to-morrow. Now five
pounds and anon ten—it is astonishing how soon the sum grows
if you are only careful. But be you extra cautious how you’
invest your savings, for the more labour we have to give to
the acquisition of small incomes and the accumulation of small
savings, the more incumbent it becomes on us to be on our
guard, lest we should lose it all by carelessness or misemployment. Trust not on the Government to protect you. Keep your
eyes open, and mind what you are about, for once you lose what
you have got, it is extremely difficult to get it again. After all
it is not much we want. Strive for more, but be content with
your lot.
Man s rich with little, were his judgments true ;
Nature is frugal, and her wants are few :
Those few wants answer’d, bring sincere delights ;
But fools create themselves new appetites.”
But, my friends, is it only money that we should seek after?
Are there not treasures of knowledge, treasures of benefaction,
treasures of inward joys and happiness, that we may aspire to
obtain ? Must we all strike the same path ? Have we all the
same talents ? Have we all the same opportunities ? Thirtytwo years ago, a comparative youth came to England, from the
centre of Italy, unknowing and unknown. He had but one talent
—not that of the Universities, either of Oxford or Cambridge,
Pisa or Bologna ; not that of riches, or of fame ; but one com
mon to all—an open eye and an open mind, with perseverance in
duty, and hope and faith to cheer him in his path. He planted
that talent in the British soil, and there it lodged summer and
�SAVINGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
127
winter, and winter and summer, giving little signs of life; but
it was growing, and it gave fruit in the establishment of a
Chamber of Commerce in Liverpool, in a work on the Com
mercial Law of the World, and another on the History of Britis
Commerce. And that talent is still growing, and has made its
possessor a barrister-at-law, a member of not a few scientific
societies, and the Professor of the Principles of Commerce
and Commercial Law in King’s College, London ;-the very
one who has now the honour and the pleasure of addressing to
you these Lectures. If you could trace the antecedents of many
of those who are now great, how often would you find that it is
not fortune, or birth, or estate, that produces our best men, but
labour, perseverance, force of will. Read Smiles’ “ Self-made
Men ; ” and you will find that Hargreaves and Crompton were
artiza’ns, and Arkwright a barber. That Telford and Hugh Miller
were stonemasons, and Trevithick amechanic. That Lord Tenterden the judge, and Turner the painter, were both sons of barbers.
That Inigo Jones the architect, and Hunter who discovered
the circulation of the blood, were carpenters. That Cardinal
Wolsey and Defoe were sons of butchers ; that the immorta
John Bunyan was a tinker, and Herschel the astronomer a
bandsman. That James Watt was the son of an instrument
maker, and Faraday the son of a blacksmith ; that Newton’s
father was a yeoman, with a small farm worth iia 6^. a year ;
and Milton the son of a scrivener. That Pope and Southey were
sons of linendrapers, and Shakspeare the son of a butcher
and grazier. That Lord Eldon was the son of a Newcastle coal
fitter and LordJSt. Leonard the son of a barber, who began life
as an errand boy. AU honour to them I Strive you to be like
them.
“ Lives of great men all remind us,
We can make our lives sublime,
And, departing, leave behind us
Footprints on the sands of time ;
�128
SA VINGS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
Footprints, that perhaps another,
Sailing o’er life’s solemn main,
A forlorn and shipwrecked brother,
Seeing, shall take heart again.
Let us, then, be up and doing,
With a heart for any fate ;
Still achieving, still pursuing,
Learn to labour and to wait.’’
Let our occupation be high or low in public estimation,
he is a great man who, by high character and self-mastery,
by culture and industry, by application and perseverance,
secures for himself a true individuality ; and who, with powers
fully developed, and faculties duly expanded, uses whatever
talent he may possess to the glory of God, and to the benefit
of his fellow-creatures.
�appendix a.
Statement of the weekly expenditure, in 1859, of a family consistm«
wife, and three children, whose total wages averaged th'rtV
P
week, as compared with the cost of the same arttclesm 875,>8^ and
|> 1839.—“ Progress of Manchester,” by D. Chadwick, Brit.sh Assomation
1861, revised by Dr. Watts.
|
Articles.
Expenditure in
i875-
Expenditure in
1849.
Expenditure in
1859.
Expenditure in
i
|(I.) Bread, Flour, and
Meal.
S|8 41b. loaves (32 lbs.) .. 6 Id. per 41bs.
IL a peck of meal........... is. 10d.pr.pk.
||l a doz. (6 lbs.) of flour is. lod. pr.dz.
6d. per 4lbs.
is.6d. perpk.
1s.10d.pr.dz.
5Jd. per 41b.
is.8d. perpk.
is.8d. per dz.
5
4
2
I
81- 7 I. per lb
4 9
4
oj
2
O
0
9
6
4
3
xs.4d. per lb. 0
8
0
3
6
8Jd. per 41b.
is-4d. perpk.
2S.4d. per dz.
(II.) Butchers’ Meat
and Bacon,
;lbs. of butchers' meat 8'd. per lb.
dbs. of bacon ................
6Jd. per lb. .
(III.) Potatoes, Milk,
and Vegetables.
2 score of potatoes .... is. per score
7 quarts of milk ............ 4d. per qt. .
Vegetables ....................
tl
is. per score
3d. per qt. ..
I
;. per score
1. per qt. ..
is. per score
3d. per qt...
;. 4d. per lb.
5. 4d. ,,
2S. per lb.
(IV.) Groceries, Coals,
etc.
Jib. of coffee
Jib. of tea ....
31bs. of sugar
albs, of rice ..
1 lb. butter.. ..
21bs. of treacle
rjlbs. of soap
Coals................
Candles...........
xs. id. per lb
I
I
0
I
0
5
6
0
6
6
Rent, taxes, and water
Clothing .........................
Sundries .........................
I
0
0
II
I
.
4
3
2
9
Totals
• 30
0
0
5*
sJ
0
�APFENDIX.
130
AVERAGE WEEKLY EARNINGS OF THE COTTON OPERATIVES.
Week of 69
1839
s. d.
Steam-engine tenders
24 0
Warehousemen .... 18 0
Carding stretchers
7 0
Strippers, young men, women, and
girls....................................... 11 0
Overlookers....................................... 25 0
Spinners on self-acting Winders,
Males
.
.
.
. 16 0
Piecers, women and young men 8 0
Overlookers ..... 20 0
Reeling Throttle, reelers, women 9 0
Warpers
..... 22 0
Sizers............................................... 23 0
Doubling, Doublers, women.
7 0
Overlookers...................................... 24 0
Agricultural—
Devon
Somerset.
Cheshire .
Durham .
i860.
Per week.
8s. to 12s.
12s. ,, 14s.
15s.
15s. to 20s.
Builders—
Masons .
hours.
1849
s. d.
28 0
20 0
7 6
12
28
0
0
14
28
0
0
19
32
18
0
0
0
6
0
0
6
0
20
10
26
0
0
0
6
0
0
0
0
25
16
9
22
9
22
23
7
25
18555s. per day.
1850.
Per month.
Seamen, London—
Mediterranean
.
45s.
...
.
50s.
...
North America
East India and China 40s.
Australia
40s.
Week of 60 hours.
1873
1859
s. d.
s. d.
32 o
30 0
26 o
22 0
12 o
8 0
...
...
9
23
25
9
28
...
30
12
26
30
12
32
o
o
o
o
o
6
o
6
o
1872.
Per week.
9s. to 12s.
13s. ,, 20s.
16s. 6d.
17s. to 20s.
1876.
96. per hour.
...
...
...
...
1874.
Per month.
70s. to 80s. ... 80s. to 90s.
80s. „ 95s. ... 85s. „ 95s.
60s. „ 65s. ... 80s. „ 85s
70s.
�APPENDIX.
APPENDIX B.
BUDGETS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
Great Britain.
(From the “ Times," November Vjih, 1872.)
Weekly Expenses of a Farm Labourer in 1872 in East Sussex :—
Per week.
£ s. d.
£, s. d.
0 7 0
7 gallons of flour
.
.
0 i 4
1 lb. butter
.
.
0 0 4
2 oz. tea *
.
.
.
.
.
0 0 7
2 lb. sugar *
.
.
0 1 3
2 lb. cheese
,
.
0 0 3i
Milk
....
.
.
0 O 2
1 lb. soap
.
.
0 O I
Soda and blue .
.
.
0 0 10J
i| lb. candles .
.
.
0 O 7
Schooling
.
.
0 0 3
Cotton and mustard
•
•
0 I 0
Washing and mangling .
.
.
0 2 0
Rent
....
0 15 10
Extra expenses per annum :—
£> s. d.
Benefit club .
Boots
....
Clothes ....
Tools ....
Faggots ....
Extra food in hop drying
1
O IO
4
0
0
0
0
0
12
4
2
I
0
2
7
4
14
0
4
0
equal to 0 3 0
o 18 10
�132
APPENDIX.
Income and Expenditure of a Tobacco Spinner in Edinburgh, the Family
consisting of Six Persons. Income: Father, 25s.; Boy in the Telegraph
Service, 6s.—total, 31s.
Expenditure :—
£
Bread, 361b. ; meat, 4Mb. ; flour, 71b. ;
rice, ilb. ; potatoes, 10J lb ; sugar,*
51b ; tea, * Jib. ; coffee, * Jib. ; butter,
0
i|lb.......................................................
Beer,* 4 pints; spirits nil; tobacco,*
0
302.........................................................
House rent ......
0
Coal and gas...................................
0
Clothing............................................
0
Taxes....................................................
0
vhurch or chapel, 4d. ; amusements,
rd.; benefit club, is. id. ; doctors
bill, and sundries, 2s. 6d.
0
Zr
16 6
0
2 4
8
I
4 0
0 34
2
4 0
IO
94
Per cent.
Taxes.
54
s. d.
0 6
6
7
6
13
I
I
9
0 34
13
IOO
64
2
Income and Expenditure of a Printer, Single Man, living in London.
Income £1 16s. od. a-week :—
z s. d.
Bread, i21b. ; meat, 41b. ; flour, 41b. ;
potatoes, 81b.; sugar,* ilb.; tea,* 202.;
coffee,* 2oz. ; butter, iooz.
Beer,* 14 pints ; spirits, * 1 quartern ;
tobacco,* 40Z........................................
House rent...................................
Coal and gas......
Clothin
......
Church, amusements, laundress .
Per cent.
0 9 8
4i
0 3
■0 5 0
0 2 6
0 I 6
0 2 6
0 2 6
21
1 4
Z*
3
8
Taxes.
II
6
II
IO
IOO
1
7
�APPENDIX.
*33
France.
{From Lord Brabazon s Report, vFjz, p. 45.)
Average. Expenditure of a Married Day Labourer’s Family, consisting of
Father, Mother, and Three Children, with a Collective Income of
£24 is. 7d.
£. s. d. Per cent.
Bread,* vegetables, meat,* milk, salt
59
13 15 7
6
I 7 2
Wine* beer,* and cider* ....
I 13 7
7
Lodging* (tax on doors and windows) .
I
5
5 8
Firing*....................................................
I
0 4 6
Taxes....................................................
16
3 12 9
Clothing*....................................................
6
I
5 9
Other expenses............................................
£23
5 0
IOO
Prussia.
{Dr. Engel’s Table.}
Percentage of the Expenditure of the Family of
A Working Man with A Man of Middle A Person n easy circum
stances with
Class with
an income of
an income from Z 9° an income from ZrS0
from
to Z 220 a year.
Z45 to Zoo a year.
to ZI2° a year.
Per cent.
. 62
Subsistence
. 16
Clothing .
.
. 12
Lodging .
Firing and lighting 5
Education, public
.
. 2
worship
Legal protection
. 1
Care of Health
. 1
Comfort, mental and
bodily recreation 1
IOO
Per cent.
55
18
12
5
3’5
2
2
i’5
IOO
Per cent.
50
18
12
5
5'5
3
3
3‘5i
TOO
�134
APPENDIX.
Netherlands.
(Mr, Locock's Report, 1871, p. 351.)
Weekly Expenses of a Mason, with a Wife and Two Children :—
Bread,* butter, milk, sugar,*
coffee,* suet, flour, potatoes,
Per cent.
s. d.
greens, meal, salt, bacon, oil,
II 11
tobacco,* soap,* etc.
53
2 0
House rent
9
6
I 3
Firing*
....
2 1
Clothing * .
.
.
9
Sundries ....
• 5 3
23
22 6
.
100
Switzerland (Bale).
(dZ. Gould's Report, 1872, p. 366.)
Yearly Expenditure of a Working Man’s Family :—
Bread, coffee, chicory, milk, potatoes, butter, oil, meat, vege£ s.
tables ....
29 6
Rent...................................
IO 8
Wood
....
4 0
Taxes
....
0 6
Clothing ....
6 0
Sick Fund
0 16
d.
2
O
O
5
0
0
50 16 7
Per cent.
57
.
20
8
.
0
.
12
3
.
100
Russia.
Annual Expenditure of a Peasant Family, consisting of Father and Son, Two
Brothers, and a Third Young Man, in the Province of Novgorod :—
(Consul Michel's Report on Land Tenure, p. 63.)
z * d.
8o| bush, rye from the land, 361b. fish, 1
sack wheat, 2.88 bush, buckwheat, salt ...
30 o
Dress,* boots, etc.
.
.
.
.
.
2 13 4
Taxes, Imperial and Provincial, at 3 roubles
per male .......
1 4
Village priest
.
.
.
.
.
o
�APPENDIX.
135
(Consul Gregnon's Report, 1871, p. 54.)
Estimated Expenditure for a Single Man, Factory Hand, for a
d.
Day’s Living in Riga
3 lbs, Russ, rye bread, at 2A copecks
si
1 lb. Russ, meat
....
3k
Coffee,* sugar, and milk.................................................. 12
Potatoes.............................................................................02
Butter........................................................................ ......
Herrings...............................................................................
Barley meal..............................................
.
. ok
10
To the above must be added lodging, capitation-tax, clothing, and per
sonal expenses.
(Consul Campbell's Report, 1872, p. 312.)
A Manufactory Workman’s Monthly Expenditure at Helsingfors
s. d.
£ s. d.
Food,
24 to30 marks .
. o 19 o to 1 3 9
Fuel,
2 ,, 2j „
.
. o 1 7 „ o 2 o
Lodging, 10,, 12 ,,
.
.080,, 096
Clothing,* 10 ,, 12J ,,
.
. o 7 o ,, o 9 6
1 15 7
2 4 9
United States (Pennsylvania).
(Mr. Consul Kortright’s Report, 1871, p. 921.)
Weekly Cost of Living of Two Parents and Three Children
in Philadelphia:—
Bread, flour, meat, butter, cheese,
Per cent.
sugar,* milk, coffee,* tea,*
£ s. d.
fish, salt, eggs, potatoes,
I 8 6 .
fruit
.
.
,
.
.
■
54
. 24
0 13 0
Rent............................................
6
0 3 3 •
Light * and Fire
.
.
0 7 5 •
Clothing *
....
■
14
0 0 4! •
Taxes...................................
•
2
0 0 9J
Other Expenses
2 13 3
100
�136
APPENDIX.
United States.
(From the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of the Statistics of Labour.}
Percentage of the Expenditure of the Family of a Working Man
with an income—
From ^60
ZI2O
/150
Above
Z90
Average
to Z90. to/'lCO. to/150. to ^zso. ^250.
Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent.
Subsistence.
. 64
60
63
56
5t
58
Clothing
10-5
19
14
• 7
74
15
Rent .
. 20
15
16
14
i5'5
17
Fuel
. 6
6
6
6
5
6
Sundry Expenses 3
6
6
10
6
5
—
----------■
----- IOO
IOO
IOO
IOO
IOO
IOO
�APPENDIX.
137
APPENDIX C.
Report of the Committee of the British Association for the
Advancement of Science, on Combinations of Capital and
Labour. Lord Houghton, D.C.L., F.R.S. (chairman); Jacob
Behrens, Esq.; Thomas Brassey, Esq., M.P.; Frank P.
Fellows, Esq.; Archibald Hamilton, Esq.; Professor Leone
Levi; A. J. Mundella, Esq., M.P.; Wm. Newmarch, Esq.,
F.R.S.; Lord O’Hagan; R. J. Inglis Palgrave, Esq.; Professcr
Thorold Rogers. Submitted by Professor Leone Levi, and
ordered to be printed and laid before the Association.
Your Committee appointed to inquire into the economic effects
of Combinations of labourers or capitalists, and into the laws of
Economic science bearing on the principles on which such
Combinations are founded, have already stated in their preli
minary Report made last year, the course they have thought
to take in order to ascertain the exact views held by both
employers and employed on the subject in question. Although
the general objects of such Combinations, whether of capitalists
or labourers, are well known, both from the written rules, which
bind them together, and from the action taken from time to
time, your Committee have deemed it desirable to come into
personal contact with some representative men from both classes,
with a view of finding whether they do now stand by the rules
of their Unions, and how far they are prepared to defend them.
And for that purpose, your Committee resolved to hold a con
sultative private conference of employers and employed m the
presence of the members of the. Committee, where they might
discuss the questions involved in the resolution of the British
Association, and with a view of reporting thereon to the same.
The points more especially inquired into were the following :—
1 st. What determines the minimum rate of wages ?
2nd. Can that minimum rate be uniform in any trade, and
can that uniformity be enforced ?
3rd. Is Combination capable of affecting the rate of wages,
whether in favour of employers or employed ?
�138
APPENDIX.
4th. Can an artificial restriction of labour or of capital be
economically right or beneficial under any circumstances?
For the discussion of these questions your Committee had
the advantage of bringing together a deputation from the
National Federation of Associated Employers of Labour, in
cluding Messrs. R. R. Jackson, M. A. Brown, H. R. Greg,
Joseph Simpson, J. A. Marshall, R. Hannen, and Henry Whit
worth. As representing labour : Messrs. Henry Broadhurst,
Daniel Guile, George Howell, Loyd Jones, George Potter, and
Robert Newton; Mr. Macdonald, M.P., and Mr. Burt, M.P.,
having been prevented from attending. And on the part of
your Committee there were Lord Houghton, Professor Rogers,
Mr. Samuel Brown, Mr. W. A. Hamilton, Mr. Frank Fellows,
and Professor Leone Levi.
Many are the works and documents bearing on the questions
at issue. Of an official character we have the Report of the
Royal Commission appointed “ to inquire into and report upon
he organization and rules of Trade Unions and other associa
tions, whether of workmen and employers and to inquire into
and report on the effects produced by such Trade Unions and
associations on the workmen and employers and on the relations
between workmen and employers and on the trade and industry
of the country.” Of an unofficial character we have the Report
of the Committee of the Social Science Association “on the
objects and constitution of Trade Societies, with their effects
upon wages and upon the industry and commerce of the country.”
Of special works we have the late lamented Professor Cairnes’
“ Leading Principles of Political Economy,” Mr. Thomas
Brassey’s “Work and Wages,” and Professor Leone Levi’s
“Wages and Earnings of the Working Classes.”
The chief functions of Combinations, whether of Capital or
Labour, being to operate on wages, your Committee were
anxious to ascertain by what criterion the parties interested
ordinarily judge of the sufficiency or insufficiency of existing
wages. The first test of the sufficiency of wages is the re
lation they bear to the cost of the necessaries of life. “The
minimum of wages,” said Prof. Rogers, “ is the barest possible
amount upon which a workman can be maintained ; that
which, under the most unfavourable circumstances, a man is
able to obtain.” But the minimum thus estimated can only be,
and is, submitted to under circumstances of extreme necessity.
“ I believe the minimum rate of wages,” said one of the repre
sentatives of labour, “ is that which, under the worst circum
stances, the worst workman gets from the worst master.” We
cannot, therefore, take the minimum rates so considered as a
proper basis for the sufficiency of wages. How far insufficient
wages in relation to the cost of living in the U nited Kingdom is
�APPENDIX.
139
a cause of the large emigration which is taking place fiom year
to year it is not possible to establish ; * but, doubtless the pros
pect held out in the distant Colonies and in the United States
of America of considerable improvement has been for some
time past and still is a strong inducement. to those m receipt of
insufficient wages in this country to emigrate to other lands
Your Committee are desirous to point out in connection with
this question that not only has the cost of some of the principal
necessaries of life greatly risen within the last twenty years but
that in consequence of the general increase of comfort and
luxury many articles of food, drink, and dress must now be
counted as necessaries which some years ago were far beyond
the reach of the labouring classes ; whilst house rent, especiallyadapted for the labouring classes, is considerably dearer. If,
therefore, the cost of living be taken as a guide to he rate of
wages, it would not be enough to take into account the cost of
the mere necessaries of life. A higher standard of living having
been established, it would be indispensable to compare the
wages of labour to such higher standard. Your Committee are
not satisfied, however, that it is possible to regulate wages
according to the scale of comfort or luxury which may be
introduced among the people, and are compelled to assert that
it is an utter fallacy to imagine that wages will rise or fall m
relation to the cost which such supposed necessaries or indul
gences may entail.
.
,
A better test of the sufficiency of wages is the relation they
bear to the state of the labour market; and tested by that
standard the minimum rate of wages which workmen are at
any time prepared to accept is the least which they think they
are entitled to have under existing circumstances, the 1 rade
Unions guiding them, as to the state of trade and the value of
labour at the time. Unfortunately, however, what workmen
think themselves entitled to have does not always correspond
with what employers find themselves able to grant. Primarily
the wages of labour are'determined, by the. amount of capital
available for the purpose of wages in relation to the number
of labourers competing for the same. But the amount ot
capital employed in any industry is itself governed by con
siderations of the relation of the cost of production to the
market price of the produce—that is, to the price which the
.consumer is able or willing to give for the same : the cost of
production including the cost of materials, the value ot capital,
the cost of superintendence, and the wages of labour.
* The average number of emigrants in the last ten years from the United
Kingdom, from 1862 to 1873, was 239,000 per annum. In 1873, the total
number was 310,612, and in 1874, 241, 014. The emigration to the United
States decreased from 233,073 in 1873, to 148,161 in 1874.
�140
APPENDIX.
Objection has been taken at the Conference to this method
for arriving at the rate of wages ; and it was urged that instead
of taking the price of the article produced, or the interest of
the consumer, as the basis of the calculation, the first ingredient
in the cost of the article should be the price to be paid to the
workman in producing it. But a serious consideration will
show that the employer cannot ignore what the consumer can
or will pay any more than the share which the value of capital,
the cost of superintendence, and the cost of the materials have
upon the cost of production ; for he must cease producing
altogether if he cannot both meet the ability of the consumer
to purchase his article and successfully compete with the
producers of other countries. Your Committee think that it is
not in the power of the employer to control the proportion of
the different elements in the cost of production, each of them
being governed by circumstances peculiar to itself. The value
of Capital, as well as the value of the raw materials, is regu
lated by the law of supply and demand, not only in this
country, but in the principal markets of the world. The cost
of superintendence and the wages of labour are likewise governed
by the relation of the amount of capital to the number seeking
to share in the different employments. The employed say,
“'We must have certain wages. We care for nothing else.
Labour is our property. We set our value upon it. If you
will have our labour you must pay what we ask for it. And
if such wages should require a rise in the market price, let the
consumer pay it.” What however, if the consumer will not
or cannot pay sufficient price to enable the employer to pay
such wages ? What, if he can get the article cheaper else
where ? Must not production cease if there be no market ?
And where will be the wages if there be no production? Nor
should it be forgotten that a general rise of wages producing
an increase of the cost of all the commodities of life reacts on
the masses of the people, and thus far neutralizes the benefit
of higher wages.
Disagreements between employers and employed are often
produced on the subject of wages by the fact that all the
elements of the case are not within the cognizance of both
parties ; experience showing that in making a demand for an
advance of wages, or for resisting a fall, workmen are of
necessity groping in the dark as to the real circumstances of
the case. One of the chief advantages supposed to result from’
the organization of Trade Unions is the competency of their
leaders to give solid and practical advice to those interested,
as to the condition of the labour market; and we have no
doubt that this duty is in the main honestly performed, but it is
very much to expect that such leaders should universally possess
�APPENDIX.
141
laive and liberal views enough to vindicate the exercise of their
enormous power, and such constant and accurate knowledge
of the multiple facts of the case as would enable them to
exercise an almost infallible authority. On the other hand,
were it possible for employers, who are not in the dark in such
matters, to make known to their own workmen the grounds of
the action they propose taking before the resolve is carried
into execution, your Committee are convinced that many
disputes would be avoided, and much of the jealousy which
now exists between the parties would be removed. The recent
lock-out in South Wales illustrated the need of such a course.
Had the facts which Lord Aberdare elicited from the principal
colliery firms in Glamorganshire been made known previous
to or simultaneously with the notice of a fall, it is a question
whether such a widespread calamity would have occurred.
It is perhaps a natural but unfortunate circumstance that
employers are seldom found to take the initiative in allowing
a rise in wages when the state of the market permits it as they
are in case of a fall, and spontaneously to offer what they must
sooner or later be compelled to grant. A more prompt and
politic course on their part in this matter would go far to
neutralise the hostile action of Trade Unions.
Your Committee were anxious to ascertain how far is it in
the mind of the employed that the employers obtain for them
selves too large a share of profits at their expense. Your Com
mittee were assured that no such doubts are entertained, though
cases were produced supporting such suspicions by reference to
the time of the great rise in the price of coals in 1873, when
workmen’s wages did not, in the opinion of the representatives
of labour, rise to anything like the proportion of the masters’
profits.* Your Committee admit that in cases of great oscilla
tions in prices, the share participated either by the employers
in the shape of profits, or by the employed in the shape of
wages, may be for a time greater or less than their normal
distribution would justify. And it is possible that some portions
of these extra profits may be unproductively spent or so em
ployed as not to benefit the parties more immediately _ con
cerned, and even used in totally alien speculations. Yet, in the
main, the working classes must receive in one way or another,
a considerable advantage from them, there being .no doubt that
the largest portion of such extra profits will be reinvested in the
* Mr. Halliday’s evidence before the Committee of the House of
Commons on coals, was that, though the custom was to give to work
men a portion of any rise of prices in the shape of increasing wages,
the proportion being an additional 2d. a day for every 10L a ton, the
rise in wages was often id. per ton only and sometimes nothing, whilst
when the price rose ar. 6d. to 55. a ton the wages were only increased 3^.
a day.
�142
APPENDIX.
ordinary industries of the country. In the end, however, wages
and profits will be divided among the producers in proper pro
portions, and if at any time profits or wages should be larger
than they ought to be, we may be quite sure that ere long the
competition of capitalists will tend either to the lowering of
prices or the raising of wages so as to make profits and wages
gravitate towards each other.
Immediately allied to the question of the determination of a
minimum of wages is that of their uniformity. In the opinion
of many Trade Unions, all workmen of average ability in any
trade should earn the same wages, the average ability of each
man being understood to have been determined in advance by
the fact of his being admitted as a member of the Union. But
a man is subject to no examination, and is generally admitted
upon the testimony of those who have worked with him, whose
evidence must frequently be fallacious and insufficient. Nor
does it appear that the rejection is absolutely certain even if
the applicant should not be deemed a man of average ability,
the acceptance or rejection of the party being always optional
with the lodge to which he is introduced. Your Committee are
therefore not satisfied that any guarantees exist that every
member of a Union is able to earn a fair day’s wages for a
fair day’s work ; and they cannot, therefore, agree in the pro
position that all workmen should be entitled to uniform wages
on the ground of uniform ability. But another reason has been
alleged for the uniformity of wages—which is still less tenable
than the former—viz., a supposed uniformity of production in
dependent of skill. The right of the workman to a uniform
standard of wages was stated to be the production of an article
which, though demanding less skill to perform, is of equal
utility and is proportionally as profitable to the employer.
Your Committee must, however, entirely demur to the principle
that, in the apportionment of wages, no account should be
taken of the skill brought to bear on the execution of the task,
since a system of that nature would act as a premium on in
feriority of workmanship. Again, by another test should the
right of each individual to earn certain wages be determined,
and that is by his productive capacity. Professor Levi asked
whether that was taken into account when the workman was
assumed to be of average ability ; and the answer was that the
amount of production depended largely upon the skill. “ The
more skilful a man is the more he will produce.” But whilst, in
so far as this answer was correct, it contradicted the principle
embodied in the preceding test, the answer itself did not take
sufficiently into account that skill is not the only element in
effectiveness of labour. There are qualities of mind, judgment,
and even of heart, disposition, and of moral character, which
�APPENDIX.
143
go far to increase or diminish the efficiency of labour ; and of
such qualities the employer is, of necessity, a far better judge
than any Union can be. That under ordinary circumstances
wages in any trade should tend to uniformity is quite possible.
The facility of communication and the extension of intercourse
of necessity equalise prices and wages : but any attempt to
compel uniformity of wages among any large number of men
of varied capacity must of necessity prove a source of dis
appointment. Much, again, may be said in favour of a common
standard of wages in any industry, as avoiding the embarrass
ment necessarily encountered in any attempt to adjust the
rate to the exact worth of each individual. Yet it is impossible
to ignore the fact that, whilst a uniform rate is sure to operate
unjustly in favour of persons who may be wanting in fairness
of dealing or capacity for workmanship, in the nature of things
it is almost incapable to exist over a wide area, having regard
to the varieties in the prices of fuel, carriage, house accommo
dation, or of the means of livelihood, as well as in the cost of
raw materials and in the processes employed as affecting the
rate of production of each individual. On the whole, your
Committee find that an absolute uniformity in the rate of wages
in any trade, though to a certain extent convenient, is neither
just nor practicable, whilst any effort to compel uniformity in
the amount of earnings of any number of individuals must
prove fallacious and wrong as an illegitimate interference with
the rights of industry.
A still more important question in connection with the subject
is how far Combination of any kind can affect permanently or
temporarily the rate of wages. Upon this, as might be ex
pected, the most divergent opinions are held by the repre
sentatives of Capital and Labour. The employers of labour,
standing on the solid principles of political economy, deny that
Combinations can under any circumstances affect the rates of
wages, at least in any permanent manner. The argument
adduced being that if workmen are entitled to higher wages
they are sure to get them, since, under the law of supply and
demand, whenever it is found that profits trench unduly upon
wages fresh capital is sure to be introduced, which provides for
the raising of wages. The employed, on the other hand, con
fidently appeal to past experience, and point out the fact that
almost every increase of wages has been due to the action of
Trade Unions. They say that without Combination workmen
cannot secure the market price for their labour, but are to a
certain extent at the mercy of their employers. That in trades
where one establishment employs a large number of workmen
the employers can discharge a single workman with compara
tively slight inconvenience, while the workman loses his whole
�144
APPENDIX.
means of subsistence. That without the machinery of Com
bination the workmen, being dependent upon their daily work
for their daily bread, cannot hold on for a market.
Your Committee are not prepared to deny that Combinations
can render useful service in matters of wages; but they think
that it is impossible for them to frustrate or alter the operations
of the laws of supply and demand, and thereby to affect per
manently the rates of wages. Combination may hasten the
action of those laws which would undoubtedly, though perhaps
more slowly, operate their own results. The limited power of
Combinations is in effect admitted by the workmen themselves.
“We do not say,” said one of the workmen’s representatives,
“ that Trade Unions can absolutely interfere with supply and
demand, because, when trade is very bad, they cannot obtain
the standard ; when it is good they easily raise the standard.
What they do is, they enable workmen sooner to strike at the
right time for a general advance. They get the advance sooner
than if they were an undisciplined mob, having no common
understanding. And when trade is receding, the common
understanding enables workmen to resist the pressure put upon
them by their employers. It helps them in both ways, and the
workmen find they can act together beneficially.” The ground
here taken by the working-men is not at variance with sound
economic principles. But there is yet another way in which
Trade Unions may prove useful, and that is by rendering wages
more sensitive to the action of the state of the market, and so
preventing the influence of custom to stand in the way of the
operation of supply and demand ; for there are such occupa
tions, as agriculture, where custom often exercises imperious
rule even upon wages. As has been well said by M. Batbie,
Wages do not change unless the causes for the change exercise
a strong influence. If the conditions of supply and demand do
not undergo a great change, wages continue the same by the
simple force of custom. The variations of wages are not like
those of a thermometer, where the least clouds are marked,
where one can read the smallest changes of temperature. They
may rather be compared to those bodies which do not become
heated except under the action of an elevated temperature, and
remain quite insensible to the slight modifications of the atmo
sphere. Until a great perturbation takes place in the conditions
of supply and demand, no one would think of changing the rate
of wages.” * After making every allowance your Committee
cannot admit that Combinations have any power either to raise
permanently the rate of wages or to prevent their fall when the
conditions of trade require the same, as recent experience abun* See M. Batbie's article on "Salaries in Bloek's Dictionnaire de la
Politique."
�APPENDIX.
145
dantly shows, and, whilst admitting that Combinations may be
beneficial in accelerating the action of economic laws, your
Committee cannot be blind to the fact that they produce a
state of irritation and discontent which often interferes with
the progress of production.
Limited as is the power of Combinations to affect the rates
of wages, still more limited is their power to affect materially the
progress of productive industry. The Royal Commission on
Trade Unions reported that it was extremely difficult to deter
mine how far Unions have impeded the development of trade,
whether by simply raising prices or by diverting trade from cer
tain districts, or from this to foreign countries. The representa
tives of capital at the conference alluded to, endeavoured to
prove that certain branches of trade have permanently been
injured by the Unions. Whether the fact can be established or
not, it is undeniable that British trade has enormously increased
within the last twenty years, and that the exports of manufac
tured goods are on a larger scale now than they were at any
former period.*
What is perhaps most objectionable in Combinations of labour
is the method they often pursue in order to operate on the rates
of wages ; for they are not content with making a collective de
mand on employers for a rise, but endeavour to force it, or resist
a fall, by restricting the supply of labour and increasing the need
of it. One such method, explained at the Conference, seems to
your Committee peculiarly objectionable. A representative of
Labour said that when depression of trade comes, by means
of associated funds the men are able to say to the surplus
labourers, “ Stand on one side—you are not wanted for the time
being. If you go on with your labour at half-price, it will not
mend the trade; we will not let you become a drug on the
market, putting every other man down, but we will sustain you.”
In three years, your Committee were informed, over £100,000
was thus paid for unemployed labour, in the hope that undue
fall in wages would be prevented by keeping labourers out of
* The following were the quantities of some of the principal articles of
British produce and manufacture exported from the United Kingdom in
1854 and 1874 ;—
Coal and Coke ...
Copper
Cotton Yarn
Cotton Manufacture
Iron
...............
Worsted Manufacture
1854
tons 4,309,000
cwts. 274,000
lbs. 147,128,000
yds. 1,692,899,000
tons 1,175,000
yds. 133,600,000
Increase
per cent.
1874
13,927,000
709,000
220,599,000
3,606,639,000
2,487,000
261,000,000
223
159
49
”3
112
71
The total value of British produce exported increased from £135,891,000
in i860 to £239,558,000 in 1874 or at the rate of 76 per cent.
IO
�146
APPENDIX.
the market. Your Committee are of opinion that the artificial
prevention of a fall of wages when such a fall is necessary and
inevitable, is economically wrong, and can only have the effect of
still more injuring the condition of workmen, since by so doing
they only throw hindrances in the way of production, which is
the parent of all wages. Equally objectionable in your Com
mittee’s opinion, as interfering with the freedom of labour and
with the general economy of production, is every regulation of
such Trade Unions that excludes from employment in the trades
all who have not been regularly apprenticed, or any rule which
should set a limit to the number of apprentices. Professor
Cairnes, commenting on the monopoly thus advocated by Trade
Unions, said, “ It is a monopoly, moreover, founded on no prin
ciple either of moral desert or of industrial efficiency, but simply
on chance or arbitrary selection ; and which, therefore, cannot
but exert a demoralizing influence on all who come within its
scope—in all its aspects presenting an. ungracious contrast to all
that is best and most generous in the spirit of modern demo
cracy.”
The only other question on which your Committee will report
is whether an artificial restriction of labour, or of capital, can
under any circumstances be economically right or beneficial. It
is, indeed, scarcely necessary to say that any restriction of
Labour or of Capital, having the effect of limiting production,
must of necessity prove injurious. Yet it may be a point for
consideration whether under certain circumstances it may not be
better for either Labour or Capital to submit to the evil of re
striction in order to avoid a still greater evil, of producing at a
loss, or working at rates of wages not sufficiently remunerative.
The labourers justify their proceedings in this respect by refer
ence to the practice of producers. One of the representatives of
labour, speaking on this subject, said :—“No doubt there.is not
a working man in Lancashire who would not say that limitation
was an injury. Generally that there should be the largest pos
sible production in a given time is no doubt a true law, but every
trade must regulate that according to its own necessities. The
ironmaster blows out his furnaces when an increased production
would injure; the cotton manufacturer runs his manufactory short
time ; and the labourer limits the production.” There is little or
no difference in the relative position of Capital and Labour as
respects their need of continuous production. Primarily, both
employer and employed alike depend upon production as the
only source for profits and wages. Whilst the employers have
the maximun interest in producing as much as possible, from the
fact that the fixed capital which they cannot withdraw would lie
dormant and unproductive while the forge or mill is silent, the
employed find it thier interest to aid in such production inas-
�APPENDIX.
147
much as they depend upon it for their means of subsistence.
The argument of the employed against a proposal for a reduction
of wages is expressed in the words, “ If you have too much of an
article in the market and you cannot sell, I would rather limit
the quantity in your hands than aggravate the evil and take less
money for it.” But by refusing to work when the employer is
able or willing to continue producing, or by not submitting him
self to accept lower wages when the inevitable law of supply
and demand compels the same, the employed only aggravates
his own position, whilst he places the employer in a still worse
strait; the certain consequence of the withdrawal of labour being
to discourage production, to enhance the cost, and to increase
the difficulty of foreign competition—injurious alike to the pro
ducer and to the whole community.
A frequent source of contention between employers and
employed is the mode of paying wages—viz., by time, such as
by the day or hour, or by piecework. There appears to be no
uniform practice on the subject. While in some branches of
industry the rule is to pay wages by piecework, in other branches
the rule is to pay by time—the reason probably being that whilst
in some branches it is easy to establish a scale of prices at
which the work is to be paid for, in other branches such a scale
could not easily be framed. In so far as the method of pay
ment can be considered to affect production, it seems to your
Committee that whilst payment by piecework is likely to pro
mote quantity of production, payment by time is more likely
to promote precision of execution. Your Committee cannot
believe what has often been alleged, that payment by piecework
is often offered to conceal any reduction of wages. If honestly
acted upon on either side, payment by piecework has, in the
opinion of your Committee, all the elements of fair justice. But
the question in any case is not of sufficient importance to justify
a breach of the friendly relation which should exist between
Capital and Labour. When either party has any decided prefer
ence for one system, it seems advisable that the other party
accept the same.
The economic effects of Strikes and Lock-outs are well known,
and it matters but little which party in the contest in the end
may prove successful. In recent years Strikes and Lock-outs
have occurred among coal and iron miners, the building trade,
engineers, the cotton trade, ship-builders, and most of the trades
and industries of the country, each and all of which have caused
serious losses on the community at large. In the opinion of
your Committee a well-devised system of conciliation is the only
proper and legitimate method of solving labour disputes. And
your Committee cannot too strongly express their sense of the
grave responsibility which rests on either employers or em-
�148
APPENDIX.
ployed when, regardless of consequences, they resort to a step
so vexatious and destructive as a strike or lock-out.
Your Committee are of opinion that the British Association
will confer a lasting benefit if, on its pilgrimage in the principal
industrial towns in the United Kingdom, it will seize every
opportunity for the enunciation of sound lessons of political
economy on the questions in agitation between employers and
employed. It.was suggested to your Committee that workmen
should be admitted to the meetings of Section F at a reduced
rate, and they commend the proposal to the consideration of
the Council. Your Committee would also recommend to the
Council to urge on Her Majesty’s Government the importance
of promoting, as far as possible, the study of political economy,,
and especially of those branches of industrial economy which
most intimately concern the industry, manufactures, and com
merce of the country. Your Committee have learned with
pleasure that the Cobden Club are prepared to offer some
encouragement for the teaching of political economy to the
labouring classes, and your Committee would suggest that the
Chambers of Commerce might advantageously take similar
means in the great centres of commerce and manufacture. In
the opinion of your Committee, a proper sense of the necessity
and utility of continuous labour, an earnest desire for the
achievement of excellence in wTorkmanship in every branch 01
industry, and a keen and lively interest on the part of one and
all to promote national prosperity, are the best safeguards against
the continuance of those disturbances between Capital and
Labour which have of late become of such hindrance to success
ful production. In the great contest which Britain has to wage
with other industrial nations, it is the interest of both masters
and men to be very careful, lest by raising the prices of British
produce and manufacture too high they should no longer be able
to carry the palm in the arena of international competition.
Your Committee regret the death of their much-esteemed
member, Mr. Samuel Brown, who took an active part in the
proceedings. Professor Fawcett, M.P., was unable to act.
But your Committee have pleasure in reporting that the Right
Hon. Lord O’Hagan, Mr. Thomas Brassey, M.P., and Mr. A. J.
Mundella, M.P., were added to the Committee.
LEONE LEVI,
Secretary.
Augusty 1875.
�INDEX
Agricultural Industry, condi
tion for progress of, 19
Arbitration -versus Strikes, 94
British Workman, characteristics
of, 7
— productive power of, 8
Butter, consumption of, in 1844 and
1875, 11
Bacon, consumption of, in 1844 and
1875, 11
Building Societies, object of, 120
— permanent and terminating, 120
Competition, foreign effects of
machinery on, 32
Capital, production in England of,
33
— causes which arrested the growth
of, 34
, .
— difficulty of accumulating, 35
— obstacles to the diffusion of, 35
— what is ? 36
— amount employed of, 41
— what determines the investment
of, 41
— proportions of, distributed in
production, 42
— stoppage of, accumulation of, 43
— consumption of, 44
•— exportation of, 44
— abuse of, 46
— relation of, to labour, 49
— distribution of, between masters
and men, 51
— and labour, partnership of, 51
Capitalists, how regarded, 68
Combinations, Old Laws on, 67
Co-operative Societies, for produc
tion and distribution, 123
Co-operative Societies, advantages
of, 124
Day's work, what is it? 5
Division of labour, advantages of, 23
— disadvantages of, 24
Drunkenness, means of surmount
ing, 105
Drink, amount expended in, 109
Education, necessary for produc
tion, 12
— technical, advantages of, 13
England as a field of labour, 15
Employers’ calculation of wages, 52
— duties towards employed, 54
— profits, 60
— risks of, 61
— power to amass wealth, 62
Earnings, of workmen, sources of, 99
— collective, what, 100
Expenditure of workmen, distribu
tion of, 103
— economy in, 104
Earnings of workmen, total amount
of, 108
Expenditure of workmen, total
amount of, 108
French workman, characteristics
of, 6
Food and drink, consumption of, in
England, n
— expenditure of workmen in, 104
Firing and lighting, expenditure cf
workmen in, 104
Friendly Societies, objects of, 118
— amount invested in, 119
German
of, 6
workman,
characteristics
�150
INDEX.
Health necessary for production, 8
Houses, healthiness of, 9
— high rents of, 9
Home, advantages of, 10
Home industry, condition of, 18
Hand loom and power loom, 18
Italian workman, characteristics
of, 7
Insurance (life), benefits of, 121
— amount insured, 122
— Government, 122
Labour, pleasures of, 1
— necessity of, 2
— value of, 3
— productive and unproductive, 3
— manual and mental, 4
— condition for the efficient dis
charge of, 5
— dangers attending, 8
— duration of, 12
— skilled and unskilled, 12
— division of, 22
— need of capital to, 37
— reward of, 49
— relation of, to capital, 49
— supply and demand of regu
lating, 57
— difficulties of, in contending
wages with capital, 70
Lancashire, progress of, 19
Liverpool, increase of, 20
Labourers capitalists, 45
Morals an element in production, 14
Manufacture, divorcement of, from
agriculture, 19
Manchester, increase of, 20
Machinery, advantages of, 25
— character of, 26
■—■ effects of, 27
— relations of, to wages, 30, 61
— exports of, 31
Minimum wages, limits to, 85
Natural powers, utility of labour to,
37
r ,
Needlewomen, low wages of, 56
Overtime, action of Trade Unions
on, 73
Pauperism, rate of, in 1849 and
1875.- 11
Production on a large scale, advan
tages of, 22
— machinery of, 50
—• requirements for, 52
— cost of, 52
Population, increase of, effect of, on
wages, 57
Piecework, payment by, 78
Pay, what, 98
Poor Law, effects of, 100
— in Sweden, 101
— France, 101
— Belgium, 101
— Eberfeld, 101
Post Office Savings Banks, amount
in, 114
Swiss Workman, characteristic
of, 7
Steam-power, advantages of, 21
Strikes and lock-outs, chances of, 85
— what, 86
— causes of, 86
— supposed advantages of, 87
— means to avoid, 88
— how promoted by Trade Unions,
90
— circumstances attending, 91
— effects of, 85
— cost of, 92
— losses caused by, 93
— arbitration or conciliation, 'versus,
94
Saving, duty of all respecting, 112
— first steps in, 112
Savings Banks, history of, 113
— amount invested in, 115
— post office and trustees, 116
— amount per head in England and
Wales, 117
— Scotland, 117
— Ireland, 117
— France, 117
— Holland, 117
— Belgium, 117
— Austria, 117
— Germany, 117
— Switzerland, 117
Tea, consumption of, in 1844 and
1875, 11
Trade Unions, limits of usefulness
of, 68
— limits of rights of, 69
— constitutional defects of, 70
— membership of, 71
�INDEX.
Trades Unions, councils of, 71
— fees in. 72
— objects of, 72
— monopoly of, 72
— objection of, to overtime, 73
— operation of, on wages, 74
— effects of, on foreign competi
tion, 82
— effects of, on the character of
workmen, 83
— and benefit funds. 84
— rules of, respecting strikes, 88
Tobacco, expenditure of workmen
in, 104
Taxation, effects of, on workmen,
108
Workmen, united labour and pro
duction of, 5
— difference of skill among, 5
Wheat and wheat flour, consump
tion of, in 1844 and 1875, 11
Wealth, benefits of. 46
Wages, what are, 51
— relation of, to profits, 53
Workman, interest of employer in,
54 ,
Wages, lowering of, 54
— minimum rate of what, 55
— of artisans, 58
— what are the elements of, 58
— cost of, 58
Wage-fund, theory of, 60
Wages, effects of machinery on, 61
— uniformity of, 62, 71
— use of, 64
— effect of war on, 65
— attempt to regulate by law, 65
— effects of prohibition tariffs on,
65
— effects of Poor Law on, 65
— how affected by Trades Unions,
76
Working-classes, Budgets of, 96
Wages in money and in kind, 99
Workmen, taxes affecting, 107
Hazell, Watson, & Viney, Printers, London & Aylesbury.
��
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Work and pay; or, principles of industrial economy. Two courses of lectures delivered to working men in King's College, London. With report of the Committee of the British Association on Combinations of Labourers and Capitalists
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Levi, Leone [1821-1888]
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Place of publication: London
Collation: 151 p. ; 20 cm.
Notes: Part of the NSS pamphlet collection. Includes bibliographical references and index. Printed by Hazell, Watson & Visey, London and Aylesbury. Appendix A: Statement of the weekly expenditure of a family ...whose total wages averaged thirty shillings per week ... B: Budgets of the Working Classes. C: Report of the Committee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science and Combinations of Capital and Labour.
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1877
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Labour
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Trade Unions
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Industrial Organisation (Economic Theory)
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{PrWeTh ree-Halfpence.
REPORT
OF THE
International Trades Union Congress,
Held at PARIS from August 23rd to 28th, 1886.
By ADOLPHE SMITH, Interpreter at the Congress.
a Secretaries of Trade Societies will be supplied with copies at the rate of One Penny each.
INTRODUCTION.
A few words concerning the general
i;ondition of the working classes in France
s indispensable to the true understanding
>f the forthcoming report. English worknen, before venturing on any comparison
>etween themselves and their French
irethren, must first realise the immense
lifference in the political and economical
:ondition of the two countries. Econonically, England was the first to benefit
>V the application of steam for the manuacture of goods and for the purposes of
ransit. We soon almost monopolized
he carrying trade of the world ; and
rlfcvhen in “ the forties ” it seemed that our
prosperity was on the wane, the discovery
f)f rich gold fields in California and Aus
tralia gave our commerce a new lease of
oKife. ’ It is only of recent years that con
tinental countries are commencing to
overtake us in the start we had oblilained.
Politically, our revolution preceded that
tof France by a hundred and forty years ;
find whatever may have been the special
jippression from which our Trades Unions
iftuffered at the commencement of this ceniKury, the freedom of speech and coalition
rftvhich English workmen have enjoyed,
;ior more than a generation, is unparalleled
In the Continent. But, apart from this
inestimable boon, English organizations
have not been continually shattered by
foreign invasions, nor is the English arti
san torn from his trade and his so
ciety by the necessity of serving in
the ranks of the army. In France, on
the contrary, with but very rare excep
tions, every able-bodied man must serve
his time in the regular army and the re
serve. Under such circumstances, organi
zation is particularly difficult.
Nor
have the French working classes had any
opportunity of contracting those orderly
and business-like habits which arise from
unrestricted exercise of free speech and
free association. The law, March 14th,
1873, against any form of International
association is still in force; and it was
only in 1876 that a small French Congress
of workmen was tolerated. In 1878 Mr.
George Shipton and some fellow English
Trades’ Unionists went over to Paris to
hold a congress with French workmen.
The meeting-room was occupied by police,
the English were sent away, and the
French workmen seized and thrown into
prison. Little by little, however, more
tolerance has been shown ; English dele
gates were allowed to address French
meetings in 1882 ; and, in 1883, a Confer
ence of English, Spanish, Italian, and
�2
French representatives was held in Paris.
The presence of the English Trades
Unionists, and notably of a member of
the English Parliament, Mr. H. Broad
hurst, rendered it rather difficult for the
French police to interfere; and thus a
precedent was established, so that this
year it was possible to open the doors of
the congress to all nations without in
curring any very great danger.
If these circumstances are taken into
account, together with the peculiar cha
racteristics of the French people, who,
under the influence of a generous idea
will enthusiastically make the greatest
sacrifices, but who are not so capable as the
Northern races of steady and dreary con
tinuous effort, it will be easily understood
why French Trades Unions are weak in
funds and in discipline. It is, therefore,
easier to rouse them to action for the rea
lization of some vast political scheme,
than to obtain their steady adherence to
the petty details of every day business.
Thus the French Trades Unions, so far
as their existence was allowed by the
police, soon came to the conclusion that
it was necessary to form a Workman’s
Party, which should defend solely the
cause of labour, and would alike eschew
all connection with Conservatives, Libe
rals or Radicals.
The example of the
United States of America, where every
plank of the Radical platform has been
carried, sufficed to show that where the
cause of labour, as against capital, is at
stake, all middle class political parties are
equally to be considered as adversaries.
Acting on this principle, the Work
man’s Party, composed in the main of
Trades Unions, or Charr.bres Syndicales
Ouvrieres, as they are called in France,
descended into the political arena, and
commenced by contesting municipal elec
tions. In 1881 they obtained in Paris in
all 11,873 votes. A division now arose in
the ranks, and a small body, following the
lead of M. Guesde, severed their connec
tion from the parent society, whom they
called in derision the Possibilists.
It
naturally followed that the Guesdists were
in their turn called the Impossibilists.
In 1884 the Possibilists had so far in
creased' their power that they obtained
33,604 votes, while the Guesdists secured
only 867 votes. The Blanquists, another
faction, polled 3,214 votes. Since then
the latter two bodies have run their can- 4
didates in conjunction with the Radicals, f
so that it is no longer possible to estimate
their respective strength. Roughly Speaking, the Possibilists command some’®
40,000 votes m Paris, and therefore hold k.
the balance of power between the two g
middle class parties, the Radicals and the
Opportunists. The Possibilists have se- E
cured the return of M. Chabert and M. ’
Joffrin to the Municipal Council; and, by k
their assistance, obtained many enact- m
ments greatly to the advantage of alllH
working classes.
These may briefly be summarized as fc
follows : In all work done for the town, ap
tariff has been established which serves &
as a model to private firms, and main- $
tains a higher rate of wages. In many in- id
stances contracts for work have been given
over direct to the Trades Unions without ^
the intervention of any contractor or)l$
middle man, so that whatever the com-ife
munity paid went direct to those whoifei
actually did the work.
Educational facilities, elementary and b
technical, have also much increased, andik
with regard to the metropolitan railway
which is going to be built for Paris, M. SI
Joffrin obtained the enforcement of nineite
hours as the day’s work, after havindt
failed to secure eight hours as the limit. K
He further introduced a stipulation to thehi
effect that no railway servant should bapr
discharged from his employment without!
being first judged and convicted by alb
jury of hisshopmates or equals. Unforlfe
tunately it would take too long to enume-i®
rate all that the Workman’s Party hadfe
done by its influence on local legislature! te
both in Paris and in the provinces. Safe
great is this influence that the Paris Muni-ju
cipality was prevailed upon to send ^4000.
to the miners on strike at Decazeville, andfe>
many provincial municipalities voteci •
funds to enable workmen to attend at th®®;
International Workman’s Exhibition andL
Congress of Paris. Indeed, the exhibitiorw
itself is a palpable manifestation of the pracfc
tical results accruing from the organize A?
action of the French workers. The sub-fti
ventions given by the Paris Municipality
for this purpose amounted in all to /’6,ooofet
Alluding to the visit which the English
Trades Union delegates paid to this exit;
hibition, the London Times, of August^
24th, states :—
I
�They were considerably impressed by the highly
artistic merits of some of the exhibits, notably the
i painting on porcelain, some cabinet-makers’ work,
and the bronze chasing. Fears were expressed
that those workmen who had made new inventions
1 were not sufficiently protected, and that their ideas
fl would probably be stolen. Others argued that the
3 ordinary articles of commerce were not sufficiently
i exhibited ; but to this it was replied that, if the
j difficult and rare work would be done, there was
i no doubt but that the commoner products could
* with still greater facility be shown. This does not
| follow. . The French workmen evidently intend
i the exhibition to demonstrate that organised trade
I corporations, with the support of a democratic
3 State or municipality, can supply the wants of the
j community without the intervention of the ordinary
a contractor, employer or middleman. For this
ipurpose.it would have been better to place before
i the public objects of every day usefulness, and prove
I that where the workman was better paid the pur
chaser would be better and more cheaply served by
presorting to the municipal emporium instead of
^patronising private shops and individual enterprise
3
The first was held in 1876 at Paris, in
1878 at Lyons, and afterwards at
Marseilles, Havre, St. Etienne, Rennes,
Paris. As the central link of union for
all this organisation, a National Commit
tee is elected every year.
It meets at
No. 58, Rue Greneta, where it also issues
the official organ of the party, the
Proletariat. This newspaper is the collec
tive property of the party and is in no
wise a financial speculation.
It is the
only absolutely independent workman’s
organ in Paris, but there are similar
publications in the provinces.
The Workman’s Party consists, in the
first instance, of the vast majority of
Trades Unions ; then of workmen’s clubs
or societies generally called Cercles
d Etudes Sociales.
These latter are
purely political societies meeting at regu
| The force of this criticism is dulv
lar intervals to discuss politics bearing on
(appreciated by the French workmen, and
the rights of labour.
The members
|the same fault will not, we are promised,
belong to all trades and all conditions of
ibe found in 1889. The great fact remains
life, but the immense majority are work
ithat the municipality opened the public
men ; and, one and all, strive for the com
apurse to the federation of 74 Trades
plete emancipation of labour which, they
lUnions.
These societies organised the
maintain, can only be brought about when
^exhibition, the community providing the
the worker is himself the owner of the
ijraw material and the capital; the workmeans of production and exchange.
qmen did the rest, but they excluded all
The Exhibition, however, and the
who having societies in their trade did
International Congress, (so as to secure
i|iot
belong to them.
Co-operative
the Municipal Subvention which, of
Societies who obtained assistance by pay
course, would not have been given to a
ing wages were also rejected as traitors to
political party) was organised solely by
the cause. By the employment of wage
the Trade Union element of the party,
labour such societies converted them
federated especially for the purpose of the
selves into mere joint stock companies ;
Exhibition and the Congress. Seventyihnd the so-called co-operators became
four Parisian Trades Unions joined
ijlividend-hunting shareholders. There are
together for this double object, the Exhibi
twenty co-operative societies in Paris but
tion and the Congress, and it was their
ljinly two out of them were deemed worthy
special Executive Committee that sent
do participate in the exhibition, the rest
out the invitation for the Congress, Had
shaving been proved guilty of exploiting
the matter been managed by the National
labour by paying wages.
Committee of the whole party, as it was
i In conclusion, it still remains for me to
done in 1883, men of far greater experi
ixplain the exact constitution of the
ence and ability would have assisted in
Workman’s Party. Its official title is La
the work, and the result would doubtless
federation des Travailleurs Socialists de
have been more satisfactory.
But then
rance. The federation is brought about, the moral approbation or patronage of the
rst by annual congresses held in each of
Paris Municipal Council would not have
ie six districts into which France and
been secured and the delegates would
Algeria have been divided for this pur
have incurred a far greater danger of
pose. These districts are called Regions
encountering the police who might
>|nd each has its Regional Commitee.
have invoked against them the law for
Thus Parisian affairs are managed by the
bidding the International. In 1889 it is
committee of the Central Region. Then
anticipated France will acquire greater
flvery year there is a National Congress.
liberties.
The same precautions will
�4
not be necessary, and therefore the Con
gress voted that the Workman’s Party
should organise the International Congress
for that year, and we may therefore anti
cipate a much larger and more success
ful gathering.
These explanations though incomplete,
for volumes could be written on the organ
isation and development of the French
proletariat, will, I trust, facilitate the
understanding of the events that are daily
occurring in France. It will be easier to
appreciate the men and ideas with which
the English delegates came in contact
and the organisation with which future
relations may be established.
Adolphe Smith.
lunched in company with several foreign, pro
vincial, and Parisian delegates, and were
offered liqueurs specially concocted by the Distillators Trade Union. One was called the
Scottish Liqueur and the other La Sociale;
but both were like Chartreuse, though the
latter was decidedly the best.
At six o’clock several members of the Na
tional Committee waited at the Hotel d’Es
pagne to return the visit they had received
from the English delegates the previous day.
Mr. Harford gracefully complimented the
visitors, and M. Chabert, Municipal Council
lor, elected by the Workman’s Party, replied.
Some conversation took place, as to the func
tions of the Conseil de Prud’hommes, of
which M. Soens, one of the visitors, is a mem
ber elect, with imperative mandate from the
Workman’s Party.
FIRST DAY, Monday, August
On Sunday morning, August the 22nd, all
the English delegates were united together at
the Hotel d’Espagne, Cite Bergere, where
special arrangement had been made for them.
Some had arrived on the Friday, others on
Saturday, and the last delegate on Sunday
morning. It was then determined to render
an official visit to the National Committee of
the French Workman’s Party, who were then
sitting at No. 58, rue Greneta. The English
delegation was timed to arrive just when the
Committee would have completed its usual
business. The exchange of compliments and
salutations was very cordial, the English dele
gates being anxious to recall the good recep
tion they had received in 1883 at the Confer
ence organized by the Committee.
In the afternoon the Trades Unions of Paris
were holding a delegate meeting in a large
lecture room of the Arts et Metiers School and
Museum, and here also the English delegates
proceeded in a body. The Times corres
pondent thus described the visit;—After two hours’ debate, and precisely at the appointed
time, a large folding door was thrown open, and a loud voice
announced the approach of the English delegates. The
Frenchmen at once rose to their feet and gave a hearty
English hurrah. Mr. John Burnett responded. He re
marked that it had been said the Conference of 1883 did
little good. It seemed to him, however, that seed had then
been sown which was now germinating. The splendid meet
ing of to-day was a living testimony of improved organiza
tion and increased strength. Nations, like individuals, felt
that alone they were powerless. The emancipation of the
working classes could only be the result of international and
united effort. These remarks were greeted with a vigorous
clapping of hands.”
Some discussion ensued as to the mode of
business for the Congress, and the time of
meeting, after which the English delegation
withdrew, not without first expressing great
satisfaction at the hearty reception they had
received, particularly as it proved increased
powers of organization among the French
Trades Unionists.
On Monday morning the English delegates
visited the Workmen’s Exhibition, where they
23RD.
At 8 p.m. the delegates began to assemble '
m the Salle de la Redoute, 35 rue Jean Jacques :
Rousseau, a hall capable of holding about a ;
thousand people, and which for a long time j!
has been the head-quarters of the Paris Free- ;
masons of the Scottish rite. The hall was lit I
with gas manufactured on the spot by one of j
the French delegates, according to a new process, and decorated with red flags, busts of f
the Republic, Phrygian liberty caps and a few .
foreign flags, notably the Union Jack. ThefS
French flag was, however, carefully andjh
rigorously excluded. It would have implied a p
certain amount of Jingo and patriotic feeling Is
against which the working classes are always Si
ready to protest. A tricolour flag might have p
caused many expressions of dissatisfaction,]^
but all would cheer the international banner R.
of the proletariat, the Red Flag.
It was not much before nine o’clock wheq]p
the “ bureau ” was constituted. This mean! m
the election of Mr. John Burnett as honorargp
President, M. Chabert, municipal councillor!E
as effective President, two “ accessors,” or twqwi
assistants, and two secretaries.
M. Herbinet read out the roll call, consisting”
of 76 Parisian, 27 provincial, and 15 foreigqr:
trades societies or federations who had senfe
delegates, each delegate answering as th®’1
name of his society was called out.
M. Dumay proposed that the various com|‘"
missions should meet in the day, and Mf&
Andrieux read the minutes of yesterday’j1™'
preparatory meeting as likely to be of interest^
to the Congress.
U
M. Herbinet, as Secretary for Foreign Re Itl
lations, read a letter from Herr Leo, thl tea
Secretary for Abroad, of the German Social JKk
Democratic party, stating that the Anti Mi
Socialist law did not render it possible to seni
a delegate direct from Germany, but tha
Herr Grimpe would speak on their behal
Another letter from the Federation of th '
�Trades of Zurich, demanded that every effort
should be made to encourage the Swiss Govern
ment in pushing forward its negotiation with
with foreign powers for the conclusion of in
ternational treaties on labour questions. This
letter professing to speak in the name of 12,000
Swiss workmen, further called upon the Con
gress to take measures likely to check over-pro
duction, and suggested the necessity of Inter
national Labour Statistics. M. Herbinet
also read two approbatory letters one from
Lyons and the other from Doue.
It was then my pleasant duty to give a sum
mary in French of the various letters I had
received from different English trades unions:—
the Ironfounders’ Society, the Scottish Typo
graphical Association, the Hyde and District
Weavers’ Association, the Northern AmalgaImated Association of Weavers, the Operative
^Stonemasons’ Society, the Leeds Trades’
(Council, the Leicester Trades’ Council, the
(Durham Miners' Association, the Amalga
mated Society of Tailors, the Barrow-in- Fur
ness Trades’ Council, the Amalgamated
1 Society of Railway Servants for Scotland, the
•Society of Operative Plasterers, the Asso
ciated Shipwrights’ Society, the Glasgow
^United Trades’ Council, and the Operative
(Bricklayers’ Society, all expressing sympathy,
iwith the object of the Congress. Some re
gretted that the depression in trade prevented
■ their sending delegates, all expressed hopes
(for success.
I Some societies, notably the Hull Trades’
^Council and the Aberdeen Trades’ Council,
(sent special resolutions giving at considerable
(length expression to their cordial feelings, and
|Mr. Harland, of the National Society of Lithoigraphic Artists, etc., wrote an admirable letter
fin French precognising the international
^federation of kindred trades. The London
bailors’ and Machinists’ Society sent a reso
lution concluding with their assurance to
•!“ their comrades of all nations of their
^sympathy with the international efforts
((which are being made to abolish the
^system of wage-slavery, and pledge them
selves to do all in their power to assist
i|to place in the hands of the workers the
scomplete control of the means of production,
^without which it is impossible to bring about
qthe true emancipation of labour.” This and
^another resolution, written in the same sense,
land signed by fifteen members belonging to
imine different London branches of the Amal
gamated Engineers’ Society, elicited loud
[^applause from the Congress.
, I then concluded by describing the repre
sentative character of the seven English dele
gates present, namely:—
; Mr. James Mawdsley, for the Trades’
^Union Congress Parliamentary Committee.
Mr. John Burnett, for the Amalgamated
1 Engineers.
Mr. C. J. Drummond and Mr. Wm. Jones
for the London Trades’ Council.
Mr. Edward Harford, for the Amalgamated
Society of Railway Servants.
Mr. J. Galbraith, for the London Society
of Compositors.
Mr. Edward Trow for the Steel and Iron
Workers.
These explanations terminated, the Congress
were invited to discuss Question IV., so as to
give more time to the Commissions to prepare
their reports on the previous questions, and
M. Ed. Anseele was invited to describe the
“ economic and political situation of the
working classes ” in Belgium.
M. Anseele said he could photograph the
position of his country in a sentence : If he
were not a Socialist he would be ashamed to
be a Belgian. (Applause.) Even Russian
women and the wives of barbarians were
better protected than the women and children
of Belgium. Our political position is nil.
Though there are 5,000,000 inhabitants in
Belgium there are only 80,000 electors, and
these we must reduce to 30,000 independent
electors, for the remaining 50,000 are under
the thumb of their employers and dare not
vote according to their convictions and in
terests. The miners who, a few miles over
the French frontier, earn 3s. 3d. a day, only
make is. 6d. a day in Belgium. He had known
men work 500 yards below the surface of the
earth for gd. a day. The Government had
instituted an official inquiry and the facts re
vealed would constitute a terrible indictment
of the governing classes. Evidence had been
adduced to prove that some girls were at times
obliged to descend in the coal mines at four
in the morning and came up at eleven at
night; and, for this toil of nineteen hours,
only received eighteen pence! Then when
they were not at work in the mines, they too
often served as servants and worse. The
quarry men earned from is. 6d. to 2s. 6d. per
day in the Walloon districts, but in Flanders
matters were even more sombre. Flanders was
the Ireland of Belgium, the labourers did not
receive more than ten or eleven pence per
day; the weavers, 5s. to 6s. a week. (Loud
cries of “Shame.”) “I do not exaggerate, I
swear that what I say is true : we workmen
find no pleasure in rending our hearts by
exaggerating the misery of the people.” (Loud
applause.) At Ghent, thanks to a perpetual
struggle, to indescribable efforts, we have
raised the average wages of men from
12s. iod. to 14s. 6d. per week, but to attain
this much we have had in the course of three
years strikes that have cost us £2,800. And
what strikes ! The last one was among flax
spinners. One of their fellow workers had
been discharged because she was unable to
return to the factory six days after her con
finement! Yet the workman’s Socialist paper,
the Vooruit (“ Forward ”), had been sentenced
�6
because it called this employer a scoundrel!
The truck system was also practised to a
scandalous extent. Some manufacturers paid
their men with flour, coffee, or rather chicory,
and even bought back at a reduction the flour
given as wages. He had known of workmen
being obliged to pawn the goods received
under the truck system so as to get a little
ready cash. He had heard with pleasure the
details given concerning the strength of the
English Trades Unions.
If the English
workmen had only received a Socialist educa
tion like the workmen of Belgium and of
France they would be better able than their
brothers of the Continent to bring about the
era of social justice and equality. We have
on the Continent larger hearts but our
stomachs are smaller and our pockets in
nowise so deep. He spoke as the representa
tive of the General Council of the Belgian
Workman’s Party, which consisted of 170
different trade societies, possessing, in all,
about 126,000 members. In Belgium, they
illustrated the practicability of international
ism ; for though of totally different races, the
French Belgians and the Flemish Belgians
worked harmoniously together. Let us then
be without apprehension; and, as the monarchs
of Europe formed at the end of last century a
Holy Alliance to crush Republican France, so
let us to-day form a Red Alliance against our
common foe—capitalism !
After the cheers had subsided,
Mr. Mawdsley was called upon to describe
the state of affairs in England:—
Mr. Mawdsley remarked that it was not
without hesitation he addressed the meeting.
This was the first time he had been outside
his own country and he had never before
spoken to a foreign delegation. Foreign in
fluences were known and felt in London, but
they had not reached his part of England. Mr.
Mawdsley then reviewed, in detail,the condition
ot trade. Taking first the textile industries, he
was obliged at once to confess they were not
in a good condition. Wages had fallen, and
there was a great number of unemployed. The
cotton weavers, it is true, were as well off as
ever, but flax mills were being closed every
day, and it was undeniable that the flax trade
was rapidly going to other countries, and
would soon altogether cease to exist in Eng
land. The English weavers and spinners were
better paid than on the Continent, but there
was a marked downward tendency in the rate
of wages. All the building trades were in a
bad position and wages had fallen consider
ably. Ironfoundries were in difficulties, and
one-third of the iron shipbuilders were with
out work. Steam-engine makers were also
slack, excepting those manufacturers who
exported to France, Germany, and Austria.
With a few rare exceptions, the depression
effecting the great leading trades was felt in a
thousand-and-one other occupations. Seeing
that there was a much larger number of un
employed, the question naturally presented
itself as to whether there was any chance of
improvement. He considered there was no
chance of improvement so long as the present
state of society continued to exist. So long as
workmen do not look more closely to their
interests, there will be no improvement. But
what remedy could there be ? He had already
said that he was a stranger in their midst. He
did not understand their Socialism, he had
not studied it as perhaps he ought to have
done. The workmen of England were not so
advanced as the workmen of the Continent.
Nevertheless, they, at least, possessed one clear
conception, they realised that the actual pro
ducers did not obtain their share of the wealth
they created. He also thought there was too
much production and too much competition,
and believed this might be remedied by pro
ducing less. Then, when the output was
lowered, the workman might get a greater
proportion of the wealth. The English were
not so advanced, they could not believe that
by a stroke of the pen it was possible to alter
all this ; but yet he thought the workmen did
not get their fair share. It would be difficult
for all to agree as to the best ways and means
to adopt, but they might come to a common
understanding as to the point to be attained.
The means and method was a secondary con
sideration ; let us first all agree that profits
should go to labour. (Cheers.)
M. Brod, the Austrian delegate, explained
that Austria was much in the same condition
as Belgium ; with this great difference, that, in
Belgium, the workman had at least the right
to complain while, in Austria, any such inditcment as that just uttered by comrade Anseele
would ensure the speakers immediate incar
ceration. He hoped, at a later date, to lay
some figures concerning the rate of wages in
Austria before the Congress.
M. Grimpe, the German delegate, stated
that he had not expected the fourth question
would be brought forward the first night. It
was extremely dangerous to speak about Ger
many, as any imprudent utterance on his part
would ensure the imprisonment of friends in
Germany. As he could not speak well in
French, and as it was so necessary to weigh
his words, he would write out his statement
and read it on the morrow.
M. Dalle, in the name of the French
Workman’s Party, wished to congratulate his
comrade Anseele for the very efficient service
he had rendered the cause of labour in help
ing to unite the various societies in Belgium,
and thus constitute a strong and well
organised Belgian Workman’s Party.
The Congress then adjourned.
SECOND DAY, August 24TH.
The sitting commenced at 8 p.m., and Herr
Grimpe, German delegate, was selected
�Honorary President. M. Bertand, Acting
President.
The roll call showed the presence of 85
French and 15 foreign societies.
The minutes were read and confirmed.
Letters of adherence were read from Mou
lin, St. Estienne and Marseilles. Dr. Csesar
de Paepe, from Belgium, M. Rackow, from the
German Communist Club of London, and
M. Palmgren, from Sweden, were introduced
as new delegates to the Congress.
The discussion on Question IV. was re
sumed, and M. Palmgren related that the
working class organizations of Sweden were
still m their infancy. Four years ago Palm
introduced into Sweden the Social Demo
cratic doctrines of the German school. He
also started a newspaper, which, after many
failures, is mow firmly established, and has
5,000 to 6,000 subscribers. The antagonism
of religious sects was the first and greatest
| obstacle that had to be overcome. ’'Formerly
j the Swedish workmen only attended to purely
I trade questions, now they understood that
| politics were inseparable from the considera| tion of their material position. They were,
1 therefore, agitating in favour of universal
| suffrage. At first they were met with only
| ridicule, then people began to discuss, and
j now they had 5,000 Social Democrats in Swej den, and 500 at Stockholm. Many Socialists
| were driven by the absolutism that prevails in
| Denmark to take refuge in Sweden, and this
ihad strengthened the movement. Of Norway
Ithe same might be said. The Norwegian
people were Republican in their sympathies,
sand their Democratic tone encouraged the
a growth of Socialism. They were, therefore,
e able to maintain two newspapers. In Sweden
|starvation wages prevailed, excepting in two
I or three towns. They found most of their re|cruits among the agricultural population, as
I these were the most miserable. Many among
jthem were Christian Socialists. On all sides
• the Social Democrats were establishing work
omen’s clubs, and the Trade Union movement
■awas intimately allied with the Socialist projpaganda.
M. Herbinet, having called the attention
Oof the meeting to the fact that the Socialist
tiand revolutionary paper, the Cri du Peuple,
Shad boycotted the Congress,
J M. Grimpe rose to speak on behalf of Ger®many. His first desire was to express his
^gratification at having to speak in that France
Iwhich the middle-class press described as the
larch enemy. Though against his habits he
^accepted the honorary Presidency, as em
blematic of the union of the working classes
t^of both countries. The German authorities
fwould certainly not give subventions to Ger|man workmen to enable them to participate
(Jin a French workmen’s exhibition or congress.
HHe congratulated the French on being able to
ijthus influence their muncicipalities. In Ger
many all public monies were devoted to mili
tary affairs. Mr. Mawdsley in his speech had
said he had not studied Socialism. This
seemed strange, for there were plenty of
Socialists in England who would be only too
pleased to afford him every information. He
sincerely regretted that these English Socialists
were not represented at the Congress. He
hoped that all workmen would come to an un
der standing with the English Socialists, and
regretted that the Trades Unionism of England
had been hostile to English Socialism. The
speaker then went on to attack Dr. Buchner,
who, at the inauguration of the statue to
Diderot, said French revolutionary ideas had
no hold on the other side of the Rhine. No
one knew better than Dr. Buchner that this
was false, for he was himself present at Frank
fort at the formation, in 1863, of the Socialist
German party. But it was in the Spring of
1848, and on the barricades of Berlin that, for
the first time, the party of the European
Proletariat made its appearance. The bour
geoisie were so alarmed that they were ready
to give up the Liberal institutions they had
won with the aid of the workmen’s blood.
Ten years later, they once more sought
the alliance of the working classes and
in 1863, Ferdinand Lassalle appeared and
proclaimed the war of classes, organised
the Universal Association of German Work
men, and demanded that the State should
assist workmen’s productive societies, destined
to replace the capitalist and individualist
system. In 1866 Bismarck gave universal
suffrage, and the very next year Bebel and
Leibknecht were elected by the workmen to
the German Reichstag. In 1868 the first
Socialist congress was held, at which inter
national Trades Unions were created, and
the programme of the Social-Democrats laid
down and accepted. This programme still
holds good, it has not been altered in any of
its essential principles. Briefly the SocialDemocrats maintain that work is the only source
of production, that the fruits of work must
therefore go to the worker and none must re
ceive who do not work. Therefore the mono
poly, by a class, of the means of production
must be abolished, and land, machinery, the
means of transport and exchange, must
become the property of the community.
When, in 1871, the Commune was estab
lished, Bebel in the German Parliament,
declared that this episode in the history of
labour, was but a skirmish at the advanced
posts indicating the coming war ’The Trades
Unions in Germany now took the title of In
ternational Trades Unions, and their organi
sations improved so rapidly that they were
able at the general elections, held in 1877, to
bring 560,000 men to the poll to contest 175
seats and secured the election of twelve SocialDemocrats. They then possessed 42 politi
cal newspapers and 17 purely trade or technical
�8
papers. The 42 papers were edited by 11
university men, 10 compositors (type setters),
4 clerks, 2 masons, 2 bootmakers, 1 professor,
1 saddle maker, a designer, a tailor, 2 cigar
makers, &c. The constitution then granted
the liberty of association and there was
greater freedom in Germany than there actually
exists to-day in France. But in the spring of
1878, Hcedel’s attempt on the life of the
Emperor supplied a pretext to demand
laws of exemption. These were refused at
first and only granted after the second at
tempt made by Nobiling. The anti-Socialist
law of 1878 once passed, the Trades
Unions and the political societies were
were attacked, their cash boxes seized, and
every effort made to destroy their organisa
tion. Nevertheless, in 1881, they secured the
return of thirteen Social Democrats as depu
ties to the Parliament. Bismarck thought that
by suppressing freedom on the one hand, and
giving no payment to Members of Parliament,
he would exclude us. But we subscribe money
and pay our representatives ourselves, so that
they are well under our control. The fortytwo papers being suppressed, the party relies
on the Sozial Demokrat published in Switzer
land, and smuggled into Germany. Bismarck’s
next effort was to attempt reforms of a Socialist
character; but, at a Congress held by our
party at Copenhagen, in 1883, we acted against
this manoeuvre, and denounced the intentions
and capacity of the Government. One of our
representatives, Rittinhousen, would not ac
cept the resolutions of this Congress; and,
therefore, at the next elections, he only re
ceived 500 votes, while the orthodox Social
Democrat set up against him, obtained 6,500
votes, and was returned to the Parliament.
This will show how well we are organised, how
thorough is our discipline. Vet we cannot
acknowledge such organisation. Nothing is to
be seen of our organisation, we are officially
not organised, and yet it seems as if we were
organised. Each State in Germany has its
little Parliament, and here also we have exer
cised our influence and secured the return of
our Chaberts and ourjoffrins. He regretted
that errors concerning German affairs had
crept in to the Proletariat. He had been
deputed to give that paper information con
cerning, the movement in his country. But the
articles he had sent were returned with the
notification that ;there was no room. The
Germans had always done their duty in inter
national matters. At the recent Decazeville
strike they had collected money; and, in spite
of the state of siege prevailing, the workmen
of Leipsic subscribed 200 marks for their
French colleagues. The money collected in
Germany had been sent to V Agglomeration
,
*
Parisienne."
Since the anti-Socialist law had
* This announcement helped to create an unfavourable
impression. The Agglomeration is another name given to
the Guesdists, If the Germans wished to send their money
to the miners of Decazeville through the Parisian Socialists,
been in force, that is during the course of 7I
years, 948 prints have been suppressed, and
246 societies broken up, in 137 small and large
towns.
Nevertheless, a number of trade
societies still survived, notably that of the
compositors. There was a law also that
allowed the creation of benefit funds, and the
German workmen were able to group them
selves under the cover of this mantle. Thus
the Cabinetmaker’s Society in Germany had
branches in 680 localities, and last year they
numbered 71,500 members. In 1885 they had
/’ll, 122 reserve funds, and paid, in benefits,
£60,321. There were many other similar
societies, and Herr Grimpe was about to give
further financial details, when he checked
himself, as the Congress was showing mani
fest signs of impatience. He had spoken with
a strong German accent, and though his
speech contained so much information, yet
the method of delivery was wearisome, at
least, to the quick impatience of a French
audience. He therefore now hastened for
ward the conclusion of his speech by urging
that over-production was chronic, that it in
no wise benefited the workmen, and that
the economic position was the same through
out Europe and America. He cordially
approved the conduct of the English Trades
Unions in strictly enforcing the payment of
subscriptions, and maintained that in Germany
they had done the same and as successfully.
Their organisation existed not only in Germany
but wherever German workman lived, in
London, in Paris, in Philadelphia, Switzerland,
&c. They were only separated from the
English Trades Unionists by the Socialist
idea. We are as well organised as they are,
but the English have enjoyed too much
political freedom, too much material prosperity,
and are therefore unable to understand the
necessity of the doctrines we advocate. Their
interpreter stated that a man was not con
sidered a member of a Union till he had paid his
subscription, and that those who did not pay
were false to the cause. But what shall we say
of men who betray the cause, of such men as
Mr. Broadhurst who voted in favour of coercion
in Ireland and accepted 35,000 francs a year
to be a member of a capitalist Cabinet. In
1883, this self-same Mr. Broadhurst came to
Paris as delegate to the International Con
ference held at the Cafe Hollandais. In
France, at least, the workmen had got rid of
their Tolains and their Nadauds and he hoped
the English workmen would have the sense to
do the same. Such a scandal would not be
tolerated in Germany.
An immense outburst of conversation folwhy did they select the petty faction of the 800 defeated Impossibilists, instead of the 33,000 Possibilists. Both parties
hold the same fundamental principles as the German Social
Democrats ; this the vote of the Congress proves. But for
the personalities of the German “ official circle,” the money
would have been sent to the “ French Workman’s Party", if
it was meant to go through the hands of Socialists, or else
why not direct to Decazeville ?
�I lowed this speech, the audience was thoroughly
I impatient at its great length, and the PresiE dent, seeing the advanced hour, implored me
not to attempt its translation. The English
delegates, on the other hand, naturally insisted on hearing what had been said, while
Dr. Brousse, on the ground of a motion of
order, came to the platform and, stated he
I had listened to the details about German
t; affairs with great interest: but had hoped
■ that, at an International Congress, all al
ii lusions to factious polemics would be rigourI ously excluded. Herr Grimpe had spoken of
I the Proletariat, Dr. Brousse wished to reply
g on this head, and was understood to say that
I the articles rejected contained personalities,
I' but the Congress, in the midst of much conII fusion, voted that this was out of order.
It was then my turn to enter a protest.
I The English delegates had been attacked in
|| the person of one of the most prominent
j Trades Unionists, they insisted on hearing
r what had been said. There were many in1! accuracies in Herr Grimpe’s speech. In3 spired by the Sozial Demokrat of Zurich, this
n was not surprising; for, putting Trades Unionii ism aside, and speaking only of Social De
ll mocracy, the personal antipathies of the Sozial
b Demo; rat were so great, that, in describing the
[| English Socialist movement, this paper had
| printed many scandalous libels. The English
g delegates present insisted on a translation.
Dr. Brousse shouted : Let us take a sponge
is and wipe out all these personal attacks: they
it have nothing whatsoever to do with the busii| ness of the Congress.
[ Herr Grimpe: I have made no attack, I
I have only criticised ; I did not desire to offend
«the English delegates.
|
The Congress decided that the latter part
3 of the speech should be translated at once,
and when this was done, the English dele
gates demanded that the Congress should
a| meet in the afternoon so that there should be
full time to discuss this and all other questions,
gj Several French delegates protested that this
was not practical, for so many had to go to
U their work.
? Herr Grimpe again stood up and declared
If that he did not wish to give offence but only
sought to draw the attention of the English
b trades unions to the conduct of Mr. Broad
fl burst.
j This added fuel to the fire, but:—
Mr. Jones rose and urged that we ought
>4not to attach too much importance to this
ujincident as there were hundreds of English
TTrades Unionists who thought that, as a
id Government Minister, Mr. Broadhurst could
)fjnot consistently represent Trades Unions, and
^personally he shared in this opinion.
In the midst of much confusion, Mr. Burnett
iscross-questioned Herr Grimpe as to the rate
hjof wages in various parts of Germany, and
i|finally it was decided that the English dele
:
r
I
I
i
9
gation should meet in the morning, hear the
full translation of the German speech, and be
the first to speak next evening in reply.
M. Brod, the Austrian delegate, now gave
further details concerning the condition of his
country.
Repressive police measures had
destroyed many Trades Unions, nor were
they able to centralise their organisations,
with the exception, allbeit, of the compositors’
society. The laws of hygiene were scarcely
observed, and Councils of Prud’hommes ex
isted only in a few industries. It was difficult
to conceive the state of degradation of the
Austrian workmen. It was necessary to go
out in the rural districts and live among them,
when it would be found that five out of ten
could not even sign their names, and that
women worked fourteen hours for sevenpence
a day. Wages had not increased since 1873.
Compositors, upholsterers, piano makers, and
gilders earned from 14s. to 16s. a week. Ma
sons, turners, saddle makers, boot makers,
and tailors from 12s. to 14s. a week. There
was only one Socialist paper in Austria, all
the others had been suppressed. In Bohemia
the position of the workmen was especially
deplorable, as they worked for sixpence to
sevenpence-halfpenny per day. Fortunately
a law had been passed limiting the day’s work
to eleven hours. In conclusion, and though
ahxious to avoid any personalities, he must
state that he agreed, in principle, with the
remarks made by Herr Grimpe. Opportunism
was a bad policy, and in so far as this policy
had been supported by the Trade Unions of
England their action should be condemned.
While anxious to say nothing against the
person of Mr. Broadhurst, the acceptance of
a position in the Ministry was wrong in prin
ciple. Workmen must learn to understand
that they must not compete against each other,
and was not the Government of England up
holding the competitive system ?
M. Brebant now read the collective report
of the Paris Workmen’s Syndical Chambers,
or Trades Unions. These numbered in all
144, of whom 85 were represented at the Con
gress, and 17 had sent in special reports.
These testified to 114,000 members, but la
mented that the proportion of Unionists to
non-Unionists was very small. There were
38,000 foreign workmen in Paris belonging
principally to boot, cabinet, and carriage
making trades. Several trades were federated.
Both piece work and time work prevailed.
Depression and reduction of wages were the
rule. Bronze workers receive now 50 per
cent, less than they did twenty years ago, and
this was brought about principally by sweaters
who profited by the depression to obtain work
at starvation rates- Cabinet makers made
beds now for 80 francs when formerly the
same work was paid no francs. A certain
other popular model had fallen from 45 francs
to 30 francs. Many trades had very long dull
�seasons, notably the locksmiths and carriage
makers, who were generally five months with
out employment. Machinery had reduced the
pay of the engineers. The report concluded
in favour of proposals similar to those em
bodied in the resolutions to be laid before the
Congress.
The sitting terminated at midnight.
THIRD DAY, Wednesday, August 25.
The sitting was commenced at 8.30 p.m.
M. Ed. Anseele, the Belgian delegate, was
elected honorary President, and M. Victor
Dalle the acting President. Letters respect
ing several new adhesions were read and Mr.
John Norton, delegate for South Australia
and New South Wales, was introduced. The
minutes were read and Dr. C. de Paepe pro
tested that Herr Grimpe had misrepresented
Dr. Buchner’s speech at the inauguration of
the Diderot statue. The learned German
scientist had declared that “ The ideas of
fraternity were unfortunately not popular on
the other side of the Rhine,” but he had never
attempted to deny the existence of Socialism
in Germany. In spite of this objection, Herr
Grimpe maintained that Buchner denied the
popularity of the principles of 1789 in Ger
many, and as President of the Socialist Con
gress, held at Frankfort in 1863, he ought to
have known better. After a. few more obser
vations on the minutes, they were adopted.
The President, in re-opening the discus
sion on Question IV, urged that the speakers
should keep to the subject and not criticise
the leaders and the tactics followed by the
Socialists in various countries.
;Herr Grimpe objected to this and said that,
on the contrary, we were gathered together to
advise and enlighten each other and that we
should denounce what we conceived to be
wrong anywhere and everywhere.
The Acting President energetically denied
this and remarked it was only Herr Grimpe’s
personal opinion. We had not met to criticise
the tactics followed by different labour parties
of various countries. Each knew best what
suited his own nationality. Our object was to
find a common ground of agreement. If we had
to debate over the conduct and personality of
leaders in all countries, the discussion would
last more than six months. This declaration
was loudly cheered and
Mr. John Burnett rose to reply to Herr
Grimpe’s speech. He said this was the first
thorough international congress convoked to
bring about concord in the efforts made for the
amelioration of the conditions of labour. He
was therefore especially sorry to find that on
so auspicious an occasion a delegate had
taken upon himself to throw in to their midst
the apple, of discord.
How often had the
clock which marked the progress of the
world been put back by similar manoeuvres.
Herr Grimpe had been called upon to describe
the economic and political condition of the
workmen of Germany. Evidently the question
implied that each delegate should speak about
his own country, about things with which he
was personally acquainted, otherwise the
German speaker might as well have described
the condition of labour in Central Africa. Com
plaints had been made that the English were
not well versed in the advanced theories advo
cated on the Continent. But he might with
equal justice complain that the workmen of
the Continent did not know and appreciate
the exact state of affairs in England. Herr
Gvimpe complained that the English had been
spoiled by too much liberty and too much
prosperity. This was a paradox that came
with bad grace from the delegate of a nation
whose labourers are worse off than those of
any other country. People living in glass
houses should not throw stones. He did not
wish to be hard upon the Germans, but Herr
Grimpe had said that the Trade Unions had
tried to put down Socialism. This was a
gratuitous assumption, and he defied Herr
Grimpe to bring forward a single fact in proof
of his assertion. In England Socialism was an
open question. The English Socialists were
wise in their generation. They always made a
point of joining the Trades Unions; they did
not seek to oppose, but tried to convert the
unionists. The English Socialists felt it was
better policy to reconcile and win over such
powerful institutions. If it were not for his
desire to avoid personalities, he would point out
that Mr. Grimpe was out of order in criticising
English Trade Unions, and should have
reserved his observations for the discussion on
Question III.:—“ Workmen’s coalitions, trade
societies, national and international.” But
the fact that, whether in or out of season, he
had seized the very first opportunity to attack
the English, showed he was inspired by
a deliberate intention to prevent a practical
conclusion being arrived at. Mr.Burnett did
not, however, desire to raise the question of
Trade Unionism as against Socialism. He
preferred to dwell upon the marked improve
ment of the organisations in France. He saw
gathered around him some two hundred dele
gates coming not only from Paris, the great
centre of thought, but from all the principal
towns of the French provinces. As compared
with the Conference of 1883, the present Con
gress proved that the French were successfully
striving to imitate what had been done
with so much success in England. Eng
lish Trade Unionists, while aiming at ac
quiring all the fruits of labour, sought to
bring this about by availing themselves of all
the moral and legal means within their power.
A small question, ifit tended in the right direc
tion, was never too small to merit their
attention. Thus in a slow but certain manner
they had obtained more than those who sought
�11
: lto do all in a moment.
Why then should
false and fierce statements be made against
them ? He had hoped, on the contrary, to
‘hear discussed some common ground of agree
ment. The attack against English Trades
Unions came very inappropriately from the
representative of a nation which more than any
other country helped to keep down the rate of
wages. (Loud cheers.) Ask the tailors, and
bakers, and cabinet makers in England why
they earned so little, and they will at once
answer that they suffer from the competition
of German Emigrants. Doubtless it is the
same in France. (Cries of “Yes! ” from the
French delegates.) Thus the English Trades
Unions are accused of being hostile to the
cause of labour by the representatives of a
country that most largely contributed to reduce
wages ! We were told that the hours of
labour ranged in Germany from 9 to 18 a
day, and that the wages vary from 7|d. to
7s. 2d. a day. The former figure is deplorable.
(The Germans here interrupted to notify that
7^-d. a day was paid only to women.) The
Belgian delegate almost drew tears from our
eyes by the appalling picture he gave of his own
country. But if we are to pity these unfortu
nate people why should we not rejoice at the
greater prosperity of England. If too much
freedom and prosperity constituted an un
wholesome meal he would not object to dine
on it every day, and leave to Herr Grimpe the
privilege of maintaining himself on 7|d.
Undoubtedly Socialism had made more pro
gress in England during the last 20 years
than it had ever done before, We had laws
of a somewhat socialistic character, and our
women and children were protected. The
German delegate will perhaps say this is bad
for us, and that when we have roast beef we
ought to push it aside, and eat only potatoes,
so as to prove that we are good Socialists.
The English might be dull in their powers of
comprehension, but they believed that high
wages was a step on the right road. By high
wages the general result Socialists desired
would be more readily realised. Ultimately
the workman will receive the wealth he pro
duces without the capitalist stepping in
I between the producer and consumer. He
g regretted being put on his defence ; it seemed
i so self-evident that Trades Unions have conI stantly striven to protect the worker against
I his employer. The weakness and the ill-grace
| of the charge was so patent that it seemed as
I if it must have been made 011 purpose and for
I some unworthy object. The practical reI suits achieved by the Trades Unions proved
I the charge to be false, and he challenged the
I Socialists to show they had done anything,
j Mr. Grimpe had stated that in Germany a few
I years ago the workmen had been granted the
J right of combination but had again been
I deprived of it by the government on account
| of socialistic agitation. The German Social
ists had therefore made things worse instead
of better. Before concluding he would say
a word about Mr. Broadhurst.
Trade
Unions had won
us
at
least
this
advantage, that we could talk about
Mr. Broadhurst or any other Englishman
without exposing him to the danger of being
thrown into prison. From his childhood up
wards Mr. Broadhurst had helped to improve
the condition of his trade and of all other
workers. The Unionists have not lost faith in
him, and he had just been re-elected by his
own trade to represent them at Hull. He
considered his appointment as Under Secre
tary at the Home Office a proof that the
Government recognised the workmen had the
right not only to vote but also to govern.
Nevertheless they would readily disown him if
he were false to Trade Unionism; but he had
found that his position in the Ministry had
enabled Mr. Broadhurst to render still greater
services to the Trade Unions. Mr. Broad
hurst had gone out of his way during his
tenure of office to assist the Unionists. They
would not therefore thrust aside a tried friend
at the mere bidding of a German delegate.
When the applause which greeted Mr.
Burnett’s speech subsided, M. Pican, moved
that the Congress, having granted the Eng
lish delegates the right of reply and heard
what they had to say, passes to the “ order of
the day.” This was carried.
Herr Rackow, who spoke in English,
stated that he represented a society of Ger
man workmen established in London. They
sent fraternal salutations, and had been highly
gratified at having received the first visit paid
by the 21 French delegates when they reached
England to report on the exhibitions of this year.
As a German, he had no ill feeling towards
the English ; but he had not come to the Con
gress to flattter them, and he must confess
that it seemed to him as if Mr. Burnett had
sought, in his speech, to mystify his audience!
The great difference between the workmen of
the two countries was that the German was
first of all a Socialist and afterwards became a
Trade Unionist; while the Englishman began
by being a Unionist and sometimes subsequent
ly developed into a Socialist. Certainly the
Socialist movement had made giant strides of
late years in England, still the English Union
ists were in the main very much behind the age.
Complaints had been made of the German
competition in England. He had lived eight
years in London. There were many English
institutions he greatly admired, but in some
cases German institutions were preferable.
Herr Rackow then went on to protest against
the harsh language used in the English press
towards the Germans, and pointed out that,
whenever a foreigner did anything amiss, no
enquiries were made as to his nationality, but
the blame was laid at the door of the Germans
After reading copious extracts from English
�12
newspapers to this effect, he proceeded to
discuss the accusation that Germans in Eng
land helped to reduce the rate of wages. It
[ had been computed that there were 150,000
Germans in London, but, of this number, only
about 40,000 were workmen. What effect
would this have on a population of 4,000,000 ?
The migration of English agricultural
labourers to the large towns was a far more
important factor in the reduction of wages.
Also it should be born in mind that the Ger
mans who were organized did not compete
but worked at the Trade Union rate; indeed
they sometimes obtained even higher wages
than the English. It was the unorganized
labour that reduced wages ; but, for one Ger
man, there were thousands of unorganized
Englishmen. Nor was it easy for a foreigner,
when he first reached a strange country, to
obtain the highest rate of wages. If the cost
of living is taken into account, the workmen
were not paid much less in Germany than in
England. Some women, it is true, received
only 7^d. a day, but it was notorious that
many women worked in London for 6d. a day,
and the match box makers did not even earn
as much. The average wage for men in Eng
land was £1 a week. The Trade Unionists
might get more, but they were only the aris
tocracy of labour.
The delegates at the
annual Congress only represented some
600,000 Trade Unionists and therefore could not
speak of the whole body of English working
men. Complaints had been made of the com
petition of a handful of unorganized Ger
mans in London, but had not the whole work
ing class of Europe suffered from the compe
tition of English industry; was it not the
English goods, flooding the markets of the
whole world, that kept the wages down to the
starvation level ? The Germans had been
attacked so he felt it his duty to defend them,
but, at the same time, he was not opposed to
Trades’ Unions if they led to Socialism, but
mere strike and benefit funds were only blunt
instruments in the struggle between Labour
and Capital.
For five-and-a-half years
he had worked in London as a cigar
maker.
He had belonged to the union
and obtained full wages; but there were
I
Poles in the same shops who did not do
so, and the Germans were blamed for
the delinquencies of the Poles. In no country,
however, were Trade Unions sufficiently
powerful to solve the problem involved by the
rival interests of capital and labour. The
unions of the capitalists would always be the
strongest.
By this time, the. audience had become very
restive. Without understanding exactly what
Herr Rackow said, it was supposed that he
I
was re-opening personalities against the EngI
hsh Trades Unionists, and therefore many
1
interruptions arose. Herr Rackow, on his
side, not understanding the interruptions
P
made by the French delegates, persisted with
his speech with much tenacity and calmness.
The English delegates had also interrupted
on several occasions, and Mr. Drummond
challenged Herr Rackow to produce his man
date. The mandate was then read out, and,
as it emanated from the German Communist
Club, which had received so hospitably the
French delegates in London, it was greeted
with applause.
M. Anseele rose to conciliate matters. We
have heard during two days a discussion be
tween two different worlds of workmen. It is
the upshot of a misunderstanding, for Herr
Grimpe did not wish to attack Trade Union
ism, he only sought to propagate Socialism.
The English ought not to say that the Ger
mans tend to reduce the salaries. He was
profoundly grieved when he heard the Con
gress applaud this assertion.
Surely we
should show otherwise our respect for the in
numerable German Socialists who have
endured imprisonment and every form of per
secution in their efforts to raise the rate of
wages. (Cheers.) The Germans only fear
that English Trade Unionism, unless it is
combined with Socialism, will end in bank
ruptcy.
Herr Rackow, now resumed the thread
of his discourse.
He thought English
Trade Unionists relied too much on
mere trade action.
He had read a
statement that out of 362 recent strikes
353 had failed. (Cries of No! no! and Where ?)
The statement was published by the Builder.
(Jeers from the English Delegates). The de
pression of trade had compelled the German
Societies to increase their subscriptions, the
Bookbinders to the extent of 25 per cent,, the
Lithographers to 80 per cent. The German
Compositors Union had shown a deficit of
£3,000 in one year. But the same melancholy
story could be told by the English Trade
Unions. To relieve the distress, Bismarck
had instituted “working men’s colonies”
where honest artizans were treated like
prisoners and made to compete by their work
against those who had not applied for relief.
In the matter of wages, Germany should be
divided into three parts. The highest rate
was paid in the North, the lowest in the South.
In the North the pay was, if anything, better
than in England; in the Central districts
about the same ; in the South decidedly worse.
Herr Grimpe had said the hours of labour
varied from 9 to 18. Mr. Burnett professed
to be shocked at such long hours, and stated
that in only two trades of Germany was the
time reduced to nine hours. Herr Rackow
denied this. He thought the hours of labour
were much the same in Germany and Eng
land. In London they varied from 8 to 16
hours. In his trade, the Cigar Makers only
worked eight and a half hours.
It was
notorious that the Tramway Servants, the
�I Omnibus Drivers, the Postmen of London
e worked 15 to 16 hours with but one and a half
I hour® for their meals. The difference between
II England and Germany, if anything, was not
I sufficiently marked to warrant so much boast1 ing. If the German Trade Unionists bad
not done more than the English Trade
Unionists to raise the rate of wages, they had,
at least, this advantage ; that, as Socialists,
they were approaching a complete and scien
tific solution of the entire difficulty.
1
M. Bailly now read the Report of the
French Provincial delegates. These delegates
represented 54 Provincial Trades Unions.
With the exception of four societies, they all
1 concluded by urging that the depression in
1 the provinces was as great as in Paris, and
a supplied a long array of statistics in support.
H They maintained that the struggle is restricted
1 to the antagonism between “money capital”
4 and “labour capital.” As a stepping stone
4 the hours of labour must be reduced. The
(^necessity of a class war cannot be denied, the
producers must strive, by political action, to
J become the masters of the government adq ministrations, and then bring about the
fl nationalization of “money capital ” and the
0! means of production.
fFOURTH DAY, Thursday, August26.
I ' Th© Congress adjourned at midnight.
I M. Brod, the Austrian delegate, was elected
ft honorary President, M. C. Allemane, the act
ing President. The roll call showed that the
q representatives of 17 foreign and 88 French
^societies were present. The minutes were
rfread and confirmed.
! M. Herbinet, secretary, gave some explan
tations concerning the Cri du Ptuple. This
q’paper now declared that it did not boycott the
^Congress but had not been invited. M. Herb
*
:iiuet showed that the Cri du Peuple, on the
^contrary, was the only paper which had
ijreceived a special notification about the Con
gress.
; Mr. John Norton, delegate of the Trades
uaud Labour Councils of New South Walesand
><|South Australia, gave an account of the
^political and economical condition of the
^workmen he represented. Speaking in forciIflble, somewhat incorrect, but humorous French,
ahe soon found favour with the Congress and
Whis speech was frequently interrupted with
slaughter and applause.
In the name of
□poo.ooo Australian Trades Unionists, he
^brought cordial greetings to the Congress. It
Jwas his duty to expose the miserable condition
fof the colonial workmen and to warn intending
immigrants that Australia was no longer an
jfearthly Paradise. Indeed, the workmen’s
qbosition was even worse than in Europe. At
ifirst, when Australia was a penal colony, the
■and fell into the hands of a few hundred
13
individuals belonging to the worst classes.
They founded what is now considered as the
colonial aristocracy, and were even more
oppressive than the Irish landowners. They
not only held the land but refused to cultivate
it. They are content to breed sheep so that
the best lands remain unfilled. This suits
the interests of the merchants as the population is compelled to depend for its subsistence
on importations. For want of home, that is
colonial, produce, the people remain poorq
and yet the merchants who govern the coun
try, by providing the legislating class, are
ever voting large sums to facilitate emigration
and thus further contribute to keep down the
rate of wages. There is hardly any agricul
ture in Australia and there is very little indus
try. Absentee landlordism drains the country
and merchants, though buying at the lowest
price in Europe, can sell at exorbitant rates in
Australia, for there are no native industries to
compete with these importations. Thus the
people are at the mercy of the landlords and
the merchants. In Victoria only, the youngest
and the most democratic colony, there are
some prosperous manufactories.
On all
points, the Australian Trade Unionists agree
with the English Democrats; indeed, they
would go even further and would sympathise
with the French and the Belgians, with the
one exception of the free trade policy advo
cated in Europe. By protection only could they
break the tyranny of the combined forces of
the landlords and merchants. Though thou
sands starved in the streets, slept in the parks
of Sydney, still the poor were imported from
all parts of Europe. At last the unemployed
of Sydney had been compelled to threaten the
Parliament Houses, and the government,
seriously alarmed, started relief works. He
had seen skilled artizans work as navvies for
15s. a week, when in London they would earn
£1 ios. or £2. Then when their hands, unac
customed to such rough work, began to swell,
they were discharged on the pretext that they
were idle. On one occasion the government
had been driven to give out 800 blankets and
some bread with crumbs of cheese. This
sudden generosity was, however, accompanied
with a warning. The government would not
do this again, for they wanted the blankets
for the felons in jail. Honest men had con
sequently been led to commit some slight
offence to secure food and shelter in prison.
In spite of all this, emigration still continued.
State-aided emigration was a vile form of
exploitation. It was a means of passing over
the exploited of England to be still further
exploited in Australia. But the exploited of
Europe must remain in Europe so as to
revenge themselves on the spot for the wrongs
they have endured. (Loud cheers.) To make
matters worse, there was the Chinese difficulty.
Now a law had been passed against the im
portation of the Chinese, but they were smug
�i4
gled into the colony notwithstanding; and,
the other day, the. Workmen’s Council dis
covered a ship load of 200 Chinamen: with
false naturalization papers. The Chinese
learnt every trade; they were notably excel
lent cabinet makers, they were quite content
to work 16 hours a day whereas the Australians
had got an Eight Hours Bill. The Chinaman
lived on nothing; and, if at the end of ten
years’ toil, he could save £20 he went back to
China content. Europeans had been obliged
to abandon completely several trades in con
sequence of Chinese competition. This ques
tion must be solved by legislation otherwise
violent measures would be taken in Australia
as in America. It may be objected that
Australian workmen should organize and send
representatives to parliament. But this was
difficult, as the population, numbering only
four-and-a-half millions, was so much scat
tered over immense tracts of land. The
country was still too young for elaborate
organization, yet his presence in Paris proved
that they were progressing in this respect. In
conclusion, he wished to assure his French
hosts that the workmen he represented had
no objection to the annexation by France of
the New Hebrides ; but they were strongly
opposed to the creation of a penal colony at
the doors of Australia.
Mr. Galbraith and Mr. Jones consented
to abandon their claim to be heard on condition
that no one else spoke on the subject. M.
Victor Dalle then read the report of the
French Societies on
THE FIRST QUESTION.
All the reports received from individual
societies tended towards increased State inter
vention, and all advocated the federation of
trades. In France there were a few laws pro
tecting the work of women and children.
They were not efficaciously applied, but they
were precious as establishing the precedent
that it was the duty of Parliaments to defend
the weak against the strong. Several govern
ments, notably the Swiss and Italian govern
ments, had spoken in this sense, and the
report went on to enumerate the societies
demanding increased State intervention, and
those that specially urged the adoption of an
Eight Hours Bill. Some protested against
night work, a few demanded the international
enforcement of a minimum rate of wages. The
Commission did not, however, think inter
national legislation on wages practical in con
sequence of the great difference in the value
of money, the power of work, and climatic
influences.
If the proposals to be laid
before the Congress were adopted, this
question of minimum wages would settle itself,
and the report concluded with the eight
clauses of the resolution voted during the
Sixth Day of the Congress.
M. Muller, the Hungarian delegate, having
expressed his general approbation,
Dr. Cesar de Paepe rose to support the
principles advocated by the report, not only
as a workman, but as a man of science. Man
dates had been challenged, he therefore felt
compelled to give some personal explanations.
By trade he was a compositor, and thus earned
his living for many years.
In his leisure
moments he studied and finally passed all the
necessary examinations to qualify himself as
a doctor of medicine. But he had never
quitted his class, and was still proud to consider
himself a workman. Together with comrade
Anseele, he represented not one Trades
Union, but more than a hundred Unions.
The Belgian Workman Party consists essenti
ally of Unions formed to obtain increase of
wages, and to resist reductions. But he spoke
to the Congress as a doctor, for the question
was esssentially a sanitary question. The
demands made in the resolution were in con
formity with the laws ot physiology. There
were international laws to protect a great multi
plicity of interests, why should there not be
similar enactments to protect labour. Thus,
taking clause VI, it would be found that
hygienists had established a great number of
international laws, notably quarantines to op
pose barriers against living or organic poisons,
microbes, germs, etc. But these were notthe
only poisons. The unnecessary use in various
industries of lead, mercury, and phosphorus
had killed quite as many people as the cholera.
Why should the law touch organic poisons
and not mineral poisons. It was as easy to
use non-poisonous zinc as the poisonous lead
employed for white paint, etc.; and we must
watch jealously over the hygiene of the work
shop, its ventilation, drainage, and warming.
Then we must study the conditions of labour.
If the hours were short the poisonous sub
stances used would not prove so fatal ; and,
as the women, the children, the weak were
especially susceptible, they should be rigourously kept away from unwholesome industries.
Itw’as also a medical necessity to have eight
hours sleep, eight hours relaxation, and eight
hours work. In helping to found the Inter
national, now forbidden in Germany, France,
and Spain, he had urged that capital was
international. Thus Paris, for all practical
purposes, was nearer to London than London
used to be to Brighton. What were countries
are now but provinces. August Comte had
spoken of Europe as the Western Republic ;
but the term will soon not be big enough.
We shall have the World’s Republic and then
will come the Chinese question which we
must settle, not by extermination, but by treat
ing the yellow man as a friend and a brother.
But how can this be done otherwise than bv
International Legi^ation ? We must even
now prepare the way for the legislation that
will save us from the invasion of cheap Chinese
labour. Concerning clause II, it was evident
the growth of education rendered it necessary
�that preliminary studies should be prolonged
fto at least the age of fourteen ; and, after this,
|the general education might be wisely comibmed with technical teaching. Machinery
was especially fatal to children. They were
hot able to concentrate their attention on the
imonotonous revolutions of a machine and
thus become the frequent victims of accidents.
If he also demanded that women should be
(kept away from certain trades, it is not
sbecause we think ourselves her master and
|her protector. We do this in the name of
^humanity at large and of the health of future
^generations. The stooping of women work
sing in mines, was the frequent cause of rickets
Find diseases of the pelvic region. When
(miscarriages occurred they were generally fatal
land rendered the employment of artifical
means of delivery indispensable. Therefore
(women must be kept away from these mortal
(employments for they destroyed not only the
(women but the children also. We should
further demand one day’s rest a week because,
Ahis was the natural limit. Diseases, notably
jtyphoid fever, assumed a different phase
(every seventh day. It was also the fourth part
bf the lunar month and to this period was
(attached important physiological phenomena
/affecting half humanity. Consequently, and
^though a Republican and a Freethinker, he
(was, in this case, in favour of the law of Moses
Sas opposed to the law of the French Republic
(which decreed a holiday every ten days. To
the eight clause of the resolution, he would
Sish to add a ninth, to the effect that prison
ibour should not compete with free labour,
because a man had sinned or had been sinned
gainst, and was thrown into prison, this, was
o reason for giving him a privileged place
1 the competition of the world’s markets. In
^Prussia it was proposed that prisoners should
Iwork only for foreign exportation, but interinational legislation should tend to check such
action. Another matter:—the establishment
of a minimum rate of wages was, for the time
being,one of the most difficult questions to solve.
We should try more practical problems first,
land in time this demand would ripen. Difference
In cost of life and in climates existed within a
fciation as well as in foreign countries. Thus
there was a greater difference in climate and
in cost of living between Marseilles and Paris
Khan between Berlin and Paris. Yet in other
International questions this was not taken into
Account. For instance, by the Postal Conven
tion, a Bohemian, earning 7|d. per day, would
liave to spend a third of his day’s wages to
Iwrite to a friend in the United States. The
f atter, earning two dollars a day, would only
Aave to spend one fortieth part of his
iday’s wages to answer the letter. The assim
ilation of the minimum rate of wages would
tend to equalize the cost of these international
measures. It was an ideal that might ultinately become practicable. The Belgians
had discussed this question at their annual
congress held last year at Ghent, and they
meant to convoke an international congress
to debate this very point over again, at which
all would be welcome, whether trades unionists,
co-operators, revolutionary groups, or Socialist
bodies. Referring once again to the general
question of international legislation on labour,
he urged that this was no new movement.
The whole question had been brought promi
nently forward:in 1853 by an Alsacian manufac
turer named Le Grand. He drew up a pro
ject of law which was subsequently published
in Switzerland by M. De Fre. In 1856, at an
international congress on Poor Relief, where
most of the governments of Europe sent
officials representatives, a project, almost
analogous to the eight clauses now before the
Congress, was introduced by M. Ann, the
official representative of Wurtemberg, and
adopted. Thus the Congress was invited to
endorse what, in the highest quarters, had
already been recognised as practical. The
Swiss government had recently taken the
initiative in demanding the enactment of
international legislation on labour, and, now
that the interested parties, the workmen
themselves, had taken the matter m hand, the
cause would prosper and soon labour would
enjoy, like other forms of property, effective
international protection.
After this speech had been translated into
English, and some provincial delegates made
a few brief remarks, the President read out a
resolution submitted by the English delegation
which was worded as follows:—“That the
International Trade Union Congress of Paris
deplores the action of certain governments in
suppressing working men’s associations as it
is precisely in such countries where no labour
organizations exist that acts of violence have
occurred.”
The Congress, as it was past midnight, now
adjourned.
.
FIFTH DAY, Friday, 27TH August.
Mr. John Norton, Australian delegate, was
elected honorary President, M. Lavaud,
organizing Secretary of the Workmen’s Exhi
bition, acting President. The roll call read
and the minutes confirmed, an uproar arose
at the hall door. A crowd had gathered in
the street and clamoured for admission under
the impression that it was a public meeting.
Several delegates were in favour of admitting,
the people as spectators to the gallery of the
hall, but it was necessary to explain that such
a proceeding was illegal. No public meeting
can be held in Paris without having first given
notice to the Prefecture of Police. This had
not been done in the present instance, and
the admittance of anyone not possessed of a
card of invitation, would have justified the
military occupation of the hall, the dissolution
�of the meeting, and the arrestation of its pro
moters. It was with some difficulty however
that the crowd outside could be persuaded to
return homewards, and a strong guard had to
be posted at the hall door to prevent the
entrance of any but delegates.
The President informed the Congress that
Comrade Anseele had received a dispatch
from Belgium bidding him to return at once
so as to undergo the six months imprisonment
to which he is condemned. He therefore
asked that special permission should be
granted so that Anseele- might address
the Congress previous to his departure.
*
M. Anseele was greeted with loud cheers
and said:—The principle of international
legislation is accepted and applied by the
middle and upper classes in the defence of
their interests. They have established postal
conventions, international railway signals, and
the same decimal coinage circulates through
four or five different nations.
The inter
national character of the bourgeoisie is patent
to all. A large number of French capitalists
possess Belgian coal mines, and Belgian
soldiers are sent to shoot down Belgian work
men, so as to defend the dividends of French
shareholders. This is the way the bourgeois
himself establishes an International, and
seeks to enforce its claims. Yet these self
same middle classes would forbid us creating
an International. The workmen, however,
are essentially international in their instincts,
and this is proved by the readiness with which
foreigners subscribed for the French miners
during the great strike at Decazeville. Inter
national legislation on labour would greatly
contribute to remedy the present universal
depression of trade. English manufacturers
have raised factories in France so as to profit
by the low wages paid to French workmen,
to compete against English workmen, and
when these manoeuvres do not suffice, they
go and invade some distant country, Tonquin
for instance, to open out new markets. But
this aggression calls down upon us the fierce
hatred of races. A little while ago the French
* It will be remembered that during the recent labour
riots in Belgium, Anseele wrote and published a letter beg
ging all parents who had sons in the army to write to them
an<T implore them not to fire upon their brothers and fathers
who were on strike. This letter appeared in the Vooruit, the
workman’s paper, edited by Anseele, and for this he was
condemned to six month’s imprisonment. The Vooruit sells
18 ooo copies daily at Ghent. It is retailed for two centimes,
or’five copies a penny. The publishing plant belongs to the
workmen, and has been bought with the profits made from
the Co-operative Bakery, established by them at their
central meeting place, also called the Vooruit (Forwards).
Here all the Trade Unions of Ghent have their meeting
place and offices, while the profits from the co-operative
institutions they have established are employed for propa
ganda purposes, and not to enrich the shareholders. Thus
they are able to send six lecturers into different parts of
Flanders every Sunday to organize the Workman Party
throughout the priest-ridden districts of this ignorant and
reactionary portion of Belgium. Co-operation,, it will be
noted, is only used as a means of organization, and of acquir
ing the strength to bring about Socialism, and not as a
solution in itself. The principal organizers are Ed. Anseele
and Van Beveren, address the Vooruit, Ghent, Belgium.
were taught to look upon the German army
as the enemy. Now we are told that the
German, by reason of his superior education
and the inferior pay he accepts, is the princi
pal enemy. But for the infamous law against
the International, an agreement would probab
ly have been concluded by this time between
French and German workmen, so that they
should no longer compete against each other.
A worse difficulty arises. A cancer is eating
the heart of the proletariat. Have we not
heard, even in this assembly, recriminations
between English and German workmen, be
tween Australians and Europeans ? If this
continues, if the struggle for existence con
tinues with its present increasing fierceness,
we shall have great commercial wars arising
from the fear of foreign competition. The
recriminations heard in this Congress are in
themselves a demonstration of the necessity
of international legislation on labour. If it
is true that the English earn more, and it is
undoubtedly true so far as Belgium is con
cerned, the Belgians become the Chinese
of Europe. The Belgian lives on as little,
and receives almost as low wages as the
Chinese.
Therefore the Belgian might
be treated by the English with the same
epmity as the English in Australia dis
played towards the Chinaman. The English
workman might with as much reason desire to
massacre the Belgians as the Australians who
meditate the extermination of the Chinese.
Therefore if the English will not unite with
us on the broad basis of disinterested Socialism
let them do so on the grounds of their own
individual selfishness; or else we, who live on
dry bread, who live as cheaply as the Chinese,
will beat down their wages. Let us then
legislate and that quickly and before circum
stances lead us to tear each other to pieces.
But Belgium is too small to influence the
legislatures of Europe; it is for England,
France, and Germany to act. If we could
have but one aim, one flag, one party we
should soon give the law to Europe and the
Universe. We have not come to this Con
gress merely to say how do you do and shake
hands ; but to try and get one or two clear
ideas. Now if we all leave this assembly with
the one conviction that international legisla
tion on labour is indispensable this will have
been the most useful educational congress
ever held. With respect to an international
minimum rate of wages, the facilities of com
munication by steam ships and railways
tend to render the price of raw material
uniform in all industrial centres. Labour,
therefore, will soon be the only thing remain
ing on which reductions in cost will be possible.
We must then insist on a minimum rate of
wages. In this we shall be giving our adhesion
to the noble fight of the English Trades
Unions. Like them we must demand a mini
mum and indeed the English wages though
�sometimes high are but the minimum of what
workmen ought to receive. To carry these
ideas forward we ought to exchange our news
papers more frequently, and communicate
with each other more regularly. Every true
Socialist should make it a matter of duty to
learn the three languages that govern the
world. Two years hence we must all know
how to speak French, English, and German.
I already know two of these languages and I
pledge myself before you all to soon master
the third. Then we ought to create an inter
national newspaper to which the best thinkers
of all nations should contribute carefully pre
pared articles. Thus we should assimilate
our ideas and unite in our mode of action. In
conclusion I adhere to the resolutions before
the Congress.
■ M. Anseele then quitted the hall amidst
( enthusiastic applause and surrounded by
every mark of sympathy and friendship.
Herr Grimpe, in answer to enquiry as to the
opinion in Germany on the question, contented
himself with handing to the President a copy
of the Project of Law relating to International
| Legislature on Labour introduced into the
I German Parliament by the members of the
I Social-Democratic party in 1884, and re-introI duced in 1885 ; Herr Grimpe was then going
| on to say that the English delegates were
| opposed to international legislation on labour
; and that they were consequently altogether
1 behind the times; but I interrupted the speaker
| and explained that as yet the English deleI gates had expressed no such opinion.
M. Dutertre, delegate from Brest,
approved the previous speakers. In his town,
men earned only 2s. a day and the present
I conditions of misery could not continue even
I though a revolution, perhaps a sanguinary
! revolution, be necessary to produce the
desired change.
M. Brod, the Austrian delegate, said that
in his country the workmen till quite recently
! toiled 16 hours a day just as the English work
men had done before 1848. When a restric
tive law was demanded the Austrian capitalists
brought forward precisely the same absurd
s arguments which had formerly been adduced
gin England. Nevertheless the government
j two years ago passed a law limiting the day's
| work to eleven hours and still the capitalists
I are not ruined. They have introduced new
| machinery and thus reduce the number of
ij men they need employ.
The objections
a raised in all countries to the reduction of
hours of labour were identical; but, if we
could obtain a universal Eight Hours Bill,
then the change, being similar in all countries,
the objection of foreign competition could not
I be raised. This would not, however, be a
final solution and could only be considered as
a good stepping stone towards the nationaliza
tion of the land and the means of production.
M. Brisse, of Nantes, thought there should
be two holidays in a week, urged the abolition
of custom duties and the imposition of a pro
gressive income tax in its stead.
The delegate from Lyons asked for the
addition of an extra clause to the resolution so
as to include the question of a minimum wage
and wanted to suppress the sweating system.
After a few more somewhat irrevalent
remarks, the discussion on the first question
was terminated, and the President called for
the report on
THE SECOND QUESTION.
Madame Vaise read, on behalf of the
School Teachers Union, the portion of the
report relating to general education. Integral
education meant the simultaneous develop
ment of all the human faculties. Diderot,
Condorcet, and other leaders in the Great
Convention had advocated this cause. She
denied the paramount influences of hereditary
tendencies. The child was a monkey which
the school would develope into a human
being. At first mere facts should be taught
mingled with games, gymnastics, dance and
music. Then the cause, the theory, might be
gradually explained.
Science should be
taught with history and physics. The true
reading of history was a science. The know
ledge of material facts of anatomy, should
go hand in hand with the study of mental and
moral evolutions. Then the knowledge thus
acquired should be applied to some suitable
industry. Technical and industrial teaching
must be based on scientific knowledge, and
thus men could easily learn new trades as
new machinery destroyed the old ones.
Madame Vaise was in favour of complete
education and opposed to apprenticeship.
All children would not be able to benefit by
integral education, but all should have an
equal chance. To supply the entire popula
tion with every possible educational facility
and this gratuitously would require a very
large outlay ; but then there was the Church
that could legitimately be disendowed. All
useless lands and private pleasure grounds
should be heavily taxed and the rich domains
now held by members of royal families who
had never bought them, might be nationalized.
This was no revolution, the methods suggested
were pacific and legal methods, but they
would revolutionize the intellect of the nation.
As for the feeding of the children by the State,
even our present individualistic governments
had yielded this point; and it was amusing to
note the Collectivism practised by our anti
Socialist rulers. At the Diderot school, for
instance, not only was the technical training
gratuitous, but half the children were fed by
the State, and they had also scholarships and
free journeys throughout France, provided
for them at the expense of the collectivity or
community at large.
M. Gondefer, from St. Estienne, urged that
�workmen who possessed exceptional know
ledge and education became small tyrants in
the workshop, and the specially skilled com
peted with the ordinary workman and reduced
his wages. He could not object to education,
in the abstract, but its management should be
well under the control of the workmen them
selves, or else the employers would use it as a
weapon against the producing classes.
M. Damay, engineer, and formerly Mayor at
the Creusot, read the second part of the
report. He acknowledged that in response to
public pressure, some improvements had been
accomplished in France. The secularization
of the schools was however far from complete.
Most of the school books spoke in a Deistic
sense. One authorized school book defined
the stars as little lamps hung up by the creator
of all things. What knowledge of the science
of astronomy could arise from such absurdities.
The moral taught was that the capital
possessed by the Rothschilds was legitimately
theirs. In the school book No. 2058, on the
Siege of Paris, the members of the Commune
were described as men drunk with blood and
petroleum, followed by bands preaching theft
and assassination. Do Longuet, Vaillant, and
other Members of the Commune, who, at the
present moment, are Members of the Paris
Municipal Council, preach any such doctrines ?
He should much like to find the person whose
palate relished the flavour of petroleum.
Poverty will be a serious barrier to integral
education, and it will be difficult to carry this
out before the creation of collective property.
The engineers, in their report, urge that for
every five hours spent in the workshop, there
should be three hours study. Other Trade
Unions objected that, in existing technical
schools, there was not a sufficient variety of
trades taught. Modern industry rendered it
more and more difficult for the apprentice to
learn in the workshop, as the machines can
not be left by those who should teach. The
better the education of the workman, the less
readily will he submit to the petty tyranny of
the master. This education will also lead him
to take political action. The present com
mercial depression rendered it all the more
urgent that the workmen should themselves
take the management of technical education
into their own hands, for such management,
on their part, would be a step towards the
socialization of productive industries. The
reporter further insisted on the need of an in
creased number of farm or agricultural schools.
He criticized at length the existing technical
schools, and showed that those that were
managed by the State were encumbered by
red tapeism, while those under the direct
control of the Municipality were cheaper and
more successful. To render access to these
institutions, gratuitous meals should be the
rule. The pupils would be much improved if
every week they were taken to visit a work
shop, and, before they definitely settled on a
trade, they should be taken on a journey all
round France, and be called upon to select a
career only after they had seen the great
natural and industrial sights of the country.
The reporter after some further remarks read
the conclusions which he proposed as resolu
tions for the Congress to vote. These will be
found in extenso as the vote taken on the
Second Question.
The Congress now adjourned.
SIXTH DAY, Saturday, August 28.
M. Palmgren, the delegate for Sweden was
elected to the honorary Presidency, and M.
Dutertre, the delegate from Brest, to the
effective Presidency.
When the roll call was completed, and the
minutes of the previous meeting confirmed,
the following dispatch from Sweden was read
amidst the applause of the Congress :—“ The First General Congress of the Workmen’s Associa
*
tion of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, meeting to-day at
Gothemberg, sends you its fraternal salutations and hopes to
see, at no distant date, united action and co-operation be
tween the Workmen’s Trade Societies of all countries.
Signed:
LAURENT & JENSEN, Presidents.”
According to the “ Order of the day,” the
report on the fifth question should have been
read, and the voting on all the questions
brought forward.
But several provincial
delegates protested that no one from the
provinces had spoken during the Congress,
and the President yielded to their complaints.
Thos. M. Briocelle, delegate from the de
partment of the Tarn, opened the debate. He
had come to Paris animated with some preju
dice against Parisian Socialists, but, on better
acquaintance, he found that they were sadly
maligned.
Their only fault was their excess
of generosity. They did not realize the full
difficulties of the situation, otherwise they
would be more careful and avoid thoseexcesses of language which in the Provinces,
at least, repelled thousands and kept them
away from the movement. He was in favour
of a national and then an international feder
ation of trade societies, but he still believed
that with republican institutions and universal
suffrage we could reach the desired end.
Force should only be used when all legal
measures were exhausted.
But our faults
were due to our nature rather than to our
institutions. We must try and reform the
people and the governments will reform them
selves. When every workman shall regularly
pay -his subscription to his society there will
be the material means to teach the people, to
moralize the people and the greater our
strength the more sure the order we
shall maintain and the progress we shall
achieve.
M. Salmon, from Douai, spoke against the
sweating system and urged the strict enforce
ment of the law of 1848, by which the system
�should have been abolished.
He also de-
| nounced piece work.
The President now called for the report
| on the Fifth Question : the proposed Interna
tional Workman’s Exhibition and Congress in
1889 :—
M. Prion read the report which concluded
as follows
J
i
S
’
t
I
I
9
1
The Commission of the Parisian Trades Unions demand
that the International Workman’s Exhibition for 1889 shall
be organised with a subvention from the State but that the
administration of the Exhibition shall be left entirely to the
Trades Unions who will settle the question by convoking a
general assembly of all the Unions. With respect to the
International Congress of 1889 the Commission, after studying the various reports received, and which all conclude in
favour of such a congress, demands that an international
congress shall be held in 1889 at which shall be invited all
the Socialist members of Parliament, or of Municipal
Councils, all the Trades Unions, all the Workmen’s Clubs or
*
" Clubs of Social Study,” in fact the entire Socialist party of
all nations.
*
la the course of a somewhat confused dis
cussion, it was suggested that the prices of the
s articles exhibited should be given and cheap
ordinary goods as well as rare articles shown.
| Further debate was, however, cut short, as it
«was necessary to vote on the First before
3| deciding the Fifth question. But there were
imany provincial speakers who still desired to
dmake themselves heard. Others had all man
ti nor of amendments to the conclusions of the
M various reports and the Acting President entire■jly lost control over the Congress. Some dis
putes arose between Parisian and Provincial
fidelegates, and the impartiality of M. Dutertre
c having been called into question it was
q finally resolved to elect another President
ttwhose neutrality could not be open to any
Hdoubt. Dr. Caesar de Paepe as a Belgian, yet
ij a perfect master of the French language, was
ftinvited to take the Chair; and, with admirable
ffirmness and tact, he not only brought the
^assembly to order, but he succeeded in
isilencmg weary speakers and pushing the busijiness forward with surprising promptitude.
M It was now proposed to take the conclusions
j|of the report on the First question as a subiistaative resolution. They run as follows:—
! The Congress decides that the workmen of the different
acountries represented will urge their respective governments
ojto open negotiations for the purpose of concluding internalitional conventions and treaties concerning the conditions of
■labour. The Congress urges that the following demands
should be first taken into discussion:
1. Interdiction of work by children under 14 years of age.
2. Special measures for the protection of children above
14 years and of women.
| 3. The duration of the day’s work to be fixed at eight
(Mhours, with one day’s rest per week.
_.j 4, Suppression of night work, excepting under
iircuHlstances to be specified,
S 5. Obligatory adoption of measures of hygiene in work
shops, mines, factories, etc.
6. Suppression of certain branches of industry and certain
■nodes of manufacturing injurious to the health of the
Jvorkers.
-J 7. Civil and penal responsibility of employers with respect
. So accidents.
3# 8. Inspection of workshops, manufactories, mines, etc.,
*>y inspectors elected by the workmen themselves.
* It will be noted that the possibility of a working class
Organisation being anything else but Socialist had not
l»awned on the framers of this report.
To these eight proposals two additional
clauses were added ; the first demanding that
the work done in prisons should not compete
disastrously with private enterprise and the
second, based on the suggestions made the
previous day by M. Anseele, that a minimum
rate of wages should be established which
would enable workmen to live decently and
rear their families. Both these additions were
adopted by the French and therefore made
the clauses nine and ten of the resolution.
Some of the delegates proposed an eleventh
clause demanding participation in profits for
workmen ; and this brought up M. Allemane
who energetically protested that participation
in profits was but a snare of the capitalists.
Workmen toiled hard enough at present with
out being made to work harder still. Their
death-rate would rise higher and higher and
the competition of workman against workman
already so keen, would become absolutely
intolerable, if they shared in profits.
After these few energetic words, participa
tion in profits was at once condemned and re
jected.
Another suggestion was made that, if the
day’s work was fixed at eight hours for men,
women, who had more domestic duties than
men, should work for six hours only. A gene
ral feeling, however, was manifested in favour
of equality of the sexes, and this suggestion
was not pressed to the vote w’hich now
began.
The French delegates, who were con
sulted first, voted unanimously in favour of the
ten clauses mentioned above. The President,
in the name of Belgium, gave in his warm ap
proval, and stated that the 126,000 members
of the Belgian Workman’s Party would
heartily endorse the vote of the Congress on
International Legislation. The President
then asked what was
THE ENGLISH VOTE.
By this time, Mr. Mawdsley, Mr. Galbraith
and Mr. Jones had left the hall so as to catch
the last train for London ; and Mr. Trow was
absent through ill-health. It was nevertheless
generally understood that the remaining de
legates would act in the name of their collea
gues.
Mr. Jones, however, did not assent to this
arrangement, but left a special message that
he thoroughly approved of the first eight
clauses of the resolution, and would have
voted in their favour had it been possible for
him to be present. He had, of course, no
knowledge of the two additional clauses which
were only introduced after his departure for
London. This announcement was received
with much cheering.
The following written declaration, prepared
by the remaining English delegates was then
read:—
“ That, while agreeing with the principle of International
Legislation as a means of obtaining uniform and improved
�20
conditions of labour in the various countries of the world,
and thus preventing the labour of one country from being
undersold by another, the English delegates have no man
date from their constituents to vote in favour of the whole of
the propositions submitted, and will, therefore, remain neu
tral, at the same time announcing that several of the condi
tions demanded by the resolution are already in force in
England as the result of Trade Union action.”
I
«•' i
This declaration fell like a douche of cold
water on the Congress ; a feeling of hopeless
ness was depicted on many countenances. Ac
cording to some French newspapers cries of
“ treachery ” or “ betrayal ” were raised ; but,
personally, I failed to hear any such express
ion, though, undoubtedly, the greatest disap
pointment prevailed.
The Chairman, Dr. C. de Paepe, rose,
and with much dignity, combined with a slight
tinge of sarcasm, said :
“We had expected something better than
that at the hands of the English Trades
Unions. They have failed to understand that
by voting with us they would have given great
moral strength to our moderate practical
demands. In two Congresses, in 1886 as in
1883, the English Trade Unionists have hung
back from resolutions, which, practically,
amounted to an effort made to strengthen the
hands of the Swiss Government in the initia
tion taken by that Power to obtain Inter
national Legislation on labour questions. I
cannot but still hope that there is some mis
understanding.
Surely the English must
acknowledge that it is indispensable to gene
ralize the measures which in their own country
have been of so much use to them. Their own
interests demand such International Legisla
tion if they do not wish to be the victims of a
disloyal competition. For their own selfish
ends, if not for the cause of humanity, they
ought to vote with us. How can it be that
the English, who were the first to adopt laws
protecting women and children, should be the
last to demand their general application ?
Women are majors, they have formed Trades
Unions of their own, yet men recognise the
necessity of a law for their protection, and
Trades Unionists generally approve the law
that secures a day’s rest on Sunday. They do
not reject Legislation on these subjects, why
should they not agree to extend to the Con
tinent principles which they have so nobly
struggled to enforce in England ? ”
Mr. John Burnett replied that the chief
reason why his friends and himself remained
neutral, was that they had no mandate. They
had come hastily to Paris; it was materially
impossible to have first consulted their consti
tuents. They could only promise to lay all the
resolutions before the Congress to be assembled
at Hull on the 6th September. The opinion of
this Congress will be of far greater value and
influence than that of the few individual dele
gates in Pans. Some of the clauses of the re
solution, he thought, would not be approved,
but with several they cordially agreed. They
thoroughly deprecated all laws that interfered
with workmen’s combinations, whether it be
the law against the “ International,” or any
other similarly oppressive measure. They be
lieved in limiting the age when children might
begin to work, and in England a law estab
lishing the age at thirteen gave very general
satisfaction. They had obtained reductions in
the hours of labour, and, when the proper mo
ment arrived, they would doubtless be ready
to go a step farther in this direction. But they
were not prepared to ask the legislature to enact
laws. He did not understand what was meant
in clause 4. If by night-work they meant double
shifts which divided the labour among the
greatest possible number of workers, he would
not approve of the clause, but he would be
willing to endorse it if it simply meant that we
were to resist overtime. As for sanitary mea
sures, there were some very good sanitary laws
in England : and he also agreed to measures
against unwholesome industries. Further,
employers were liable in England, both in
civil and penal law. Since 1880 English em
ployers had in all paid £34,000 damages to
injured workmen, and recently an employer
had been sent to prison for a year in conse
quence of a fatal accident. The inspection of
workshops by workmen was also a principle
fully in force in England, therefore the Eng
lish delegates were in thorough sympathy
with the International Congress on most
points ; but they had no mandate with regard
to the International enforcement of these
points. They would report the results to the
Hull Congress, and their future action would
be the more forcible for having first obtained
the approval of their constituents. Probably
all the proposals would not be adopted, for the
English, had done so much by self-help and
by their own organisations that they were not
prepared to hand all over to parliaments.
Dr. de Paepe, as chairman, was glad to note
that if the English did not vote for the resolu
tion, still they were not animated by any hos
tile intention.
M. Allemane wished the English Unionists
to pledge themselves that they would lay the
cause of international legislation before the
Hull Congress ; and Dr. de Paepe remarked
that trades unions would become more and
more necessary as legislation on labour ques
tions increased, so as to inspire such legislation,
to check it when needful, and to carry out
those State contracts and public works, which
must soon be given over direct to the organised
working classes, and not to individual con
tractors or speculators.
The President now called for the German
vote, and Herr Grimpe rose and stated that
as the resolutions before the Congress were
identical in principle with the Bill introduced
in the German Parliament by the Deputies of
the Social-Democratic Party, and as these
principles were the same as those advocated
by the 700,000 trades unionists and others who
�voted for these deputies, he adopted them with
out hesitation or reserve.
M. Palmgren, in the name of the Trades
eUnioBS of Sweden, that constituted the Social
ly Democratic Party of that country, indignantly
rejected the proposal for participation in pro
pts, and was against any difference being made
|.n legislation affecting women and men. He
kherefore approved the vote of the French
^Delegates, and accepted the ten clauses of the
(resolution.
M. Brod, for Austria, the Hungarian and
I all the other foreign Delegates present gave in
Itheir assent.
Mr. John Norton, the Australian delegate,
Swished to explain his vote, for he was in favour
xjof the six hours’ work for women ; and, if he
■'{voted for eight, it was only to secure a unani
mity on the part of the Congress.
His
^mandate gave him full latitude to vote, and if
|the English could not vote they should have
icome as visitors and not as delegates. He
swished to explain why he was in opposition to
lithe English. He would be ashamed of a man
tidate that did not allow him to vote. The Eng
lish delegates say they are largely in sympathy
■with the Congress, then why do they not vote ?
|I come from a greater distance, but still I
II maintain I have the right to vote. Women
fihad much household work, and he would have
dpreferred to limit their hours to six ; but this
3 Congress represented directly many hundreds
<fof thousands of workmen, and indirectly many
|millions. Its decisions could not do otherwise
iithan influence the governments concerned. It
I was therefore essential to secure a unanimous
■ vote. He would put aside his little difference
Iwith regard to the question of women’s work,
land would accept, in union with the delegates
| of all the other countries, the resolution before
I the Congress. His only regret was that the
1 English had not the courage of their opinions
| and thought fit to abstain. Legislation, in the
a sense of the resolutions before the Congress,
1 had been enacted in England and Australia,
2 and that mainly through the instrumentality
dof Trades Unionists. It seemed to him we
oj could not have too much of a good thing, and
4 he was astounded that those who professed to
^represent English Trades Unionists should
J hesitate to generalise what their constituents
a put in practice at home. He believed that the
*
v views of the Australian Trades Unionists were
nj more in accordance with the principles pro1 claimed by the Continental delegates than the
1! timorous neutrality of the English represen1 tatives. He was, therefore, loyally fulfilling
F his mandate in voting for the resolutions.
Mr. Burnett, on the termination of this disJ course, asked leave to make a short reply,
a This was out of order. During the voting of
J resolutions, explanation of a vote alone is
J allowed, and the English had declined to
vi vote. It was only by the vigorous enforceiii ment of these rules that the President had, un
like his predecessor, been able to keep the
meeting in hand and forward the business.
Many speakers had already been ruled out
of order and debarred from the privilege of
speaking. Nevertheless, Dr. de Paepe deter
mined to make an exception in Mr. Burnett’s
favour, and appealed to the Congress to forego
its rules and afford Mr. Burnett an opportu
nity of answering Mr. Norton. It was, how
ever, very late, and so much of the time of the
Congress had already been taken up in dis
cussing the policy or position of English Trades
Unions, that the meeting voted against the
President’s proposal. Not satisfied, however,
and as opinions seemed somewhat divided,
M. de Paepe insisted on taking a second vote,
and then there was undoubtedly a small
majority against hearing Mr. Burnett.
The President consequently declared the
incident to be closed, and the resolutions, with
respect to International Legislation on La
bour, to be unanimously carried ; some of the
English Delegates alone abstaining.
THE SECOND QUESTION.
The following conclusion of the Report on
Integral Education were brought forward as a
resolution:—■
“The International Workmen’s Congress, considering
that all children have a right to integral education, that this
education should have a unique programme on encyclopaedic
basis, developing itseli gradually according to the ages, and
specialising itself in the last period so as to form pupils fully
developed intellectually and morally, that the working
classes, in possessing in more than one profession the
fundamental elements of other occupations, will then be
guaranteed against the risks of industrial transformations,
changes in material, tools, or the forces of Nature which
tend day by day to replace human forces; considering that
this education, logically and inevitably, bears with it the
necessity of maintaining the children at the expense of the
collectivity, demands that pending the modification of the
programmes according to the exigencies of modern educa
tion, gratuitous, professional, or technical schools shall be
created in sufficient numbers to afford place for all children
leaving primary schools up to the age of sixteen. That pend
ing the recognition by law of the duty of the State to keep
all childien till they are able to earn their own livelihood,
scholarships of £8 to £20 shall be created for children accord
ing to age, whose parents’ income does not exceed £120 a
year. That the schools shall be placed under the surveill
ance of the Trades Unions and of the Educational Com
mittees. That the authorities select among the suggestions
thrown out in the preceding report the means for raising the
necessary funds.’’
By the time this resolution was put to the
vote, the English delegates had all quitted the
hall, and this without giving any explanation
as to their intentions or motives. Mr. Jones
alone had left a message to the effect that he
approved of gratuitous, compulsory, secular
education, with the free feeding of the chil
dren ; that this education should embrace
every branch, both technical and superior,
according to the capacity of the child ; in
fact, that there should be absolute equality in
the educational advantages offered to the
poor and the rich. This being explained,
amid the cheers of the Congress, the above
resolution was carried by all the nationalities
present.
�22
The resolutions relating to
THE THIRD QUESTION
were now read as follows :—
1. The International Congress proclaims itself opposed to
all existing laws in all countries that have for object the
prevention of workmen uniting internationally, and demands
their abrogaticn.
2. That it is necessary to reconstitute an international
society between the workers of all countries.
3. That it is also necessary to create national and inter
national trade societies.
4. That the realisation of these measures shall be confided
to a future international workmen’s congress.
The French having at once adopted these
resolutions, the President called for the En
glish vote. A ghastly silence ensued, and, so
as to create a slight diversion, I briefly ex
plained that in the earlier part of the Congress
the English delegation had desired to move a
resolution which m spirit harmonised with the
first clause of the motion now submitted. The
foreign delegates all agreeing, the resolutions
on the third question were carried. Though
THE FOURTH QUESTION
had given rise to such a long discussion, still
as it consisted principally of the reports of the
delegates as to the economical and political
condition of the workmen they represented, it
was not considered necessary to bring forward
a resolution.
The latter portion ot the resolution on
THE FIFTH QUESTION
gave rise to some
opposition.
The
idea of inviting men because they were
Socialist Deputies or Municipal Councillors
was qualified as a form of hero worship op
posed to all Democratic principles. If the
societies to be represented chose to elect these
men well and good ; otherwise they could not
be admitted.
M. de Paepe was somewhat opposed to this
restriction. He explained that though willing
to approve of a French Congress and Exhibi
tion in 1889, the Belgians had determined to
hold an International Congress before that
date, and they would open their doors to all
comers, whether Trades Unionists or Socialists,
political bodies or trade societies—all that
advocated the cause of labour would be
welcome.
M. Dalle urged that the exhibition should
above all things be a collective exhibition, the
object being to show what organised trade
societies working in conjunction with the State
could do to supply public wants. As for the
congress, it should be organised by the French
Workman’s Party as they possessed the most
extensive international relations, and more
general experience. As these suggestions met
with general approval, the resolution was
amended and put as follows :—•
Resolution.—“The Congress decides that a Collective In
ternational Workman’s Exhibition will be held in 1S89, with
a State subvention, to be administered by the Trades Unions
who will convoke a general assembly of the corporations
for this purpose.
The Congress further decides that an International
Workman s Congress shall take place in 1889 and that the
French Workman’s Party (Federation des Travailleurs
Socialists de France) shall be entrusted with the organisation
of this Congress.”
The French voted for this resolution;
another awkward pause ensued when the
English were called upon for their vote. Herr
Grimpe remarked that while he was favourable
to the project he feared the German law would
not allow the participation of Germany, and
with regard to the Congress he would wait for
the result of the Belgian Congress, which was
to come first. The Austrian delegate observed
that the workmen of his country had made
great sacrifices to participate in the present
Exhibition and Congress. He trusted they
would renew their efforts in 1889.
The
Swedish delegate abstained with regard to
the Exhibition, and the Australian delegate
voted in favour of the resolution on the ground
that workmen of different countries could not
meet too often.
The resolution was therefore taken as car
ried.
A proposal was then made and accepted that
the minutes should be published in pamphlet
form, and the President, C. de Paepe, rose to
pronounce a short allocution recognising the
union of all nations.
In the absence of the English delegates,
who might have taken the initiative in the
matter, for every effort had been made to
render their visit in Paris agreeable and profit
able. I rose to propose a vote of thanks to
the French executive or organising committee.
This being accepted, the last act of the Con
gress was the adoption, without discussion
and with the utmost unanimity, of a resolution “
demanding an amnesty for all those who were
nowin prison for having defended the interests
of the working classes.
At last, amid cheers and congratulations,
the delegates rose, and the arduous task of the
Congress was brought to an end. It was
half-past one in the morning before the dele
gates had all quitted the hall; but, though 1
late, they had at least the satisfaction of
having fully exhausted the programme they 1
had met to discuss and decide.
CONCLUSION.
The business of the Congress terminated, I
the delegates did not at once separate. On !
the morrow, Sunday, 29th August, a great
banquet was given at the Workmen’s Exhibi
tion. This entertainment was a failure by
reason of its success. Dinner had been pre
pared for three hundred persons ; no less than
483 came. The provisions consequently fell
short, and half the waiters in despair gave the
matter up as hopeless, took their coats and
hats and marched away. Thus the difficulties
increased, the clamour and confusion was
indescribable, and most of the guests had to]
F
to
so
?■
te
n:
r■
37
fel
IS?
U
th
ife1
�be content with a very incomplete dinner.
: Under these circumstances, it was difficult to
obtain silence for the speeches.
MM.
Ghabttrf, Jacques, Delhoinme, Marchard,
Muzet, de Menorval, Desnoulins, and GuicIhaxd, members of the Paris Municipal
I Couri-eii attended at the Banquet, and two of
I the Cs&nmMors spoke in the name of the town
I of Pali® to congratulate the workmen on the
*
Isuccess of their exhibition, and expressed their
I regret tiaat it had not been possible to grant
I a larger subvention. At the conclusion of the
Ibaaqueta number of the delegates danced
land Sling the Carmagnole m the gardens of
I the Exhibition.
On Monday, 30th August, several of the
delegates went to visit the technical schcol
s established at Montevrain for children morally
| abandoned where they were entertained at a
| sumptuous lunch at the expense of the Town of
I Paris. On the Tuesday they were treated
Iwith equal hospitality at Villepreux where a
I similar school is established. At the latter
s establishment horticulture and agriculture are
jtaught; at the former, various skilled trades,
jin both cases, the pupils are rescued from the
if street® of Paris, when they have been morally
3 abandoned by their parents, and saved from
^vagabondage by being taught useful trades.
'These institutions are under the control of the
{Council General of the Seine. But the Trades
I Unions exercise considerable indirect influence
iover their management, thus the education
igiven is of a democratic, scientific and abso
lutely secular character.
‘ It should also be mentioned that the
lorganizers of the Congress had graciously
3 placed a large brake at the disposal of the
{English delegates, and obtained more than
^twenty special permissions from the Governiment, the Municipality, and the Prefecture
jof Police, authorizing them to visit every pub
lic institution in Paris and in the neighbour!hood. The delegates, being anxious to call
at workshops and on the societies of their own
trades, were not able to avail themselves exttensively of these privileges. They, however,
|vifflted the State manufactories of tapestry at
'■•the Gobelins and of porcelain at Sevres, the
1 technical schools, the Ecole Diderot, and a few
other establishments. Finally on Monday
the 30th, a public meeting was held in the
evening at the Salle de la Redoute ; where
sewpll- delegates to the recent Congress
spoke, and pointed out that whatever hesitatioaWBight still linger in the minds of English
working men with regard to Socialism, from
iievery point of view the organization of powerIfttl Trade Unions was an indispensable preijliffiinary step. Socialism itself could not be
■realised if the different trades were not organyized and accustomed to collective action. It
t^was the great trade societies who would have
Ito supply the wants of the community when
lithe revolution, pacific or otherwise, had
triumphed over privilege, caste and individual
ism. Such, at least, was the general tone of
this public meeting.
It will be seen, therefore, that the foreign
workmen are at one with the Trade Unionists
of England in the advocacy of strong trade
societies. At the same time, their ultimate
ideal is the Socialism which is now being
taught so extensively in England.
*
But the
French Possibilists differ from what is known,
on the Continent, as Marxism by their belief
in the expediency of allowing each country to
work out its own emancipation according to
its own instincts and customs. They indig
*
nantly repudiate the pretensions of Hatt
Grimpe and other Marxists who would attempt
to dictate to Englishmen how they should
choose as their leaders or what tactics they
should adopt. For this reason, the “ Official
Circle ” of the Social-Democrats of Germany,
composed to a great extent of old personal
allies of Dr. Marx, has taken sides in favour of
the Guesdists ; that is the little handful of
Frenchmen who represent the Marxist policy
in France, as against the autonomist policy
of the Possibilists. In England, the sain®
division exists, and the Socialist League
embodies the Marxist element, while the
Social-Democratic Federation is imbued with
a keener sense of British independence and
repudiates the inspirations of an occult and
in the main German influence.
Yet both
Marxists and anti-Marxists are ardent
admirers of the profound economic works of
Dr. Karl Marx. Both readily applaud theim
*
mortal manifesto issued by Marx and Engels
in 1847 and try to master the intricacies of
Das Capital.^ On the other hand, it is gener
ally believed, that the personal influence of
Dr. Karl Marx, his intimate friends and family,
by their centralizing and autocratic tenden
*
cies, did more to break up the International
than the Dufaure Law and all the other sup
pressive enactments. Actually a daughter of
Dr. Karl Marx is the wife of a leader among
the Guesdists in Paris and another daughter
is a prominent member of the Socialist League
m London. The principal difficulty in obtaining united action among the workmen of
the continent springs from the antagonism
arising out of these family influences and
personal hostilities. There is no real differ
ence in principle. The Possibilists in Paris vote
to a man in favour of resolutions harmonizing
with the theories and doctrines of Dr. Kar
Marx and the Collectivist school of the scientific
* For publications relating to the same see list by Reeves,
185, Fleet Street, E.C., and The Modern Press, 13, Pater
noster Row. Many of these publications are penny pamph
lets, the most popular being the “ Socialist Catechism,” by
J. L. Joynes, B.A., (late Assistant Master at Eton College),
and “The Eight Hours Movement,’’ by Thomas Mar®,
(Amalgamated Engineers).
+ The original edition, in German, may be obtained from
Triibner & Co., Ludgate Hill.. A French translation wM
published for five francs by Maurice Lachatre, Editeut
Paris. An English edition will shortly appear.
�and State Socialists. But there is the an
tagonism of personalities and of policy. Per
haps the advent of English Trade Unionism
in the midst of these differences may help to
bridge over such sources of weakness, for the
time is surely at hand when the old quarrels
that date back more than sixteen years may
be buried and forgotten. In view, however,
of the forthcoming International Congress to
be held in London, it seemed to me indispen
sable to give a few brief details concerning
these great currents of continental opinion.
Adolphe Smith.
LIST OF DELEGATIONS TO THE CONFERENCE.
AUSTRIA.
M. Brod, delegate to the Exhibition and the
Congress.
BELGIUM.
For the General Council of the Belgian Workmen’s
Party, Ed. Anseele, of Ghent, and Dr.
Cesar de Paepe, of Brussels.
(125,000
Members).
For the Federation of the Trade Unions of Ghent,
Louis Bertrand.
For the Federation of the Workmen’s Leagues,
Central District La Louviere, (9,000 Members),
Ch. Minnie.
Federation of the
Miners
of
the
Borinage,
Defuisseaux.
ENGLAND.
For the Trades Unions Congress Parliamentary
Committee, J. Mawdsley. (65,534 Members),
For the London Trades Council, C. J. Drummond
and W. Jones. (25,600 Members).
"The Amalgamated Engineers, John Burnett.
(52,000 Members)Railway Servants Society, Ed. Harford. (9,000
Members).
London Society of Compositors, J. Galbraith.
(6,500 Members).
The Iron and Steel Workers Society, E. Trow.
(2,000 Members).
COLONIES, AUSTRALIA.
South Australia and New South Wales, John
Norton.
GERMANY.
The Sozial Demokrat of Zurich, in the name of the
Parliamentary Committee of the German
Workman’s Socialist Party, Herr Grimpe.
(The Social-Democratic vote throughout the
German Empire is estimated at about 700,000)
The German Workman’s Communist Club of
London, H. Rackow.
HUNGARY.
The Compositors of Buda-Pesth, — Muller.
SWEDEN.
Social-Democratic Federation. C. Palmgren.
FRENCH PROVINCES.
Name of Societies and number of Delegates:—The
Glass Workers of Montlugon, Blanzy, Carmeau, and Chalons, one delegate. The Feder
ated Trades Union of Poitiers, three delegates.
Federated Trades of Blois, two delegates. The 15 J
Boiler Makers of Nantes, one. The Furniture
Trades of St. Estienne, one. The Turners of |R
Nantes, one. Weavers of St. Estienne, two.
The Workman’s Society of St. Estienne, one.
The
"" Blacksmiths of Nantes, one. The Boot----makers of Tours, one. ~
The Locksmiths of
Marseilles, one. The Engineers of _
""
u
Lyons,
two. The Boiler Makers of Lyons, two. The
Painters on porcelain of Limoges, one. The
The Workers’ Union of Macon, one. The
Metal Workers of East Lyons,, one. The I
,
Annual Congress of the Trades of Lyons, three.
Masons and Plasterers of Brest, one. Marble
aud Stone Cutters of Brest, one. Carpenters!
and Joiners of Brest, one. Painters of Brest,
one. Locksmiths and Tinsmiths of Brest, one.
Cabinet Makers of Tours, one. The Leather j
and Skin Trades of the Tarn, one. The Boot
makers of Anger, one.
The Furriers of’
Angouleme, one. The Executive Commission I
of the Trades of Rennes, one. The Metal f
Workers of Rennes, one. The Slate Quarry
Men of Trelaze, one.
The Gilders andi
Decorators of Rennes, one. The BootmakersB
of Rennes, one.
The French Colony of Algeria sent three dele-i
gates who were appointed by the Trades Council®
of Algiers.
Finally the majority of the Trade Societies of I
Paris were represented. Altogether there were®
delegates from 86 Trade Unions which unfortun-|
ately cannot be enumerated here for want of space. |
Nevertheless, if it is desired to communicate with i
any French Trade Society, it will suffice to writes
to the following address;
au Secretaire du Comite National,
Bureau du Proletariat,
58 rue Greneta, PARIS.
PUBLISHED BY
FOULGER & CO., 14, Paternoster Row, London, E.C.
�
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Victorian Blogging
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A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
Date
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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Title
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Report of the International Trades Union Congress, held at Paris from August 23rd to 28th, 1886
Creator
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Smith, Adolphe
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: [London]
Collation: 24 p. ; 23 cm.
Notes: Printed in double columns. Includes list of delegates to the conference.
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[Foulger & Co.]
Date
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[1886]
Identifier
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G4981
Subject
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Socialism
Trade unions
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<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (Report of the International Trades Union Congress, held at Paris from August 23rd to 28th, 1886), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
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application/pdf
Type
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Text
Language
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English
Conferences
Trade Unions