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Victorian Blogging
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An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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A short account of Dorchester, past and present
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MacFarlane, William Charles
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An account of the resource
Place of publication: Oxford; London
Collation: 20 p. ; 21 cm.
Notes: Includes bibliographical references. From the library of Dr Moncure Conway.
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Parker and Co.
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1881
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CT64
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Dorchester
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<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (A short account of Dorchester, past and present), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
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English
Conway Tracts
Dorchester (Oxfordshire)
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^onalsecularsociety
ABRAHAM
LINCOLN
AN ORATION
BY
COLONEL R. G. INGERSOLL.
Price Threepence.
LONDON:
R. FORDER, 28 STONECUTTER STREET, E.O.
1893.
�LONDON .*
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY G. W. FOOTE,
AT 14 CLERKENWELL GREEN, E.C.
�N) 3
4
ORATION ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
EiGHTY-FOUR years ago to-day, two babes were born—
one in the woods of Kentucky, amid the hardships and
poverty of pioneers ; one in England, surrounded by
wealth and culture. One was educated in the University
of N ature, the other at Oxford.
One associated his name with the enfranchisement
of labor, with the emancipation of millions, with the
salvation of the Republic. He is known to us as
Abraham Lincoln.
The other broke the chains of superstition and filled
the world with intellectual light, and he is known as
Charles Darwin.
Because of these two men the nineteenth century is
illustrious.
A few men and women make a nation glorious—
Shakespeare made England immortal ; Voltaire civilised
and humanised France ; Goethe, Schiller, apd Hum
boldt lifted Germany into the light ; Angelo, Raphael,
Galileo, and Bruno crowned with fadeless laurel the
Italian brow ; and now the most precious treasure of
the Great Republic is the memory of Abraham Lincoln.
Every generation has its heroes, its iconoclasts, its
pioneers, its ideals. The people always have been and
still are divided, at least into two classes—the many,
who with their backs to the sunrise worship the past ;
and the few, who keep their faces towards the dawn—
the many, who are satisfied with the world as it is ;
the Jew, who labor and suffer for the future, for those
�( 4 )
to be, and who seek to rescue the oppressed, to destroy
the cruel distinctions of caste, and to civilise mankind.
Yet it sometimes happens that the liberator of one
age becomes the oppressor of the next. His reputation
becomes so great, he is so revered and worshipped»
that his followers, in his name, attack the hero who
endeavors to take another step in advance.
The heroes of the Revolution, forgetting the justice
for which they fought, put chains upon the limbs of
others, and in their names the lovers of liberty were
denounced as ingrates and traitors.
In our country there were for many years two great
political parties, and each of these parties had con
servatives and extremists. The extremists of the
Democratic party were in the rear and wished to go
back; the extremists of the Republican were in the
front and wished to go forward. The extreme Democrat
was willing to destroy the Union for the sake of
slavery, and the extreme Republican was willing to
destroy the Union for the sake of liberty.
Neither party could succeed without the votes of its
extremists.
This was the political situation in 1860.
The extreme Democrats would not vote for Douglas,
but the extreme Republicans did vote for Lincoln.
Lincoln occupied the middle ground, and was the
compromise candidate of his own party. He had
lived for many years in the intellectual territory of
compromise—in a part of our country settled by
Northern and Southern men—where Northern and
Southern ideas met, and the ideas of the two sections
were brought together and compared.
The sympathies of Lincoln, his ties of kindred, were
with the South. His convictions, his sense of justice,
and his ideals, were with the North. He knew the
horrors of slavery, and he felt the unspeakable
�(5 )
ecstacies and glories of freedom. He had the kind
ness, the gentleness, of true greatness, and he could not
have been a master; he had the manhood and
independence of true greatness, and he could not have
been a slave. He was just, and incapable of putting a
burden upon others that he himself would not
willingly bear.
He was merciful and profound, and it was not
necessary for him to read the history of the world to
know that liberty and slavery could not live in the
same nation, or in the same brain. Lincoln was a
statesman. And there is this difference between a
politician and a statesman. A politician schemes and
works in every way to make the people do something
for him. The statesman wishes to do something for
the people. With him place and power are means to
an end, and the end is the good of his country.
The Republic had reached a crisis.
The conflict between liberty and slavery could no
longer be delayed. For three-quarters of a century
the forces had been gathering for the battle.
After the Revolution, principle was sacrificed for the
sake of gain. The Constitution contradicted the
Declaration. Liberty as a principle was held in
contempt. Slavery took possession of the Government.
Slavery made the laws, corrupted courts, dominated
presidents and demoralised the people.
In 1840, when Harrison and Van Buren were candi
dates for the Presidency, the Whigs of Indiana issued
a circular giving reasons for the election of Harrison
and the defeat of Van Buren. The people of Indiana
were advised to vote against Van Buren because he,
when a member of the New York Legislature, had
voted to enfranchise colored men who had property to
the extent of two hundred and fifty dollars. This was
the crime of Van Buren.
�( 6)
The reason why the people should support Harrison
was that he had signed eleven petitions to make
Indiana a slave State.
Mr. Douglas voiced the feeling of the majority when
he declared that he did not care whether slavery was
voted up or down.
From the heights of philosophy—standing above the
contending hosts, above the prejudices, the senti
mentalities of the day—Lincoln was great enough and
brave enough and wise enough to utter these prophetic
words : “A house divided against itself cannot stand.
I believe this Government cannot permanently endure
half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union
to be dissolved ; I do not expect the house to fall; but
I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become
all the one thing or the other. Either the opponents
of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and
place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief
that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its
advocates will push it further until it becomes alike
lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as
well as South.”
This declaration was the standard around which
gathered the grandest political party the world has
ever seen, and this declaration made Lincoln the leader
of that vast host.
In this, the first great crisis, Lincoln uttered the
victorious truth that made him the foremost man in
the Republic.
The people decided at the polls that a house divided
against itself could not stand, and that slavery had
cursed soul and soil enough.
It is not a common thing to elect a really great man
to fill the highest official position. I do not say that
the great presidents have been chosen by accident.
�( 7 )
Probably it would be better to say that they were the
favorites of a happy chance.
The average man is afraid of genius. He feels as
an awkward man feels in the presence of a sleight-ofhand performer. He admires and suspects. Genius
appears to carry too much sail—lacks prudence,
has too much courage. The ballast of dullness inspires
confidence.
By a happy chance Lincoln was nominated and
elected in spite of his fitness—and the patient, gentle,
and just and loving man was called upon to bear as
great a burden as man has ever borne.
II.
Then came another crisis—the crisis of Secession,
and Civil War.
Again Lincoln spoke the deepest feeling and the
highest thought of the Nation. In his first message
he said : “ The central idea of secession is the essence
of anarchy.”
He also showed conclusively that the North and
South, in spite of secession, must remain face to face
—that physically they could not separate—that they
must have more or less commerce, and that this com
merce must be carried on, either between the two
sections as friends, or as aliens.
This situation and its consequences he pointed out
to absolute perfection in these words : “ Can aliens
make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? Can
treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens
than laws among other friends ?”
After having stated fully and fairly the philosophy
of the conflict, after having said enough to satisfy any
calm and thoughtful mind, he addressed himself to the
hearts of America. Probably there are few finer
passages in literature than the close of Lincoln’s
inaugural address : “ I am loth to close. We are not
�(«)
enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies.
Though passion may have strained, it must not break,
our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory
stretching from every battle-field and patriotic grave
to every loving heart and hearthstone all over this
broad land, will swell the chorus of the Union when
again touched, as surely they will be, by the better
angels of our nature.”
These noble, these touching, these pathetic words,
were delivered in the presence of rebellion, in the
midst of spies and conspirators—surrounded by but
few friends, most of whom were unknown, and some
of whom were wavering in their fidelity—at a time
when secession was arrogant and organised, when
patriotism was silent, and when, to quote the expres
sive words of Lincoln himself, “ Sinners were calling
the righteous to repentance.”
When Lincoln became President, he was held in
contempt by the South—underrated by the North and
East—not appreciated even by his cabinet—and yet he
was not only one of the wisest, but one of the shrewdest
of mankind. Knowing that he had the right to enforce
the laws of the United States and Territories—knowing,
as he did, that the secessionists were in the wrong, he
also knew that they had sympathisers not only in the
North but in other lands.
Consequently he felt that it was of the utmost
importance that the South should fire the first shot,
should do some act that would solidify the North and
gain for us the justification of the civilised world. He
so managed affairs that while he was attempting simply
to give food to our soldiers, the South commenced hos
tilities and fired on Sumter.
This course was pursued by Lincoln in spite of the
advice of many friends, and yet a wiser thing was
never done.
�( 9 )
At that time Lincoln appreciated the scope and con
sequences of the impending conflict. Above all other
thoughts in his mind was this : “ This conflict will
settle the question, at least for centuries to come,
whether man is capable of governing himself, and con
sequently is of greater importance to the free than to
the enslaved.’*
He knew what depended on the issue and he said :
“ We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last, best
hope of earth.”
III.
Then came a crisis in the North.
It became clearer and clearer to Lincoln’s mind, day
by day, that the rebellion was slavery, and that it was
necessary to keep the border States on the side of the
Union. For this purpose he proposed a scheme of
emancipation and colonisation—a scheme by which the
owners of slaves should be paid the full value of what
they called their “ property.” He called attention to
the fact that he had adhered to the Act of Congress to
confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes
—that the Union must be preserved, and that, there
fore, all indispensable means must be employed to
that end.
If, in war, a nation has the right to take the property
of its citizens—of its friends—certainly it has the
right to take the property of those it has the right to
kill.
He knew that if the border States agreed to gradual
emancipation, and received compensation for their
slaves, they would be for ever lost to the Confederacy,
whether secession succeeded or not. It was objected
at the time, by some, that the scheme was far too
expensive ; but Lincoln, wiser than his advisers—far
wiser than his enemies—demonstrated that from an
economical point of view, his course was best.
�( 10 )
He proposed that 400 dols. be paid for slaves,
including men, women, and children. This was a
large price, and yet he showed how much cheaper it
was to purchase than to carry on the war.
At that time, at the price mentioned, there were
about 750,000 dols. worth of slaves in Delaware. The
cost of carrying on the war was at least two millions
of dollars a day, and for one-third of one day’s expenses
all the slaves in Delaware could be purchased. He
also showed that all the slaves in Delaware, Kentucky,
and Missouri could be bought at the same price for
less than the expense of carrying on the war for eighty
seven days.
This was the wisest thing that could have been pro
posed, and yet such was the madness of the South,
such the indignation of the North, that the advice was
unheeded.
Again, in July, 1862, he urged on the Representa
tives of the border States a scheme of gradual com
pensated emancipation ; but the Representatives were
too deaf to hear, too blind to see.
Lincoln always hated slavery, and yet he felt the
obligations and duties of his position. In his first
message he assured the South that the laws, including
the most odious of all—the law for the return of
fugitive slaves—would be enforced. The South would
not hear. Afterwards he proposed to purchase the
slaves of the border States ; but the proposition was
hardly discussed, hardly heard. Events came thick
and fast; theories gave way to facts, and everything
was left to force.
The extreme Democrat of the North was fearful that
slavery might be destroyed, that the Constitution
might be broken, and that Lincoln, after all, could not
be trusted; and at the same time the radical Repub-
�(11)
lican feared that Lincoln loved the Union more than
he did liberty.
The fact is that he tried to discharge the obligations
of his great office, knowing from the first that slavery
must perish. The course pursued by Lincoln was so
gentle, so kind and persistent, so wise and logical, that
millions of Northern Democrats sprang to the defence,
not only of the Union, but of his administration.
Lincoln refused to be led or hurried by Fremont or
Hunter, by Greeley or Sumner. From first to last he
was the real leader, and he kept step with events.
IV.
On July 22, 1862, Lincoln called together his cabinet
for the purpose of showing the draft of a Proclamation
of Emancipation, stating to them|that he did not wish
their advice, as he had made up his mind.
After the Proclamation was signed Lincoln held it,
waiting for some great victory before giving it to the
world, so that it might appear to be the child of
strength.
This was on July 22, 1862. On August 22 of the
same year Lincoln wrote his celebrated letter to Horace
Greeley, in which he stated that his object was to save
the Union ; that he would save it with slavery if he
could; that if it was necessary to destroy slavery in
order to save the Union, he would; in other words, he
would do what was necessary to save the Union.
This letter disheartened, to a great degree, thousands
and millions of the friends of freedom. They felt
that Mr. Lincoln had not attained the moral height
upon which they supposed he stood. And yet, when
this letter was written, the Emancipation Proclamation
was in his hands, and had been for thirty days,
waiting only an opportunity to give it to the world.
Some two weeks after the letter to Greeley, Lincoln
was waited on by a committee of clergymen, and was
�( 12 )
by them informed that it was God’s will that he should
issue a Proclamation of Emancipation. He replied to
them, in substance, that the day of miracles had passed.
He also mildly and kindly suggested that if it were
God’s will this Proclamation should be issued, certainly
God would have made known that will to him—to the
person whose duty it was to issue it.
On September 22, 1862, the most glorious date in
the history of the Republic, the Proclamation of
Emancipation was issued.
Lincoln had reached the generalisation of all argu
ments upon the question of slavery and freedom—a
generalisation that never has been, and probably never
will be, excelled : In giving freedom to the slave, we
assure freedom to the free.
This is absolutely true. Liberty can be retained,
can be enjoyed, only by giving it to others. The
spendthrift saves, the miser is prodigal. In the realm
of Freedom, waste is husbandry. He who puts chains
upon the body of another shackles his own soul. The
moment the Proclamation was issued, the cause of the
Republic became sacred.
From that moment the
North fought for the human race. From that moment
the North stood under the blue and stars, the flag of
Nature—sublime and free.
In 1831 Lincoln saw in New Orleans a colored girl
sold at auction. The scene filled his soul with
ndignation and horror.
Turning to his companion, he said, “ Boys, if I ever
get a chance to hit slavery, by God I’ll hit it hard I ”
The helpless girl, unconsciously, had planted in a
great heart the seeds of the Proclamation.
Thirty-one years afterwards the chance came, the
oath was kept, and to four millions of slaves, of men,
women, and children, was restored liberty, the jewel
of the soul.
�( 13 )
In the history, in the fiction of the world, there
is nothing more intensely dramatic than this.
Lincoln held within his brain the grandest truths,
and he held them as unconsciously, as easily, as
naturally as a waveless pool holds within its stainless
breast a thousand stars.
Let us think for one moment of the distance
travelled from the first ordinance of secession to the
Proclamation of Emancipation.
In 1861 a thirteenth amendment to the Constitution
was offered to the South. By this proposed amend
ment slavery was to be made perpetual. This com
promise was refused, and in its stead came the
Proclamation. Let us take another step.
In 1865 the thirteenth^ amendment was adopted.
The one proposed made slavery perpetual. The one
adopted in 1865 abolished slavery and made the great
Republic free forever.
The first state to ratify this amendment was Illinois.
v.
We were surrounded by enemies. Many of the
so-called great in Europe and England were against us.
They hated the Republic, despised our institutions,
and sought in many ways to aid the South.
Mr. Gladstone announced that Jefferson Davis had
made a nation and he did not believe the restoration of
the American Union by force attainable.
From the Vatican came words of encourgement for
the South.
It was declared that the North was fighting for
empire and the South for independence.
The Marquis of Salisbury said : “ The people of the
South are the natural allies of England. The North
keeps an opposition shop in the same department of
trade as ourselves.”
�( 14 )
Some of their statesmen declared that the subjuga
tion of the South by the North would be a calamity to
the world.
Louis Napoleon was another enemy, and he endea
vored to establish a monarchy in Mexico to the end
that the great North might be destroyed. But the
patience, the uncommon common sense, the statesman
ship of Lincoln—in spite of foreign hate and Northern
division—triumphed over all. And now we forgive
all foes. Victory makes forgiveness easy.
Lincoln was, by nature, a diplomat. He knew the
art of sailing against the wind. He had as much
shrewdness as is consistent with honesty. He under
stood, not only the rights of individuals, but of nations.
In all his correspodence with other governments he
neither wrote nor sanctioned a line which afterwards
was used to tie his hands. In the use of perfect
English he easily rose above his advisers and all his
fellows.
No one claims that Lincoln did all. He could have
done nothing without the great and splendid generals
in the field ; and the generals could have done
nothing without their armies. The praise is due
to all—to the private as much as to the officer ; to the
lowest who did his duty, as much as to the highest.
My heart goes out to the brave private as much as
to the leader of the host.
But Lincoln stood at the centre and with infinite
patience, with consummate skill, with the genius of
goodness directed, cheered, consoled, and conquered.
VI.
Slavery was the cause of the war, and slavery was
the perpetual stumbling-block. As the war went on
question after question arose—questions that could not
be answered by theories. Should we hand back the
�( 15 )
slave to his master, when the master was using his
slave to destroy the Union? If the South was right
slaves were property, and by the laws of war anything
that might be used to the advantage of the enemy
might be confiscated by us. Events did not wait for
discussion. General Butler denominated the negro as
a “ contraband.” Congress provided that the property
of the rebels might be confiscated.
Lincoln moved along this line.
Each step was delayed by Northern division, but
every step was taken in the same direction.
First, Lincoln offered to execute every law, including
the most infamous of all ; second, to buy the slaves of
the border states ; third, to confiscate the property of
rebels ; fourth, to treat slaves as contraband of war ;
fifth, to use slaves for the purpose of putting down the
rebellion ; sixth, to arm these slaves and clothe them
in the uniform of the Republic ; seventh, to make them
citizens, and allow them to stand on an equality with
their white brethren under the flag of the Republic.
During all these years, Lincoln moved with the
people—with the masses, and every step he took has
been justified by the considerate judgment of mankind.
VII.
Lincoln not only watched the war, but kept his hand
on the political pulse. In 1863 a tide set in against the
administration. A Republican meeting was to be held
in Springfield, Illinois, and Lincoln wrote a letter to
be read at this convention. It was in his happiest vein.
It was a perfect defence of his administration, including
the Proclamation of Emancipation. Among other
things he said: “ But the proclamation, as law, either
is valid or it is not valid. If it is not valid it needs no
retraction, but if it is valid it cannot be retracted, any
more than the dead can be brought to life.”
�( 16 )
To the Northern Democrats who said they would not
fight for negroes, Lincoln replied: “ Some of them
seem willing to fight for you—but no matter.”
Of negro soldiers : “ But negroes, like other people,
act upon motives. Why should they do anything for
us if we will do nothing for them? If they stake
their lives for us they must be prompted by the
strongest motive—even by the promise of freedom.
And the promise, being made, must be kept.”
There is one line in this letter that will give it
immortality: “The Father of waters again goes un
vexed to the sea.” This line is worthy of Shakespeare.
Another: “ Among freemen there can be no suc
cessful appeal from the ballot to the bullet.”
He draws a comparison between the white men
against us and the black men for'Us : “And then there
will be some black men who can remember that with
silent tongue and clenched teeth and steady eye and
well-poised bayonet they have helped mankind on to
this great consummation ; while I fear there will be
some white ones unable to forget that with malignant
heart and deceitful speech they strove to hinder it.”
Under the influence of this letter, the love of
country, of the Union, and above all the love of liberty,
took possession of the heroic North.
The Republican party became the noblest organisa
tion the world has ever seen.
There was the greatest moral exaltation ever known.
The spirit of liberty took possession of the people.
The masses became sublime.
To fight for yourself is good.
To fight for others is grand.
To fight for your country is noble.
To fight for the human race, for the liberty of land
and brain, is nobler still.
�( 17 )
As a matter of fact, the defenders of slavery had
sown the seeds of their own defeat. They dug the pit
in which they fell. Clay and Webster and thousands
of others had by their eloquence made the Union
almost sacred. The Union was the very tree of life,
the source and stream and sea of liberty and law.
For the sake of slavery millions stood by the Union,
for the sake of liberty millions knelt at the altar of the
Union ; and this love of the Union is what, at last,
overwhelmed the Confederate hosts.
It does not seem possible that only a few years ago
our Constitution, our laws, our Courts, the Pulpit and
the Press defended and upheld the institution of
slavery—that it was a- crime to feed the hungry, to give
water to the lips of thirst, shelter to a woman flying
from the whip and chain !
The old flag still flies, the stars are there—the stains
have gone.
VIII.
Lincoln always saw the end. He was unmoved by
the storms and currents of the times. He advanced
too rapidly for the conservative politicians, too slowly
for the radical enthusiasts. He occupied the line of
safety, and held by his personality—by the force of
his great character, by his charming candor—the
masses on his side.
The soldiers thought of him as a father.
All who had lost their sons in battle felt that they
had his sympathy—felt that his face was as sad as
theirs. They knew that Lincoln was actuated by one
motive, and that his energies were bent to the attain
ment of one end—the salvation of the Republic.
Success produces envy, and envy often ends in
conspiracy.
In 1864 many politicians united against him. It is
not for me to criticise their motive or their actions®
�.
( 18 )
It is enough to say that the magnanimity of Lincoln
towards those who had deserted and endeavored to
destroy him, is without parallel in the political history
of the world. This magnanimity made his success not
only possible, but certain.
During all the years of war Lincoln stood, the
embodiment of mercy, between discipline and death.
He pitied the imprisoned and condemned. He took
the unfortunate in his arms, and was the friend even
of the convict. He knew temptation’s strength—the
weakness of the will—and how in fury’s sudden flame
the judgment drops the scales, and passion—blind and
deaf—usurps the throne.
Through all the years Lincoln will be known as
Lincoln the Loving, Lincoln the Merciful.
Lincoln had the keenest sense of humor, and always
saw the laughable side even of disaster. In his humor
there was logic and the best of sense. No matter how
complicated the question, or how embarrassing the
situation, his humor furnished an answer, and a door
of escape.
Vallandingham was a friend of the South, and did
what he could to sow the seeds of failure. In his
opinion everything, except rebellion, was unconstitu
tional.
He was arrested, convicted by a court martial, and
sentenced to imprisonment in Fort Warren.
There was doubt about the legality of the trial, and
thousands in the North denounced the whole proceed
ings as tyrannical and infamous. At the same time
millions demanded that Vallandingham should be
punished.
Lincoln’s humor came to the rescue. He disapproved
of the findings of the court, changed the punishment,
and ordered that Mr. Vallandingham should be sent to
his friends in the South.
�( 19 )
Those who regarded the act as unconstitutional
almost forgave it for the sake of its humor.
Horace Greeley always had the idea that he was
greatly superior to Lincoln, and for a long time he
insisted that the people of the North and the people of
the South desired peace. He took it upon himself to
lecture Lincoln, and felt that he in some way was
responsible for the conduct of the war. Lincoln, with
that wonderful sense of humor, united with shrewd
ness and profound wisdom, told Greeley that, if the
South really wanted peace, he (Lincoln) desired the
same thing, and was doing all he could to bring it
about. Greeley insisted that a commissioner should
be appointed, with authority to negotiate with the
representatives of the Confederacy. This was Lincoln’s
opportunity. He authorised Greeley to act as such
commissioner. The great editor felt that he was
caught. For a time he hesitated, but finally went, and
found that the Southern commissioners were willing
to take into consideration any offers of peace that
Lincoln might make. The failure of Greeley was
humiliating, and the position in which he was left
absurd.
Again the humor of Lincoln had triumphed.
Lincoln always tried to do things in the easiest way.
He did not waste his strength. He was not particular
about moving along straight lines. He did not tunnel
the mountains. He was willing to go around, and he
reached the end desired as a river reaches the sea.
IX.
One of the most wonderful things ever done by
Lincoln was the promotion of General Hooker. After
the battle of Fredericksburg, General Burnside found
great fault with Hooker, and wished to have him
removed from the Army of the Potomac. Lincoln
disapproved of Burnside’s order, and gave Hooker the
�( 20 )
command of the Army of the Potomac. He then wrote
Hooker this memorable letter : “ I have placed you at
the head of the Army of the Potomac. Of course I
have done this upon what appears to me to be sufficient
reasons, and yet I think it best for you to know that
there are some things in regard to which I am not quite
and ^175
L0U*
1 b61ieVe
t0 b* a brave
and skilful soldier—which, of course, I like. I
a so. believe you do not mix politics with your profession-m which you are right. You have confidence
which is a valuable, if not an indispensable, quality.
You are ambitious, which, within reasonable bounds
does good rather than harm; but I think that during
General Burnside’s command of the army you have
taken counsel of your ambition to thwart him as much
as you could in which you did a great wrong to the
country and to a most meritorious and honorable
brother, officer. I have heard, in such a way as to
believe
of your recently saying that both the army
and the Government needed a dictator. Of course it
was not for this, but in spite of it, that I have given
you command. Only those generals who gain
successes can set up dictators. What I now ask of you
is military successes, and I will risk the dictatorship.
The Government will support you to the best of its
ability, which is neither more nor less than it has done
and will do for all commanders. I much fear that the
spirit which you have aided to infuse into the army
of criticising their commander and withholding con
fidence in him, will now turn upon you. I shall assist
you, so far as I can, to put it down. Neither you, nor
Napoleon, if he were alive, can get any good out of
an army while such a spirit prevails in it. And now
beware of rashness. Beware of rashness, but with
energy and sleepless vigilence go forward and give us
victories.”
�( 21 )
This letter has—in my judgment, no parallel. The
mistaken magnanimity is almost equal to the pro
phecy t “ I much fear that the spirit which you have
aided to infuse into the army of criticising their com
mander and withholding confidence in him, will now
turn upon you.”
Chancellorsville was the fulfilment.
Mr. Lincoln was a statesman.
The great stumbling-block—the great obstruction
in Lincoln’s way, and in the way of thousands, was
the old doctrine of States Rights.
This doctrine was first established to protect slavery.
It was clung to to protect the iner-State slave trade.
It became sacred in connection with the Fugitive
Slave Law, and it was finally used as the corner-stone
of Secession.
This doctrine was never appealed to m defence of
the right—always in support of the wrong. For many
years politicians upon both sides of these questions
endeavored to express the exact relations existing
between the Federal Government and the States, and I
know of no one who succeeded, except Lincoln. In
his message of 1861, delivered on July 4, the definition
is given, and it is perfect: “Whatever concerns the
whole should be confined to the whole—to the General
Government. Whatever concerns only the State should
be left exclusively to the State.”
When that definition is realised in practice, this
country becomes a Nation. Then we shall know
that the first allegiance of the citizen is not to hi&
State, but to the Republic, and that the first duty of
the Republic is to protect the citizen, not only when in
other lands, but at home, and that this duty cannot be
discharged by delegating it to the States.
�( 22 )
„ Lincoln believed in the sovereignty of the people_
in the supremacy of the nation—in the territorial
integrity of the Republic.
XI.
A great actor can be known only when he has
assumed the principal character in a great drama,
ossibly the greatest actors have never appeared, and
it may be that the greatest soldiers have lived the lives
of perfect peace. Lincoln assumed the leading part
m the greatest drama ever acted upon the stage of a
continent.
His criticism of military movements, his correspon
dence with his generals and others on the conduct of
the war, show that he was at all times master of the
situation—that he was a natural strategist, that he
appreciated the difficulties and advantages of every
kind, and that in “ the still and mental ” field of
war he stood the peer of any man beneath the flag.
Had McClellan followed his advice, he would have
taken Richmond.
# Had Hooker acted in accordance with his sugges
tions, Chancellorsville would have been a victory for
the Nation.
Lincoln’s political prophecies were all fulfilled.
We know now that he not only stood at the top,
but that he occupied the centre, from the first to the
last, and that he did this by reason of his intelli
gence, his humor, his philosophy, his courage, and
his patriotism.
In passion s storm he stood unmoved, patient, just
and candid. In his brain there was no cloud, and
in his heart no hate. He longed to save the South
as well as the North, to see the Nation one and
free.
He lived until the end was known.
�( 23 )
He lived until the Confederacy was dead until
Lee surrendered, until Davis fled, until the doors of
Libby Prison were opened, until the Republic was
supreme.
A
He lived until Lincoln and Liberty were united
for ever.
n
.
He lived to cross the desert—to reach the palms
of victory—to hear the murmured music of the wel
come waves.
He lived until all loyal hearts were his—until the
history of his deeds made music in the soul of men
—until he knew that on Columbia’s Calendar of
worth and fame his name stood first.
He lived until there remained nothing for him to
to do as great as he had done.
What he did was worth living for, worth dying
for.
.
He lived until he stood in the midst of universa
Joy, beneath the outstretched wings of Peace the
foremost man in all the world.
And then the horror came. Night fell on noon. The
Savior of the Republic, the breaker of chains, the
liberator of millions, he who had “ assured freedom to
the free,” was dead.
Upon his brow Fame placed the immortal wreath.
For the first time in the history of the world a Nation
bowed and wept.
The memory of Lincoln is the strongest, tenderest
tie that binds all hearts together now, and holds all
States beneath a Nation’s flag.
XII.
Strange mingling of mirth and tears, of the tragic
and grotesque, of cap and crown, of Socrates and
Democritus, of ^Esop and Marcus Aurelius, of all that
is gentle and just, humorous and honest, merciful,
�( 24 )
wise, laughable, lovable and divine, and all consecrated
to the use of man ; while through all, and over all
were an overwhelming sense of obligation, of chivalric
loyalty to truth, and upon all, the shadow of the tragic
Nearly all the great historic characters are impossible
monsters disproportioned by flattery, or by calumny
deformed. We know nothing of their peculiarities, or
nothing but their peculiarities. About these oaks there
clings none of the earth of humanity.
Washington is now only a steel engraving. About
the real man who lived and loved and hated and
schemed, we know but little. The glass through which
we look at him is of such high magnifying power that
the features are exceedingly indistinct.
Hundreds of people are now engaged in smoothing
out the lines of Lincoln’s face—forcing all features to
the common mould-so that he may be known, not as
he really was, but, according to their poor standard, as
he should have been.
Lincoln was not a type. He stands alone-no
ancestors, no fellows, and no successors.
He had the advantage of living in a new country of
social equality, of personal freedom, of seeing in the
horizon of his future the perpetual star of hope He
preserved his individuality and his self-respect* He
knew and mingled with men of every kind ; and, after
all, men are the best books. He became acquainted
with the ambitions and hopes of the heart, the means
used to accomplish ends, the springs of action and the
seeds of thought. He was familiar with nature, with
actual. things, with common facts. He loved and
appreciated the poem of the year, the drama of the
seasons.
In a new country a man must possess at least three
virtues—honesty, courage, and generosity. In culti-
�( 25 )
vated society, cultivation is often more important than
soil. A well-executed counterfeit passes more readily
than a blurred genuine. It is necessary only to observe
the unwritten laws of society—to be honest enough to
keep out of prison, and generous enough to subscribe
in public—where the subscription can be defended as
an investment.
In a new country, character is essential : in the old,
reputation is sufficient. In the new they find what a
man really is ; in the old, he generally passes for what
he resembles. People separated only by distance are
much nearer together than those divided by the walls
of caste.
It is no advantage to live in a great city, where
poverty degrades and failure brings despair. The
fields are lovelier than paved streets, and the great
forests than walls of brick. Oaks and elms are more
poetic than steeples and chimneys.
In the country is the idea of home. There you see
the rising and setting sun; you 1 become acquainted
with the stars and clouds. The constellations are your
friends. You hear the rain on the roof and listen to
the rhythmic sighing of the winds. You are thrilled
by the resurrection called Spring, touched and sad
dened by Autumn—the grace and poetry of death.
Every field is a picture, a landscape ; every landscape
a poem ; every flower a tender thought, and every
forest a fairyland. In the country you preserve your
identity—your personality. There you are an aggre
gation of atoms ; but in the city you are only an atom
of an aggregation.
In the country you keep your cheek close to the
breast of Nature. You are calmed and ennobled by
the space, the amplitude and scope of earth and sky—
by the constancy of the stars.
�(
)
Lincoln never finished his education. To the night
■of his death he was a pupil, a learner, an inquirer,
a seeker after knowledge. You have no idea how
many men are spoiled by what is called education.
For the most part, colleges are places where pebbles
are polished and diamonds are dimmed. If Shake
speare had graduated at Oxford, he might have been a
quibbling attorney, or a hypocritical parson.
Lincoln was a great lawyer. There is nothing
shrewder in the world than intelligent honesty.
Perfect candor is sword and shield.
He understood the nature of man. As a lawyer
he endeavored to get at the truth, at the very heart of a
case. He was not willing even to deceive himself.
No matter what his interest said, what his passion
demanded, he was great enough to find the truth and
strong enough to pronounce judgment against his own
desires.
Lincoln was a many-sided man, acquainted with
smiles and tears, complex in brain, single in heart,
direct as light; and his words, candid as mirrors^ gave
the perfect image of his thought. He was never
afraid to ask—never too dignified to admit that he did
not know. No man had keener wit, or kinder humor,
It may be that humor is the pilot of reason. People
without humor drift unconsciously into absurdity.
Humor sees the other side—stands in the mind like a
spectator, a good-natured critic, and gives its opinion
before judgment is reached. Humor goes with good
nature, and good nature is the climate of reason.
In anger, reason abdicates and malice extinguishes the
torch. Such was the humor of Lincoln that he could
tell even unpleasant truths as charmingly as most men
can tell the things we wish to hear.
He was not solemn. Solemnity is a mask worn by
�( 27 )
ignorance and hypocrisy—is is the preface, prologue,
and index to the cunning or the stupid.
He was natural in his life and thought—master
of the story-teller’s art, in illustration apt, in application
perfect, liberal in speech, shocking Pharisees and
prudes, using any word that wit could disinfect.
He was a logician. His logic shed light. In its
presence the obscure became luminous, and the most
complex and intricate political and metaphysical knots
seemed to untie themselves. Logic is the necessary
product of intelligence and sincerity. It cannot be
learned. It is the child of a clear head and a good
heart.
Lincoln was candid, and with candor often deceived
the deceitful. He had intellect without arrogance,
genius without pride, and religion without cant—that
is to say, without bigotry and without deceit.
He was an orator—clear, sincere, natural. He did
not pretend. He did not say what he thought others
thought, but what he thought.
If you wish to be sublime you must be natural—you
must keep close to the grass. You must sit by the
fireside of the heart : above the clouds it is too cold.
You must be simple in your speech : too much polish
suggests insincerity.
The great orator idealises the real, transfigures the
common, makes even the inanimate throb and thrill,
fills the gallery of the imagination with statues and
pictures perfect in form and color, brings to light the
gold hoarded by memory the miser, shows the glittering
coin to the spendthrift hope, enriches the brain,
ennobles the heart, and quickens the conscience.
Between his lips words bud and blossom.
If you wish to know the difference between an
orator and an elocutionist—between what is felt and
what is said—between what the heart and brain can
�( 28 )
do together and what the brain can do alone—read
Lincoln’s wondrous speech at Gettysburg, and then the
speech of Edward Everett.
The oration of Lincoln will never be forgotten. It
will live until languages are dead and lips are dust.
The speech of Everett will never be read.
The elocutionists believe in the virtue of voice, the
sublimity of syntax, the majesty of long sentences,
and the genius of gesture.
The orator loves the real, the simple, the natural.
He places the thought above all. He knows that the
greatest ideas should be expressed in shortest words_
that the greatest statues need the least drapery.
Lincoln was an immense personality—firm but not
obstinate. Obstinacy is egotism—firmness, heroism.
He influenced others without effort, unconsciously;
and they submitted to him as men submit to nature—
unconsciously. He was severe with himself, and for
that reason lenient with others.
He appeared to apologise for being kinder than his
fellows.
He did merciful things as stealthily as others com
mitted crimes.
Almost ashamed of tenderness, he said and did the
noblest words and deeds with that charming con
usion, that awkwardness, that is the perfect grace of
fmodesty.
As a noble man wishing to pay a small debt to a
poor neighbor, reluctantly offers a hundred dollar bill
and asks for change, fearing that he may be suspected
either of making a display of wealth or a pretence of
payment, so Lincoln hesitated to show his wealth of
goodness, even to the best he knew.
A great man stooping, not wishing to make his
fellows feel that they were small or mean.
�( 29 )
By his candor, by his kindness, by his perfect free
dom from restraint, by saying what he thought, and
saying it absolutely in his own way, he made it not
only possible, but popular, to be natural. He was the
■enemy of mock solemnity, of the stupidly respectable,
of the cold and formal.
He wore no official robes either on his body or his
soul. He never pretended to be more or less, or other,
or different, from what he really was.
He had the unconscious naturalness of Nature's self.
He built upon the rock. The foundation was secure
and broad. The structure was a pyramid, narrowing
as it rose. Through days and nights of sorrow, through
years of grief and pain, with unswerving purpose,
‘ with malice towards none, with charity for all,” with
infinite patience, with unclouded vision, he hoped and
toiled. Stone after stone was laid, until at last the
Proclamation found its place. On that the goddess
stands.
He knew others, because perfectly acquainted with
himself. He cared nothing for place, but everything
for principle ; nothing for money, but everything for
independence. Where no principle was involved,
easily swayed ; willing to go slowly, if in the right
direction ; sometimes willing to stop ; but he would not
go back, and he would not go wrong.
He was willing to wait ; he knew that the event was
not waiting, and that fate was not the fool of chance.
He knew that slavery had defenders, but no defence,
and that they who attack the right must wound them
selves.
He was neither tyrant nor slave ; he neither knelt
nor scorned.
With him, men were neither great nor small—they
were right or wrong.
�( 30 )
Through manners, clothes, titles, rags and race he
saw the real—that which is. Beyond accident, policy,
compromise and war he saw the end.
He was patient as Destiny, whose undecipherable
hieroglyphs were so deeply graven’on his sad and
tragic fate.
Nothing discloses real character like the use of
power. It is easy for the weak to be gentle. Most
people can bear adversity. But if you wish to know
what a man really is, give him power. This is the
supreme test. It is the glory of Lincoln that, having
almost absolute power, he never abused it, except on
the side of mercy.
Wealth could not purchase, power could not awe
this divine, this loving man.
He knew no fear except the fear of doing wrong.
Hating slavery, pitying the master—seeking to conquer,
not persons, but prejudices—he was the embodiment of
the self-denial, the courage, the hope, and the nobility
of a Nation.
He spoke not to inflame, not to upbraid, but tn
convince.
He raised his hands, not to strike, but in benediction.
He longed to pardon.
He loved to see the pearls of joy on the cheeks of a
wife whose husband he had rescued from death.
Lincoln was the grandest figure of the fiercest civil
war. He is the gentlest memory of oui* world.
��WROKS BY COL. R. G. INGERSOLL.
s. d.
MISTAKES OF MOSES
1 0
Superior edition, in cloth
1 6
DEFENCE OF FREETHOUGHT
0 6
Five Hours’ Speech at the Triai of C. B.
Reynolds for Blasphemy.
REPLY TO GLADSTONE. With a Biography by
J. M. Wheeler
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ROME OR REASON ? Reply to Cardinal Manning 0 4
CRIMES AGAINST CRIMINALS
0 3
AN ORATION ON WALT WHITMAN d
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ORATION ON VOLTAIRE
..
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THE THREE PHILANTHROPISTS
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TRUE RELIGION ...
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FAITH AND FACT. Reply to Rev. Dr. Field
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GOD AND MAN. Second Reply to Dr Field
0 2
THE HOUSEHOLD OF FAITH
...
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LOVE THE REDEEMER. Reply to Count Tolstoi 0 2
THE LIMITS OF TOLERATION
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A Discussion with Hon. F. D. Ooudert and
Gov. S. L. Woodford
THE DYING CREED
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DO I BLASPHEME ?
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THE CLERGY AND COMMON SENSE "
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SOCIAL SALVATION
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MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE ...
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GOD AND THE STATE
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WHY AM I AN AGNOSTIC?
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WHY AM I AN AGNOSTIC? Part II”'
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ART AND MORALITY
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CREEDS AND SPIRITUALITY
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CHRIST AND MIRACLES
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THE GREAT MISTAKE
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LIVE TOPICS
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REPAIRING THE IDOLS
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Read THE FREETHINKER, edited by G.W. Foote.
Sixteen Pages.
Price One Penny.
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�
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Abraham Lincoln : an oration
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Ingersoll, Robert Green [1833-1899]
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Abraham Lincoln
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18 6 8.
BY
EUGENE
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Reprinted from the “ English Leader.”
TRÜBNER & CO, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1868.
�LONDON:
printed at
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victoria press
83a,
(for
the emplotment of women),
farbingdon street, e.c.
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If there is a subject on which it is high time the friends of justice
and freedom—the Liberals of Europe, if there must be a party name,
or the party of progress—should revise their former opinions, that
subject is that of Austria. And it is not an inconsistent reversion
of a former judgment, by ignoring the evidence hitherto before us,
which we recommend; it is a reconsideration of it by the light of
new and altered facts, and in the greater clearness of aspect which
recent changes, by repressing gloomy shadows, have, at last,
allowed us. He who was an opponent to Austria, because he was a
friend of freedom, is not hereby required to be a friend of freedom no
longer. He is invited, on the contrary, to discover in the new
turn which things have taken in Austria the possibility of a new
element being added to the cause of freedom. We say the possibility,
we wish we could at once use a stronger term. But our feeling, after
so many disappointments, is not one of certitude, is one barely of
hope, and even this wants, sometimes, faith to prop it up against
doubt. Still, this is the position which, we believe, we plainly see
before us. Austria was formerly a bulwark of Conservative
despotism in Europe. Severely chastened, she promises now to be a
bulwark against the aggressive despotism of Russia. She was the
former because she misunderstood her own position, and began by
repressing the energies of her own people. She promises to be the
latter, because she seems to have arrived—at a late hour, it is true—
at feeling her own mission, and she begins by calling forth the vitality
that is in her populations. Grievously battered by successive storms,
heavily burdened by the acts of her former captains, with but little
confidence expressed in her by those who surround her, the old ship
starts on her new voyage. But many of the causes which threatened
disaster formerly have been removed, her course is now steered by
the firm hand of a clear-sighted helmsman, and if the crew do but
keep up a good heart and a good understanding among themselves
a long career may be yet before her, and she may protect old
* In this reprint of the following chapters, which originally appeared in the
weekly paper, the English Leader, only a few verbal alterations have been made,
and two or three footnotes and documents have been added.
t Austria, a Constitutional State: a Short Sketch of the Rise, Progress, and
Development of Constitutional Life in the Austrian Dominions, London i Dulau
& Co. pp. 100.
B
2
�4
dominions and discover new ones, a blessing to herself and others.
If!
We of the present generation, when, youthful and hopeful, we took
our stand under the banner of freedom, and began a long and
chequered march, did not set out as friends of Austria. She was
to us a dark and frowning image, an image to be broken ere the goal
of that young army of 1848 could be reached. But if it is grievous
as life wears on to lose many of the rosy illusions for whose realisation
we longed, is it not a gracious, and a rare, experience to see depart
from us the darkening shadow of hatred 1 We have hated Austria—
the State, though not the Austrian people. We have now done with
our hatred, and we are not the poorer for that.
We have hated Austria. And was that hatred a mere heirloom,
and a thing which had come to us from our reading the outpourings
of French republicanism, of Protestant antagonism ? No doubt, on
such historic basis, on the recollections of the French Revolution, or
of the philospher-king, Frederic II., or of the Thirty Years’ war,
stood many a one unconsciously when he joined in the chorus :
Delenda est Austria. But was there not ample reality about us in the
doings which the generation immediately before us witnessed, and
which we witnessed ourselves 'I Did not Austria stand before us,
soulless, cold, with a mighty shadow and a leaden weight, an
oppressor, together with the Bourbons, in Italy; an oppressor,
together with Prussia, in Germany ; an oppressor, together with
Prussia and Russia, in Poland ; an oppressor, on her own account,
in Hungary, and in oppressive league with the enemies of freedom
in Switzerland 1 So she appeared to us, and when we were startled
by the moan from Silvio Pellico’s dungeon, or listened indignantly
to La Fayette’s prison tale, no voice but that of sweet, thought
lulling music came on the side of Austria; or, now and then, though
the hand of Government rested heavily on literature, the lyre of an
anonymous poet, like Anastasius Grün, broke through the stillness,
*
saying but too plainly—“Yes, you are right; this beautiful Austria
of ours is a prison, and a place of gaolers, and therefore hateful.”
But it added, “ It need not be so ; over these beautiful lands, these
broad rivers, these waving forests, the life of freedom may yet be
shed; the night may give way to the day, and her people may be
happy, and render others happy, if she only learn her own interests
and keep to them.” If 1
And so, though all is not yet as it might be, the day has broken,
and Austria, having released the spasmodic grasp at the throat of
others, feels the new life flowing through her, and with it comes a
new mission—which was, indeed, long present before her, but could
not be clearly perceived, because oppression dims the eye of the
oppressor. Ard our hatred is gone, and we look hopefully on the
new brother, thinking his life may be of a new—and to most of us
unexpected—value to himself, and to all of us, if he but cure him
* Count C. von Auersperg.
�5
self of those severe wounds which the contest has left all over his
body. If!
But the conversion of the friends of freedom to new views towards
Austria is, as yet, by no means complete, and as far as it goes, it has
made progress but slowly. And so far-reaching are the decrees of
fate, so inevitable the consequences of ill-deeds, so interwoven the
destinies of men and States, that when in 1866, for the first time
since many a long day, Austria came forth, as against Prussia, as the
champion of justice, by upholding the Bund, which, forbidding war
between the members of the Confederation, was one of the guaran
tees of European peace, and in defence against the most atrocious
double-dealing, the most shameless swindle attempted—and now,
alas ! carried out—by Prussia against the inhabitants of SchleswigHolstein, whom she pretended to free that she might swallow them
better, substituting herself as King Stork for King Log—even in that
hour, and with that most righteous cause, Austria succumbed. For
Prussia, who had just come forward in the vilest service to Russia
as her hangman’s assistant against the poor Poles, opening her
territories for Alexander’s bands to capture the fugitives, Prussia,
most perfidiously, called up another righteous cause to her help ;
and the conscience of mankind was divided, and in many an honest
breast the feeling for Italy against Austria overlaid the feeling for
Austria against Prussia. Might she lose there and win here !—such
was the wish of many, and it was a natural and a legitimate wish.
Still, almost general were the sympathies with Italy, spare those for
Prussia, till the luck of Austria went down in that terrible evening
sun of Sadowa, and Prussia, the successful seceder from her federal
bond, was applauded by those whose cry of condemnation against
the American seceders could never rise high enough; and the
Hohenzollern, under the dictates of his unscrupulous statesmen,
filched from the lips of honest and short-sighted enthusiasts the cry
of Unity, to use it in order, by his aggrandisement, to bring about
the disruption of the Fatherland.
Deprived of her Italian possessions, which had driven her into
the abyss, expelled from that Germany which she had led for five
hundred years, and often misled, and often neglected, and which she
had, in the face of Prussian intrigue, unsuccessfully endeavoured, in
1863, to reform, shorn of most of her prestige while acquiring a new
and unexpected one on the sea, shaken in her very foundations,
bleeding from many wounds, yet not without a ray of hope, though
even that is overclouded with shadows (for had not Albert conquered
at Custozza, he whose daughter, in the promise of youth, has just
been burnt to death; had not Maximilian prepared the victory of
Lissa, he who nobly dying expiated dearly his misjudgment ?) Austria
bestirred herself setting her house in order.
She had tried it before, over and over again, these last nineteen
years ; and the memoire which we cite at the head of these observa
tions gives us the record of her attempts. It is not cheerful reading,
this account of the long travail of constitutional life in Austria ; but
�6
to him who will understand the present, it is useful, nay necessary.
Manifold and sometimes violent were the experiments to cure the
“ sick man; ” and it required indeed no slight robustness in the
impatient patient to outlive the tentative doctors of Centralisation,
of Federalism, of Dualism. It is in the latter that we see Austria
now settled. The Magyars have gained their cause, for which they
struggled for so many years, with a persistency admirable, though
not free from national selfishness. The other populations of the
empire might before this have consolidated the building of their
political freedom, had the Magyars chosen to throw their lot in with
them. Yet it is not to be wondered that they stood out from what
would appear to them but the shifty quicksands of experimentalising,
as compared with the firm rock of their Golden Bull, their Pragmatic
Sanction, their Coronation Preamble of 1790, their Laws of 1848,
their Continuity of Right. They have gained their point, and—
though some clever writers are willing to taunt them with their being
no literary people —they have fulfilled their special mission among
*
the nations of the continent, by proving what can be achieved by a
firm, and it may be a stubborn, adherence to existing law—existing
though all the scaffolds in the world should take the place of its
judgment-seats, and all the inkstands flood the writing on its parch
ments. They have achieved what the more moderate, and the great
bulk of that nation of aristocrats required ; and there is satisfaction
in seeing this firmness of national character rewarded, though its aims
are not quite—-or rather are far away of what the democratic sympa
thisers in Great Britain have fancied them to be, or what the words
of Kossuth, trying to be “ all things to all men,” would have led one
to believe, when in one of the brilliant hues of the many-coloured
rainbow of his splendid eloquence he identified himself with the
republicans of France against that Louis Bonaparte, whom, an
emperor, he followed in so docile a manner. And it must not be
overlooked, but mentioned in their praise, that the Magyars, as the
hour of their victory drew near, gave more heed to the moderate
councils of Deák, Pulszky, Eotvos, and others, and that by agreeing
to the common treatment, between Vienna and Pesth, of many
affairs, they have indeed, on their side, made important concessions
to the general interests of the empire, so far’ overcoming their
national egotism. In what way they will further tend remains to
be seen. In their hands, in a great measure, the fate of Austria now
lies. If, judging sanely of their own position, surroundings, and
numbers, they go hand in hand with the German population of
the empire, and if both together know how to conciliate by justice
the different other races, the great Danube State, the wedge between
Russia and Europe, may yet be saved from the threatening danger of
Panslavism. If, on the other hand, they burrow deeper into the isola
tion of their Magyarism, they are indeed in a position to cut Austria’s
throat—and their own.
Cornhill. August: “The Pageant in Pesth.'
�7
IL
Already there lies before us a most important outcome of the yielding
of the emperor to the voice of the people on this side, and on that
of the Leitha, the little frontier river between Germany and Hun
gary. Those legislative steps have been taken at Vienna and Pesth
which seal the doom of the unfortunate Concordate.
*
Many of our
readerswill recollect the unfavourable impression produced in 1855
by this unlucky compact with Rome, by which Austria, enormously
exaggerating the respect due to the Church of the great majority
of her inhabitants, and in her then pursuit of a thoroughly reaction
ary policy, striving to be the Catholic-Conservative power par
excellence, gave up to the Papal Court and its hierarchy so much of
the rights of the State, so much of the rights of the individual. By
so doing she created an atmosphere of priestly influence and
interference, which gradually became unbearable, not to the Pro
testants and Confessors of the Greek, or Orthodox Jaith alone, but
also to very many of the Roman Catholics themselves. Well, and
with rare eloquence was this compact denounced by Kossuth, him
self a Protestant, yet once acknowledged as leader by a nationality
chiefly Catholic. Still we should put too great a blame on Austria
for this mistaken step, were we to look at it as an isolated fact.
It must not be forgotten that it belongs to a period of general
continental reaction against the spirit of 1848, a period which saw
the priest and the dogma called in on every side, to help the
corporal and the bayonet to uphold the tottering thrones. This
revival of priestly influence, long prepared by literary agencies, and
showing its head openly in the Sonderbund of Switzerland, tenta
tively in most countries of Europe, in Belgium especially, nay in
England herself, had received, in 1849, a mighty impulse by what
the eloquent and learned historian, Edgar Quinet, trying to arrest
the calamity, aptly called the crusade against the Roman Republic.t
The fall of Rome, which the enthusiasm of Mazzini and the heroism
of Garibaldi could no longer delay, carried the shortsighted victors
farther than they, or some of them, had intended, and the note
paper of the then President of the Republic, Louis Bonaparte’s
letter to “ mon cher Edgar,” proved a very inefficient drag in the
course of Papal ascendancy. Events being turned from one direc
tion, irresistibly rolled into the opposite one, and the temporal
power being re-established, offered its help to all the secular powers.
* Whilst this reprint passes through the press, news arrives of the Upper
House of the Austrian Reichsrath having, amidst great public rejoicing, adopted
the Bills on Public Schools, and on Civil Marriage—bills which virtually and by
regular legislative proceedings put an end to the Concordate.
t “La Croisade Autrichienne, Française, Napolitaine, Espagnole, contre la
République Romaine.” Par E. Quinet, représentant du peuple. 4me éd. Paris :
Chamerot.
�8
A politico-priestly odour went through the world.
*
The late King
of Prussia, burying in mysticism his originally bright gifts, and tend
ing to his own insanity, and to the stupefaction of his subjects, saw
with a well-pleased eye the activity of Protestant Pietists—the sort
of people who represent to worthy Lord Shaftesbury the modern
German mind, and give him so much satisfaction—and was not
wholly averse to the perambulations of the Jesuits. One of the first
acts of Louis Napoleon’s new power, after the subversion of the
constitution, was to hand over the national pantheon to the Roman
Catholic clergy, who thenceforth, and till 1859, proved stout allies,
and were treated as such. What wonder that Austria, which but
once, under Joseph II., and during the short reign of Leopold II.,
had seen her sovereign free from priestly influence, should offer to
grasp the hand of Rome, or be seized by her grip. Perhaps even
a greater thought than one of mere internal reaction was among the
motives of Baron Bach, the then leading spirit of the Hofburg :
“ Hungary lies at the feet of your majesty,” were the words with
which the Russian Prince Paskiewitch had announced to his master
at St. Petersburgh the result of the help vouchsafed to the House of
Hapsburg. And this dangerous protector is a member of the
Orthodox Greek Church. Might not the Court of Vienna hope
that, by making itself the chief champion of Roman Catholicity,
it could gain in a possible collision the sympathies of Catholics in
Europe—and in the Russian Empire, in Poland, for instance 2 If
so, the arrow overshot its aim : the loss of sympathies at home and
abroad greatly outbalanced any possible advantage in the direction
indicated. But we cannot wonder at the conduct of the Vienna
government, for without such far-reaching motives, even the govern
ments of two of the smaller states that have always been in the van
of German progress—though the Prussian scribes have tried to
obscure the fact—fell into the snare: Baden, which by sustaining
temporary Prussian conquest and occupation, and driving into exile
one man in every 120, had been rendered pliable enough for a little
while, to give way under repeated pressure/and so had Wurtemberg,
without such excuse, and by we know not what freak of popular
weakness. It is true such victory did not last long, and, in i860,
rhe estates of Wurtemberg, by formally asking again for the convo
cation of the German Parliament—not meaning thereby the sham
of Bismarkia—and those of Baden, by annulling the Concordate,
again inaugurated the German movement for freedom which, in
1849, had been suppressed by the Prussian cannon. The turn of
Austria has now come. We must indeed not expect her, as some
members of Messrs. Whalley and Murphy’s Society might wish, to
take a position hostile to Catholicism ; and no doubt, by doing so,
her Government would act both unwisely and unjustly ; for the
Roman Catholics are the majority of her population, both in the
whole empire and in each of the two parts—the Cis-Leithian
* Very full details in the pious W. Menzel’s “ Geschichte der letzten vierzig
Jahre.” 3rd edition. Stuttgardt, 1865. Tom ii., pp. 384-392.
�9
countries and Hungary, taken separately. They are credibly stated
to form 70-39 per cent, of the whole population. This, without
counting the United Greeks, that is, those who are in some sort
connected with Rome, having, in exchange for the concession of
the marriage of priests and the Eucharist in both forms, acknow
ledged the supremacy of the Pope. These form 9-87 per cent, of the
whole population. The members of the not united or Orthodox
Greek Church, again, are 8'44 per cent. The confessors of both
forms of the Greek Church—18’21 per cent, of the whole population
—are chiefly found in the South Slavonic portions of the empire, in
Croatia, Slavonia, and parts of Hungary. The Protestants—9-33
per cent. —inhabit principally Transylvania (Unitarians) and parts
*
of Hungary, though a considerable fraction are also left, the rem
nants of once powerful Churches, in Austria proper and Bohemia.
The terrible converting process to which the Hussites and other
Protestant Czechs, or Slavonians of Bohemia, have been subjected
in the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries has led them, of course,
back to the Roman Church, to which it is well known the Poles, or
Slavonians of Galicia, likewise in their great majority belong; and
these two facts, coupled with strong dialectic differences, are of
political importance, as they may go some way towards counteract
ing the machinations by which both the West Slavonians and the
South Slavonians are to be drawn together into what appears to
some enthusiasts-)- a bond of loving brotherhood, but to others the
meshes of the Russian net. In the Tyrol the people are nearly to
a man (and woman) Roman Catholic. Sincerely religious, and a
trifle bigoted, they have even to be weaned by Government from
expressing their dislike of Protestants by the upholding of inadmis
sible restrictions. Under such circumstances, it is natural enough
to expect that considerable regard will still have to be shown to the
Roman Catholic religion by the Austrian Government. But that
government, in unison with the Vienna Reichsrath and the Pesth
Diet, is on the good road to that equality of rights of all religious
* We take these figures as to the number of different Churches from Reden’s
“ Staatshaushalt und Abgabenwesen des Oesterreichischen Kaiserstaats,” Darm
stadt, 1853, pp. 1,024. The numbers of the population there given have, no
doubt, increased since the period to which this very comprehensive work refers,
but the proportions cannot have essentially changed.
f The two ladies, amongst others, Miss Mackenzie and Miss Irby, who have
just published the results of their travels, for which they were prepared by the
Pan-slavist agitators of Prague and Vienna. “The Turks, the Greeks, and the
Slavons. ” Bell & Daldy, 1867, pp. 688.
In this connection may also be mentioned Dr. Humphrey Sandwith’s “Notes
on the South Slavonic Countries, in Austria and Turkey in Europe.” (Black
wood & Sons, 1865, pp. 66.)--The Author knows more about Turkey than
about Austria, but he is willing enough to include, in favour of the Slavonians,
the latter in his condemnation of the former. It is perhaps fair to suppose that,
had he lived to see Austria turning into a new path, his views might have been
modified. Compare also “The Serbian Nation and the Eastern question,” by
Vladimir Yovanovitch. (Bell & Daldy, 1863.) The author is unjust to the
■Turks, quoting against them pretended words of the Koran which he cannot have
read.
�IO
professions which has become, in our days, the unabateable claim—
or, at least, the ideal—of the political philosopher. Let the dead
body of the Concordate be buried out of sight in as decent and
decorous a manner as maybe; its departed spirit will-no longer
vex the soul of any friend of freedom and justice.
III.
The pamphlet which we mentioned at the head of these articles,
and whose title we again cite below, betrays its origin by a number
*
of Germanisms. These occur rather in the manner of viewing and
illustrating matters, than in mere verbal peculiarities, and need
repel no reader. This German, or, we should say, Austrian origin
does, in our eyes, no harm to the value of the mémoire, and we
rather like that this origin should be so manifest to the reader as
almost to lift the pamphlet out of its sphere of anonymous produc
tions, and give it somewhat of the stamp of tangible responsibility.
It is highly desirable that the public should learn more about
Austria from Austrian sources, or from the friends of Austria, and in
this view we were glad to see in the ably conducted new weekly,
The Chronicle, a series of articles proceeding evidently from very
unusual knowledge of the case, and others during the last year in
Macmillan's and the Cornhill, though some of the contributions in
the latter be tinged by the personal disappointments of a minor
diplomatist. What an English author, conversant by a long stay
with Austria, has said of her, is certainly in a great measure true.
“ The chief sources from which we have obtained information
respecting her, have been those inimical to herself. And again
“We were in reality ignorant of her true condition, of her necessi
ties, of her difficult and peculiar position towards her various peoples,
and of the real motives which guided her.”t
This want, then, of more direct information, or, at any rate, of
evidence for the accused, is to some extent supplied in the pamphlet
before us. Not fully ; further elucidations in the same direction
will from time to time become desirable ; and even now it would
help one greatly to get out of a state of bewilderment which so
many attempts at constitutional organisation leave behind, were the
author to draw up a little collection of documents, which at the side
of the historic account would state, as nearly as might be in the
words of the charters and resolutions themselves, the actual condi
tion of things, omitting that which has. been abrogated, and filling
* “Austria, a Constitutional State : a Short Sketch of the Use, Progress, and
Development of Constitutional Life in the Austrian Dominions.” London : Dulau
& Co., Soho Square, 1867.
•¡•“Prussian Aggression and Englands Interests.
London: E. Stanford,
Charing Cross, 1866.
�II
up the picture with such geographical and statistic detail as would,
in such connection, be very welcome to the foreigner.
On this present state of things we will hear our author, premising,
however, that the reader has to represent it to himself as preceded
by these sevenfold successive different conditions.
(a) Before 1848 Absolutism, practically pur et simple on this side
of the Leitha, with an occasional and almost nominal activity of pro
vincial estates unconnected with each other, and totally without
practical influence; but on the other side of the Leitha, the full
activity of [the Hungarian Diet, then simply an oligarchic body, pro
tecting the privileges of the nobility ; Metternich the master.
(p} In Vienna, in Hungary, everywhere, the revolutionary fever of
1848, resulting in much bloodshed, abolition of old rights, aspira
tions after new ones, but practically leaving behind it the great
result of freeing the cultivator of the soil from the remainders of
serfdom; nobody in particular governing, everybody wishing to
govern.
(p) The octroyed constitution of March 4th, 1849; a dead-born
child wishing to grow great by abolishing the authority of Hungary ;
granting centralised parliamentary institutions which never acted ;
a baby Hercules strangling himself with the serpents he wanted to
kill; Baron Bach the nurse.
(ff) After the great catastrophe of 1859, the establishment of the
Reichsrath, or rather its change, or “ enlargement ” by decree
of 5th March, i860, from a Council of State into a semi-parliamen
tarian assembly drawn from the revivified provincial diets, and with
small powers to be exercised by its eighty members, some appointed
by the emperor for life-time, others selected by him out of a list of
candidates, three for each seat, to be proposed by the diets; as
sembly meeting, so constituted, yet demanding financial and other
reforms ; obtaining the change of the character of the Reichsrath
from a consultative into a “ deliberative and consulting ” body.
(Imperial Rescript of 17th July, i860.) Counts Goluchowski and
Rechberg the inefficient soothers of the patient.
(e) The period of the diploma of 20th October, i860, extending
the numbers of the Reichsrath, and especially its functions, re-es
tablishing the Hungarian Parliament, though not yet all its privileges ;
creating a restricted Reichsrath for affairs respecting the Cis and
Transleithan countries ; attempting a reorganisation of the consti
tution of the estates of non-Hungarian crown lands, not without
a good by-taste of feudalism ; steering a middle course between
federalism, that means in Austria the almost complete autonomy,
under feudal leaders, of the single provinces, and centralism, that
is the bureaucratic negation of local individuality ; satisfying no
one, erecting nothing tangible but loud agitation in Hungary, de
claring in unmistakable Magyar, not elsewhere intelligible, that they
would not go to Vienna, happen otherwise what might; the father
and would-be manager of the chaos, Count Goluchowski, a Pole.
(/) Out of which chaos sprung the imperial patent of February
�12
26th, 1861, parliamentary again, interpreting itself as being the fulfil'
ment of the October diploma, and as being its counterpart also ; the
position of Hungary remaining essentially the same; that of the
other provinces being by the influence of German liberals modified,
in a sense unfavourable to the federalistic, feudal, and Slavonic
views ; the constitution of the Reichsrath somewhat assimilated to
the English model, an upper and lower house created, the members
of the lower house no longer nominated by the emperor, but elected
by the provincial diets, which were confined, however, in their
choice of delegates, being bound to elect a certain proportion from
among the supposed representatives of the different interests or
localities, according to a principle on which the provincial estates them
selves were made to rest, and which was not quite an innovation;
*
the new “ Reichsrath”—after the abolition of the old one, restricted
and not restricted—being called together, expecting to be joined by
the Hungarians; Hungarians declining, as usual, won’t go anywhere,
stand by Pragmatic Sanction ; Reichsrath turned into a special and
restricted Reichsrath, meaning this time for the treatment of all
non-Hungarian affairs ; this, in all essentials still, or again, the new
constitution, auctore Chevalier Von Schmerling ; Reichsrath meeting
now, 1867, again, but no longer expecting Hungarians. But this is
anticipating—
(o) The Hungarians still standing out, not coming to Vienna,
though Transylvania, that is, the non-Magyar portion thereof—
Germans and Roumains—did send deputies, the Reichsrath at
Vienna gained indeed control over the finances (not sufficient to
end the financial troubles), and the principle of ministerial responsibilityf—the former of which principles the Prussian Chamber has
* At the same time each crown-land was furnished with special regulations in
respect to the number of representatives, and the mode of their election by the
different classes of electors ; the boundaries of the country districts being carefully
defined. The various classes of electors were divided into three categories :—1st.
The large landed proprietors. 2nd. Citizens of towns and market-places, inclu
ding members of the Chambers of Commerce. 3rd. Inhabitants of country
districts, including voters in their own right having a so-called votum virile. The
two first categories were direct voters, the third category were indirect voters ;
they had to choose a voter for every 500 inhabitants. Thus many citizens were
entitled to a double vote; as, for instance, a member of the Chamber of Com
merce could vote in that capacity as well as in that of a ratepayer, so that already
a greater regard was paid to the principle of the “representation of interests”
than “ class'representation,” as was formerly the case. Taking the diet of Lower
Austria as an example, we find it composed of two ecclesiastics (the Archbishop
of Vienna and the Bishop of St. Polten), the rector of the university, fifteen depu
ties from among the large landowners, twenty-four from towns and market-places,
four from the Chamber of Commerce, and twenty from the country districts.
The qualification for an elector of the first category was the payment of 200 florins
annually in direct taxes. For the second category, 20 florins in Vienna and
10 florins in the other towns. Members of the Chambers of Commerce, clergy
men, professors, and officials, were voters without regard to the payment of
taxes^n
of May, then, Minister von Schmerling declared himself authorised
to inform the members of both Houses that the declaration made in the House of
Representatives on the 2nd of July, 1861, by the ministry to hold themselves
�13
just lost by means of the North German Bismarkian hoax, while she
could never gain the latter—and thus, already five years ago, a
French writer could say, and be reprimanded for it, that there was
more liberty in Austria than in France. But neither the State in
her integrity, nor the government itself, nor the advantages gained
by the liberal party, could gain consistency and duration, while the
Hungarians, allying national with aristocratic feeling, and with whom
for a while the Slavonians, both feudal and generally destructive,
joined, continued to stand out, deaf to every consideration but those
drawn from their own valuable privileges. As to the rejection of the
proffered gifts, there was no doubt among them, they divided only
whether they should reject them by an address to the emperor—
or rather king—or should pass them by with a resolution. The
speech of Dedk, the great leader of the moderates, will be long
remembered, and is noteworthy as containing the substance of the
Hungarian grievances against Austria (13th May, 1861).
“In former times,” he said, “the disputes between the sovereign and the
Hungarian nation arose from two parties giving different interpretations to the
laws, the validity of which was recognised by both. At present the Austrian
government is trying to force Hungary to accept a constitution as a boon, in lieu
of those fundamental laws to which she is so warmly attached. On the side of
Hungary are right and justice, on the other side is physical force. During the
last twelve years we have suffered grievous wrongs. The constitution which we
inherited from our forefathers was taken from us; we were governed in an
absolute way, and patriotism was considered crime.
Suddenly his majesty
resolved‘to enter the path of constitutionalism,’ and the diploma of the 20th
of October, i860, appeared. That document encroaches on our constitutional
independence, inasmuch as it transfers to a foreign assembly (the Reichsrath) the
right to grant the supplies of money and men, and makes the Hungarian government dependent on the Austrian, which is not responsible for its acts. If
Hungary accepted the diploma of the 26th October, she would be an Austrian
province.. The policy of the Austrian government is a direct violation of the
Pragmatic Sanction, the fundamental treaty which the Hungarian nation in 1723
concluded with the reigning family.* We must therefore solemnly declare that
*
responsible to the Reichsrath for the maintenance of the Constitution and for the
exact fulfilment of the laws, had been given with the express sanction of the
emperor ; that his majesty had consented to the principle of ministerial responsi
bility ; and that the decree of the 20th of August, 1851, enacting that the ministry
should be responsible solely and exclusively to the monarch, had been revoked.
With this declaration another corner-stone was inserted in the constitutional
edifice which considerably strengthened the moral power and authority of the
House.
7
* The Pragmatic Sanction is the fundamental political contract with respect
to the succession to the throne which the Hungarian nation in 1723 concluded
with the King, of Hungary, the ancestor of the present reigning family. The
Hungarian nation gave the female line of the Hapsburgs the right to reign in
Hungary on condition that the future sovereigns of that line should govern accord
ing to the existing laws of the country, or according to the laws which might in
future be made. The Emperor Joseph II., who was never crowned in Hungary
governed that kingdom absolutely; but its inhabitants never recognised him as
their lawful sovereign. Maria Theresa was the first “king” who in virtue of
the Pragmatic Sanction ascended the throne of Hungary, and she faithfully ful
filled the conditions of that bilateral treaty. Leopold II., the second Hungarian
king, who ascended the throne on the death of Joseph II., signed an inaugural
diploma, took the usual coronation oath, and, besides, sanctioned the 10th
�i4
we insist on the restoration of our constitutional independence and self-govern
ment, which we consider the fundamental principles of our national existence.
We can on no account allow the right to vote the supplies of money and men to
be taken from us. We will not make laws for other countries and will share our
right to legislate for Hungary with no one but the king. . . We will neither
send deputies' to the present Reichsrath nor take any share in the representation
of the empire.” At a subsequent sitting of the Hungarian Diet, Count Julius
Andrassy (now Hungarian minister), made a still more determined speech in
defence of Hungarian independence. ‘ ‘ The nationalities inhabiting the empire,
he said, “ must choose between centralization and federation. Centralization and
absolutism must necessarily go hand in hand. If the principle of duality is
recognised, and Austria has a free constitution, a union between the empire and
Hungary may easily be effected. The Hungarian nation refuses to have anything
to do with the promulgated constitution of the 26th of February. The position
of Austria as a great power is better secured by the principles of duality than by
the principles of unity. The Hungarians will continue to insist on the restoration
of the laws of 1848.”
IV.
The Radical-Magyar party had insisted and carried that the title of
“ Imperial Royal ” should not be given in the address to the king,
who was simply called i£ your majesty,” consistently with the Magyar
doctrine, which did not admit the validity of his predecessor s abdi
cation, and the present emperor’s accession, and with the Hungairan axiom, Princefs est qui jurat, qui jurata serz'ctt et qui coronatus
esl, an axiom which is worthy of a free nation, and pleasing to an
imaginative one.
With a royal rescript, dated the 3°th Julie> the address was
returned—
“We consider it to be our first duty,” said the emperor m this rescript, “ in
order to preserve the humble respect that is due to our royal person and our royal
hereditary rights-a respect which the throne and its dignity demand by good
right, and which has been set aside in this address of the States and representa
tives by their discarding the forms legally used, to reject the address which, in
violation of the royal prerogatives, is not addressed to the hereditary King of
Hungary.”
The Hungarian Parliament gave way on this point, and the form of
the address in which it had been proposed by Deak being restored, it
was adopted unanimously, and received by the emperor from the
Article of the Laws of 1790, which guaranteed to Hungary all her constitutional
rights and privileges. Francis I., in his inaugural diploma, guaranteed the
maintenance1 of the rights, liberties, and laws of the nation, and m the 33rd year
S his reign (1825) hi solemnly recognised the validity of the above-mentioned
both Ardfle of the Laws of /790. King Ferdinand V. (the ex-Emperor Ferdi
nand I., of Austria) gave similar guarantees in his mauguial diploma, and
besides sanctioned the Laws of 1848. The male line of the Hapsburgs was
extinct in 1740 (Charles VI. died in that year), and Hungary would have been at
liberty to elect her own king had not the Pragmatic Sanction been concluded m
1723 7 By the Pragmatic Sanction Hungary and. Austria aie united m the
“person” of the sovereign, but there is no trace in the Hungarian laws of a
“real” union between the two countries.
�*5
hands of the two presidents. Our author summarises as follows the
answer which, after some wrangling between the October men and
the February men'—distinctions little observable from here and at
this time—was given by Minister Schmerling’s advice :—
The emperor does not insist on amalgamation, and grants internal autonomous
administration, but requires dynastic, military, diplomatic, and financial unity
with the rest of the empire. . . The emperor will spontaneously restore the
Hungarian Constitution under the conditions necessary to the development of the
whole empire. He recognises the laws of 1848, concerning the abolition of the
privileges of the nobles, the corvées and feudal burdens, the general admissibility
to public employments and to the possession of landed property—that relating to
the electoral rights of the lower classes ; but he cannot sanction the laws of 1848,
which are hostile to the rights of the non-Magyar population of the Hungarian
counties and to the Pragmatic Sanction, and must be modified before the negotia
tions are entered into about the Coronation Diploma. The Diet is requested to
bestow its attention upon this revision; it is besides requested to send provisionally
deputies to the present sittings of the council of the empire—according to the
fundamental law of the 26th of February—in order to protect the influence of the
country upon the general affairs which are to be debated and settled in the course
of August.
The answer of the Hungarians was so energetic and thorough a
11 non possumus " that the pope might have envied it. Received
with much emotion, the Imperial rescript was handed for reply to
Deàk, who produced a voluminous document, asserting with great
judicial knowledge the rights of Hungary, declaring to “hold fast
the constitutional independence of the country and the Pragmatic
Sanction, without any exception whatever,” and rejecting the Impe
rial Diploma of October i860, and the intended application to
Hungary of the patent of the 26th of February, 1861; solemnly
protesting “ against the exercise on the part of the Reichsrath of any
legislative or other power in regard to Hungary,” and reiterating the
declaration “that they will not send any representatives to the
Reichsrath, whose acts and ordinances referring to Hungary, or its
annexed parts, must be regarded as unconstitutional and not
binding.” Received with rapturous approval, the proposed address
was immediately adopted in the Lower House by an immense
majority, in the Upper House unanimously and without any
alteration.
The emperor’s unfavourable reply was followed by many resigna
tions of high Hungarian officials.
“On the 22nd of August the royal rescript, dated the 21st,
decreeing its dissolution, was read in the Diet. The plan of opposi
tion adopted by the Hungarians was that of passive resistance by
the non-payment of taxes. In consequence of this, and in order to
quell the demonstration of the comitats, the committee meetings of
the latter were closed by the military. General Count Palffy was
appointed Governor of Hungary, the country placed under martial
law, and a sort, of military dictatorship established. Soldiers were
billeted on the inhabitants, the taxes were sullenly paid, but no out
break occurred, although the feeling of discontent was stronger than
�i6
ever. In an autograph letter the emperor made known his intention
of restoring the Hungarian Constitution, promising at the same time
to keep intact the rights and liberties of the people, and to convoke
the Diet and the municipalities of the kingdom in accordance with
the terms of the October Diploma; but the six months within which
the Diet was to be re-convoked passed without any change being
made in the situation. The Cabinet of Vienna determined to break
the spirit of the nation by applying to the countries beyond the
Leitha the worst maxims of the Bach period. The passive resist
ance of the Hungarians, however, continued up to the time of the
reconciliation effected by Baron von Beust’s ministry.”
Under such circumstances, the Vienna “ Reichsrath ” and the
constitutional laws establishing it could not, as we have observed, gain
much consistency. In vain the emperor, struggling against the
resisting force of circumstances and men, spoke to his Vienna
Parliament these solemn words—
I consider it to be my duty to my peoples to declare the General Constitution
in accordance with the diploma of the 20th of October, i860, and with the
fundamental laws of the 26th of February, 1861, to be the “ inviolable foundation
of my united and indivisible empire,” and I on this solemn occasion swear
faithfully to observe it and to protect it with my sovereign power, and I am
firmly resolved energetically to oppose any violation of the same, as I shall
consider it as an attack on the existence of the monarchy, and on the rights of all
my countries and peoples.
The Slavonic agitation increased these difficulties, thus resumed
by our author :—“ Owing to the agitation prevailing in Hungary,
the issue of writs for new elections, as prescribed by the Patent of
26th February, 1861, could not have led to any result. Conse
quently, of the 343 members who ought to have attended, 85
deputies of Hungary were absent from the Reichsrath; so were,
from analogous reasons, the 9 deputies from Croatia and Slavonia,
and the 20 Lombardo-Venetians, and even of the remaining 203
members of the Germano-Slavonian provinces all were not present.
The Reichsrath thus lost much of its importance and its influence,
because it represented only those countries the affairs of which
belonged to the sphere of the restricted Reichsrath, and as such it
was also shortly after regarded by the Government. By strict right
this assembly was incompetent, especially in regard to financial
matters, which could only be legally and constitutionally settled by
the co-operation of a complete Reichsrath in which all the kingdoms
and countries of the empire were fully represented.”
At last, on the occasion of a visit of the emperor to Pesth, in the
winter of 1864-65, a journey which he is said to have undertaken con
trary to the wish of his ministers, signs of the feasibility of an arrange
ment with the Hungarians appeared. Schmerling had thought, we
know not on what ground, that only with Ultra Liberals of Hungary,
was such an arrangement possible. But the Conservative Count
Majlath was named chancellor. The Conservatives and moderate
Liberals together inclined to a compromise.
�Il
“ Ever since the dissolution of the Hungarian Diet,” says our
author, “and the retirement of Vay and Szesen, close relations had
been kept up between the Hungarian Old Conservatives and the
Federalist section of the Reichsrath. They showed, on the other
hand, great attention to Francis Deák, and endeavoured to come to
an understanding with him as a leader of the moderate Hungarian
Liberals. About Easter, 1865, a highly conciliatory article appeared
in his organ at Pesth, which was speedily followed by three letters
from Pesth, published in the Debaite, setting forth authoritatively the
programme of the moderate Hungarian Liberals. The Debatte,
speaking in the interest of the Old Conservatives, claimed for these
letters a careful and candid perusal, which they obtained from a very
wide circle, and so contributed materially to prepare the way for a
reconciliation. The principal points laid down in those letters were
that without the retirement of M. von Schmerling no good under
standing between Hungary and Vienna could be dreamt of, and
that Deák and his friends were generally in favour of a conciliatory
policy. They then pointed out that the Hungarians took their stand
upon the Pragmatic Sanction, and that to leave so firm a standing
ground would be impossible. The leading principles enunciated by
the writer were, that a central parliament was impossible; that a
separate Hungarian ministry was indispensable; and that the
countries east and west of the Leitha must be considered as two
aggregations of lands having a parity of rights.”
But it was thought that no compromise could be effected while the
Vienna Reichsrath, with its claim to comprise all parts of the
monarchy, was in activity. An Imperial “patent,” of September
20, 1865, suspended its activity. From this lengthy document we
will quote the concluding passages—
Until the fundamental laws of the different provinces are brought into accord,
the great and promising idea of a general and constitutional representation of
the empire cannot be properly realised.
In order to redeem my imperial promise, and to avoid sacrificing the reality to
the form, I shall endeavour to come to an understanding with the legal repre
sentatives of my peoples in the Eastern parts of the empire, and shall propose to the
Hungarian and Croatian Diets to accept the diploma of the 20th of October,
i860, and the fundamental law relative to the representation of the empire, which
was published with the patent of 26th February, 1861.
. It being legally impossible to make one and the same ordinance an object of
discussion in the one part of the empire, while it is recognised as a binding law in
the other parts, I am compelled to suspend the law relative to the representation
of the.empire, at the same time especially declaring that I reserve to myself the
right, before I come to a decision, of submitting to the legal representatives of my
other kingdoms and countries, whose opinions will receive the consideration due
to them, the results of my negotiations with the representative bodies of the
Eastern kingdoms, should they be in accordance with the law which provides for
the maintenance of the unity, power, and influence of the empire.
I regret that this measure, which is absolutely necessary, will lead to an inter
ruption of the constitutional action of the lesser Reichsrath, but the organic con
nection and equal value of the various parts of the fundamental law, on which is
based the action of the Reichsrath, renders it impossible that one part of it can be
jn force while the other is in abeyance.
C
�i8
Previous to this, Chevalier Schmerling had been replaced as head
of the Austrian Cabinet by Count Belcredi, the friend of the Slavonic
federalists.
The considerations of the compromise with Hungary and the
representation of Parliamentary life in Austria we must reserve for
our next article.
V.
In our preceding article we brought the history of the Austrian
constitution and the re-establishment of the Hungarian institutions
down _ to the appointment of Count Belcredi, and the issue of the
imperial patent of September 20th, 1865, by which the exercise of
the Austrian constitution of October, i860, and February, 1861,
was suspended until it could be, after due constitutional delibera
tion, accepted by the Hungarian Diet.
A doubt is allowed whether this step was so “ absolutely neces
sary ” as the imperial patent declared it to be. It certainly was far
from being considered so by a great part of the people, and a great
number of leading politicians. It gave very great satisfaction, no
doubt, to the Czechs of Bohemia, who knew the presiding minister,
Count Belcredi, to be favourable to their particularist tendencies,
and who promised to themselves all sorts of successes as the result
of the new discussions into which the as yet new-born constitutional
life of Austria was to be drawn. A similar feeling existed in Galicia,
the Poles for once finding themselves on common Slavonic ground
with the Bohemian Czechs.
*
An assembly of German deputies at Vienna, in October, expressed
* By no means a common thing. The Poles find as little sympathy among the
Czechs as do the Germans or the Hungarians. Some valuable testimony to that
effect has just been offered to the English public : a well-informed writer in the
Westminster Review for October, who looks forward to the destruction of Austria
in the interest of the Slavons, and who, in his dislike to Germans and Magyars,
almost lifts the visor of anonymity, to show a Russian countenance, says of the
Poles:—“Whose last insane insurrection, we may say in passing, the Czech
politicians from the first condemned ” (W. R., vol. Ixiv., new series, p. 454). Such a
passage is worth volumes of writing and hours of talk ; it shows at once the great
necessity, on which we have before insisted, of Germans and Hungarians standing
firmly together, in view of the threatened Slavonic upheaving, whilst sharing in a
spirit of justice all civil freedom with their fellow subjects. Yet so much was it
the fashion but a few months ago in English liberal circles to greet with a welcome
any movement hostile to Austria, that a very well-meaning man, while the
Hungarian difficulty was not yet quite decided, said to the present writer that
“ the Hungarians ought to make common cause with the Czechs against Austria.’’
Any combination, however impossible or unnatural, was wished for or welcomed
which would seem to lead forces against the German civilising element. And as
yet it is hardly acknowledged that it is by the Austria of to-day that the Poles
receive the fairest measure, while oppressing Prussia is extolled, and oppressing
Russia ogled with.
�19
themselves unanimously against the suspension of the constitution,
and when the different provincial diets were convoked, for their
action was not suspended, it became clear that the step which Count
Belcredi had caused the emperor to take was by no means generally
approved on this side of the Leitha. Seven of them, representing a
population of about four and a half millions, expressed, either in
resolutions or addresses, dissatisfaction with the September Act,
which dissatisfaction was most decidedly pronounced in the ad
dresses of the Diets of Lower Austria and Vorarlberg. That of the
latter was couched in such violent and disrespectful language that it
was not received by the crown. The Diets of Galicia, the Bukowina,
Bohemia, and of the seaboards of Istria, Trieste, etc., acted quite
contrary to the former, and voted addresses expressing gratitude for
the September manifesto. The Diet of Dalmatia likewise voted an
address approving of it, but regretting the suspension of the Reichsrath. In the Diets of Moravia and Carniola, neither motions nor
addresses to express thanks or dissatisfaction were carried. The
Diet of Tyrol did not enter into any discussion of the September
manifesto. It simply received it in silence. The diets (including
Dalmatia) which in their addresses to the throne expressed approval
of the September Act, represented a population of upwards of ten
and a half millions.
The “ silence ” of the Tyrol Diet is not a little significant. It
was bought by Count Belcredi making concessions to the bigoted
feeling which pervades too much the otherwise excellent population
of that interesting country. Baron Schmerling had at last ordered
—what was but a long over-due fulfilment of a privilege conferred
by the constitution of the German Confederation, of which the
Tyrol formed a part—that Protestants had a right to acquire landed
property and settlement in that Catholic country. Count Belcredi
supplemented or interpreted this declaration so as to forbid the
formation of Protestant communities, unless the consent, in every
case, of both the government and the diet could be obtained, and
he exemplified his meaning by refusing permission to the Protestants
of Meran to constitute themselves as a community. By such acts,
and by the favour shown in Bohemia to the Czechian language over
the German, the language of the intelligent and industrious minority,
the presiding minister showed that he looked for his support to the
feudal chiefs, the Slavonic populations, the Ultramontane priests.
With all that, he was not prepared to make to the Hungarians the
large sacrifices which they required ; and the suspension of the
constitution, effected, it was said, to render an agreement with
Hungary more possible, gave hardly more satisfaction on the other
side of the Leitha than on this. The Hungarian press even regretted
the suspension of the activity of the “ restricted Reichsrath,” which
ought to have continued its activity while the négociations with
Hungary were being carried on. And indeed the argument in the
imperial rescript as to its “ being legally impossible to make one
and the same ordinance an object for discussion in the one part of
c 2.
�20
the empire, while it is recognised as a binding law in the other
parts,” seems to us but to be a narrow and pedantic lawyer’s view.
The restricted or lesser Reichsrath might, it still appears to us, have
further transacted the business of the non-Hungarian countries.
The .emperor’s advisers had, however, as we have shown, prevailed
on him to declare that “ the organic connection and equal value of
the various parts of the fundamental law, on which is based the
action of the Reichsrath, renders it impossible that one part of it
can be in force while the other is in abeyance.” But even this kind
of homage paid to the Hungarians by temporarily suspending for
their sake the recently acquired constitutional rights of the non
Hungarian populations, failed to conciliate the proud Magyars, deaf
at that time to any consideration drawn from the general weal of the
empire, and bent exclusively on the re-establishment of their pecu
liar institutions and practical independence. Count Belcredi, how
ever, by no means meant to go the length of their desires, and they
by no means meant to accept the diploma of October, i860, and
February, 1861, even though they were no longer to be imposed on
them, but submitted to their discussion and approval. “No com
mon representation at Vienna” continued to be their battle-cry,
after their Parliament had been restored as well as before. They
simply continued to demand their own constitutional liberties, from
which demand they knew not to separate the other of having the
partes annexes, especially the unwilling Croatia, and the but halfwilling Transylvania, restored to their control; showing again that
curious compound of love of freedom for themselves and of dominion
over others which, we fear, is a characteristic of the Magyar race.
These demands, the “ Continuity of Rights,” and the “ territorial
integrity of the Crown of St. Stephen,” were formulated in extra
parliamentarian conference at Pesth, November 11, and the imperial
government showed compliance at once with the second demand
while it prepared itself partially to give way to the first; the direction
of the public mind in Hungary passing in the meanwhile more and
more from the hands of the Old-Conservative party, on whose sup
port the emperor had counted, and one of whose chiefs, Count
Majlath, had found a place in the ministry, into that of M. Deak
and the stern defenders of Hungarian constitutional doctrine. On
December 14, 1865, the Hungarian Diet was opened at Pesth by
the emperor. In the conciliatory speech from the throne, he said
that a contradiction existed between the view of some Austrian states
men, who asserted that Hungary had forfeited all her constitutional
rights by the insurrection of 1848-49, and the claim of the Hunga
rians to have all reform carried out on the basis of historical rights.
This contradiction could only be reconciled by the Pragmatic
Sanction, which both parties had taken as their point of departure.
He recognised the necessity of the self-government of Hungary, so
far as it did not affect the unity of the empire and the position of
Austria as a great power. He wished to re-establish the integrity of
the Hungarian crown, and, in order to effect this, steps had been
�21
taken that Transylvania and Croatia should be represented in the
Diet at Pesth.
The first task before the Diet was to take into consideration those
questions which concerned all the provinces. The emperor wished
the Diet to keep in view, as their principal aim, the unity of the
empire and the position of Austria as a great power.
The second object of the Diet was to be the revision of the laws
of 1848, which had to be modified, since they were incompatible,
not only with the unity of the empire, but also with the rights of the
sovereign.
After these questions the Diet was to discuss the programme of
the coronation of the Emperor of Austria as King of Hungary. He
hoped that the confidence between the nation and the king would
be increased, and that the great work of discentralising Austria and
Hungary would give satisfaction to all the nationalities composing
the empire.
Thus the royal speech set aside for ever that dangerous doctrine
which had occasioned so much bitterness and rendered all sincere
understanding impossible—the doctrine of the “ forfeiture of rights ”
—choosing as a starting point the mutually admitted basis of the
Pragmatic Sanction. The emperor recognised in his speech the
political and autonomous independence of Hungary and its depen
dencies, and declared that the crown would keep intact all clauses
of that compact referring to the integrity of the Hungarian crown,
laying particular stress, however, on the requirements of the empire
as a great power, and on the necessity for a combined constitutional
management of those affairs which concerned the whole realm.
Upon this clear legal foundation the pending political questions had
to be settled.
The draught of the address in reply to the emperor’s speech from
the throne did not come on for discussion in the Lower House of
the Diet until the month of February, 1866. Like M. Deák’s
addresses of 1861, it was very firm in tone. It contained 58 long
paragraphs and was remarkably loyal, expressing confidence in the
sovereign, and congratulating his majesty on the constitutional senti
ments contained in the speech from the throne and his recognition
of the continuity of rights. But it pleaded for the letter of the law
as regarded the old constitution. It rejected the October Diploma
and the February Patent as bases of negotiation, and expressed
great satisfaction that the monarch had acknowledged the Pragmatic
Sanction as the point of departure, pointing out that the safety of
Austria and the independence of Hungary were not antagonistic. It
announced that a special bill would be prepared for the settlement
of matters common to Hungary and the rest of the monarchy, and
declared the. readiness of the Diet to negotiate with the other
provinces while reserving the independence of each. It stated that
it was the desire of the Diet to bring about the real restoration of
the constitution, and expressed a hope that his majesty would
speedily be crowned as King of Hungary. It thanked his majesty
�22
for having summoned the Croatian and Transylvanian deputies to
the Diet at Pesth, and demanded that the Hungarian crown should
be fully reintegrated by the reincorporation of Dalmatia and Fiume
with Hungary. It solicited an amnesty for political offenders, and
demanded the re-establishment of municipal autonomy and the nomi
nation of a Hungarian ministry. There were other passages in the
address which seemed intended to admit of compromise, particularly
as to the necessary unity in the treatment of affairs common to the
whole empire. The draught of the address was adopted almost
unanimously.
The Upper House was not satisfied with the address voted by the
Lower House, and the magnates decided by a majority of 83 (136
against 53) to present a separate address, which, however, in prin
ciple coincided with that of the Lower House.
On February 27, deputations from both Houses presented addresses
to the emperor at Ofen. In reply his majesty said, he hoped the
magnates, faithful to their traditional mission, would throw the whole
weight of their wisdom and impartiality into the scale for the reali
sation of his paternal intentions, and that the Lower House would
follow the course pointed out in the speech from the throne, in order
to combine the attainment of their own constitutional rights with
an arrangement equally satisfactory to the other nationalities. His
majesty then abruptly left the audience room, and the deputation
withdrew in surprise without pronouncing the usual Eljens.
On the 28th February, M. Deâk moved in the Lower House at
Pesth the appointment of a commission of 67 members (52 Hunga
rians and 15 Transylvanians) to arrange the mode of treating the
affairs common to Hungary and Austria, thus taking the first step
towards arriving at an understanding.
A few days afterwards, on the 3rd of March, an imperial rescript
in reply to the addresses of both Houses was read in the Diet, in
which the emperor expressed his satisfaction at the acknowledgment
made by the Diet that certain affairs were common to Hungary and
Austria j he also said he expected that further négociations would
lead the Diet to acknowledge the necessity for a revision of the laws
passed in 1848. The rescript then stated that the 3rd Article of
the Laws of 1848, establishing a separate ministry for Hungary,
could not be maintained consistently with a proper treatment of
common affairs, and that Article 4 of the Laws of 1848, stipulating
that the Diet could not be dissolved by the government before the
budget had been voted, could not be carried out. The rescript
further announced that an immediate re-establishment of the
Comitates was impossible, and finally referred to the laws of the
year just mentioned, relative to the National Guard, in which body
the emperor thought some modifications necessary. In conclusion,
his majesty repeated that the re-establishment of the laws of 1848
was impossible without their previous revision.
This rescript, which left the hopes of the Hungarians unfulfilled,
gave rise to another address of both Houses of the Diet, deploring
�23
not only the rejection of all their requests, but also the suspension,
of those laws which required no modification. It stated that if his
majesty did not intend an absolute government, a constitutional
state of affairs must be practically re-established. The various points
of the imperial rescript were controverted in these addresses, and
the re-establishment of a parliamentary and legal municipal govern
ment again demanded. Hungary, it was stated, required a real
constitutional rule, the establishment of which was by no means a
political impossibility.
This address was unanimously adopted by the Lower House, but
by the Upper House with the very small majority of only 106 against
102 votes. On the 26th of April the address was received by the
emperor, who expressed a hope that the Diet would accelerate the
arrangement of those matters upon which depended the tranquillity,
power, and prosperity of the whole monarchy as well as of Hungary.
This was the position of the constitutional struggle when the war
with Prussia and Italy broke out. With the beginning of the
fighting, June 27th, the Diet of Pesth was prorogued, and Austria,
on this side of the Leitha and on that, was without any parliamentary
activity when the terrible crush of Sadowa fell on her, and Austria’s
difficulty became Hungary’s opportunity.
VL
Whether, and how much, the appearance on the theatre of war
of a Hungarian legion under General Klapka, in the service of
Prussia, and the rumours of a Prussian prince offering himself as a
candidate for the Hungarian crown, had to do with disposing the
Austrian government to large concessions to Hungary, we are not
in a position to decide. . On the whole, we are inclined to think
that the influence of these facts, though not null, was not consider
able. The legion, even on paper, never surpassed 4,000 men j and
it did not get into actual conflict. Whether it would have been in
creased from out of the ranks of the army, and whether there was
any party prepared to accept the offer, never formally made, of the
Prussian prince, remains doubtful. Still, both circumstances might
appear ominous storm-signals, and should not be passed over in
even this succinct account of constitutional struggles in the Austrian
*
monarchy.
But what became of immediate importance, was a conference of
the principal members of the Hungarian Lower House, held at
the house of Baron Kemengi in Pesth, while yet the question was
undecided whether Vienna should be defended against the Prussian
* The author of “ Austria, a Constitutional State,’’ mentions neither circum
stance.
�24
hosts. In the name of his colleagues, M. Deak published on July
17, 1866, their sentiments, which under the force of circumstances,
became, not disloyal, but most grave demands. {i A considerable
part of the country,” said M. Deak, in the Pesti Naplo, “ is inun
dated by hostile armies ; only Hungary is yet free. But Hungary
is dead. If not everything, at least much can be done with Hun
gary. Still, by herself, she can do nothing, for her hands are bound.
What alone can make them free and breathe life into her is a par
liamentary government. If Hungary can yet do anything for the
monarchy, it will be when her liberty of action has been restored to
her, when a government is placed over her which is the emanation
of the national will, in which the nation finds a guarantee of its
territory and its rights.”
.On the next day, July 18, the patriotic leaders were negotiating
with the government at Vienna respecting the concession of a
ministry for Hungary.
During this critical time, the municipalities of Vienna, Salzburg,
Glatz, etc., petitioned the emperor to convoke the Reichsrath and
to put again in force the February Constitution, but, instead of
granting their wishes, martial law was proclaimed at Vienna in order
to prevent discussion of the internal condition of the empire. When
peace was concluded, numerous meetings of deputies from the
German provinces took place, at Aussee, in Styria, and at Vienna
they declared themselves in favour of the system of dualism, with a
joint parliamentary treatment of the common affairs, but against all
federalistic tendencies, as well as against the conclusion of a com
promise with Hungary made by the separate Diets of the different
countries, since such a compromise was only admissible through the
united representation of the countries of the monarchy not linked
with the Hungarian crown.
At length, on October 14, the emperor convoked all the provin
cial Diets for November 16, with the exception of those of Hungary
and Transylvania ; the former of which, however, was likewise con
voked on October 30, to meet on the same day at Pesth.
On the same October 30, an important change took place in the
councils of the emperor. Count Mensdorf resigned the portfolio
of the foreign affairs, which passed into the hands of Baron Beust,
until then minister of Austria’s faithful ally, the King of Saxony.
At the same time, the Hungarian Count Maurice Esterhazy, who
passed as the representative of a reactionary policy, left the cabinet.
The helm of affairs was, however, intrusted to Count Belcredi, who
continued secretary for home affairs, and his tendencies, which wre
have before characterised as Slavophile, to which we might have
added bureaucratic, swayed for a while longer the general course of
the constitutional question, on which as yet Baron Beust could
exercise but little influence.
These changes were considered not sufficiently thorough ; they
awakened not the full measure of confidence required. The Diets
resumed their sessions with discordant recriminations, and, as before,
�25
Centralists, Dualists, and Federalists uttered their watchwords unharmoniously, barrenly.
Even the Hungarian Diet was not satisfied, though much was done
to meet half-way the demands of the nation. The emperor-king,
by a rescript to the Diet, of November 17, declared that in resuming
the thread of negotiations with the Diet, on the basis of the terms
mentioned in the last speech from the throne, the principal object
to be accomplished was the constitutional settlement of the connec
tion of the different parts of the monarchy, and the speedy re
establishment of the autonomous rights of Hungary. The emperor
regretted the prorogation of the Diet just at the time when the Sub
Committee of the Commission of 67 * had drawn up a project with
reference to the discussion and the treatment of common affairs,
which his majesty recognised as a fitting basis for the establishment
of the constitutional compromise.
The rescript also indicated
points as to which it appeared requisite that the special attention
of the representatives should be directed, the maintenance of the
unity of the army with unity of command, its organisation, and also
the rules regulating the terms of service and recruitment. The
regulation, according to uniform principles, of the customs, of the
indirect taxation, of the State monopoly system, and of the public
debt and State credit. “ If,” continued the rescript, “ the delibera
tions of the Diet succeed in removing the obstacles connected with
the unity of the monarchy, which must be upheld, then the con
stitutional wishes and demands of Hungary put forward in the
addresses of the Diet will be fulfilled by the appointment of a re
sponsible ministry, and by the restoration of municipal autonomy.
The system of the responsibility of the government will be intro
duced not only in Hungary but in all parts of the monarchy. The
detailed application and realisation of the principles referring to
common affairs, as well as to modifications to be introduced in the
laws of .1848, will be carried out through responsible ministers, to
be appointed in agreement with the estates and representatives in
Diet assembled.”
. In conclusion, the rescript expressed a hope that the Diet would
give its serious attention to these subjects with due regard to the
requirements of. the day, thereby accelerating the secure establish
ment of a constitutional organisation throughout the whole realm.
Thus, the country, after a struggle of 19 years, stood at last upon
the threshold of the fulfilment of its wishes.
But the Hungarians demanded the full measure of their right, and
an unconditional surrender preceding any requisite modification
of their constitution or the laws of 1848, which modifications they
showed themselves willing to introduce after having gained their
legal point.
On the motion of M. Dedk it was decided in the Lower House,
by 227 against 107 votes, to reply by an address to the royal
* This means not a Committee appointed in 1867, but one consisting of 67
members.
�26
rescript of the 17th of November, which had not been able to allay
the apprehensions entertained by Hungary, notwithstanding the
promises and the acknowledgments of the national rights contained
therein, since the request of the Diet for an immediate and complete
re-establishment of the constitution had not been complied with.
The address, while drawing attention to the dangers arising from
disunion at home and complications abroad, which might happen
by some unforeseen incident, contained a request to his majesty to
grant to the Diet means and opportunities for effecting a satisfactory
compromise, and also the prayer not to render reconciliation impos
sible by postponing the re-establishment of a legal basis for public
affairs. It also promised to consider the question of common
affairs as the committee of 67 should have brought forward their
report, and the Diet were in a position to pass resolutions in refe
rence thereto having the force of law. It also asked that those
persons upon whom penal sentences had been passed, or who were
exiled for political offences, should be amnestied, and expressed
great satisfaction that the emperor intended to introduce in his
other provinces also the principle of ministerial responsibility.
There was then a dead lock; the emperor demanding first the
modification of the laws before their re-establishment, the Hunga
rians requiring first their re-establishment before they could be
modified.
Meanwhile, voices friendly to Hungary were heard from the
German constitutionalists in the Diets of the Crown lands on this
side of the Leitha.
“ The Diet,” says the Carinthian address, “ firmly adheres to the
legal continuity of the Constitution of the 26th of February, 1861,
and has the conviction that it will not be an impediment to an
arrangement with Hungary, because all alterations which do not
affect the existence of the empire as a whole can be effected in a
constitutional manner, and because the interests of the western
countries offer no impediment to the recognition of the autonomy
of Hungary in those points which are not necessarily common to the
whole State. The joint parliamentary settlement of the common
affairs, with a responsible ministry, is not only an indispensable
preliminary condition for the constitutional liberty of the empire,
but also an absolute necessity for its continuance. Without any
further delay a parliamentary government must undertake, with the
support of the constitutional co-operation of the Reichsrath, to call
into life such an organisation and such public institutions as will
secure personal as well as civil and political liberty, and by a
popular and economical government promote and durably establish
the prosperity of the country.”
At last Baron von Beust, accompanied by the Hungarian Court
Chancellor, paid a visit to Pesth, conferring with the leading men
of the country, with a view to an immediate settlement. Personal
contact went far to smooth the way to such consummation. Yet the
step immediately following gave little satisfaction. Baron Beust had
�27
gained an influence over and above that belonging to his department
of foreign affairs, as his chief was still Count Belcredi. A compro
mise of their views seemed to be found in the convocation of an
extraordinary Reichsrath. The government resolved not to summon
the late members, but to proceed to new elections. Consequently,
by an imperial patent, dated 2nd January, 1867, the Diets of the
crown lands on this side of the Leitha were dissolved and new
elections to those Diets ordered; the Diets were severally to
assemble on the nth of February, and the communication of the
imperial patent and the election of members to this extraordinary
assembly of the Reichsrath were to form the only subjects to be
submitted to them. The government, it was stated in the patent,
had initiated negotiations upon the basis of the patent of the 20th
of September, 1865, with the representatives of the countries
belonging to the Hungarian crown for the settlement of opposing
claims with regard to the constitutional institutions of the monarchy.
With the intention of attaining as speedily as possible a complete
solution which should do justice to all parties, the government had
determined to ask the co-operation of the representatives of the
other countries, in order that the rights and claims of the non-Hungarian crown lands might be discussed in a common assembly,
constantly keeping in view the leading idea of securing the existence
of the monarchy as a whole. The extraordinary Reichsrath was to
meet at Vienna on the 25th of February, 1867, the discussion of the
question of the constitution to form the sole subject of its delibera
tions.
This plan caused much dissatisfaction, especially among the
German population, who, under Count Belcredi’s management,
expected to see themselves outvoted by the Slavonians. This dis
satisfaction, increased by an unconstitutional imperial rescript, re
organising the army on anew basis of a general duty of bearing arms,
bore Baron Beust into the highest power.
The difference of opinion between Count Belcredi and Baron von
Beust as to the way of proceeding was, that the count, who was less
favourable to the Hungarian claims, held that the arrangement with
Hungary should be submitted for approval to the non-Hungarian
nationalities, assembled in an extraordinary Diet, before being
adopted by the government, while Baron von Beust maintained that
such a mode would occasion further delays ; also, that the Hunga
rians would not like to see what they considered their rights called
in question. Moreover, the German provinces had to a great extent
abstained from taking part in the elections, so that the extraordinary
Reichsrath would not, after all, possess the commanding influence
which was expected of it. Baron von Beust’s view prevailed. The
empeior accepted the resignation of Count Belcredi, and appointed
Baron von Beust to succeed him as President of the Council.
Events now moved more rapidly, and no longer with an uncertain
step.
The extraordinary Reichsrath was abandoned, and the ordinary
�28
Reichsrath, in accordance with the February constitution, convened
for the 15th of February. Count Andrassy at the same time strongly
urged, on the part of Hungary, the adoption by the government of
the constitutional course of submitting the Hungarian propositions,
in so far as they concerned the empire at large, to an ordinary Cis
Lei than representative assembly.
On the 6th of February, the committee of 67 members of the
Hungarian Diet concluded their labours on the affairs common to
the whole monarchy. On the 18th an imperial rescript ordered the
obnoxious, decree about the army to stand over for parliamentary
consideration. At the same time the Hungarian constitution wras
restored, amid expressions of the unbounded delight of both Houses.
On the . 24th, Count Andrassy announced to the Diet his appointment
as President of the Ministry. On the 18th, also, all the Diets of the
non-Hungarian lands were opened. The emperor’s message an
nounced the repeal of the suspension of the constitution by the
patent of the 20th of September, 1865, the abandonment of the
convocation of the extraordinary Reichsrath, and the return to a
constitutional course ; it contained, at the same time, the assurance
that nothing was further from his majesty’s intentions than to
curtail the rights granted by the decrees of i860 and 1861, and
requested them to proceed at once to the election of members to
the constitutional Reichsrath, which was to meet on the 18th of
March for the ordinary despatch of business. It stated that by so
doing, in correct appreciation of his majesty’s intentions, they would
contribute what lay in their power to put an end to a constitutional
crisis that had already lasted far too long.
The resistance of the Slavonic population of Bohemia, Moravia,
and Carniola, who were unwilling to co-operate with the Germans,
the dissolution of their Diets, followed by a victory of the ministry
in the parliamentary campaign of the newly-elected Bohemian Diet,
delayed the opening of the Reichsrath by the emperor till the 22nd
of May last; and on the 8th of June, 1867, Francis Joseph was
crowned at Pesth, and peace, and a rational prospect of harmony,
re-established throughout the monarchy, a general amnesty also
taking place. Here closes our account of the constitutional travail
of Austria, and we may fitly wind it up with the following words
from one who knows Baron Beust, the author of the brochure on
“ Austria,” which we have repeatedly used and mentioned.
Baron von Beust possesses the liappy talent of allying himself with all those
parliamentary capacities disposed to enter on his own path. He does not think
of going backwards by oppressing nationalities. Nor does he dream of reversing
an august and solemn declaration which its author intends maintaining in its full
entirety—that is to say, the principle of legal equality of all the peoples of
Austria. Baron von Beust aims chiefly at one thing for the present,—an amicable
entente between all the parties concerned ; and he tries to maintain it by promo
ting a common deliberation, which is the first step to be taken by people holding
contrary opinions. The Prime Minister of Austria, in his efforts to arrive at that
result, does not decline the assistance of any one, to whatever party or nationality
he may belong, in order to conciliate all opposing claims and obliterate the
�*9
obstinate hatred of race. Francis Joseph, duly appreciating the eminent talents
of his minister and the services already rendered by him to the State, has just
given him a special mark of his confidence by raising him to the rank of Chancellor
of the Empire, the highest dignity that can be bestowed upon an Austrian states
man, and which has been in abeyance since the late Prince Metternich’s time;
while the people, judging of their sentiments as expressed by the press, seem to
be unanimous in their approval of the emperor’s act.
By placing themselves on the ground of the constitution of February, the
government have acknowledged its obligatory force for everything not expressly
abrogated by the Hungarian compromise. The revision of the constitution will
put an end to the contradictions existing between the Common Law of each of
the two great divisions of the empire. When accomplished, the work will no
doubt be capable of improvement; but an important fact will henceforth be
existent, the consequences of which cannot fail to be felt through the whole
empire : for the first time the whole of Austria will possess a legal basis to develop
her constitutional life. Time and peace, confidence, the force of interest, and,
above all, the goodwill of men, must work the rest.
VII.
And so Austria has settled down, into dualism, and the two rival
schemes of centralisation and federalism have been discarded. The
empire is now virtually divided into two halves, linked together by
having the same sovereign, and an arrangement for settling, in the
somewhat cumbersome form of parliamentary delegations, certain
affairs agreed upon as demanding treatment in common. This latter,
in so far as it is a concession on the side of Hungary, is the result
of the labours of the committee of sixty-seven members mentioned
above.
A look to the map will show that in speaking of the division by
the river Leitha we use rather an artificial term. That river, a small
tributary of the Danube, on its south side, divides but for a short dis
tance the archduchy of Austria from the kingdom of Hungary.
The real and complete line of demarcation between the western
and eastern halves of the monarchy is—with one exception, to be
mentioned immediately—the old boundary of the German Confedera
tion. But the western, or non-Hungarian half, besides the countries
formerly belonging to that confederation, includes now also the very
important provinces of Galicia and the Bukowina,which can hardly,
strictly speaking, be said to be this side of the Leitha, but stretch from
the northernmost part of the old German provinces, Austrian Silesia,
eastward, lying m a vast arch around the northern frontier of
Hungary.
. And now that this solution of dualism, towards which so many
influences tended, has been adopted, we hear-it sometimes sneered
at, the statesman who has carried it out blamed for having effected a
compromise, in which all his part consisted in giving way—which
when we consider the result arrived at by the sixty-seven committee,
�3°
is not correct—and the concessions to Hungary pointed out as so
many retrogressions into the middle ages.
We have not space to discuss the value of such views in detail.
We will, for the sake of argument, admit that dualism is not the best
possible solution that could be conceived. But could a better one
have been carried out ?
At any rate, the governors and people of Austria—and we here
comprise Hungary in this term—may feel again firm ground under
them, instead of the shifting quagmire of contradictory experiments
and plans which have filled the history of these last eighteen years.
And if we look at their actual doings since the early part of last
year, it seems that they are willing, on the whole, to avail them
selves, in order to march forward, of such new bases. The tenden ■
cies both of the Vienna Reichsrath and of the Hungarian Diet lie
in a liberal direction. The Concordate has fallen in Hungary, is
manifestly doomed in Vienna. The reforms in criminal jurisdiction
and in constitutional guarantees voted by the Vienna assembly are
very cheering, and if we are inclined to suspect that the formalism
of a pattern constitutionality does perhaps pre-occupy that assembly
too much, this is an evil which it shares with almost every parlia
mentary body which has sat on the continent for these last forty
years ; and we even see progress in that the desire of producing the
most perfect paper constitution has cost much less time, and interfered
much less with actual current business than it did, for instance, in
the parliament of Frankfort, and of Vienna itself in 1848.
As to the treatment of common affairs, the recent financial settle
ments about the share of the burden to be borne by Hungary
certainly seemed calculated to impress one with a notion that the
Magyars were more willing to accept the profitable portion of their
connection with Austria than a due proportion of the cost of its
existence. But we are willing to admit that, were we, in common
with other writers in the English press, more fully informed of the
details, this affair might present itself in a somewhat different light.
We, for our part, hope that in the course of time the separation
between Hungary and the western half of the monarchy will not
grow wider, but that, on the contrary, the links now uniting the
two parts will be drawn more firmly by the consciousness of pressing
mutual interests and a growing goodwill.
How the Roumane and Slavonic populations in the countries
annexed to Hungary will reconcile themselves to their position,
remains to be seen. We confess that we should have been glad if
the Magyar nation had possessed the magnanimity of not insisting
on retaining or re-grasping their hold on Croatia—a country which
evidently, in the great majority of its inhabitants, is unfavourable
to that special connection which is a necessity neither for Austria
nor for Hungary, while it cannot be said that the Magyar language,
imposed on the Slavonian deputies at Pesth, is, as Latin, the former
official language, was, a neutral ground, or as German would be, a
great link with the civilisation of an extensive part of Europe. The
�Si
day seems yet distant for these countries when the language difficulty
can be solved by that mutual fairness and accommodation which
Switzerland practises, enjoys, and does not boast of.
A similar difficulty exists yet for the western half of the monarchy,
in the local and race feeling of the Czechs in Bohemia and parts of
Moravia. The population of the former kingdom is in its majority,
though not in its most active and enterprising portion, Slavonian,
the Germans forming a strong minority.
*
Now, the Slavo-Bohemians or Czechs are endeavouring, on the strength of historical tradi
tions, to set up a claim to a position for Bohemia, similar to that of
Hungary. On considering whether such claim is allowable, one
important difference strikes us as paramount. The whole of the
Magyar population is contained within the boundaries of Hungary
and Transylvania, and no foreign power has supported their claims,
or can easily use them as part of its diplomatic machinery. The
Czechs, on the other hand, present themselves as part of a whole
which lies outside of Austria ; their tendencies are connected or
identified with Panslavism; they lean upon Russia, f The acropolis
of the Magyars is Buda-Pesth, within the monarchy; but the
Czechs have their kebla in the czar’s dominion—Moscow and St.
Petersburg are their Mecca and Medina. While, therefore, the
local diet should continue to exercise, as it does, its functions ;
while no right belonging to any other subject of the monarchy is
denied to a Bohemian ; and while it is necessary for every Austrian
statesman to show all due regard to the Slavonic populations who
form so large a part of the empire, it is on the other hand perfectly
intelligible that Count Belcredi’s pampering of Czech race feeling
should have been felt a great evil, and that Baron Beust should show
himself firmly decided not to allow Bohemia to be made an Austrian
Ireland,, with its Fenian head-centres in Russia.^ The comparison
into which we have just been drawn, may be applied to one or two
other points. Austria can as little give up Bohemia as England can
* The statements of the Czechs and Germans differ, of course ; three-fifths for
the former and two-fifths for the latter is probably correct.
f Let us remind our readers of the speeches recently delivered by M. Rieger,
and other Czechs, on the occasion of the so-called Ethnographical Congress, or
gathering of Panslavistic agitators, at Moscow. Among the popular poets of the
Czech school, Czelakovsky openly leads towards Russia. “ La Bohême historique,
pittoresque et littéraire.” Paris, 1867. p. 288, etc.
J The following passage from the Daily News, referring to a speech of Baron
Beust’s, is worth quoting
The Austrian chancellor mentions, among the
difficulties with which he has to deal, the disloyal and anti-national spirit of the
Panslavist enthusiasts in Bohemia. With just severity he condemns the infatua
tion of the silly dupes who complain of the destruction of their national traditions,
while they are conspiring to sell their birthright to an alien power. But M. de
Beust consoles himself with the persuasion that this Bohemian fanaticism is but a
passing discontent ; he promises to maintain their rights in common with those of
all their fellow-subjects, under the safeguard of constitutional’liberty and equal law.
It is by the peaceful fruits of liberty, and the harmonious development of the
interests of all the nationalities that acknowledge his sceptre, that the Emperor
Francis Joseph will avenge the defeat of Sadowa. All Liberal Europe will wish
M. de Beust success in his good work.”
\
\
\
�32
give up Ireland. A look on the map proves it, and it is not the
least of the evil consequences of the war of 1866, that a province in
which German influence ought to be beneficially felt, and which
extends so far into Germany, should by the weakening of Austria,
and by the dissolution of the old confederation, be so much more
exposed to the anti-German influences of Russia ; it is not the least
among the wrongs committed by Count Bismarck against the German
nation and Europe that in his unscrupulous efforts for the aggran
disement of Prussia, he has not hesitated to commence in Bohemia
a Czech agitation, and by his incendiary proclamations to try to
induce the Bohemians to set up again the throne of St. Wenceslas.
*
The difficulties under which Austria labours are thus still very
considerable ; and we can, in the scope of our present observations,
but glance at, though we must not omit to mention, her financial
embarrassments, the legacy of the profligate rule of former years
which did not disdain, in the midst of profound peace, to sink deeper
and deeper into public debt, while neglecting to develop the natural
resources of such rich countries as compose the Austrian monarchy.f
But, on the other hand, Austria has a great mission, in the fulfil
ment of which it behoves liberal Europe no longer to impede, but
rather, in the general interest, to favour her. Hers is the task to
preserve and to increase civilisation along the shores of the Danube,
and to see that the great river, from its sources down to the mouth,
from the Black Forest to the Black Sea, belongs to European
civilisation; hers the task to be an arbiter, and, in gentle bonds, a
connecting power between the different nationalities filling that broad
expanse of country, and which cannot evolve out of themselves a
substitute to such power, whilst, unconnected, they must fall a prey
to Russia. Interposed between the steppes of the Euxine, and the
kingdom of Greece which is meant to rise in Russian dependency,
she may yet preserve for Europe the Dardanelles, and prevent the
Christian rajah from being led, by the watchword of their emanci
pation from Turkish yoke, under the yoke of Russia, to their own
and Europe’s great and lasting detriment.
' * Compare on the side of the Bohemian agitators : “ Expose et défense de la
Politique suivie en ce moment par la Diète Bohême.” Paris, Victor Groupy. 1867.
“ Le Royaume de Bohême et l’Etat Autrichien.” Prague, Grégi. 1867. “ La
Bohême Historique, Pittoresque et Littéraire,” par Joseph Friczet Louis Leger.
Paris, Librairie Internationale. 1867.—472 pp. If any set of English democrats
find themselves impelled to espouse the cause of the Czechs, we would request
them not to exclusively dwell on the name of John Huss, whose memory is a
friendly connecting link between the German Protestants and the Czechs, but
also to bear in mind the fact that Czechian Bohemia has furnished to absolutistic
Austria its most numerous and some of its worst satellites. The authors of “La
Bohême Historique ” do not deny it ; they excuse it with the necessity of making a
living—en somme, ilfallait vivre. One feels inclined to reply, with Voltaire—Je
rHen vois pas la nécessité.
+ See, on this characteristic of Prince Metternich’s long administration, some
excellent remarks, not unmixed with prejudice against the Jews, in Wolfgang
Menzel’s “ Geschichte der letzten vierzig Jahre.” 1865. Vol. I. pp. 23-25.
�33
Vili.—CONCLUSION.
If we are to heed a few shortsighted writers, the destruction of the
Austrian monarchy is still, and speedily, required for the re-estab ■
lishment of German unity. Curiously enough they are some of the
same people who habitually designate the disruption of Germany,
by thè war of 1866, as the foundation of its unity. These gentlemen
forget the text from which they are to preach. German unity by
federation existed until the summer of 1866, in a form, indeed, far from
being perfect. Reform was needed, not destruction, and moreover
*
it was in course of progress. But every effort in that direction had
been defeated by Prussia, unless it tended to the subjugation of Ger
many to her. So the last endeavour of Austria, by the Congress of
Frankfort in 1863, which would have led to a real, though not a
radical reform, but for the protests of Prussia, and the intrigues of the
Grand-Duke of Baden, who fancies himself to speak as a pater patrice,
when he plays but the part of a son-in-law of His Prussian Majesty.!'
Germany’s federal consolidation, then, striven for by many
patriots, and latterly by Austria, was destroyed by Prussia and her
* So the patriotic poet Count Platen ;
Wohl that Erneurung unserem Reiche noth,
Doch nicht Zerstörung, tief im Busen
Trug es den edelsten Keim der Freiheit.—Ode xxxiii.
This noble poet has been scurvily treated by M. Julian Schmidt, in that pon
derous pro-Prussian pamphlet, which he calls a history of modern literature.
Was it because it might be foreseen that, had Platen lived to witness, he would
have been certain to oppose the Prussian aggression ?
f The Prussian faction by no means embraces all Prussian liberals, though
many of them have been misled by the glitter of arms and the dizziness of power.
One of the foremost and purest of them, M. Jacoby, said last year to the Prussian
second chamber—“ A united, a politically unified Germany, so hopes the draft of
your address, will be the result of this war. I cannot share this hope. I believe,
rather, that the exclusion of Austria, that is, the expulsion of millions of our
German brothers from the common assembly does not unite Germany, and that
the plan which the policy of the Prussian cabinet has been pursuing for so long a
time, and which now brings two-thirds of the population under Prussian dominion,
leads us farther away from the desired aim of German unity than the late Diet of
Frankfort.” . . . “It is possible that this may respond to the specific
interests of Prussia ; but from the point of view of liberty, I cannot regard as a
strengthening of German unity the strengthening of the dynastic power of Prussia
by the violent acquisition of German territories. If in Prussia the recent system
of government continue—and up to the present time there is hardly anything to
be seen of a change—then your reformation of Germany will be to her former
divisions and powerlessness what death is to disease.”—Diplomatic Review,
October 3, 1866. The same distinguished politician, in a later speech, voting
against that hoax which calls itself the Constitution of the North German Con
federation, says, ‘ ‘ Germany, united in political freedom, is the surest guarantee
for the peace of Europe ; united under Prussian military power, Germany is a
standing danger for neighbouring nations, and we are at the beginning of an epoch
of wars, which threatens to throw us back into the saddest time of the middle
ages, when might was substituted for right.”—English Leader, May 25th, 1867.
D
�34
faction. Let that result, for the present, be accepted. German
unity may perhaps be re-established, and on a sounder basis than
before, but not now. And certainly the means suggested is not
desirable ; that of sowing discontent in the German-Austrian part of
the monarchy, and, by directing the attention of the discontented
towards Berlin, as a North Star, to make the countries on this side
of the Leitha ready to fall by insurrection and intrigue into the lap
of Prussia, as the Two Sicilies fell into that of Sardinia, seven years
ago. Such a plan seemed to have—we do not say it had—some
chance of success, immediately after the war, when discontent was
very rife in most parts of the Austrian monarchy. But the liberal
policy of Baron Beust at home, and the wretched part played in the
north by that friend of the English Reform League, Count Bismarck,
who has already sacrificed Luxemburg, must have obliterated any
such desire where it ever existed in Austrians.
*
Its success, moreover, would be only opening the door to new
difficulties ; it would expose directly all the countries on the other
side of the Leitha, and Galicia, to Russian influence; and granting
that Vienna and Salzburg were contented to be ruled from Berlin—
which is granting a good deal—there would be an immediately
increased striving of the Czechs towards union with Russia. For
after all, they have had many centuries of connexion with Vienna,
while no link, but bare force, devoid of all historical tradition, would
connect Prague with Berlin. Similarly, in the south, Trieste would
be attracted to Italy. Thus while Russia would step into the centre
of Germany and of Europe, for such is the north-western frontier of
Bohemia, Germany would definitively cut herself off from the
Adriatic. Beautiful fruits of a longing for unity !
Peace, no doubt, is very desirable for Austria. But is it, under
the present conditions, possible for any length of time ? Austria is,
during the present peace, continually being undermined, on the
upper and lower, if no longer on the middle, Danube ; on the one
hand by Prussia and the faction of political Unitarians, on the other
by Russia and those Slavonians who are friendly to her.
It thus becomes necessary for her to advance, by alliance or con
quest, to the mouths and to the sources of the Danube.
The Prussian prince in Roumania has been placed there only to
keep the seat warm for Russia. He might well arrive there with his
carpet-bag only ; it was sufficient for his mission. His part is about
played out. The last thing he maybe used for is to create dissatisfaction
among those Roumanes—or Wallachians—which inhabit portions of
Transylvania. Not having always been very well treated by the
* In this connection the writer on “ Dualism in Austria,” in the Westminster
Review of last October, refers to the pamphlet, 44 Der Zerfall Oestreichs, von einem
Deutsch Oestreicher.” One is astonished at a writer so acute not doubting the
authenticity of that anonymous publication. Probably his great pro-Slavonic
tendencies prevented him from seeing the strong probability of this being one
more of the many productions of Count Bismarck’s active literary staff. As such
we shall consider it until the writer chooses to unmask himself.
�35
Magyars, they may be supposed to be open to an application of the
nationality doctrine. This is a nostrum which can well be used
for preparing Russian dominion. To avert this danger, and sub
stituting the better for the worse, knowing herself to be the better,
Austria will have to strive to put her influence in the place of
Russia’s, in that revolution which seems imminent.
An enlightened policy will likewise lead her to attach, in friendly
relations, the principality of Servia to her.
If, without her acting to bring it about, the dissolution of the
Turkish Empire come to pass, the provinces of Bosnia and Herze
govina, the background, so to speak, of Croatia and Dalmatia, ought
to be seen gravitating towards the Austrian monarchy ; and perhaps
such a tendency will also manifest itself in Bulgaria.
On the upper Danube, Austria ought to connect herself in friendly
alliance with the South German States, and thus to strengthen her
German element. Much seems lost there already; notwithstanding
the evident aversion of the immense majority against Prussian rule,
the excellent strategy of Count Bismarck has won a good deal
of ground in that direction. Stirring up patriotic feeling against
France, connecting the renewal of the Zollverein treaties with those of
military alliance, and making the adoption of the latter a conditio
sine qua non of the former, also availing himself of much of the old
leaven of distrust against Austria, Prussia has indubitably gained
advantages in that direction, from which it may be difficult for
Austria to dislodge her. Yet we have abundant evidence before us
that no love for Prussian rule pervades those southern populations,
*
* We may here extract the following from the private letters of an English
military gentleman, formerly an officer in the Austrian service, who is at present
travelling and observing in the lands of the Danube. Writing from Bucharest,
he says :—“I have been doing my best to ascertain the real situation of affairs in
this province. Everything is at a standstill. There exists great discontent
amongst all parties. My firm belief is that the present prince will abdicate in
favour of some other member of his family, and that he was never intended to
last. .A short.time since he told the English consul that he was not the right
man in the right place. Why shoidd a prince say that to a foreign consul ?
Until the country is in the hands of a strong power there will never be any pro
gress. The parties are so numerous and equal in strength that no minister can
count on a majority for any length of time. Every one does his best to cheat the
others. I enclose you a description of a review ; it was first-rate. Very few of
the National Guard have any uniform. They seem to have a good class of
officers ; the greater part, I hear, foreigners. Anybody is to be bought.” . . .
This about Wallachia. From another letter as to Moldavia we extract“ I will
now give you my ideas of the present state of Moldavia, which is worse than that
of Wallachia. All parties are agreed on one point—that they have los-t greatly
by the present government, which has done nothing for them. The Russian party
is the. strongest. That I cannot understand why Russia should work against the
Prussian prince, unless it is an understood thing that Moldavia is at a future
period, to belong to Russia, that is to say, the Moldavians are to revolt against
the prince and demand to be placed under the protection of Russia, with a prince
of their own. This plan would be supported by the majority of the Moldavians.
If the Austrian party in Wallachia was properly supported, the province must fall
into the hands of Austria ; the Hungarians all do their best to get it attached to
the crown of Hungary.”
�3<S
and the Liberal tendency of present Austrian politics may recover
lost ground.
*
When thus the position of Austria is strengthened again, and con
stitutional freedom preserved in the south, the re-establishment of
German unity may be thought of. It will have to be brought about
by a strong Austria, anti-Russian, in alliance with Prussia, freeing
herself from Russia, to which she at present leans.f No doubt the
principle of manifoldness in unity—in which the chief value of
Germany to European civilisation consists—will have to be re
spected, Prussia will have to disgorge some of her ill-gotten gains,
to relax, for instance, her grasp on unwilling Hamburg, to restore
the freedom of that ancient republic of Frankfort, where her parti
sans can well nigh be counted on one’s fingers.
And as her ambition must have some satisfaction, it may, in the
inevitable struggle with Russia, be directed to that power’s Baltic
provinces with their German populations. Let her harp there on
the string of the nationality principle, it will be more than appealing
to a race-feeling; it will be regaining outlying family members to a
higher political existence.
In such a struggle there is a chance, not a slight one, for the re* Vide, among others, the Suddeutsche Presse, published since October ist, at
Munich, by Julius Froebel, an old leader of the German Liberals, himself not
hostile to Prussia. Much evidence in this direction may also be gathered from
the Hermann, a German weekly paper, published in London.
The most Prussianised part of South Germany appears to be Baden. Yet, in the
appeal just made by the government, the people have in the elections for the socalled customs-parliament given unmistakable signs that they do not approve of
the doings of the Grand-Duke and the Prussian faction. In the weekly paper,
Die Vereinigten Staaten von Europa, published at Berne, a correspondent from
Baden says with reference to the appointment of a Prussian officer as Baden war
minister :—“ Our elections for the customs parliament were a protest against govern
ment, and its submissiveness to Prussia. Now they answer by a provocation.
If things continue in this way, the Grand-Duke, who is under the influence of his
consort, stakes his throne, and will lose it even more certainly than were he to
cede it to Prussia. We fear the French government, but we hate Prussia. We
want to be German ; never will we consent to be Prussian. Anything rather than
that.” March Sth, No. io. —Wurtemberg has just elected 17 members for the
Customs Parliament: not one candidate favourable to the Prussification of Ger
many, was successful.
J The Berlin correspondent of the Times says:—“Manyof the Liberal prints
are even so unreasonable as to taunt Count Bismarck with not calling Russia to
account, when a moment’s reflection must tell them that no Prussian Cabinet,
whatever its bearings, -would, in the actual condition of Europe, be rash enough
to quarrel with the Czar.”—Times, December 17th, 1867. This shameful sub
missiveness may indeed be a necessity for Prussia, aggrandized by rending Germany
into pieces and excluding Austria from the Confederation : for a federally united
Germany no such necessity would exist.
I11 this reprint we are enabled to refer the reader to the documents revealing the
remarkable endeavour made by Prussia to re-connect herself, by a federal bond,
with Austria, and to the dignified manner by which it was met by Baron Beust,
vide “The Austrian Redbook.” (Dulau &Co., 1868.) Part I., pp. 3,4, 53, 55,
and 84 to 93.
The liberal admirers and disciples of Count Bismark may still preach the wis
dom of the exclusion of Austria; they now stand rebuked by their half-repentant
master. It is true he wished Russia to join in the league.
�37
establishment of Poland, of which Austria, strengthened in other
quarters, might offer a nucleus.
This federative Germany, strong for defence, too enlightened to
be dangerous to any civilised power, and not by undue centralisa
tion favouring the projects of ambition, would enter into friendly
relations with Scandinavia, and thereby guard for Europe the second
key of her seas, the Sound, now ill-protected in the hands of weak
Denmark. She would, freed from the desire of accumulation,
guarantee to Switzerland and Holland their existence, at present
threatened. She would revert to the principle of respect for the
smaller communities, “these feeble states,” in the words of Sir
James Mackintosh, “these monuments of the justice of Europe, the
asylum of peace, of industry, and of literature, the organs of public
reason, the refuge of oppressed innocence and persecuted truth.” *
We have been carried far into a future, perhaps never to be real
ised. Is this a dream ? If so, it seems still better to strive after its
realisation than to pretend to enjoy the horrible nightmare of
Prussian functionarism and barrackdom. It may be, in parts at
least, even more easy to be realised than Kossuth’s dream of a
Danube federation under Magyar Hegembny. At the Danube we
now see only the alternative of accepting Austria or Russia. We
have made our choice.
* The trial of John Peltier, Esq., for a libel against Napoleon Buonaparte.
London, 1803. p. 88.
�EXTRACTS
FROM THE AUSTRIAN RED-BOOK.—CORRESPONDENCE OF
THE IMPERIAL ROYAL MINISTRY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
On the Prussian Proposal for re-establishing a Federal
Connection with A ustria.
From the introduction :
... In looking back to the relations of Austria towards Germany in the year
following the war of 1866, the fact must not lightly be passed over that, under
the impression of the danger of a European war, many a serious glance was
directed, in Berlin, as well as in Munich, towards that Austria whose connection
with Germany the Treaty of Prague had severed a few months previously.
Intimations followed with respect to new federal arrangement, which, however,
were too vague, and guarded the interest of the one side too partially, to allow of
Austria sacrificing to them that freedom of action she has exchanged for the rights
and duties of the period closed by the dissolution of the Germanic Confédéra
tion.............
BARON BEUST TO COUNT TRAUTTMANNSDORFF AT MUNICH.
Vienna, April 6, 1867.
“ I neither could nor would express any opinion as to the relations between
Prussia and South Germany, by which any degree of responsibility could be
attached to the imperial cabinet for a further infringement of the stipulations of the
Treaty of Prague, already restricted by the August Treaties of Alliance. We do
not wish to influence in any direction the considerations that may be entered into
at Berlin and Munich in this matter. I was forced, on the contrary, to character
ise the question of an alliance of Austria with a new German Bund, under the
direction of Prussia, as a simple question of interest, and one, indeed, of the highest
order. Neither passions, nor feelings, nor historical recollections—whether those
of 1866 or those of a thousand years past—shall influence our future resolutions,
but our consideration will be in the first instance the security, and in the second
the interest, of the Austrian monarchy. Even in favour of its former German
allies, the empire can no longer enter into relations which would impose upon us
obligations and burdens, unless the fullest compensatory returns are made. If
friendship towards Austria, and the wish to be useful to her, can be traced in the
language and the acts of the German governments, such tokens will at all times
find an echo with us, and this may contribute to pave the way for happier relations
in future than at present exist. But we require very solid guarantees against ten
dencies which are not only not friendly but dangerous to us, and no services must
be required from us which would not be fully compensated by counter-services of
equal value. I have not concealed from Count Bray that in the position which
the South-German States have now taken up with regard to Prussia—and with
which position we are far removed from wishing to quarrel—such guarantees and
counter-services could not be offered us in Munich, but only in Berlin; and that
we, therefore, would be compelled mainly to keep our eyes fixed upon Prussia,
should it ever come to pass that we could believe in a serious honestly meant
alliance with Germany, advantageous to both parties, and for which we ought to
sacrifice our present liberty.”
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
�39
BARON BEUST TO COUNT WIMPFFEN IN BERLIN.
Vienna, April 17, 1867.
•
•
•
■
•
•
•
... 111 will not keep from your Excellency the fact that Baron Werther some
days ago mentioned to me the wish, just as Count Bismarck did to you, for the
re-establishment of a grand Germano-Austrian alliance. I heard from him
words even which seemed to imply that Austria ought to regain her lost position in
Germany. But what other answer could I give to this than putting the question
—Whether they intend in Prussia to return to the former Confederation ? They
must doubtless understand in Berlin that this question is of serious bearing, as it is
Prussia s business in this respect to leave unproductive generalities aside, and to
tell us upon what foundation the desired new alliance should rest, sp that Austria
might find therein as good guarantees for her security, her influence, and her
interest, as she had in the former Confederation, and better ones than previously
existed for her peace and concord with Prussia. . . .
BARON BEUST TO COUNT WIMPFFEN IN BERLIN.
Vienna, April 19, 1867.
... “ What Count Tauffkirchen stated further upon this latter point was,
however, not the clearest part of his communications.
“ He spoke of a guarantee of our German possessions. He gave us to under
stand that probably every desirable security against possible dangers would also
be offered temporarily for our non-German provinces. He mentioned Russia as
the third party to the alliance, and was of opinion that security would of itself be
assured by the conclusion of a treaty by the three powers. Finally he pointed
out—as had already been earlier done from Munich—that a friendly alliance of
Prussia with Austria afforded the South-German States the possibility of main
taining a larger measure of independence, and that an international alliance of
Austria with the North-German and South-German Confederations might still
ultimately form the turning-point towards closer treaty relations of a permanent
nature, which might replace the former State-Bund with advantage to Austria as
well as the German nation.”
Count Tauffkirclien was not indeed able to declare himself prepared to reply
to all these questions, or to weaken thq doubts and objections brought under his
notice. He only expressed his regret to be obliged to assume from my words
that Austria declined the proposals he had brought with him from Berlin. Baron
Werther upon his part repeated to me the expression of his opinion in a precisely
similar sense.
I cautioned them, however, strongly against its employment,
begging them at the same time not to speak of Austria as declining Prussian
proposals, as the explanations thereby rendered necessary could not operate
otherwise than disadvantageously ; that it was desirable to keep the future open ;
and that it remained a fact that Austria would always entertain the wish of being
able to offer her hand in order to secure a reconciliation with Prussia and
Germany.
•
•••»..
�40
BARON BEUST TO COUNT TRAUTTMANNSDORFF AT MUNICH.
Vienna, May 15, 1867,
,
s•
,•
•
s•
•
•
In accordance therewith I have once more expressed myself to Count Bray
with all sincerity as to the position in which we stand towards facts, past or
future, incompatible’with the Treaty of Prague. I explained to him that con
siderations of opportuneness might easily for the present determine His Majesty
the Emperor’s government to ignore such facts, and that this government readily
allowed the German sympathies which it has retained to influence its attitude,
so long as it was not compelled to consider the interests of its own country in
danger. The demand, on the other hand, that the imperial cabinet should give
its assent to the Alliance treaties which it has hitherto accepted in silence, and
to still greater violations of the Treaty of Prague, I characterized distinctly as
impossible of fulfilment, and pointed out that, in her present position, Austria,
on the contrary, must carefully guard against forfeiting in any way, either by
word or deed, the right of appealing at a suitable time to the arrangements of
that treaty.
“ Further, I have not concealed from Count Bray that I am unable to under
stand how it could have been believed that we could be induced to change our
attitude by the vague terms of the Munich programme that an alliance with
Austria ought to be concluded or prepared for. If, by the word alliance,
according to the sense generally used in international language, is to be under
stood a provisional covenant for definite aims, it must be objected that such aims
are not stated, and at present probably cannot be stated. But if a permanent
federal relation is thought of, by which the Imperial Government should
abandon its liberty, not for any settled course of action, but indefinitely and for
ever, and which, upon the other hand, was to form one of the main elements of
the political re-organization of Germany, we ought to be in the first place
solemnly released from the obligation not to take part in that re-organization;
and, in the second, it must not be overlooked that one great power cannot
subordinate itself to another, cannot serve foreign interests, and cannot bind
itself in advance to conventions arrived at without its participation. I doubt
whether they have been enabled at Munich to offer us a position of equal
standing with Prussia in a new general German Bund; but if this is not the
case, the men at the helm of the Austrian State are compelled to fall back upon the
complete freedom they have exchanged for their former rights in the Bund.
•
*
•
•
•
-I
=.
Printed at the Victoria Press (for the Employment of Women), S3a., Farringdon Street, E.O.
W. W. Head, Proprietor.
�
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Austria in 1868
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Oswald, Eugene
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Place of publication: London
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Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Includes bibliographical references. Reprinted from 'English Leader'. Printed at the Victoria Press (for the Employment of Women). The Victoria Press was founded by Emily Faithfull and arose from the Society for Promoting the Employment of Women, a group of Victorian feminists who sought to provide new avenues for women's work in the printing industry.
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Austria
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Austria-History
Conway Tracts
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r 'bV
388
[September
CONTRASTS OF ANCIENT AND MODERN HISTORY,
HE whole interest of history broadly what contrasts can be traced
depends on the eternal likeness between ancient and modern times,
of human nature to itself, and on leaving it to be inquired how far
the similarities or analogies which these may happen to affect any case
we in consequence perpetually dis in hand.
cover between that which has been
The very expressions, Ancient and
and that which is. Were it other Modern History, need a preliminary
wise, all the narratives of the past caution. Some nations may seem
would be an enigma to our under to be in nearly the same state in
standings ; for we should be with ancient and in modern times : as
out that sympathy which kindles the roving Arabs and Tartars ; per
imagination and gives insight; nor haps even the inhabitants of China
would the experience of the ancient and its neighbouring Archipelago.
world afford instruction or warning All such people are tacitly excluded
to him who is trying to anticipate from this discussion ; roving tribes,
futurity. With good reason, there because they have no history worth
fore, the greatest stress is ordinarily the name ; the Chinese nations, be
laid on this side of the question— cause their culture notoriously has
the similarities to be detected be become stationary, and, as we have
tween the past and the present. In no history of their earlier times, we
the world of Greece or Rome, of cannot detect such contrasts as may
Egypt or Judaea, Carthage or really exist between their present
Babylon, the same never-ending and former state. By modern
struggles of opposite principles were history we must chiefly mean
at work, with which we are so well Christian history, yet not so as to
acquainted in modern times. The exclude the Mohammedan nations.
contests between high birth and They too have their strong points
wealth, between rich and poor, be of contrast to the ancient military
tween conservatives and progres monarchies, and will be treated in
sists, to say nothing of the purely their turn; but their history is
moral conflicts of patriotism and certainly monotonous. One form
selfishness, justice and oppression, of government only—military des
mercy and cruelty, all show them potism—has arisen among them ;
selves in every highly developed and, owing to this meagreness,
community, in proportion to the there is less to say about them.
fulness of information which we The Mohammedan empires, as in
enjoy concerning it. The names chronology they more properly be
and the form often differ, when the long to the middle age, so in their
substance was the same as now. actual development appear to be
Nevertheless, it is equally needful midway between their prototypes in
to be aware of the points at which the ancient and their representatives
similarity ceases and contrast in the modern Christian world.
begins ; otherwise, our application Generally speaking, it is only be
of history to practical uses will be tween things in important senses
mere delusive pedantry. This, no alike that it is worth while to insist
doubt, is the difficulty, through on unlikeness. To contrast things
which no golden rule can avail to different in kind, is seldom needed;
help us. We are thrown back upon but where similarity is close, to
good sense to judge of each question point out dissimilarity is instructive.
I. The first topic which we may
as it occurs, and all that the writer
of history or the philosopher can do make prominent is contained in the
for the aid of readers, is, to state word slavery. In modern Christen-
�1874]
Contrasts of Ancient and Modern History.
dom slavery is ail anomaly. It liad
pined away and vanished in Europe
in proportion to civilisation. When
first it was established in the
American colonies, no one foresaw
the magnitude it would assume.
When the great Republican Union
arose, its founders would not admit
the word slave or any equivalent
into the Federal constitution. Be
lieving that slavery must soon die
out of itself, they declined any direct
controversy about it, and veiled
its actual existence under a general
term thafwould include apprentices,
criminals under sentence, or even
minors ; alas I not foreseeing that
the invention of the cotton-gin
would give a new money-value to
slaves, and generate a fanatical
theory which glorified slavery as a
precious institution. Hence without
a terrible civil war the proud ambi
tion of slave owners could not be
crushed. But the mighty price was
paid. Slavery in the Spanish and
Portuguese colonies all now seems
to be doomed. Simultaneously the
Russian dynasty has reversed its
policy. Having for several centuries
by a gradual succession of imperial
edicts depressed the peasants, first
into serfs and next into slaves, it
has raised them into free labourers
who have legal rights in the soil
and a status which the English
peasant may envy. The most en
lightened of the Mussulmans now
glorify their Prophet as a promoter
of freedom, a panegyrist of emanci
pation. In the judgment now of
all highly cultivated men, slavery is
an unnatural, unjust, dangerous
institution, doomed by the voice of
conscience, and suffrage of reason, to
total extinction ; though we grieve
to know the perpetual effort which
freebooters make, and will make, to
renew it; not least, the degenerate
offspring of Europeans, whenever
they get beyond the reach of
European law. But in the ancient
world neither law nor philosophy
nor religion forbade slavery; slightly
to regulate its worst enormities,
389
was all that religion or law at
tempted. Slavery was with them
not the exception, but the rule. No
philosopher theorised against it, no
philanthropist (if such we may call
any Greek or Roman) was ashamed
of it, no statesman dreamed of taking
measures to destroy it. The savage
who wandered over the steppes of
southern Russia needed a slave to
milk his mares, and blinded him
lest he should escape. The Lacedae
monian warrior, proud of freedom,
regarded public slaves as essential
to his existence, important alike in
the camp, on the field of battle, and
in his own city. Even the simple
and comparatively virtuous German,
in his forest hut, coveted and often
attained the attendance of slaves,
whose status perhaps was rather
that of a serf. To the leading
commercial states, Tyre, Corinth,
2Egina, slaves were a staple article
of merchandise. Chattels they were,
yet not in these clays mere cattle,
useful for their brute force and
for little beside. They were often
persons of greater accomplishment
than their masters, and this accom
plishment enhanced their price.
Some persons kept schools of slaves,
in which they learned music and
other elegant arts, or arithmetic
and bookkeeping, cooking and
domestic service, or agriculture and
its kindred branches ; or some other
trade ; of course, not for the slaves’
benefit, but to raise their market
able value.
Through the ferocities of war,
the ancient slave trade raged most
cruelly against civilised man. All
captives from an enemy, however
seized, became the booty of the
captor and liable to personal slavery.
Pirates even in peace prowled along
the coasts, and often carried off as
prey any promising children, hand
some women, or stout men, on whom
they could lay hands. In many
cases, the same ship played the part
of merchant and kidnapper, as occa
sion might serve. After the suc
cessful siege of an opulent town, it
�390
Contrasts of Ancient and Modern History.
was not uncommon for the entire
population, young and old, of both,
sexes and of all ranks, to be sold
into bondage : whereby sometimes
the slave market was so glutted
that they might be had for a trifle.
It thus not seldom happened, that
the well educated and delicately
nurtured were degraded beneath
humanity ; and, dreadful as was the
personal suffering to individuals,
the result was in one sense more
favourable to slaves collectively,
than the very different state of
modern colonial bondage. Slaves,
as such, were less despised, and
there was not so great a chasm as
to moral feeling between them and
the free community. The freeborn
and instructed were probably better
treated in slavery than others ; aud
certainly were often set free by
benevolent persons or by grate
ful masters. There was no pre
judice against colour. In no two
countries was the actual or legal
state of slaves quite the same, and
in some places and times the transi
tion from slavery to unprivileged
freedom was not very great. This
may have been among the reasons
which blinded thoughtful persons
to the essential immorality of the
system, however modified ; yet it is
wonderful that Aristotle should de
fine a slave to be ‘ a living tool ’ (a
phrase which one might expect
rather from an indignant aboli
tionist), and not draw any inference
against the system as inhuman.
Nay, he says, that nature by giving
to the Greeks minds so superior,
marked out slavery to the Greeks
as the natural status for barbarians.
Barbarian Romans could not assent
to this doctrine ; yet no voice in all
antiquity uttered an indignant pro
test against slavery as such. In
one country only of the ancient
world—a part, or some reported, the
whole of India—was slave-labour
said to be unknown. A species of
slavery, serving some of the pur
poses of apprenticeship, may have
existed then, as recently, without
[September
being particularly noticed ; so too
may the practice of selling beautiful
maidens to supply the harems of
chieftains.
That Egypt, as well as India,
should have dispensed with an or
dinary slave class, was perhaps a
natural result of the system of
caste. Where a Pariah caste exists
there is no want of men for any
sort of rude or unpleasant labour,
such as the Greeks believed none
but slaves would undertake. The
strength of domestic animals, aided
by good roads, and, still more,
modern machinery, relieves man
kind from a thousand hard tasks,
which the ancients exacted from the
sinews of bondsmen. It is interest
ing here to observe by what pro
cess those oppressions are removed
which weigh direfully on the lowest
class of a civilised community.
Even when Solomon built his cele
brated little temple (about as large
as an English parish church), for
which cedars were cut in Mount
Lebanon by aid of the skilful
Tyrians, it was believed that he
used 70,000 bondsmen that bare
burdens, and 80,000 hewers of tim
ber. No mention is made of mules
or ponies to carry down the loads;
even asses might better have borne
the toil, if it had been matter of
simple carrying on a clear path.
Egyptian pictures represent vast
weights as drawn by the hands of
men, who tug simultaneously when
the conductor sings or waves his
wand.
Shall we suppose that
brutes, though stronger, could not
be trained to the co-operation re
quisite ? Be this as it may, the
strain fell on human sinews. Hewers
of wood and drawers of water are
phrases often conjoined to express
the suffering of bondsmen from
causes which in the present day in
volve no kind of distressing toil.
With us, if enormous masses of
granite are to be moved along a
prepared road, not even bullocks or
horses are often thought in place,
but the engineer supersedes them
�1874]
Contrasts of Ancient and Modern History.
by a steam-engine and one or more
chains.
It is recorded that, when the
Spaniards first learned the wealth
of the American mines, their ava
rice pressed the unhappy natives so
severely as to kill them in great
numbers by the toil of ascending
and descending the mines with
heavy burdens. Of course, our
most rudimental machinery im
mensely relieves or supersedes this.
Yet, even to this day, a miner’s life
is so revolting to one who has not
been, as it were, born and bred in
it, that we cannot wonder at the
ancient doubt whether any but a
slave would work in a mine. For
this purpose, criminals and prisoners
of war were used by the Egyptians,
which would seem to be the only
form of slavery in that kingdom ;
and their labour is described as of
the most galling cruelty. Whether
the Indians had slaves in their
mines, perhaps the Greeks were not
well informed enough to ascertain.
To labour in the dark, and under
ground, may appear to most of us
an unbearable infliction, but modern
experience proves that, by aid of
machinery, it may be so lightened
as to be chosen voluntarily for gain.
To a thoughtful Athenian or Roman
it may have seemed doubtful whe
ther civilization was not purchased
too dearly, for its maintenance was
thought to require the permanent
degradation of, perhaps, the majo
rity of a nation into the unmanly
and demoralising state of bondage.
But this was an exaggeration, true
only of a brilliant but luxurious and
unsound state of society. In the
simpler and earlier order of things,
the labours of the field and work
shop were performed by freemen;
but, with the development of the
military spirit, and owing to the
small extent of a homogeneous na
tive population, the freemen were
drafted off for soldiers, and their
place was supplied by captives of
war. This undue predominance of
military institutions, especially in
391
the Roman world, engendered and
fostered preedial slavery. Under the
Emperors, through the comparative
cessation of wars and piracy, the
slave-trade became far less active,
and imperial legislation, in many
ways, regulated the state of slavery,
so that very great cruelties became
rarer, and some exceptional forms
of cruelty impossible ; nevertheless,
so much the more was a general
grinding degradation riveted upon
the masses of the country people.
Such an idea as the common Rights
of Men was nowhere sounded forth.
What then was never heard is now
an axiom, that all men, of every
class, of every nation, of every
complexion and climate, have some
indefeasible rights, which neither
conquest nor legislation, nor sale by
parents can take away. Herein lies
an enormous difference between the
past and future. Whatever the
origin of human races, wenow recog
nise all menas morally homogeneous,
and, in a just state, subject to a
single code of law. On the con
trary, antiquity admitted the prin
ciple of favoured races, even among
freemen. This may deserve a few
detailed remarks.
II. The first step upward from
slavery is into serfdom. Indeed
the former always tends to merge
itself into the latter, when the
slave trade is inactive. If slaves
can only be had from the natural
home supply, the value of the
workman immediately rises. It
becomes fit once the interest of the
master, and the duty of the law
giver, to secure the due increase
of the working population, and the
maintenance of their full strength.
In a tranquil society, developed only
from within, this would secure the
transition to serfdom, which is com
plete when families of labourers are
inseparable from an estate. But
besides the slaves and serfs, many
ancient nations, great and small,
recognised ranks very diverse, sub
ject even to different systems of
law. A ruling race was sure to be
�392
Contrasts of Ancient and Modern History.
a privileged order, whose liberties
with the property or persons of
others were ill repressed by law ; and
of the rest, some were able to rise,
others not; some without political
lights, but endowed with full social
rights ; others treated as foreigners.
The principle may be seen alike
in despotic Persia, in oligarchical
Lacedamion and Rome; in part, also,
in democratic Athens. In some
sense it was superseded by a system
of caste, where that existed, which
by no means implied necessarily a
primitive difference of race. But
where an empire was founded by
conquest of numerous cities and
tribes, diverse in race and language,
the distinction of race and race
arose naturally, and was unblameable while the revolution was still
recent. But meddling and jealous
legislation endeavours to enact as a
law for ever that which ought only
to be a temporary caution of the
executive government—a caution
which the timidity of newly-seized
power is never apt to neglect.
Since our renewal of the East
India Company’s Charter in 1833,
the natives of India are by law put
on a perfect equality with the Bri
tish born, and were declared admis
sible to every office of power except
free; that of Governor-General, and
Commander-in-Chief. Yet every
one knows how little danger there
is that the executive will be too
eager to fill up its appointments
with born Indians. If, for security
against this imaginary danger, it
were forbidden by express laws, this
would forbid the barriers which
separate the conquered from the
conquering race to decay with time ;
and if to this were added a law
against intermarriage, it would ex
hibit anew the mischievous prin
ciples of exclusion, which have so
often sustained the galling iniqui
ties of conquest. It is a fallacy to
insist that because some races of
men have greater talents for go
vernment than others—even if the
fact be conceded—therefore they
[September
are entitled to award to themselves
peculiar legal privileges and rights.
A dominant race is never liable to
think too highly of its subjects and
too meanly of itself; the opposite
error is uniformly that from which
mankind has suffered. If the race
which is in power has greater capa
cities, it will outstrip the rest in a
fair field, without advantage from
the law. Each individual has ad
vantage already in the very name
of his nation. But jealousies and
pride in general prevailed. Most
ancient empires split up societies
into sharply distinguished orders
of men ; and as there was no
sudden chasm, they were the less
startled at the depth to which hu
manity was sunk in the unfortunate
slave.
We have less reason for boasting
than for mourning and contrition;
for our practice is by no means
commensurate with our theory ; but
European theory is now far more
humane than that of the ancients.
No high executive officer, no judge,
no member of a high council, no
authority in jurisprudence, will
justify giving to the members of a
ruling race any indefinite claims for
service, facilities foi’ oppression, or for
evading rightful obligations. What
ever our difficulties in administering
justice where a population is hetero
geneous, we loudly and unshrink
ingly avow our duty of abiding by
and enforcing equal law. This, wo
may feel confident, will henceforth
be the received principle of the
modern world, wherever European
influence has once been dominant.
Those powers who fail of enforcing
their own principle will not the less
successfully indoctrinate the sub
ject population with it, perhaps to
their own overthrow; for to the
enthroning of the idea of Equal
Rights to all races, events are sure
to gravitate, when the rulers them
selves enunciate it; nor can men
in power recede from a principle
which all the intellect of their own
nation proclaims and glorifies. This
�1874]
Contrasts of Ancient and Modern History.
is a great contrast between us and
antiquity.
III. One may not pass by a topic
closely akin to the last, although
prudence forbids any great confi
dence of tone concerning a move
ment which, is but in embryo. A
cry arises, not only against depres
sion of any Races, but also against
the depression of one Sex. Every
imperial power uses lavishly the
lives of its young men as soldiers.
Imperial England lavishes them also
in emigration and in nautical dan
gers. Hence women have the toil
of self-support, and, perhaps, the
double toil of family support, thrown
upon them; and in nearly every
market it is discovered by themthat their male rivals have unfair
advantage. Hitherto women have
suffered in silence, and with little
interchange of thought. The novel
fact is now, that in the freest coun
tries the sex is the most loudly
avowing discontent with its poli
tical depression. The movement
already belongs to so many coun
tries of Christendom, as to indicate
that it is no transient phenomenon,
but has deep causes. Partial suc
cess in so many places (as in the
municipal franchise of England) is
a promise that the movement must
expand into greater force. Hitherto
women of the higher ranks have
often held executive power, directly
as queens, or indirectly as mis
tresses of kings ; or, again, as vice
regents, or representatives of barons
and squires, their husbands; but
women from the families of private
citizens, who are the mass of every
nation, have hitherto been utterly
without political power, and rarely
hold any subordinate public posi
tion, except the worst paid. In
the American Union they have
rebelled against this state of things
for a full quarter of a century.
The force of mind and grasp of
knowledge which many women dis
play in various spheres of thought,
and not least in politics, are a fact
which cannot count for nothing ;
393
so that one who shuns to be rash
may yet forebode that the countries
which allow a political vote to un
educated men will not long refuse
it to the mass of educated women.
In this prospect we most surely see
a remarkable and hopeful contrast
of the Future to the Past, when
it is considered how large a part of
the miseries of history have arisen
from the sensualities and cruelties
of the male sex. Of course, we
know that, women, equally with
men, can be corrupted by the pos
session of power, and can be ex
quisitely cruel; but this is rare,
and somewhat abnormal. In gene
ral the sex is more tender-hearted
and refined; and their collective
exercise of power would forbid
many a war, and be generally fa
vourable to the side of humanity.
But wishing here to speak rather
of what is positively attained and
recognisable by all minds, than of
that which is only probable, I stay
my pen from further remark on
this topic.
IV. There is a signal contrast of
external circumstances between the
older and newer state of things
herein; that nearly every ancient
civilised state looked out upon a
barbarism immeasurable in mass
and power; barbarism, on which it
could never hope to make a per
manent impression, and by which
it might well fear io be swallowed
up. Tartary was the mightiest
realm of Barbaria. Gibbon has elo
quently and instructively detailed
the causes which made the Tartars
pre-eminently familiar with the art
of campaigning and guiding the
marches of immense hosts. At no
time known to us can the Tartar
nations have been so low in the
scale of civilisation as numerous
tribes whom we call savages. They
always had an abundance of sheep
and goats, and an extraordinary
number of horses. They always
had the art of mining for iron, and
forging swords. Even the inven
tion of steel was ascribed to north-
�394
Contrasts of Ancient and Modern History.
ern people, otherwise backward in
civilisation. Waggons were brought
to a high state of perfection, and
over vast steppes of Tartary were
able to traverse the open country
without roads. This implies suffi
ciently good carpentry, and no lack
of needful tools. The whole nation
being moveable, it was hard to
limit the magnitude of a Tartar
army. The northern region could
not be coveted by the southerners,
and was practically unconquerable
by them. It fell under their sway
only -when some Tartar dynasty
conquered a southern people, and
still retained the homage of its na
tive realm. This has happened
again and again with Tartar con
querors of China. At the earliest
era of which we have notice of
Persia from Greeks or Romans, it
is manifest how powerful were the
Tartar sovereigns who interfered
in Persian domestic politics, when
they did not affect direct con
quest. This eternal conflict of the
Tartars and the Persians is sym
bolised in the mythical Turan and
Iran. In our mediaeval period a
Mogul dynasty seated itself in India,
two successive dynasties of Turks,
the Seljuks and the Ottomans, over
whelmed Asia Minor, and the exist
ing dynasty of Persia is esteemed
Tartar. Such is the peculiarity of
Asiatic geography, that it may seem
difficult to boast of civilisation
being ever there safe from bar
barism. Nevertheless the Tartar
power is virtually broken by the
wonderful development of Russian
empire. Mistress of the Amoor,
and. exercising control over Khiva,
Russia shuts the Tartars in on both
sides, and teaches them the su
premacy of civilised force in ways
so intelligible, that no future sove
reign of Tartary (if all were united
under one chief) could fancy him
self the chief potentate on earth.
Southern nations are no longer
palsied by the idea that their north
ern invaders are innumerable. Geo
graphy discloses their weakness as
[September
■well as their strength ; even China
has less to fear from Tartary than
in ancient times.
But when we approach Western
Asia and Europe, the contrast is
far more marked and important.
The Gauls, who temporarily over
whelmed Italy, and a century later,
Greece, are described as an ex
tremely rude people; so are the
Scythians, whose cavalry was gene
rally formidable to Persia, and to
Rome. Even Germany, Hungary,
and the regions south of the
Danube, often threatened overthrow
to the civilisation of their southern
neighbours. Imperial Rome for
several centuries stood at bay
against the Germans, but could do
little more; and when her best-in
formed men had begun to learn the
intractable character and vast ex
tent of the more or less closely
related tribes, despair for civilisa
tion was apt to seize them. Even
under the splendid military reign
of Trajan, conqueror of Dacia, the
historian Tacitus, relating a war in
which Germans slew one another,
earnestly hopes that the gods will
increase this fratricidal spirit, since
‘ the vates of the Empire pressing
us hard ’ there is no better prayer
to offer. Apparently he regarded it
as inevitable that the savage would
break the barriers of the Roman
provinces and sweep away all
culture before him ; which, in
deed, is the very thing which hap
pened, through the essential error
of Roman policy and the disorgani
zations incident to mere military
rule.
If a civilised power can entirely
subdue a barbarian neighbour, it
may, at considerable expense, per
haps civilise him ; but when the
nature of the country forbids this,
it is unwise in the more civilised to
admit a common frontier. Augustus
aspired to conquer Germany, and
actually pushed the frontier of the
empire to the Elbe, but the insur
rection under Arminius drove him
back to the Rhine ; then at last he
�1874]
Contrasts of Ancient and Modern History.
learned that, through her swamps
and forests and the wild nature of
her people, Germany was not worth
having, and that moderation is an
imperial virtue. But Germany and
the Empire were still conterminous,
though the frontier was pushed
back. The thing to be desired was
to sustain between them—as a sort
of buffer that should break German
assault — a half-civilised highspirited people, intelligent enough
to estimate Roman power, proud of
alliance and honours, but aware of
its essential inferiority to the mighty
Empire. Such a people, well armed
and -well supported by Roman re
sources, and taught all the arts of
Roman war, would have been worth
half-a-dozen armies; but to main
tain in them a free spirit was essen
tial to success, and this free spirit
was dreaded by the Romans as
contagious. Agricola planned to
conquer Ireland (says Tacitus, who
seems to approve the policy) lest
the knowledge that the Irish were
free should make the Britons less
contented in vassalage. It was
because the Romans systematically
broke the spirit of every nation
whom they conquered, and allowed
of none but imperial armies, that
the neighbour barbarians found no
resistance in the provinces, when
(from whatever cause) imperial
troops were not at hand. Thus
little good resulted to the world’s
history from the Roman conquest
of the ruder populations of Gaul,
or from the complete conquest of
Britain and of Dacia. Even wild
animals (says the Caledonian orator
in Tacitus), if you keep them caged
up, forget their courage. The
Britons and the Dacians were not
merely tamed; they were cowed
and unmanned. To have subdued
all Germany in this way would
have been useless. Charlemagne at
length undertook the problem,
which had been too hard for Trajan
and Marcus Antoninus ; but he was
already as much German as
VOL. X .----NO. LVII,
NEW SERIES.
395
Gaulish, and his chief struggle was
against Saxony. The next great
gain to civilisation was in Poland—
in Hungary — and in Southern
Russia. When Herodotus wrote,
the whole region to the north of
the Black Sea acknowledged the
sovereignty of roving equestrian
tribes ;only agriculturists of foreign
origin were settled among them in
Podolia and in the Crimea, who
paid them tribute. These, it may
be conjectured, were the nucleus of
the Ostrogoths, who afterwards
appeared in great strength in that
region, and from it migrated into
the Roman empire. Other tribes
filled the vacuum, but became agri
culturists like the Goths ; so that
the Russians easily retained them
under settled institutions. To Peter
the Great, in the last century, we
owe the establishment of the whole
of European Russia as industrious
people under well organised Go
vernments. Even Siberia, along
the high-roads which have been
reclaimed from the interminable
forests, has a settled population
attached to its own soil and proud
of its name. In the course of the
last thousand years, in Mongolia
itself, the same process has gone on,
of restricting the limits of the rov
ing tribes. In numbers they must
now be ever inferior to the settled
populations, and every development
of the art of war throws them
farther and farther behind. Much
more is Europe secure from all
alarms of the barbarian from with
out. Our dangers are solely w’hen,
by bad national institutions and
selfish neglect of our home popula
tion, we allow barbarism to grow up
from within.
V. Another contrast to be ob
served between the ancients and the
moderns lies in the number of great
states which have simultaneously
attained a robust civilisation, no one
of which is able to establish a uni
versal dominion. This was for two
or three centuries a cause of turbuE E
�39 G
('out easts of Ancient and Modern History,
lent yet thriving progress in Greece;
bnt all the Powers were there on
too small a scale to be able to resist
the great monarchies. No doubt
in China, in India, in Persia, civi
lised states on a grand scale existed
simultaneously; but each was a
separate world. Possibly in China
and in India at an early time there
was a complex internal struggle
similar to those of which we know
in Greece and in Europe ; but as far
as is recorded, the history of each
great country went on independently
of the other countries ; just as the
Roman and the Persian Empires,
though conterminous, were little
affected in their internal concerns,
each by the other. Ancient free
dom was generally on a small scale.
According to Aristotle, no Polity
could consist of so many as a hun
dred thousand citizens. A state
with only so many, may be con
quered by foreign force, in spite of
wise policy and the utmost bravery;
but to a homogeneous people of
twenty or thirty millions this can
only happen through the gravest
domestic errors. In ancient times
the attempt at widespread conquest
was unhappily more and more pros
perous as time went on. A succes
sion of great empires is displayed
before us, Assyrian, Median, Per
sian, Macedonian, Roman, each
larger than the preceding. The
last swallowed up into itself the
whole cultivation of the West and
much of its barbarism : each empire
in its turn was practically isolated,
independent and wholly self-willed,
aware of no earthly equal. A victim
of Roman tyranny scarcely had a
hope of escaping into the remote
Persia, any more than into the bar
barous populations which girt the
empire north and south. Under
despotism thus uncontrolled, all that
was manly and noble, all genius and
all the highest art, with love of
country, died away: the resources
of civilisation were crumbling and
sensibly declining, even during the
century which produced the very
[September
best Roman Emperors, Vespasian,
Titus, Trajan, Hadrian and the two
Antonines, before any Gothic in
road ; hence, when the barbarian
triumphed, what remained of the
precious fabric fell as in a mass.
But the rivalry of great powers in
Europe effectively sustains all vital
principles. Despotic and wilful as
Russia may seem, she is really so
anxious to secure the good opinion
of Europe, that she does not disdain
to subsidize foreign newspapers as
her advocates. The dynasties col
lectively form a sort of European
Commonwealth, which displays
great jealousy if one make encroach
ments on another. Thus in their
external action they encounter muoh
criticism, remonstrance, or severer
checks, and nevei’ think that they
are irresponsible. Even as to their
internal concerns, in which none
■will endure that another should in
terfere with diplomatic suggestion
or advice, they cannot be exempt
from the criticism of European
literature. For in this greater
Commonwealth there is in some
sense a common literature. Modern
languages more and more assume a
form in which it becomes a deter
minate problem, and not an ardu
ous one, to translate from one into
the other. Through travellers, fixed
embassies, and newspaper corre
spondents, an atmosphere of common
knowledge is maintained, largely
pervaded by a common sentiment,
which, in proportion to the extent
of education, inevitably affects the
minds of public men. Moreover,
in all the foremost states, and
especially those in which despotism
and bureaucracy predominate, a
severe cultivation is thought neces
sary to high office. A despotism
like that of Turkey, recent Naples
or recent Spain, which accounts
education to be needless for its
functionaries, is understood to be
decaying, and is despised by the
other powers. So large a moral
and mental action of state on state
was unknown to antiquity. In it
�1*74]
Contrasts of Ancient and Modern History.
we have a valuable guarantee for
the maintenance and preservation
of anything good which has been
earned by civilised effort. In this
connection we ought not to pass
over the joint cultivation of science
by all the leading nations of Chris
tendom. The material sciences have
emphatically become ‘ sinews of
war ’ as well as means of wealth ;
so that no imperial power can de
spise them. Each great country has
its peculiar objects or facilities of
study, and what is discovered in
one is studied and must be learned
by others. Science is notoriously
cosmopolitan, and steadily aids the
diffusion of common thought and
common knowledge upon which
common sentiment may reasonably
establish itself.
VI. We have not at all abandoned,
scarcely have we relaxed, the rigid
formalities by which imperial power
seeks to elevate its high personages
and maintain the steadiness of its
ordinances. Nevertheless, with the
stability of freedom under law, and
the growth of a scientific spirit,
criticism of national institutions
becomes more and more fundamen
tal, in a country so free as England.
Hence it is scarcely credible that
we can long continue to be, what
we are, a marked exception to the
rest of Christendom in regard to
the tenure of land. So far as we
know of antiquity, conquest and
conquest alone, unmodified by con
siderations of moral right, enacted
the landed institutions. Out of
unequal rights in the soil, more than
out of any other single cause, springs
social depression to the excluded,
and often a wide pauperism. In all
Europe like causes produced like
results, and nearly everywhere the
actual cultivators of the soil were
oppressed in various degrees ; but
time has in most countries largely
altered their position for the better.
In less than a hundred years an
immense change has passed over
the Continent. In Italy, Switzer
land, and Spain, things were never
397
so bad as elsewhere, nor perhaps in
Holland and parts of Germany.
Norway retains a state of equality
unbroken by conquest. France and
Prussia, Hungary and Austria,
Poland, Sweden, and Russia, have
all endowed the peasantry with de
finite rights in the soil. Over the
entire breadth of the Continent the
principle has now established itself,
which permits of arguing politically,
as all will argue morally, that land,
water, and air are gifts of God
to collective man, necessary to life,
and therefore not natural possessions
of individuals, except as actual cul
tivators. Small states of antiquity,
sometimes in favour of their own
citizens (generally at the expense
of another nation), avowed a doc
trine of each family having a right
to land: even this was exceptional.
No doctrine concerning land was
propounded by moral philosophy ;
no practical recognition of right in
the cultivator, as such, was ever
dreamed of by great imperial
powers; no dogma concerning it was
put forth by a hierarchy, even
after a Christian apostle had writ
ten, that the cry of those who sow
and reap the fields, whose hire the
powerful keep back by fraud, had
entered the ears of the Lord of
Hosts. When moral philosophy
deals with the question of property
in land, as it already deals with
that of property in human bodies,
the effect on all civilised nations
will be immense; and it is now
pretty clear that such a develop
ment must come, and that shortly.
The English aristocracy will shriek
and storm, as did the American
slaveholders. A Marquis lately
spoke of certain landed property as
sacred, because it had been sanc
tioned by Parliament. Just so, it
was pleaded that slaves were A
sacred property because they had
been bought, and because slave
owners had passed laws to sanction
it.
Such arguments are good
enough for those who hold on by
the law of might, but are contemp-
�398
Contrasts of Ancient and Modern History.
tible to all who appeal to the law of
right. They avail to show that it
is prudent and equitable in the
state to give an ample consideration
whenever it dispossesses an indi
vidual ; but never can establish that
it is right to keep a whole nation
of cultivators living from hand to
mouth, without any fixed tenure of
the soil, without roof or hearth of
their own, or increased profit from
increased diligence in culture. If
England were in this matter at the
head of Europe, existing inequali
ties might last for centuries longer.
But since she lingers ignominiously
behind all the best known powers,
—and while Ireland is her old
scandal, the Scottish and English
peasants have no better security
whatever in their tenure, and are ac
cidentally superior, chiefly through
manufacturing and commercial
wealth—since, moreover, the Eng
lish colonies entirely renounce that
doctrine of land which English
landlords have set up, — finally,
since in India the supreme power
avows and enforces a widely dif
ferent doctrine ; the existing system
is destined to a fundamental change.
Precisely because those who claim
reform feel towards the landlord
class as tenderly as abolitionists felt
towards slave-owners—making all
allowance for their false position
blamelessly inherited,—desiring to
make the change as gentle to them
as public justice will permit; there
fore the more decisive and unhesi
tating is the appeal to moral prin
ciple in the political argument. In
this resolute appeal to morals is
involved a great contrast to the
state of things possible in any
ancient power, where slavery, serf
dom, or caste existed. A claim of
landholders which rests on the
enactments of a Parliament from
which all but landholders were
systematically excluded for cen
turies, is signally destitute of moral
weight. They who use it do not
know that they are courting conmpt. Unless they will undertake
[September
to establish that the claim is morally
just, they effect nothing but to show
that, having stepped into legislative
power, they have used it for their
private benefit; while, by excluding
all but their own order, they be
trayed their own consciousness of
malversation. This, in part, relates
to past generations, but, of course,
the alleged rights are hereditary
only. The evil deeds of predeces
sors have wrongfully enriched the
present holders. In every case, it
is by moral argument that they will
have to be established, if established
they can be, against the consensus of
all Europe, tlie American Union,
the other British colonies, and the
Anglo-Indian empire.
VII. Last, perhaps not least, of
the general moral contrasts which
will make a signal difference be
tween the ancients and the moderns,
is the elementary education of the
masses of every community. This
education, no doubt, is as yet chiefly
in the future. In the late American
civil war the ‘ mean whites ’ of the
South were so ignorant that only by
seeing and feeling the force of Nor
thern armies could they learn that
there was any greater power in the
world than their own State. Germany
and the American Union having de
clared for, and vigorously carried out,
the education of the lowest people, it
is morally certain that first England,
next Austria and France, will follow.
Partial interests, religious animosi
ties, old prejudices, timid forebod
ings, will impede, but can only de
lay, the movement; though a century
may be needed before it is strictly
European. When it is established
that there are to be no slaves, no
serfs, no dangerous class of citizens,
the problem cannot be worked out
with the vast masses of ignorant
freemen. Hence general national
education is one of the certainties
of the future. It is the last con
trast of modern and ancient times
which it is expedient to treat in
one article.
Francis W. Newman.
�
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A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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Contrasts of ancient and modern history. [Part 1].
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Newman, Francis William
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Place of publication: [s.l.]
Collation: p. 388-398 ; 22 cm.
Notes: Printed in double columns. Fraser's Magazine for Town and Country was a general and literary journal published in London from 1830 to 1882, which initially took a strong Tory line in politics. From Fasier's Magazine 10, no. 57 (September 1874]. From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. First of a 4-part article deploys contrasts in terms of periodisation, slavery, serfdom, gender, the contrast between barbarity and civilization, the application of science and land tenure.
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[s.n.]
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1874
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C223
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History
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English
Ancient History
Conway Tracts
History
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��CROSBY HALL,
ITS EARLY HISTORY AND PRESENT RESTORATION.
is one of the most interesting buildings
in the Metropolis, and may be said to be the only
authentic example of Gothic domestic architecture
belonging to that period when the merchant princes
began to take rank with the nobles of the Court. The Great
Hall at Westminster is perhaps the finest existing specimen of
the public buildings of ancient London, (omitting of course
ecclesiastical edifices), and Crosby Hall is the most striking
and splendid of those palatial residences, only a few of which
were erected in the City.
It is remarkable, considering how closely this grand old building
has been identified with the history of the country, that it should
have been permitted to undergo such strange vicissitudes in its
own fortunes, and it is yet more wonderful that notwithstanding
those vicissitudes it should have been spared from the alterations
and adaptations which too often deface and destroy some of the
most beautiful structures of a past age. The truth seems to be
that Crosby Hall was so nobly planned and built as to restrain
by the force of its own beauty the unhallowed hands which might
otherwise have desecrated it; while its history and associations
were in themselves so interesting that they secured its public
recognition, and forbade the destruction of a building that had
been able to defy the touch of Time himself, and seemed only to
have mellowed into a more solemn beauty as the years went by.
Not that the entire edifice, which was originally called Crosby
Place or Crosby House, remains standing. The less important
portion exists no longer, and the building which has for so long
been known as Crosby Hall is in fact the Grand Banqueting
Room, the Council Chamber, the State Reception Room, and
rosby hall
B
�4
some other apartments belonging to the Palace, Court-yard, and
Garden, which once occupied the site of what is now Crosby
Square.
This splendid mansion of Crosby Place was built in 1466 by
Sir John Crosby, on the ground leased from Dame Alice Ashfield,
Prioress of the Convent of Saint Helene. For this ground, which
had a frontage of no feet in the “King’s Road of Bishopsgate
Streete,” he paid £11 : 6: 8 a-year, no small sum in those days,
and immediately set about the erection of the hall and dwelling
house, which was afterwards described as being “ye highest and
“ fairest in ye Citie.”
Sir John Crosby, Member of Parliament for London, Aiderman,
Warden of the Grocer’s Company, and Mayor of the Staple of
Calais, was the eminent grocer and woolstapler, who with eleven
others received the honour of knighthood in the field for their
gallantry in resisting the attack made by the Bastard Falconbridge
on the City. Sir John Crosby died in 1475, four years after the
completion of the building to which he gave his name, and was
buried in the Church of Saint Helen, where his tomb may still be
seen, bearing upon it the recumbent figures of himself and his
wife. The knight is fully armed, but wears over his armour his
Alderman’s mantle, and round his neck a collar of suns and roses,
the badge of the House of York.
In the following year, 1476, Crosby House became a palace in
name as well as in reputation, in consequence of the widow of
Sir John Crosby parting with it to Richard, Duke of Gloucester,
afterwards Richard the Third. Then Crosby Place, like the less
important Baynard’s Castle, became the scene of those intrigues
by which the wily Richard obtained the Crown, and must
have been peculiarly convenient to him as a residence, both from
its contiguity to the Tower, where first King Henry VI., and
afterwards the Princes were confined, and from its occupying a
prominent place in the City, where he had influential and doubtless
sincere supporters, and where he was anxious to obtain the suffrages
of the people. The choice of Crosby House as a Palace may
indeed be included among those devices by which Richard achieved
success ; for in its magnificent apartments he was able to hold a
sort of regal state, and having, as Sir Thomas More says, “ lodged
“ hymself in Crosbye’s Place, where, by little and little, all folks
“ drew unto, so that the Protector had the Court, and the King was
“ in a manner left desolate;” he began at once to aspire to the
Crown, which in 1483 was offered to him in the Council Chamber
of Crosby Hall by the Mayor, Sir Thomas Billesden, and a
deputation of citizens.
We are most of us familiar with the story of Richard’s treachery
during his residence at this City Palace, and not a few of us have
learnt by heart that most familiar of all the plays of Shakspeare in
which the story is told. Crosby Hall occupies a conspicuous
position in the drama of Richard the Third, and it is evident that
the Poet had ample opportunities for studying the building itself;—
�5
probably the play was written in the immediate vicinity of the
building, or possibly even next door, for we know from the Parish
Assessments that he was a resident in Saint Helen’s in 1598, and
from the amount of the sum levied must have occupied a house of
some importance.
It is in the Third Act of Richard the Third that the allusions to
Crosby Place occur, and in that most enthralling portion of the
play where the Duke is plotting with awful dissimulation to win at
once a queen and a crown, to both of which he had been a traitor.
It was the last achievement of his triumphant falsehood to induce
Anne to await at Crosby Place his return from the funeral of the
King his father-in-law. The wonderful chain of lies winds up with
the words:—
“ And if thy poor devoted servant may
“ But beg one favour at thy gracious hands,
“ Thou dost confirm his happiness for ever.”
Anne (who is already yielding to his serpent’s tongue), says
“ What is it ?”
and he replies
“ That it may please you leave these sad designs
“ To him that hath most cause to be a mourner,
“ And presently repair to Crosby Place.”
In the following scene the action is still laid in reference to
Crosby Place, where the murderers who have been commissioned
to destroy Clarence in the Tower are to meet Richard after they
have accomplished their evil work.
“ Gloucester—Are you now going to despatch this thing ?
“ First Murderer—We are, my lord ; and come to have the warrant,
That we may be admitted where he is.
“ Gloucester—Well thought upon : I have it here about me.
\Gives Warrant^.
When you have done repair to Crosby Place.”
Again, in the Third Act, where, after the meeting of Gloucester
with the Prince of Wales, the Cardinal, and the nobles in a
street in London, and when Buckingham and Richard send Catesby
to tamper with the wretched Hastings, Gloucester says :—
,
“ Shall we hear from you, Catesby, ere we sleep ?”
“ Catesby—You shall, my lord.”
“ Gloucester—At Crosby Place there you shall find us both.”
During the time of Shakspeare’s residence in the parish, Crosby
Hall was in the occupation of Sir John Spencer, a London mer
chant, known by, what to some people would be the enviable name,
of “ the rich ” Spencer. In 1594 he bought the palace for/'256o,
and afterwards held his Mayoralty there in splendid style, the
celebrated Duke of Sully, then French Ambassador to the English
Court, being one of the guests, who were lodged and entertained
�6
in right royal fashion. Sir John Spencer’s daughter was married
to the first Earl of Northampton, and the wealth of the great
London merchant served to increase the revenues of the succeeding
marquises.
Between the time when the Duke of Gloucester became King
Richard the Third and the year in which Shakspeare wrote his noble
drama, Crosby Hall had been in possession of several masters.
The palace seems at once to have been recovered by the then
Lord Mayor of London as the appropriate residence of the chief
magistrate of the Metropolis, and in 1501 Sir Bartholomew Reade
took possession of it, and during his mayoralty entertained and
lodged the ambassadors who came from.Maximilian of Germany.
The famous Banqueting Hall was in full occupation at this time;
and in reference to the distinguished guests received there,. Stowe
himself thinks one feast worthy of record for its great magnificence.
Fifteen years afterwards (in 1516) we find Sir John Rest installed
at Crosby Hall, after one of the most remarkable “ Lord Mayor’s
Shows” on record, in which there appeared, according to the
veracious chronicler, four giants, one unicorn, one dromedary, one
camel, one ass, one dragon, six hobby-horses, and sixteen naked
boys.
What was the symbolical significance of these remarkable
objects we are not informed, but it may be remembered that the
display had very little moral effect on the London ’prentices, for it
was in that very year that the disturbances began which ended in
the tragedy of what has ever since been known as “ The evil May
day,” when the ’prentices and journeymen determined to assault
the foreign artisans and merchants.
The cry of “ down with the Lombards” was heard on the night
of the 30th of April, when the young men were at buckler play in
Chepe, and the mischief began by an attack on a calender of
worsted, a native of Picardy, who lived near Leadenhall. Very
soon 'a general attack was made in several quarters upon the
foreign dealers and workmen, who fled for their lives, leaving their
goods to be destroyed. The gaol of Newgate was broken open,
and some of the assailants who had been imprisoned there were
released ; the work of destruction went on all night, and when
the May-day morning broke there was still a crowd in. the streets,
especially near the church of St. Andrew Undershaft, which
' occupied an open space in Leadenhall Street, where Lime Street
now stands. Here the “ Great Shaft of Cornhill,” the mighty
maypole, which had given the very church its name, was being
set up, its top reaching above the steeple; but there were no
^Iay-day revels that morning, for the shout of the crowd of rioters
was echoed by an answering shout, and an armed force from the
Tower bore down upon the ’prentices and carried them off to
that stronghold to be tried for their lives. Fifteen unhappy
creatures were executed, and the rest went to Westminster Hall,
half naked and tied together with ropes, each with a halter about
his neck. There they besought the mercy of the King, and were
�7
pardoned. But the first of May, 1517, has ever since been known
as the evil May-day, and the Great Shaft was reared nevermore,
but hung on hooks under the pent houses of Shaft Alley for thirtytwo years, until the Reformation, when it was denounced as an
idol by some zealous preacher, whose hearers, as Stow says, “ after
they had well dined to make themselves strong,” sawed it in
pieces and divided the logs amongst them.
Long before that, however, Crosby Hall had passed into
new hands. No less distinguished a person than Sir Thomas
More, Under Treasurer, and afterwards Lord High Chancellor
of England, became its occupant. Here he received the visits
of Henry VIII., and here he doubtless wrote some of those
works which have contributed so much to his fame. Erasmus,
who was his intimate friend and frequent guest, thus speaks
of the domestic life of the author of “Utopia”:—“With him
“ you might imagine yourself in the academy of Plato ; but I
“ should do injustice to his house by comparing it to the academy
“ of Plato, where numbers and geometrical figures, and sometimes
“ moral virtues, were the subjects of discussion ; it would be more
“ just to call it a school and an exercise of the Christian religion.
“ All its inhabitants, male and female, applied their leisure to
“ liberal studies and profitable reading, although piety was their
“ first care. No wrangling, no idle word, was heard in it; every
“ one did his duty with alacrity, and not without a temperate
“ cheerfulness.” Surely these were the palmy days of Crosby
Hall.
On being made Speaker of the House of Commons in 1523, Sir
Thomas More sold Crosby Hall to his “dear friend” Antonio
Bonvici, a merchant of Lucca, to whom the Chancellor sent that
well-known letter from the Tower, written with a piece of charcoal
the night before his execution. After the dissolution of the convent
of Saint Helene, Bonvici purchased the property of the King for
^207 : 18 :4, and so Crosby Hall became a freehold, though not
much to his immediate advantage, for in 1549 he forfeited the
property “by illegally departing the kingdom,” in consequence of
the persecution, and Henry VIII., with his usual indifference to
the rights of others, granted it to Lord Daryce of Chule. This
nobleman, however, was induced, for “ divers good causes,” to
restore it to its proper owner on the accession of Queen Mary in
1553. It remained without any remarkable change until 1560,
when we find it occupied by German Cioll, who had married a
cousin of Sir Thomas Gresham. A weekly bequest of this lady,
Mistress Cycillia Cioll, is still distributed in Saint Helen’s Church.
Again, in 1566, CroSby Hall changed hands, and became the
residence of Aiderman Bond, the inscription on whose tomb in
Saint Helen’s Church describes him as “a Merchant Adventurer,
“ and most famous in his age for his great adventures by both sea
“ and land.”
It was at Crosby Hall that D’Assenleville, the Spanish Ambas
sador, was entertained by this civic Sindbad, and after the Alder
�8
man’s death, when his sons occupied the palace in 1586, the Danish
Ambassador, Ramelius, was made an honoured guest there, and
treated with all the sumptuous hospitality that belonged to the
Elizabethan age. It was during the time of “ the rich Spencer,”
however, that Crosby Hall was probably most distinguished, for
the splendour of that mayoralty is traditional; and we might, in
imagination, repeople the old- hall with the brilliant guests that
came and went; their very names a roll-call of the history of
England during the period of England’s growing fame and honour.
Raleigh, Spencer, Sidney, Grenville, perhaps Drake and Hawkins,
and the rest of those great men, all of whom were in sympathy
with “ merchant adventurers,” in days when Richard Hakluyt was
at Oxford, and Edward Osborne, clothworker and ancestor of the
Dukes of Leeds, had but six years before served his mayoralty,
with Spencer for sheriff, and the mercantile navy of Great Britain
had founded the empire of the sea. It was six years after the
defeat of the Spanish Armada that Sir John Spencer lived at
Crosby Hall. Need one say more in order to conjure up a scene
that may well make the heart heave and the eye brighten ? And
yet four years afterwards a man lived close by whose name is more
potent than that of any in that brilliant assembly; a man who
stands first, not only in the muster-roll of that period of English
history, but who stands in the very foremost rank among the
thinkers of all time,—William Shakspeare. The great dramatist
had at that time become a joint proprietor in the theatre at
Bankside, and doubtless found it convenient to live in this quiet
courtly nook of the city.
In 1603 Shakspeare probably assisted at the entertainment of
the Ambassadors from Holland and Zealand, who lodged at
Crosby Hall at that time, but in 1609 he had gone to live at
Stratford, while his friend, Ben Jonson, was in London, perhaps
waiting on the Dowager Countess of Pembroke, who then occupied
the City Palace. Most of us remember Jonson’s celebrated epitaph
on this distinguished woman :—
“ Underneath this sable hearse
Lies the subject of all verse,
Sidney’s sister, Pembroke’s mother :
Death ! ere thou canst find another,
Good and fair, and wise as she,
Time shall throw a dart at thee.”
Jonson, who survived Shakspeare, was perhaps a guest at
Crosby Hall when, in 1630, it came into possession of Spencer,
Earl of Northampton, who inherited it by the marriage of his
father with the only daughter of the Sir John Spencer already
referred to. This nobleman was killed .fighting by the side of
Charles I. at the battle of Hopton Heath, in 164.2. He had then
leased Crosby Hall to Sir John Langham, Sheriff of London,
and the king’s cause having been defeated the Great Hall was used
as a prison in which royalists were detained for trial. An order of
the House of Commons, dated 7th December, 1642, directs the
�9
removal of ten prisoners from Crosby Place to Gresham College,
and thence, on the 19th, to Lambeth House. The vicissitudes of
this grand old building may be said to have commenced from that
period, though strange to say it escaped the great calamity of the
fire of London ; the house alone being injured, and the hall itself
remaining unscathed.
For the next twelve years there is nothing very remarkable to
record. The “ Merry Monarch” spent his subjects’ money merrily
in the midst of his “ merry Court,” and the City lost its old
influence. All England lost its influence, and public honour and
virtue seemed about to wither under that “ Merry Monarch ” of
misrule. It must be said in Charles’s favour, however, that he
was no persecutor, and there was a leaven in the nation which
did suffice to leaven the whole lump, a leaven associated with
the word patriotism, but which will be also found in the lives
and works of those eminent teachers, preachers, and politicians,
known as the Puritan Divines.
It is in connection with these that we discover Crosby Hall
in 1672 with a floor put into the Great Hall, so that the upper
part of it, from the level of the minstrel’s gallery, might be
used for a Nonconformist meeting, under licence of the indulgence
act. For ninety-seven years it was devoted to this purpose, and
during that time twelve different ministers succeeded each other,
some of them men of high distinction indeed, the first being
Thomas Watson, previously Rector of Saint Stephen’s, Walbrook,
and the author of the tract “ Heaven taken by Storm,” which
is said to have been the means of the conversion of the celebrated
Colonel Gardiner. A numerous and wealthy congregation assem
bled at Crosby Hall, and Thomas Watson was succeeded by
the more celebrated Stephen Charnock.
The ministers who officiated there after Charnock were Samuel
Slater, M.A., John Reynolds, Daniel Alexander, Benjamin Gros
venor, D.D., Samuel Wright, D.D., John Barker, Clerk Oldsworth,
Edmund Calamy, Jun., John Hodge, D.D., and Richard Jones.
Two years after the adaptation of the building to this purpose,
that is to say, in 1674, the dwelling house, which adjoined the
hall, and occupied the present site of Crosby Square, was burnt
down, but the hall remained still uninjured.
For some time afterwards the grand old building remained unas
sociated with any especial public event, although the Mercury of
May 23rd, 1678, advertises a public sale at Crosby Hall, where
“ ye late general post office was kept,” the articles for sale including
“ tapestry hangings, a good chariot, and a black girl about fifteen
“ years of age.” In 1692 the property was purchased by the family
in whose possession it still remains, and the lower part of the hall
was let as a wholesale warehouse ; and in 1700 it seemed about to
take rank again as an important public building, for the Council
Chamber and Throne Room were occupied by those “ Merchant
Adventurers” trading to the East Indies, who afterwards formed the
East India Company, and obtained their privileges by Royal Charter.
�IO
This was probably only during the building of the India House,
however, for we hear little of Crosby Hall until sixty-nine years
afterwards, when it was disused as a meeting house, the last sermon
being preached on the ist of October, 1769, by the Rev. Richard
Jones, the congregation removing to Maze Pond.
There was indeed great fear that this magnificent hall would be
utterly wrecked, for it was let to private individuals whose adapta
tions were likely to do it serious damage. It was greatly owing to
the public spirit of Miss Hackett, a lady who lived beside it, that
this almost unique example of domestic Gothic architecture was
ultimately preserved. In 1831 this lady made strenuous efforts for
its conservation, assisted by a few of the residents, some of whom
still remain in the neighbourhood; and in 1836 it was reinstated
and partially restored by public subscription, after which it was
re-opened by the Lord Mayor, W. T. Copeland, Esq., M.P., a
banquet in the old English style being held on the occasion. In
1842 the entire premises were occupied by a Literary and Scientific
Institute, under the presidency of the Rev. C. Mackenzie, the
hall being let from time to time for Lectures and Concerts ;
but in i860 this society came to an end, and the place was then
taken by Messrs. H. R. Williams & Co., the well-known Wine
Merchants. In Mr. Williams’s hands Crosby Hall underwent
no damaging alteration, and although it was used for purposes
of business due regard was had to its historical reputation and
its intrinsic beauty. It is only just to add that its late occupiers
fully appreciated and carefully preserved it from injury; but we
may be forgiven for saying that there were no conditions under
which it was possible really toz restore it to its original beauty,
except those which included its restoration to its original purpose.
We trust that both these objects have been attained, and that as
the City Banqueting Hall of the present the public will recognise
and admire the Crosby HAll of the past.
�CROSBY HALL
THE RESTORATION OF THE GREAT BANQUETING
ROOM, THE THRONE ROOM, AND THE
COUNCIL CHAMBER.
T is believed that the restoration of this magnificent
building to its original purpose of a Great Banqueting
'
Hall will secure it from decay or demolition, and pre
serve to the City one of the most attractive objects
which have been spared by the necessities of modern
innovation. At the same time by securing Crosby
Hall as a Public Dining Establishment, the Proprietor
is satisfied that he will be able to meet one of the
most pressing and constant requirements of City life,
by enabling employes engaged daily in mercantile pursuits to
obtain their principal meal in comfort and even with elegance,
at a price consistent with the strictest economy.
It has hitherto been almost impossible to provide even for a large
number of customers a dinner which should combine excellence of
quality, prompt and comfortable service, convenient and elegant
appointments, and at the same time should not cost more than the
majority of those who wished to avail themselves of it could afford.
The difficulty has arisen first from the fact that the City Dinner
hour is mostly the middle of the day, and in connection with this,
that it is almost impossible to obtain spacious premises on a
“ground floor” that are suitable for a Dining Hall.
The proprietor of Crosby Hall has overcome these disadvantages
by securing this splendid and spacious building, and he is confident
that long and constant experience will enable him to inaugurate a
new system of City Dinners which may it is to be hoped supersede
the delay and discomfort to which those who frequent many of the
public dining rooms are so often subjected. The reinstatement
and restoration have been completed by Messrs. Wallace, Gordon
& Co., under the superintendence of Messrs. F. & H. Francis, the
eminent Architects. The decorations and stained glass are the
work of Mr. Alexander Gibbs, of Bedford Square.
I
THE LOBBY
is reached by the entrance in Bishopsgate Street, the Wine Office
occupying the niche on the left of the doorway. This entrance
�12
has been entirely refitted in a manner worthy of the building to
which it leads, from designs by the Architects, while the decorations
of the ceiling are considered very fine examples of that particular
branch of art.
THE COUNCIL CHAMBER.
This fine and lofty apartment is entirely devoted to the Great
Luncheon and Refreshment Bar which nearly surrounds it,
and the ample accommodation afforded by this arrangement enables
the proprietor to consult the convenience of the large number of
his customers who dine at home, but require light refreshment in
the middle of the day. The Council Chamber is one of the
handsomest Halls in the City of London; the historical wall
paintings are themselves worth a visit, and from the large space at
disposal the surrounding counters, even when they are fully occupied
by gentlemen at luncheon, leave complete access to
THE GREAT BANQUETING HALL,
A large and lofty building which is in reality “ Crosby Hall.”
This room is unequalled in London for beauty, its noble height
and superb Gothic roof being in perfect accordance with its large
proportions and those beautiful architectural decorations which
Lave been preserved and restored.
As a matter of policy the proprietor might have been induced
to fit this truly grand Hall with a series of “ boxes,” but to use a
common expression he “ could not find it in his heart to do it.”
He believes, however, that he has best consulted the comfort and
the tastes of his customers by furnishing it with dining tables and
chairs of a fashion in accordance with the general design of the
building; and he sincerely hopes that even in the table appoint
ments the same character has been preserved as far as is consistent
with complete convenience.
THE THRONE ROOM,
though of less noble proportions, is in some respects more beautiful
than the Banqueting Hall, and is decorated in the same style
of architecture. Its ancient ornamentation has been carefully pre
served, and as few adaptations as possible have been introduced.
It is devoted to the convenience of those who desire to enjoy select
dinners ;—select, that is to say, not by the superiority of the viands,
for these are of one uniform quality throughout the Establishment;—
but apart from the greater business of the large Hall, and with a
slight superiority in the appointments of the table and the general
luxury of the service.
Both here and. in the great Banqueting Hall there is a large
Grill for supplying Hot Chops and Steaks ; but the capacious
fire-places have been so adapted as to keep out all smell of
cooking from the rooms. -
�X
■
\
amfnrtnblp and lofty apartment,
little abov&.and at the
back of\he Throne Rocm. Here everi^comfort ma^be found.
The table\are supplied wi Chess, Draughts, and thX leading
Periodicals \the attendant spd^s French arf^ German, as^vell as
English ; an
ea, Coffee, or a
at the same pri
as at the Lu
one uniform quality and of guarantee! excellence!
THE LAVATORY AND RETIRING <OOMS
for Gentlemen are near the Smoking Room, and will be found
replete with every accommodation, including clean towels, and all
the usual accessories.
THE LADIES’ BOUDOIR AND RETIRING ROOMS
are in a separate part of the building, and accessible only to Ladies,
by a distinct staircase leading from the lobby in Bishopsgate Street,
The proprietor of Crosby Hall believes that Ladies dining in the
City will appreciate the comfort of other bever&ae in the Throne
a select table will be s
Room or the Banqueting Hall, especially as waitresses and not
heon Bar.
waiters are employed. The Boudoir and Lavatories are ad
mirably contrived, and are furnished with every convenience for
the toilette, under the charge of a special female attendant.
THE KITCHENS AND STORE ROOMS
occupy the upper part of the building, so that the odour of the
preparation of food will not enter the public part of the Establish
ment. The whole of the culinary apparatus has been fitted by
Messrs. Benham & Sons, whose names are a guarantee of efficiency
in this department. With respect to the kitchens the proprietor
desires to say a word to his customers on the subject of a very
prevalent fallacy. It is frequently surmised that the soups, stews,
ragouts, &c., in large dining establishments are helped out with, if
not composed of, the scraps and remainders from the dining tables.
The proprietor believes that this opinion is altogether unfounded
as far as it relates to any of the more respectable dining rooms.
It is true as regards the cheaper Parisian and Viennese Restaurants,
and the use of such ingredients may be possible in the inferior
French cuisine; but it would be quite impossible in the broths,
stews, and soups most in request in England.
The mere mention of this subject involves the announcement
that all the remainders of food at Crosby Hall will be carefully
and cleanly set aside, and since they afford a good and nutritious
material for certain kinds of soup, hash, or stew, arrangements
have been made for their proper distribution to the poor, either
for “ relief kitchens,” or to help to feed hungry children.
The proprietor of Crosby Hall invites his customers to inspect
the kitchens of the Establishment, that they may see for them
selves in what mariner the food is prepared. At any reasonable
�time he will be glad to accompany them all over the Building, and
as Crosby Hall is the state part of one of the most interesting
of our old English Palaces, he will at any time be happy to receive
visitors, quite irrespective of their being also customers.
PROVISIONS.
It has often been asked why the cheap, varied, and well-served
dinners of the great French Restaurants cannot be imitated in
London, and the question is one well worth considering, especially
as so many of us had an opportunity of making experiments during
our visit to the Paris Exhibition.
The proprietor of Crosby Hall has given the subject his most
careful attention, and with considerable knowledge of the great
French and German Establishments, as well as a long experience
of English tastes and habits, has come to the conclusion that
while much may be done in adopting the methods of “ service,”
the variety of choice, and the regard to economy observed in
the best foreign Restaurants, a complete revolution would have
to take place in English tastes before they could accommodate
themselves to an ordinary Parisian dinner, day after day.
During a week’s visit to a foreign Capital where everything,
including the climate, is new and strange, and where that very
newness constitutes the great holiday charm, we may thoroughly
enjoy a series of experimental meals, but it would be quite another
thing to adopt the same way of living at home. Indeed it is quite
certain that the few distinctly French and.German Restaurants
which have been established in London, either depend upon
their native customers, or soon adopt a “ Carte ” including several
of our well-known English dishes.
At Crosby Hall, therefore, there will be a Bill of Fare
containing entrees and viands of a recherche character, but in which
the simplicity of an English dinner will be most obvious. The
employment of first-rate cooks, and the completeness of all the
culinary arrangements, will however ensure the best method of
preparing every article of food, so that the superior quality of our
national materiel will have the advantage that properly belongs to it.
BEVERAGES.
The system, too often adopted, of urging every customer to
partake of wine or ale with his dinner, is so repulsive, that the
proprietor of Crosby Hall wishes it to be thoroughly understood
that nobody will be expected to order anything “ for the good of
the “ house.” Both the Luncheon Bar and the dining tables are
supplied with pure filtered water, and as all the Wines, Spirits, and
Malt Liquors are of the best description, they will recommend
themselves. Tea and coffee are always ready at the Refreshment
Counter, as well as the usual aerated waters.
The Ale and Beer are supplied precisely, as they are furnished by
the best brewers, and will be so drawn as to ensure their being in
fine condition, clear and sparkling.
�i5
With regard to Wii^es it is necessary to say a few words, not in
the way of advertisement, for “good Wine needs no Bush but in
order to call attention to the fact that the proprietor is determined
to give the public the full benefit of the remission of the duty by
selling Light Wine of excellent character and perfect purity at a
price to bring it within the means of all his customers. He has
made arrangements by which a Bordeaux of excellent vintage,
pure, sound, and of admirable quality, can be supplied at fifteen
pence a bottle, or eightpence the hfllf bottle ; a large glass of the same
Wine may be had for twopenc£, and threepence is the charge for a glass
of sound, pure, and wholesome Sherry. The Crosby Hall Wines
are specialities to which reference may be made without undue
praise, since the prices at which they are offered preclude any very
remunerative profit. The proprietor relies on their excellent
quality for obtaining a large demand, and he is confident that they
will be fully appreciated.
First-class vintage Wines will be found in the Wine List, many
of them of rare selection and great maturity; while the Spirits and
Liqueurs are of the most celebrated brands.
It is necessary to mention that the system of giving Standard
measure has been adopted at Crosby Hall. Every ale and beer
glass in the Establishment holds an imperial half-pint. Draught
wines will also be served by Imperial Measure. Bottled wines will
be brought up in the original bottles by the Cellarer, who will not
decant them unless he be requested to do so.
ATTENDANCE.
The system adopted at Crosby Hall being designed to overcome
one of the most serious difficulties of daily occurrence to those who
are engaged in the City, it became necessary to ensure, not only a
good and economical dinner, but such prompt and careful attendance
as should at once save valuable time and secure general comfort.
Careful consideration of this subject resulted in the conviction
that in such a large and at the same time such a compact
establishment an unusual opportunity would arise for the employ
ment of women in one of the very few avocations which remain
open to them in this country.
■ It is obvious that in no occupation can they be more properly
employed than in that kind of domestic attendance which includes
waiting at table, and it was therefore determined to employ
Waitresses instead of Waiters at Crosby Hall.
This is not mentioned as a first experiment, for there are already
establishments where the plan has been partially adopted, and has
been found eminently successful. The proprietor of Crosby Hall
has had considerable opportunities of obtaining the opinions of
gentlemen dining in the City, and they bear almost unanimous
testimony to the civility, quietude, and obliging attention, as well as
to the promptitude of Waitresses wherever they have been employed.
It only remains to say that all the attendants at Crosby Hall
have furnished ample evidence of character and competency; and
�i6
as they will be engaged fully in their daily business no doubt
is entertained that they, will be treated with that respect and
consideration which gentlemen accord to the female attendants
whose duty it may be to wait on them at the houses at which they
may be invited guests.
As every one employed at Crosby Hall receives liberal wages,
fees for attendance are not permitted. A definite charge is made
of a penny for each person in the Banqueting Hall, and of
twopence in the Throne Room, and will be received with the
amount of the bill as the customer leaves the Establishment.
It is requested that any negligence on the part of the attendants
be at once mentioned to the proprietor, who will guard against its
recurrence.
WHOLESALE WINE DEPARTMENT.
As the Wines supplied at Crosby Hall,—and particularly the
light Wines, to which allusion has already been made,—are highly
appreciated by a numerous class of customers, arrangements have
been made for supplying them, either by the single bottle or in any
larger quantity, for home consumption. To suit the requirements
of a large section of the public a single bottle is charged only at
the same rate as at per dozen. Orders given at the Wine Office
in the lobby at the entrance in Bishopsgate Street will receive
immediate and careful attention.
PURVEYING DEPARTMENT.
As the provision for an establishment on the scale of Crosby
Hall is necessarily very considerable, it is intended to give
customers the advantage to be derived from large purchases in the
various Metropolitan Markets, by supplyift^ them, whenever they
please, with meat, poultry, game, and other articles of consumption
for their householdSx^at such a merely nominal addition to the
wholesale cost as wilXcover the expense of packing, &c. Any
gentlemen wishing to secure this advantage have only to give a
week’s notice of what will oe required for the following week, and
they will be punctually and carefully supplied. It is purely unne
cessary to remark that such an arrangement will enable^urchasers
to effect a considerable saving during the year; and though the
proprietor of Crosby Hall has n© desire to interfere with the
legitimate profits of other tradespeople, the present disparity
between the wholesale and retail prices of all description^ of
provisions is ample reason for his givmg his customers thbse
advantages to which they are justly entitled.
In conclusion,
“ When you have done, repair to Crosby Place.”—Shakspeare.
Marchant Singer & Co., Printers, Ingram Court, Fenchurch Street, E.C.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Victorian Blogging
Description
An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Conway Hall Library & Archives
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2018
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Conway Hall Ethical Society
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Pamphlet
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Crosby Hall: the ancient city place and banqueting hall, it's history & restoration
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Frederick Gordon & Company
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: [London]
Collation: 16 p. ; 21 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Printed by Marchant, Singer & Co., London E.C. Annotations in ink; some paragraphs crossed through. Date of publication and author attribution from WorldCat.
Publisher
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[s.l.]
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
[1876?]
Identifier
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G5568
Subject
The topic of the resource
History
Architecture
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (Crosby Hall: the ancient city place and banqueting hall, it's history & restoration), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
Format
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application/pdf
Type
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Text
Language
A language of the resource
English
Conway Tracts
Crosby Hall
London
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Text
����������������
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Victorian Blogging
Description
An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Conway Hall Library & Archives
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2018
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Conway Hall Ethical Society
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Pamphlet
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Leith Hill and Wotton House
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: [s.l.]
Collation: 9 p. ; 21 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Extensively annotated in ink (dated April 1871) and includes a letter folded and tipped inside the front cover headed 'Leith Hill and Wotton'.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
[s.n.]
Date
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1871
Identifier
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CT72
G5679
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
[Unknown]
Subject
The topic of the resource
Architecture
History
Rights
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<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (Leith Hill and Wotton House), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
Format
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application/pdf
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Text
Language
A language of the resource
English
Architecture
Conway Tracts
De Vere Wotton House
Leith Hill
Surrey
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PDF Text
Text
I LES CAVEAUX
DE NOTRE-DAME DE BON-SECOURS
PROCÈS-VERBAUX DE 1803 & 1814
RELATIFS A LA CONSERVATION DES RESTES MORTELS
DE STANISLAS
Par Henri LEPAGE
Archiviste du département, résident de la Société d’Archéologie lorraine, etc.
1 suivis
D’UNE PETITE NOTICE SUR L’ÉGLISE
N ANC y,
IMPRIMERIE DE A. LEPAGE, GRANDE-RUE, 14.
18G8
��\
I
Sc. par Vassé et Lecomte.
MAUSOLÉE DE STANISLAS
ROI DE POLOGNE
Duc
1
cl e
Lorraine
et
de
Bar.
�D.
O.
M.
A DIEU
TRÈS-BOA' TRÈS-GRAND.
IIic Jacet Stanislaus I.
cognomine Beneficus. Per
varias sortis humana; vi
ces jactalus, non fraclus,
ingens'orbi spectaculum
ubique vel in exilio Rex,
beandis ubique populis
natus, Ludovici XV Ge
neri complexa exceptas,
Lotharingiam Patris non
Domini rifu rexit, fovit,
exornavit; hunc pauperes
quos aluit, urbes quas instauravit, Religio quam
exemplis inslituit, scriplis
eliam luíalas, insolabiliter luxuere, obi it xxjii
Febr. anno mdcclxvi Ora
lis LXXXVIII.
In modicis opibus splen
dida parcimonia nines,
Omnia publica; rei pro
futura prudente)' excogiluvit, animose suscepit,
magnifica; perfecit.
Ici repose, Stanislas Ier,
surnommé le bienfaisant,
éprouvé, non abattu par di
verses vicissitudes de la des
tinée humaine, sujet étonnant
d’admiration à l’univers, par
tout roi, même en exil, né
pour faire en tout lieu le bon
heur des peuples, accueilli
avec tendresse par Louis XV,
son gendre ; il gouverna,
pourvut, embellit la Lorraine
à la manière d’un père, non
d’un maître. Les pauvres
qu’il nourrit, les cités qu’il
créa, la religion qu’il édifia
par ses exemples et même
qu’il défendit par ses écrits,
l’ont pleuré inconsolables. Il
mourut le 23 février 17GG,
à l’âge de 88 ans.
Avec peu de richesses, ri
che d’une économie où bril
lait la splendeur, il conçut
avec sagesse mille sujets pour
le bien public, les entreprit
avec ardeur, les exécuta avec
magnificence.
�LES CAVEAUX
DE NOTRE-DAME DE I! <> N-S l<0 II H S
PROCÈS-VERBAUX DE
1803 ET 1804-
BELATIFS A LA CONSERVATION DES RESTES MORTELS DE
STANISLAS.
I.
L’église de N.-D. de Bon-Secours occupe un des pre
miers rangs parmi les édifices historiques de Nancy, nonseulement à cause des souvenirs qui s’y rattachent et du
pèlerinage dont elle est l’objet, mais encore à cause des
monuments précieux qu’elle renferme. Personne n’ignore
qu’elle a été construite sur l’emplacement d’une ancienne
chapelle dite aussi de Notre-Dame-de-la-Victoire ou des
Rois, et vulgairemcntdcs Bourguignons1, parce que René II
l’avait fait ériger, en 1484, à l’endroit où, après la ba
taille de Nancy, livrée dans le voisinage, près de 4,000
soldats, tant de son armée que de celle de Charles-IeTcméraire, avaient reçu la sépulture.
1. Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours est le litre officiel donné par le
fondateur René II, et conservé à l’église dans l’acte de son érection
en succursale, le 5 mai 1844.
�— 6 —
Toutes les particularités relatives à ce peiit sanctuaire
national ont été consignées dans un opuscule1 qui au
2
jourd’hui peut-être est oublié. Nous le rappelons seule
ment afin d’avoir occasion d’y ajouter, avant de parler
des caveaux de l’église, une page, qui, si elle était au
thentique, ne serait pas la moins curieuse de son his
toire. C’est « l’épitaphe » qui, suivant un écrivain mo
derne3, se lisait dans la chapelle des Bourguignons :
Seigneurs, venans en lorrain territoire
Qui les Nancey rompistes par victoire,
L’entreprinse qu’avons conceu en cueur,
Donez des biens en ce poure oratoire
Pour nos aymes tirer de Purgatoire,
Levez aux cieux ceulx qu’en terre couchaistes !
Lorsqu’au besoing Dieu pour ayde huchastes
Et le bon sainct plecteur du pays (saint Nicolas).
Mais quoy qu’à droit vous nous avez hays
Ne nous en soit donc d’aulmùne amendry.
Sous de croix double et de croix sainct Andry,
Secourez-nous par commune pitié,
Augures de paix, vide d'inimitié ;
Mais vous attrait de notre nation,
Faisant par icy pérégrination,
Plus qu’aultres gens nos soyez aulmôniers
Et libéraulls de vos biens et deniers.
Que des princes feu Charles et René
Soit aboly le discort d’enfer né !
Qui l’ancienne aliance blessa,
Laissant la terre où Charles la laissa.
1. Celle dénomination s’était conservée à l’espèce de petite cha
pelle près de la tour, où sont maintenant les chaises, de même que
la petite chapelle à l’opposé s’appelait chapelle des Princes.
2. La Chapelle de Bon-Secours ou des Bourguignons, notice
insérée dans l’Annuaire de 18B2, et tirée à part.
3. M. de Bussierre, Histoire de la ligue contre Chailes-le
Téméraire, p/467.
�— 7 —
H.
Après celte courte digression, destinée à nous servir
d’entrée en matière, revenons aux caveaux1 dont nous
avons spécialement à nous occuper. L’ouverture récente
de celui de la nef a fait faire plusieurs découvertes inté
ressantes, et les procès-verbaux de reconnaissances qui
ont eu lieu auparavant du caveau royal contiennent des
détails qu’il est bon de recueillir, afin de détruire des er
reurs qui se sont propagées jusqu’à nous.
On savait que, sous la nef de N.-D. de Bon-Secours,
il existait un caveau voûté, et que ce caveau avait servi,
avant la Révolution, de sépulture à plusieurs religieux
Minimes, dont le couvent avait été fondé en 1609, et à qui
était confiée l’administration de la chapelle. On savait
aussi que l’ouverture de ce caveau était près du confes
sionnal à gauche en entrant dans l’église.
Le 12 octobre 1866, le petit carré de marbre qui couvre
la clef de la pierre d’entrée2, s’étant détaché cl ayant
laissé la clef à découvert, on a levé la pierre et on est
descendu dans le caveau. L’escalier par lequel on y des
cend a seize marches, de 0,21e de hauteur de pas sur
0,50e de giron; la largeur de la cage d’escalier est d'un
mètre 20 cent.
Le caveau est un carré de 12 mèt. 20 cent, de côté,
1. Ce qui a rapporta la description des caveaux est emprunte à
des notes de M. l’abbé Morel, curé de N.-D. de Bon-Secours, et de
M. l’abbé Marchai, chanoine honoraire de Nancy, lesquels ont com
plété les documents que nous publions ci-aprcs par plusieurs notes
et communications très-intéressantes.
2. A côté de celte pierre se trouve agencée également une autre
pierre à clef qui donne accès à la totalité de l’escalier ; c’est par l’ou
verture pratiquée au-dessus de cet escalier que les Minimes introdui
saient les cercueils dans leur caveau.
�divisé en quatre voûtes surbaissées en arc de cloître, avec
un pilier central qui les soutient et les relie. Partant, au
dehors, des pilastres de l’église où sont les statues de
saint François-Xavier et de saint Antoine de Padoue, ce
caveau s’étend jusque près du palier des petits autels, ou
plutôt jusqu’environ 50 centimètres au delà du balustre
de communion. Ainsi, le pilier central des quatre voûtes
du caveau n’est pas au milieu de la nef, c’est-à-dire ne
correspond pas au centre du médaillon de l’Assomption,
mais se trouve un peu plus avancé vers le chœur. Un puits,
placé à peu près au-dessous du monument des Polonais,
de 1814, et profond d’environ 4 mètres, reçoit un petit ca
nal qui traverse le caveau en diagonale et semble corres
pondre avec le canal établi le long du caveau royal, au
tombeau de la reine, pour se jeter dans le ruisseau de
Jarvillc, près du pont.
Dans ce caveau sont trois petites croix en pierre, sor
tant simplement de terre, et portant les inscriptions :
Cy gist messire Antoine de la Chausse, chevalier
décédé le 19e aoust 1742. — Hic jaefft R. P. À. Ceny
ex Provincialis, obiit die 19a 8bni 1754. — Hic jacèl
R[evereri\dus admodùm Pater Joannes Carolus Bru
ges Provincialis, obiit die 15 m. aprilis 1779.
On lit sur les piliers de la voûte, écrites avec du char
bon, en lettres cursives assez mal faites, les sept épitaphes
qui suivent :
Clauticrs Thiebault 1780. — Le R. P. Bourgeois,
mort le 20 8bre 1780. — P. Mengin, 1er nov. 1785. —
P. Goûte, décédé le 1er février 1785. — R. P. V.
Prelo, 25 aoust 1785. — R. P. Sglyhlt, le 7 nov. 1790.
— Joseph Thiebault 1790.1
1. Dans la chapelle des fonts baptismaux, se trouve encore un
petit caveau où repose Mmc la baronne de Méncval. Voir la petite
notice, année 1839.
�9 —
Enfin, au fond du caveau, à droite, à peu près sous la
porte du balustre qui conduit à la sacristie, se trouve une
grande quantité d’ossements et de crânes jetés pèlc-mèlc
en monceau.
Le caveau royal de N.-D. de Bon-Secours1 n’a pas la
meme largeur que le chœur de l’église ; il est construit au
milieu de ce dernier, en sorte qu’il y a un intervalle entre
le mur de fondation du chœur et la muraille mémo du
caveau. Celui-ci, au dire des personnes qui y ont péné
tré, est un carré d’environ 4 mètres de côté, formant une
seule arcade de voûte, en forme de cloître. Il est pavé de
dalles Planches et noires, comme la nef. Un petit autel,
avec ornements et chandeliers en plomb, se trouve dans le
fond, à peu près au-dessous du palier de l’autel actuel du
chœur, et devant cet autel étaient les deux cercueils en
plomb contenant les restes du Roi et de la Reine de Po
logne. Un escalier assez large, à pente très-douce, qui
commence à environ un mètre du balustre, conduit dans
•
1. Stanislas venait habiter son château de la Malgrange à l’occa
sion de chacune des fêtes de la Sainte-Vierge, car il n’en laissait
passer aucune sans communier dans l’église de N.-D. de BonSecours. Quelques jours avant l’accident qui fut cause de sa mort, le
1er février <766, veille de la fête de la Purification, le Roi, avant de
se rendre à la Malgrange, voulut entrer dans l’église. Il remarqua que
son prie-Dieu était posé au-dessus de la partie du caveau où il avait
ménagé la place de sa sépulture, et pria plus longtemps que de cou
tume. En sortant, il dit à celui qui avait l’honneur de l’accompagner :
<i Savez-vous ce qui m’a si longtemps retenu aujourd’hui dans l’é
glise ? Je pensais que, dans très-peu de temps, je serais trois pieds
plus bas que je n’étais t>. Le 4 février, le Roi retourna à Lunéville ;
le 5, eut lieu l’accident du feu qui prit à ses vêtements ; le 23, il ren
dit son âme à Dieu. Les funérailles furent célébrées à N.-D. de BonSecours, en grande pompe, le 4 mars suivant.
�— 10 —
le caveau, qui a une ouverture cintrée fermée par une
porte en fer.
Lorsqu’on 1814, on fit courir le bruit que le général
Sokolnicki avait emporté les restes de Stanislas1, la mu
nicipalité de Nancy fil descendre dans le caveau, pour y
constater la présence du corps du roi, et, pour empêcher
que de pareilles suppositions d’enlèvement pussent se
reproduire, elle ordonna d’élever un mur devant la porte
de fer ; on combla le tout et on établit le dallage qui sub
siste encore aujourd’hui.
A une époque antérieure2, l'autorité avait déjà dû faire
procéder à la reconnaissance des restes des personnages
inhumés dans le caveau royal de N.-D. de Bon-Secours,
1. Nous parlerons plus loin de ce prétendu enlèvement du corps
du Roi de Pologne.
2. ji Des mains sacrilèges (1793) l’arrachent, dit M. Blau, à son
cercueil de plomb, dont les débris doivent se convertir en balles
meurtrières, et le relèguent au fond d’une voûte obscure, où il gît
abandonné. De vils émissaires, qui se paraient du nom de Marseillais,
envahissent notre cité...... et courent à l’église dépositaire des victi
mes signalées à leur vengeance. Mais le gardien de l’édifice sacré, feu
M. Michel, marbrier, les avait prévenus. Jaloux de sauver d’une des
truction imminente les mausolées remis à sa vigilance, il se hâte de
les dépouiller de tous les attributs de la royauté et d’armer la main de
Stanislas d’un drapeau tricolore. Puis, se présentant avec calme à ces
vandales, il leur ouvre les portes du temple et les introduit devant les
tombes dont ils avaient juré la ruine. Il affirme hardiment qu’elles
renferment de bons patriotes......
» Cependant... son mausolée (de Stanislas) et celui de son épouse,
transportés dans un musée de sculpture, demeurent confondus avec
les statues livrées à l’élude des artistes... » (P. G et 7 de la Notice
historique sur Stanislas-le-Bicnfaisant, par M. Blau, inspecteur de
l’Académie de Nancy, membre de la Société royale des sciences, let
tres et arts de la même ville. Nancy, chez Vidai t et Jullien, libraires,
au Pont-Mouja, 1831.)
�— 11 —
et elle avait pris soin de faire dresser des procès-verbaux
authentiques des opérations prescrites par elle, dans un
but qui témoigne du respect qui s’attachait à la mémoire
du dernier de nos souverains.
Ces documents officiels1 n’ont pas encore été mis au
jour, bien qu’ils renferment diverses particularités inté
ressantes ; aussi nous ont-ils paru mériter d être publiés,
autant pour faire connaître ces particularités, que pour
rétablir certains faits dans toute leur exactitude.
Reconnaissance du corps de Stanislas, etc.
1805.
Cejourd’hui seize ventôse an onze (7 mars 1805) de
la République française, dix heures du matin,
Nous Joseph-François-IIubert Thierry, adjoint à la
mairie de Nancy, instruit par le citoyen Krantz père, fer
blantier en cette ville, que les ouvriers du citoyen Mourot, brasseur au faubourg de la Constitution2, adjudica
taire au ci-devant district de Nancy, du chœur de l’église
des cx-chanoinesscs de Bouxiércs, qui avait été construit
à la suite de la chapelle de Bonsecours, en fouillant dans
la partie du caveau qui faisait une dépendance de son
adjudication, avaient trouvé ccs corps inhumés ; me suis
transporté, ensuite de l’invitation du maire, sur les lieux,
pour en faire la reconnaissance, et, après avoir fait placer
un factionnaire pour empêcher rentrée du caveau, j’ai
1. Ils se trouvent, en originaux et en copies, aux Archives de la
ville de Nancy et dans celles du département
2. Le faubourg Saint Pierre.
�— 12 —
remarqué, d’après renseignements pris, que ce caveau se
trouvait pour les cinq sixièmes, à peu près sous le chœur
de l’église de Bonsecours, et l’autre sixième sous le chœur
de l’église des cx-chanoincsses de Bouxières, qui avait
été adjugé audit Mourot1; que Stanislas, roi de Pologne,
avait fait construire ce caveau pour y recevoir son tom
beau, le cœur de la reine de France, sa fille, épouse de
Louis XV, et les tombeaux du duc et de la duchesse Ossolinski, scs parents ; que l’on communiquait autrefois à
ce caveau par un escalier qui était dans le chœur de l’é
glise de Bonsecours, et qui se trouvait scellé en ce mo
ment ; que l’ouverture qui se présentait à l’extérieur
avait été pratiquée, par ledit Mourot, dans la partie com
prise dans la dépendance des lerrcins qui lui avaient été
adjugés par le ci-devant district de Nancy ; étant des
cendu dans le caveau, au moyen d’une échelle et dans la
partie adjugée audit Mourot, aurions reconnu que le pavé
en pierres de taille était ehlevé, et qu’on avait creusé
d’environ un demi-pied dans l’endroit où se trouvaient
les corps. Ayant pris des renseignements pour connaître
la personne qui les avait inhumés, on nous a dit que le
1. Léopold Jforoi avait également acquis les bâtiments des Mini
mes et l’église, celte dernière pour la somme de trois millions cinq
ccnt cinquante-deux mille francs, dont un dixième seulement
payable en numéraire. Quel motif avait pu l’engager à faire uuc acqui
sition si onéreuse ? nous l’ignorons ; ce qui s’est parfaitement con
servé dans la mémoire des anciens habitants du faubourg, c’est que,
quand Morot voulut commencer la démolition de l’église, les premiers
témoins de cet acte de vandalisme allèrent jeter le cri d’alarme daus
la ville et y excitèrent une espèce de soulèvement populaire. Eu pré
sence de ces manifestations, le district envoya, dit on, deux officiers
municipaux pour rassurer le peuple cl lui déclarer que la vente de
1 église serait résiliée, d’autant plus que l’acquéreur n’avait pu effec
tuer son premier paiement.
'
�15 —
citoyen Husscnet, charcutier au faubourg de la Constitu
tion, n° 145, nous donnerait toute indication à cet égard ;
aussitôt nous aurions fait appeler ce particulier, qui nous
a déclaré reconnaître ces corps pour être ceux de Stanis
las, roi de Pologne, et de son épouse, du duc et de la
duchesse Ossolinski, qu’il avait fait inhumer dans la
même fosse en l'an deux, par ordre du ci-devant district
de Nancy ; qu’à cette époque, il n’y existait plus que les
ossements du duc et de la duchesse et de l’épouse de
Stanislas ; mais que le corps de ce roi était encore dans
son entier ; que les tombes en plomb et chêne qui ren
fermaient ces ossements et ce corps, ainsi que les bijoux
précieux qui y étaient, de même que la boëte d’argent
qui contenait le cœur de la reine de France, avaient dû
être enlevés lors de l’inhumation par la même autorité.
Aussitôt avons fait lever le corps de Stanislas, qui nous
a été indique être dessus, et avons remarqué, en pré
sence d’un grand nombre de personnes, que la tête
était détachée du corps1, entièrement décharnée et en
deux parties, que le buste était en entier, que les bras,
les cuisses, jambes et pieds étaient tombés en dissolution,
de manière qu’il n’existait plus que des ossements; avons
fait aussi enlever les autres têtes, qui étaient également
décharnées, ainsi que les ossements qui étaient dessous
ce corps, et avons fait fouiller jusqu’à prés de quatre
pieds de profondeur, où il ne s’y est plus trouvé aucuns
1. Scion le 'dire de personnes honorables et bien informées, la
tète de Stanislas aurait été violemment détachée du tronc, lors de la
violation du caveau royal de N.-D. de Bon-Secours en 1793, par un
ouvrier, lequel, animé de l’esprit haineux de ce temps déplorable, se
serait servi de sa bêche en disant : u En voilà encore un qui n’a pas
été guillotiné ! »
�— 14 —
vestiges de corps ou d’ossements; avons fait laver le
corps de Stanislas, qui était encore rempli d’aromates,
ramassé avec soin toutes les têtes et ossements, et les
avons fait recueillir dans un cercueil en chêne d’environ
deux métrés de longueur, et avons fait déposer le cer
cueil, après avoir fait clouer le couvercle dans une partie
du caveau au-dessous du chœur de l’église de Bonsecours,
à côté de l’escalier, après avoir pris la précaution de le
faire élever aux deux extrémités, pour sa conservation,
sur des pierres, à la hauteur de 10 centimètres, audessus du pavé dudit caveau ; avons ensuite fait cons
truire un petit mur d’élévation jusqu’à la voûte, pour
enfermer ce cercueil, et fait poser une pierre dans le mi
lieu, avec cette inscription gravée : Tombeau de Sta
nislas Leczinski, roi de Pologne, duc de Lorraine,
mort à Lunéville le 25 février 1766 ; de Catherine
Opalinska, son épouse, morte en 1747 ; du cœur de
Marie Leczinska, leur fille, reine de France, épouse
de Louis XV, morte en 1768 ; du duc et de la du
chesse Ossolinski, morts tous deux en 1756.
J’ai cru devoir prendre cette mesure, qui paraissait
être dans l’opinion des assistants, pour transmettre à la
postérité le souvenir d’un prince qui a comblé celte ville
et la ci-devant province de Lorraine de ses bienfaits.
11 nous a été présenté une espèce de médaille qui avait
été trouvée en levant les ossements, et, après l’avoir lait
examiner, il a été reconnu qu’elle était attachée à un pe
tit cordon en soie et cheveux, que le cercle était en argent
doré, entouré de cailloux du Rhin, le derrière était garni
en cheveux tressés, dans le milieu s’est trouvé un petit
morceau de bois que l’on présume être de la vraie croix ;
il était couvert d’un verre, qui parait être de cristal. Je
�— la —
nie suis nanti de celle médaille, en me réservant de la
remettre à la mairie, pour en faire, par le citoyen préfet,
la destination qu’il croira convenable.
Avons requis le citoyen Mourot, conformément au
procès-verbal de son adjudication, d’élever au plutôt le
mur séparatif de sa propriété d’avec le caveau dépendant
de l’église de Bonsecours.
De tout quoi j’ai dressé le présent procès-verbal, au
bureau de la mairie, sur les six heures de relevée, les
jour, mois et an avant dits, et ai signé.
Thierry, adjoint.
Mander.
Liberté. Egalité.
Nancy, le 17 ventosean onze de la République française.
Le Maire de la ville de Nancy au citoyen Préfet du dé
partement de la Meurthe,
Citoyen Préfet,
L’ancien gouvernement ayant autorisé la translation du
chapitre des ci-devant chanoincsses de Bouvières à Bonsecours, on avait cru convenable de construire à la suite
de la chapelle de Bonsecours le chœur de leur église ; la
révolution ayant dérangé le projet de translation, les bâ
timents qui avaient été construits, ainsi que les terreins
en dépendants, ont été vendus comme domaine national,
mais on a réservé, dans le contrat de vente, que l’ouver
ture qui avait été faite dans la chapelle de l’église de
Bonsecours, serait fermée par un mur que l’adjudicataire
serait tenu d’élever. 11 résultait de celte clause que le
sixième, à peu près, du caveau que Stanislas avait fait
�16 —
construire sous le chœur de l’église, s’était trouvé com
pris dans la dépendance du terrain vendu. C’est dans
celte partie que l’ouverture du caveau a été faite par l’ad
judicataire, qui, voulant faire tourner à son profit la pierre
de taille qui y était, s’est aperçu qu’il y avait des corps
inhumés.
Ayant été averti, le 15 courant, à cinq heures du soir,
de ce fait, qui avait attiré un grand nombre de personnes,
j’ai pris à l’instant toutes mesures de police pour empê
cher l’accès du caveau, et prévenir par là tout esprit de
fanatisme ou de malveillance.
Je me suis rendu, le lendemain 16, sur les lieux, et ai
reconnu, d’après les renseignements qui m’ont été trans
mis, que c’étaient les dépouilles de Stanislas, roi de Po
logne1, du duc et de la duchesse Ossolinski. J’ai fait ras
sembler ccs dépouilles, ainsi que tous les ossements, et
les ai fait recueillir avec soin dans un cercueil de chêne,
que j’ai fait faire, et qui a été déposé dans la partie se
trouvant au-dessous du chœur de l’église réservée de la
vente.
J’ai donné des ordres pour qu’on élevât un petit mur
de clôture, et ai fait placer dans le milieu de ce mur une
pierre de deux pieds carrés avec une inscription qui put
rappeler à la postérité le souvenir d’un prince qui a com
blé cette ville et la ci-devant province de Lorraine de ses
bienfaits. Outre que cette reconnaissance était duc à sa
mémoire, j’ai cru devoir, dans cette circonstance, secon
der l’opinion de toutes les personnes qui étaient pré
sentes, et qui m’ont engagé à prendre cette mesure pour
1. On oublie sans doute la Reine de Pologne, dont il a été question
ci-dessus.
�— 47
conserver le tombeau de ce prince et les restes de sa
famille.
Plusieurs citoyens avaient paru désirer que le cercueil
fût porte à l’église de Bonsecours pour faire faire des ob
sèques ; mais je leur ai observé que les corps n’étant pas
dans le cas d’étre transportés dans un local, mais seule
ment d’une place du caveau à une autre, je ne pourrais
céder à leur demande, attendu que toutes les cérémonies
religieuses avaient été observées dans le temps, lors du
dépôt des corps au caveau.
Je pense, citoyen Préfet, que vous adopterez toutes les
mesures que j’ai prises, persuadé de vos intentions à
perpétuer le souvenir des personnages importants qui ont
illustré leur pays, soit par leurs actions, soit par leurs
talents et leurs lumières, soit enfin par des actes de bien
faisance.
Il m’a été rapporté, sur les lieux, que les cercueils en
plomb qui servaient de tombeaux à ces corps, avaient été
enlevés en l’an deux, par le ci-devant district de Nancy,
et fondus pour cire convertis en balles ; que la boëte d’or
ou d’argent qui contenait le cœur de la reine de France,
épouse de Louis XV, ainsi que les objets précieux qui
étaient aussi renfermés dans les tombes, avaient égale
ment été enlevés par la même autorité.
Il m’a seulement été représenté une médaille qu’on a
trouvée et qui était attachée à un cordon en cheveux ; je
vais la faire examiner et vous en rendrai ensuite compte,
pour savoir la destination que vous désirez lui donner.
Tel est le récit exact des faits qui se sont passés.
Salut et respect.
Lallemand, maire.
t
•
w*
�48 — .
Nancy, le 49 ventôse, 11e année de la République fran
çaise.
Le Préfet du département de la Meurlhe au maire de
la commune de Nancy.
Citoyen,
J’ai reçu votre lettre du 47 du courant, par laquelle
vous me rendez compte que l’adjudicataire des terreins
contigus à l’église de Bonsecours, en faisant creuser pour
élever un mur de séparation avec la même église, avait
découvert le caveau dans lequel sont déposés les corps
du roi Stanislas et des duc et duchesse d’Ossolinski.
Je ne puis qu’approuver les mesures que vous avez
prises pour réunir et conserver d’une manière décente,
dans la partie du caveau qui règne dans le chœur de l’é
glise, les restes d’un prince dont le souvenir doit être si
cher à la ci-devant province de Lorraine, et plus particu
lièrement encore à la ville de Nancy qui offre tant de mo
numents de sa bienfaisance et de son amour éclairé pour
les arts.
Quant à la médaille trouvée avec les corps, mon inten
tion est qu’elle soit, ainsi que le cordon de cheveux au
quel elle était attachée, replacée dans le cercueil, comme
les seuls objets qui soient échappés à la spoliation odieuse
qu’on a exercée en l’an 2 dans ce même tombeau, que
tant de considérations eussent dû faire respecter.
Vous voudrez bien me donner l’assurance de l’exécu
tion de cette dernière disposition.
Je vous salue,
Marquis.
�— 49 —
Nancy, le 20 ventôse, l’an onze de la République fran
çaise.
Le maire de la ville de Nancy au citoyen Préfet du dé
partement de la Meurthe.
Citoyen Préfet,
J’ai l’honneur de vous adresser copie du procès-verbal
de reconnaissance et levée des restes de Stanislas, roi de
Pologne ; de la reine, son épouse, du duc et de la du
chesse Ossolinski, dressé par le citoyen Thierry, adjoint.
Je viens de recevoir l’honneur de votre lettre, en date
du jour d’hier, par laquelle vous m’annoncez que vous
approuvez toutes les mesures de police qui ont été prises
pour réunir et conserver les restes de ce prince et de sa
famille ; vous m’invitez, néanmoins, à replacer dans le
cercueil la petite médaille qui a été trouvée parmi les
ossements ; je vais la faire déposer à l’instant dans le cer
cueil et en ferai dresser procès-verbal.
Salut et respect,
Lallemand, maire.
Nancy, le 20 ventôse an 11.
Le Préfet de la Meurthe au Grand-Juge et Ministre de
la justice.
Citoyen Grand-Juge,
Je crois devoir vous informer d’un événement qui a
fait ici quelque sensation et qui, dès lors, pourrait parve
nir à votre connaissance avec des détails plus ou moins
inexacts.
Je veux parler de l’ouverture du caveau dans lequel
étaient déposés le corps de Stanislas-le-Bienfaisant, roi
de Pologne, etc., et ceux du duc et de la duchesse Ossolitiski.
�— 20 —
J’ai, en conséquence, l’honneur de vous adresser copie
du compte que le Maire m’a rendu de ce fait.
Ce compte vous fera connaître ce qui a donné lieu à
l’ouverture du caveau et les mesures que la mairie a
prises pour conserver d’une manière décente les restes
d’un prince dont la mémoire doit être si chère à la cidevant province de Lorraine et particulièrement à la ville
de Nancy.
Vous remarquerez aussi qu’on a trouvé avec les corps
une médaille attachée à un cordon en cheveux. J’ai donné
au maire l’ordre de rétablir dans le cercueil cette médaille
qui se trouve aujourd’hui le seul objet échappé à la spo
liation odieuse qu’on a exercée en l’an 2, dans ce tom
beau, que tant de considérations eussent dû faire res
pecter.
Salut et respect,
Marquis.
Ccjourd’hui vingt-un ventôse, an onze de la Répu
blique française, quatre heures de relevée,
Nous Joseph-François-Hubert Tierry, adjoint à la mai
rie de Nancy, ensuite de l’invitation du Maire et pour
1 exécution de la lettre du Préfet du département de la
Meurthc, du 19 courant, portant que la médaille trouvée
avec les restes de Stanislas, de son épouse, du duc et de
la duchesse Ossolinski, ainsi que le cordon en soie et
cheveux, auquel elle était attachée,.serait replacée dans
le cercueil qui avait reçu ces corps ; nous sommes trans
porté, assisté du citoyen Marc, architecte de la commune,
dans le caveau existant au-dessous du chœur de l’église
de Bonsecours, et là avons fait desceller une partie du
mur de clôture que nous avions fait élever pour enfermer
�— 21
ce cercueil, afin que personne ne pût y toucher ; avons
ensuite fait faire l’ouverture de ce cercueil, en présence
de beaucoup de personnes, cl y avons placé une petite
boite de plomb contenant ladite médaille et le cordon ;
avons ensuite fait rétablir le couvercle dudit cercueil de
la manière la plus solide, et avons fait reboucher l'ouver
ture pratiquée dans le mur de clôture.
De tout quoi, avons dressé le présent procès verbal, à
notre retour à la mairie, sur les cinq heures de relevée,
les jour, mois et an ci-dessus et avons signé.
Thierry, adjoint.
Mandel.
Nancy, le 25 ventose, l’an onze de la République fran
çaise.
Le maire de la ville de Nancy au citoyen Préfet du dé
partement de la Meurthe.
Citoyen Préfet,
J’ai l’honneur de vous adresser copie d’un procèsverbal constatant le replacement, dans le cercueil de Sta
nislas. de la médaille trouvée avec les corps, en exécution
de votre lettre du 19 courant.
Salut et respect,
Lallemant, maire.
Paris, le 7 germinal, l’an 11 de la République.
Le Grand-Juge, Ministre de la justice, au Préfet de la
Meurthe.
J’ai reçu, citoyen Préfet, avec la lettre que vous m’a
vez écrite, le 20 du mois dernier, la copie qui y était
jointe de celle que vous avait adressée le maire de Nancy,
sur l’ouverture du caveau de l’église de Bonsecours, où
�— 22 —
se sont trouvés les restes des dépouilles du roi Stanislas,
duc de Lorraine. J’approuve toutes les mesures qui ont
été prises.
Je vous salue.
Regnier.
Le jour de la réparation commençait enfin à se lever.
Le 25 août de la mémo année 1805 (an XI de la Répu
blique), dans une séance solennelle de F Académie, M.
Blau eut le courage d’émettre publiquement le vœu que
le mausolée de Stanislas fût rendu à l’église de N.-D. de
Bon-Secours, et sa motion, accueillie avec enthousiasme,
reçut trois salves d’applaudissements.
Bientôt on se mit à l’œuvre ; des quêtes pieuses surent
créer des ressources et faire disparaître toutcs' les traces
de la profanation1.
Lorsque, en 1806, les mausolées, déposés, depuis
1795, dans l’ancienne chapelle de la Visitation, aujour
d’hui chapelle du Lycée, reprirent le chemin de N.-D. de
Bon-Secours, les voitures de transport étaient précédées
de la musique, et ce fut un jour d’allégresse et de fêle
publique pour toute la ville. Les travaux de réintégration
des deux mausolées et des deux cartouches de Marie
Lcszczinska et du duc Ossolinski furent terminés en
18072.
1. Le compte des recettes et dépenses de l’église porte, à la. date
du 25 juin 1804 : u Paié au nommé Ferri et son ouvrier pour avoir
chargé et déchargé les autels de marbre qu’on a conduit à Bonsecours
six livres quinze sols, etc. » La reconstruction des autels, en 1804 et
1805, a coûté mille francs.
2. Par une lettre du 17 janvier de celte année (1807), adressée au
Préfet de la Meurlhe, le Ministre de l’intérieur avait autorisé les
�— 23 —
« Les choses se trouvaient dans cet état satisfaisant,
dit M. Blau, lorsque des désastres, aussi extraordinaires
que nos victoires, opèrent, en 1814, une révolution pro
digieuse et amènent à Nancy les cadres de l’armée polo
naise commandes par le général Sokolnicki......Lachapelle
de Bonsccours est préparée pour une cérémonie funèbre.
Tous assistent, dans un religieux silence, au service so
lennel, qu’accompagnait une musique lugubre, etfquc cé
lébrait M. d’Osmond, évêque de Nancy. »
111.
4814.
Les documents qui suivent* sont relatifs au soi-disant
enlèvement des restes de Stanislas par le général Sokol
nicki, conduisant les débris de l’armée polonaise, qui
voulut consacrer le souvenir de son passage à Nancy par
l’inscription qui se lit sur une table de marbre noir fixée
au mur de la nef de l’église de N.-D. de Bon-Secours,
à droite en entrant.
Pendant le temps qu’il séjourna dans notre ville, le
général prit soin de recueillir tout ce qui concernait le
souverain à la famille duquel il appartenait. II fit faire
un modèle, en fer blanc, du cercueil du Roi, tel qu’il était
au caveau de N.-D. de Bon-Secours ; on lui donna un
carreau de marbre noir du foyer de l’appartement où
Stanislas s’était brûlé, un lambeau de sa robe de chamfabriciens de t’oraloire de Bon-Secours à replacer à leurs frais, dans
celte église, les mausolées de Stanislas et de la Reine.
I. Ils sont exclusivement empruntés aux Archives delà ville de
Nancy, moins la correspondance du Moniteur, signée Sauvo.
�—
bre, portant l’empreinte de la flamme, un morceau du
sceptre de son mausolée et un étendard de sa garde. Mais
le général désirait surtout emporter avec lui quelque
chose des précieux restes du corps royal.
Une dame, qui demeurait près de l’église, et qui avait
consacré une partie de sa fortune à la restauration du
chœur et des mausolées, M,nc de Bourgogne, pour satis
faire aux vœux si légitimes du général, obtint d’un ma
çon, l’un de ses voisins, nommé Léopold Lamarche, une
portion d’os que celui-ci disait provenir de la mâchoire
inférieure de Stanislas, et qu’il avait recueillie lorsque,
à la violation des tombeaux, fut donné le coup de bêche
dont nous avons parlé1. Le tout fut religieusement ren
fermé dans une caisse, pour être déposé dans un monu
ment que le général se proposait d’élever parmi les sé
pultures royales de son pays.
Le 5 août suivant, le général fit célébrer un service
solennel pour le repos de l’àme de Stanislas, à la cathé
drale de Poscn, dans la grande Pologne. Le lendemain,
il envoya, sur cette cérémonie, un article où il parlait de
la possession d'une partie de la dépouille mortelle du
Roi. Le Moniteur inséra l’article le 6 octobre 1814 et
omit, à 1 impression, comme l’avait fait le journal de Posen, les mots une partie de, que portait, ainsi qu’il fut
ensuite constaté, la lettre originale du général ; d’où les
erreurs dont cette omission a été la source.
La ville de Nancy ne pouvait laisser s’accréditer une
pareille nouvelle, si injurieuse à son honneur et si con
traire «à la vérité, De là les protestations énergiques du
Corps municipal, consignées dans les délibérations qu’on
va lire.
1. V. la note de la page 13.
�— 25 —
Cejourd’huy 29 août mil huit cent quatorze.
Le Corps municipal de la ville de Nancy extraordinai
rement convoqué, il a été donné lecture, notamment, de
l’article Pologne du Journal des Débals1, du 26 août
1814, ainsi conçu :
« Posen, 6 août.
» Le général de division Sok'olnicki a fait transporter
» ici de Nanci la dépouille mortelle du Roi de Pologne
» Stanislas Lecszinsky, qui fut depuis duc de Lorraine et
» de Bar. Une partie de ces restes a été déposée hier avec
» solennité dans la cathédrale de cette ville, en présence
» des autorités civiles et militaires et d’un grand nombre
» d’habitants. L’autre partie sera envoyée, à Cracovic
» pour y être placée à côté des tombeaux de nos rois
» (Stanislas Lecszinsky avait été woyxvode de Posen
» avant son avènement au trône). »
Le Corps municipal ne peut se persuader que M. le
général polonais Sokolnicki aurait pu pénétrer dans les
caveaux où reposent les dépouilles mortelles de S. M. le
roy Stanislas le Bienfaisant, dont la mémoire ne peut
cesser d’étre chère aux Lorrains, jaloux de conserver un
dépôt aussi précieux, confié à la reconnaissance publique.
Voulant cependant s’assurer si quelques tentatives n’a
vaient pas été faites avant, pendant et après le séjour à
Nancy de M. le général Sokolnicki, le Corps municipal
s’est de suite tiansporté en l’église de Bonsecours, ac
compagné de M. Mique, père, architecte de la ville, oû,
après avoir visité l’intérieur et l’extérieur de ladite église,
1. L’article du Journal des Débats était emprunté au Moniteur
universel ; aussi est-ce avec celte dernière feuille que la mairie de
Nancy a établi la correspondance dont il est question plus loin.
�— 26 —
il s’est convaincu qu’aucune effraction, changement, n’a
vaient clé faits pour pénétrer dans les souterrains.
Mais, désirant constater plus spécialement l’existence
de ce dépôt, afin de convaincre M. le général Sokolnicki
de son erreur, pour ne pas dire plus, le Corps municipal
nomme M. Mandel, jeune, officier municipal, qui, au
mois de ventôse de l’an XI, est parvenu à recueillir ces
précieuses dépouilles, pour, conjointement avec M. Drouot
et M. Vidil, fils ainé, officiers municipaux, procéder à
celte reconnaissance et vérification intérieure desdits ca
veaux, en dresser procès-verbal qui sera déposé au se
crétariat de la mairie, être pris tel parti il sera jugé con
venable.
Fait et délibéré les an, mois et jour susdits.
29 et 50 août 1814.
Nous Sébastien-François Mandel, François-Hyacinthe
Drouot et Jean-Pierre-Romain Vidil, fils ainé, tous trois
officiers municipaux et commissaires délégués par le
Corps municipal de la ville de Nancy, à l’effet de consta
ter le dépôt des corps et dépouilles mortelles de S. M. le
roi Stanislas Lccszinsky, étant en l’église de Bonsccours,
avons invité M. Mique, père, architecte, de faire ouvrir
le caveau, dont l’entrée est dans le chœur de l’église de
Bonsccours, devant la grille ; ce qui a été exécuté avec
précaution.
Nous commissaires susdits, munis du procès-verbal
du 16 ventôse an XI et pièces jointes, sommes descendus
dans le grand caveau, aussi avec M. Simonin, père, chi
rurgien en chef de Nancy.
Nous avons remarqué, à droite de l’escalier, l’autre
�— 27 —
polit caveau, que nous avons reconnu intact, sans aucun
indice qu’il y ait été fait aucun changement depuis cette
époque, 16 ventôse an XI, où il a été construit.
Cédant au désir spontané de visiter ce petit caveau,
autant pour constater la présence des dépouilles précieuses
qui y reposent, que pour s’assurer de l’état dans lequel
elles se trouvent, et si le cercueil en chêne avait encore
assez de solidité,
Nous avons fait faire une ouverture du côté dudit es
calier, et immédiatement après avons observé avec soin
qu’on n’a pu toucher ce cercueil, bien entier, dont la tête
est placée à l’occident, le pied à l’orient.
Nous nous sommes assurés que le cercueil n’avait plus
sa première solidité, parce qu’il a été renfermé dans ce
petit caveau, dont la clôture est absolue, jusques la voûte,
et où l’air n’a pu pénétrer.
M. Simonin, père, chirurgien, après avoir ouvert une
partie du cercueil, a reconnu que ces dépouilles mortelles
réunies n’avaient pas été vues, ni touchées depuis leur
dépôt ; ce dont nous avons pareillement été convaincus
encore par les chancissures légères qui les couvrent.
Nous avons de suite autorisé M. Mique, architecte, de
faire faire un cercueil de plomb pour les renfermer avec
toutes les précautions convenables, nous réservant d’as
sister à celte mutation.
Nous commissaires susdits avons, sans désemparer,
fait refermer ce petit caveau provisoirement par une porte
de chêne bien pattée, sur laquelle nous avons apposé les
scellés nécessaires pour en interdire l’accès jusqu’après
la confection prompte de ce cercueil de plomb.
Nous avons invité les assistants de sortir du grand ca
veau, sur l'ouverture duquel nous avons fait ensuite re
�— 28 —
placer provisoirement les pierres et établi deux gardiens
sédentaires.
De là nous nous sommes rendus près de M. le général
comte d’OUonc, commandant du département, qui, sur
notre exposé et notre invitation, a donné les ordres né
cessaires pour le placement d’un corps de garde près
Bonsecours, et d’une sentinelle à l’ouverture du grand
caveau, ayant pour consigne d’en interdire l’entrée ; ce
qui a été exécuté.
De tout quoi avons dressé le présent procès-verbal les
2!) et 50 août 1814.
Vidil fils aîné.
Simonin.
Drouot.
Mandel.
L.-F. Mique.
Cejourd’hui trois septembre 1814, sept heures du
matin.
Le Corps municipal assemblé, après avoir concerté
avec Monseigneur l’évèque de Nancy les mesures à pren
dre pour la célébration du service funèbre à faire aujour
d’hui en l’église de Bonsecours, à la mémoire de Stanislas
le Bienfaisant, à raison du déplacement de ses dépouilles
mortelles du petit caveau rappelé dans le procès-verbal
du IG ventôse an XI, pour les rétablir dans le grand ca
veau, où elles étaient primitivement sous la même église
de Bonsecours.
Le Corps municipal s’est rendu là à l’effet d’assister
avec Messieurs les commissaires délégués et rappellés ez
procès-verbaux des 29 et 30 août derniers, au même pla
cement de ces dépouilles mortelles de Stanislas, de la
reine son épouse, du cœur de leur lille Marie Lecksinska,
reine de France, du duc et de la duchesse Ossolinski,
�— 29 —
dans le nouveau cercueil de plomb préparé à cet effet,
attendu la vétusté du cercueil de chêne renfermé en l’an
XI dans ce petit caveau, inaccessible à l’air.
En conséquence, M. Mandel, jeune, ancien magistrat,
qui a efficacement concouru à recueillir les dépouilles
mortelles; MM. Drouot et Vidil, officiers municipaux
actuels, ont, en présence d’un grand nombre d’assistants,
de M. Mique, architecte, de M. Bcrnel, curé de SaintPierre, reconnu que les scellés apposés sur l’ouverture
du caveau, étaient sains et entiers ; ils ont été levés par
M. Mandel, jeune.
Le cercueil en chêne renfermant ces dépouilles mor
telles a été trouvé entier, mais d’un déplacement difficile
à raison de sa presque dissolution, résultante du lieu se
cret où il était placé, quoiqu’il lui ait été donné quelques
pouces d’élévation au-dessus du sol.
Toutes les précautions jugées convenables ont été
prises pour le sortir de ce petit caveau. Tout ce que ren
fermait ce cercueil de chêne a été trouvé intact et ainsi
comme cela est détaillé dans le procès-verbal du 46 ven
tôse an XI.
Seulement, ces dépouilles mortelles avaient pris une
teinte noire et au premier tact faciles à se diviser, et ce
pendant transportables d’un cercueil à l’autre, avec quel
ques précautions.
Aussitôt, et sans aucun retard, elles ont été replacées
dans le même ordre qu’elles étaient et arrangées de même
dans le cercueil de plomb, par M. Simonin, chirurgien
en chef de l’hôpital militaire, et de deux de ses élèves1.
Le corps de Stanislas, mieux conservé, plus entier,
1. MM. J.-B. Simonin et Charles Richy.
�— 50 —
depuis le col jusqu’aux hanches, a été placé en tète du
cercueil, dans la partie la plus large. Sa tête, décharnée,
séparée du corps, est à sa droite ; elle est divisée en deux
parties. La tète de la reine son épouse est du côté gau
che, en dessous du cœur du roy.
Celui de Marie Lecksinska, leur fille, a été placé à côté
de la tète de sa mère.
Les ossements, ainsi que ceux du duc et de la duchesse
Ossolinski, comme leurs têtes, sont dans la même partie
inférieure de ce cercueil.
On y a joint tous les fragments de linceul comme
partie de la robe de Stanislas, lors de son inhumation,
ainsi que partie du cordon bleu ; mais ces fragments se
sont trouvés très-endommagés, tant par leur séjour dans
le petit caveau, et principalement pour avoir été enfouis
dans une fosse pratiquée dans ce caveau, lors de la vio
lation indécente qu’on a commise sur ces tombeaux au
commencement de la Révolution.
Toutes ces dépouilles mortelles, ainsy disposées avec
autant de méthode qu’il a été possible, il a été répandu
sur leur surface des aromates en quantité suffisante.
On a fait de nouvelles recherches dans les débris du
cercueil de chêne ; on y a trouvé (à ce qu’il a paru) la
tresse en cheveux rappelée dans le procès-verbal dudit
jour 16 ventôse an XL Celte tresse a été renfermée dans
»
du papier, cacheté, scellé et déposé sur le côté gauche
de Stanislas.
Après quoi le couvercle du cercueil en plomb a été
scellé, soudé par les ouvriers à ce appellés ; le cercueil a
été placé au milieu du grand caveau, avec les précautions
usitées et sur une élévation de 20 pouces au moins, la
tête au septentrion, en face du principal autel.
�— '51
Sur ce cercueil ont été appliquées des lames de plomb
portant les inscriptions ci-après, d’un côté en langue fran
çaise, et de l’autre en latin.
« Tombeaux de Stanislas Lecsinski, roy de Pologne,
» duc de Lorraine et de Bar, décédé le 25 février 4766.
» De Catherine Opalinska, son épouse, morte en 1747.
» Du cœur de Marie Lecsinska, leur fille, reine do
France, décédée en 1768.
» Du duc et de la duchesse Osolinski, morts en 1756.
» Ces dépouilles mortelles ont été recueillies avec soin,
» suivant le procès-verbal du 16 ventôse an XI.
» Elles ont été déposées de nouveau dans ce tombeau,
» comme l’attestent les procès-verbaux des mois d’août
» et septembre 1814,
» Par le Corps municipal de Nancy, le 5 septembre
» 1814. »
« Hic jacent »
» Stanislaus Leszczinski, Rex Poloniæ, dux Lotharin» giæ et Barri, die 25a februarii anno 1766, defunctus.
» Catharina Opalinska, uxor ejus, anno 1747 defuncta.
» Quas reliquias diligenter collectas, ut comprobat pu-.
» blicum scriplum, die 16a venlosi an XI confectum (7a
» die Martii anno 1805).
» lterum in hoc tumulo sepultas esse testantur publica
» scripta, mensium Augusti et septembris anni 1814.
» Hoc monumentum dicavére die 5a septembris anno
» 1814 Nanceii municipales magistraUis. »
/
Les délégués du Corps municipal ont jugé convenable :
Io De faire placer sur ce cercueil les attributs de la
royauté ;
�— 32 —
2° De faire faire une porte de fer en barre à rentrée du
grand caveau, au bas de l’escalier ;
5° Un fort grillage au seul jour qui est à l’orient ;
4° Enfin, un autre grillage à la niche à gauche, près de
ce jour, dans laquelle avait été déposé (dans le temps) le
cœur de la reine de France, fille de Stanislas. M. Mique
a été chargé d’ordonner ces travaux.
11 a été apposé des scellés sur le cercueil en plomb,
d’autres scellés sur la clôture extérieure du caveau ; jus
qu'après la confection de ces travaux, il a été placé des
gardiens des scellés.
Dix heures étant sonnées, le Corps municipal et scs
délégués ont assisté au service funèbre, chanté en pré
sence d’un grand concours d’habitants de Nancy et des
environs.
De tout quoi il a été dressé le présent procès-verbal,
déposé au secrétariat de la mairie, ledit jour trois sep
tembre mil huit cent quatorze.
Cejourd’huy dix-sept septembre mil huit cent quatorze.
« Nous officiers et conseillers de l’Hôtel-dc-Ville de
Nancy, délégués par le Corps municipal, accompagnes
de M. Mique, architecte, de M. Bernel, curé de S'-Picrre,
Nous sommes transportés en l’église et caveau de
Bonsecours, à l’effet d’assister aux travaux ordonnés et
détaillés au procès-verbal du 5 de ce mois.
Après avoir examiné les scellés apposés sur la clôture
extérieure dudit caveau, ils ont été trouvés sains cl en
tiers et levés par M. Mande!, le jeune, l’un de nous.
Sommes ensuite descendus dans le caveau ; avons pa
reillement remarqué que les scellés dont était environné
�— 55
le cercueil de plomb, où reposent les dépouilles mortelles
de Stanislas et de sa famille étaient également sains et
entiers, sans aucun bris, altération ni effraction quel
conque.
Les ouvriers ont, en notre présence et sous la direction
de M. Miquc, fixé, scellé et soudé sur la tête du cercueil
en plomb : 1° un coussin avec ses ornements, sur lequel
ont été également assurés ; 2° un sceptre ; 5° un main
de justice, le tout surmonté d’une couronne royale, du
mémo métal.
Ensu'te M. Bernel, curé de Saint-Pierre, nous a re
présenté un cœur en plomb, renfermant celui de Ilenry
de Lorraine, né le 7 may 1602, et mort le 20 avril 1611,
En nous observant que, le 11 juin dernier, on l’avait
provisoirement placé dans l’église, sur le mauzolée de
Stanislas, et cependant avec toutes les sûretés néces
saires, jusqu’à ce qu’il serait possible de le déposer dans
un caveau ; que la relation en avait été faite ledit jour,
11 juin dernier, sur le registre mortuaire de la paroisse
Saint-Pierre de cette ville.
Que ce cœur avait été trouve sous le maitre-autel des
pères Minimes de Nancy, sous une pierre de taille, qui
nous a aussi été représentée cl remise, sur laquelle avons
remarqué le millésime 1611, au bas d’un cœur tracé sur
sa surface ; que M. Michel-Hubert Oudinot a acheté et
recueilli ce cœur et cette boëte.
Nous avons remarqué que cette boëte de plomb porte
pour inscription, d’un côté :
Henrico primogeniti
Excell. Francisci a Lotliar.
Marc h i o n i s Ha ttonis-Castri
Comit. Vadem. et Salm.
tenellum cor.
�De l’autre côté :
Obiil œ latís suœ
Anno 9, 11 kal. may.
4644.
Mondit sieur curé nous a invités à placer ce cœur dans
le caveau ; ce qui a eu lieu au même instant, dans la
niche où avait été déposé celui de Marie Lccszinska, après
avoir fait enchâsser la pierre ci-dessus, au-dessus de la
quelle il est suspendu à l’aide d’un anneau fixé à la partie
supérieure.
A celte niche est placé un grillage en fer, fermant à
clef, dont nous nous sommes saisis, pour être déposée
au secrétariat de l’Hôtel-de-ville.
A la partie extérieure de cette grille, avons, sur une
plaque de plomb, fait graver la même inscription que
celle ci-dessus.
Les ouvriers ont fixé les battants de la porte de fer en
barre, au bas de l’escalier, arrêté et scellé un grand bras
de fer.
Nous avons définitivement clos ledit caveau par ces
portes de fer, fermant, tant à l’aide de ce bras que d’une
forte serrure à clef, qui, réunie à la première ci-dessus
rappelée, ont été déposées audit secrétariat de la mairie.
Le tout après qu’en notre présence les grosses pierres
formant clef de voûte, au-dessus dudit escalier ont été
remises à leur place, ainsi que les marbres qui ornent le
chœur de Bonsecours.
Fait à Nancy, les an, mois et jour susdits, et ont signé
avec nous commissaires délégués, MM. Mique et Bernel.
Mandel.
�— 55 —
Du 42 octobre 4814.
Le Corps municipal de Nancy, extraordinairement as
semblé, et instruit par la voie des journaux, à l’art. Posen, que le général Sokolnicki prétend avoir remporté
de ladite ville de Nancy la dépouille mortelle de Stanislas
le Bienfaisant, roi de Pologne, duc de Lorraine et de
Bar, croit qu’il est important de détruire un fait controuvé, à l’appui duquel il est impossible de présenter
aucun acte authentique.
Chargé par ses attributions de veiller à la garde des
cendres de Stanislas, il ne s’est jamais dessaisi en faveur
de M. Sokolnicki d’un dépôt si cher et si précieux ; il ne
le pouvait pas, et, quand même il n’en eût pas été res
ponsable, la vénération et le respect qui existent à jamais
dans tous les cœurs pour la mémoire d’un prince bien
faiteur des Lorrains, lui eût interdit une démarche en
quelque sorte impie.
Inquiété cependant par l’assurance que M. Sokolnicki
montre dans sa conduite, il s’empressa de visiter en
corps, avec des gens de l’art et en présence d’un grand
nombre de personnes, l’état des lieux où reposent les
cendres de Stanislas ; il fut trouvé tel qu’il avait été cons
taté en 4805, époque où elles avaient été recueillies et
déposées d’une manière authentique dans le caveau de
l’église de Bonsecours.
Après le dernier procès-verbal qu’exigeaient ces bruits
injurieux, semés par l’erreur, le Corps municipal de
Nancy proteste avec vérité contre le fait avancé et soutenu
par M. Sokolnicki.
Il déclare que jamais il ne lui a été abandonné la dé
pouille mortelle de Stanislas, qu’elle n’est pas entre ses
mains, et que les habitants de cette ville ont toujours le
�bonheur de la posséder et d’aller tous les jours lui porter
le tribut de leur reconnaissance et verser des pleurs d’atlendrissemcnt sur la tombe qui la renferme.
Arrête, en conséquence, que la présente délibération
sera adressée à MM. les rédacteurs du Moniteur, du
Journal des Débats, de la Quotidienne et de tous au
tres qui auraient fait ou feraient mention des faits énoncés
en la présente, avec invitation d’en insérer les dispositions
dans un des premiers numéros.
Si fondées qu’elles fussent, les réclamations du Corps
municipal ne furent pas acceptées sur-le-champ par les
journaux de Paris, notamment par le Moniteur, et il
s’engagea, entre le Maire de Nancy et son représentant
à Paris, M. Giroust, avocat, d’une part, et M. Sauvo,
censeur royal, rédacteur en chef de cette feuille, d’autre
part, une correspondance de polémique1, dont nous allons
donner la substance.
Voici d’abord le premier article du Momietir (nn du
G octobre 1814), qui a donné lieu à l’erreur relevée par
la Municipalité de Nancy :
« Pologne.
» Posen, le 8 août.
» Le 5 de ce mois, a eu lieu, dans l’église cathédrale de
1. M. l’abbé Marchai possède, dans sa collection lorraine, cette
correspondance originale de M. Sauvo avec la mairie de Nancy. Il se
rait trop long de transcrire en entier un pareil dossier, et nous nous
contentons de citer ce qui est le plus important. Signalons ici,
pour mémoire, que, dans une lettre, adressée, de Paris, u 18 octobre
1814 h, à M. le Maire de Nancy, et signée u Pour M. Giroust, ab
sent, l’abbé de Champlois i>, se trouve le post scriplum suivant :
n P. S. Je sors des bureaux de l’Université, il n’y a encore rien de
nouveau concernant les facultés en droit et de médecine. »
�— 57
notre ville, la cérémonie funèbre de Stanislas Leszczinski,
roi de Pologne, duc de Lorraine et de Bar, dont la dé
pouille mortelle fut inhumée à côté des deux autres rois
de Pologne, Boleslas Chrobry et Mieczyslow. Cette ac
quisition inappréciable, ainsi que celle d’un drapeau en
voyé par la ville de Dantzig au roi Stanislas, à Lunéville,
pour le régiment de sa garde, sont des souvenirs qui se
ront liés ineffaçablement dans les coeurs des Polonais. Ils
reconnaîtront les services signalés que Son Excellence le
général de division Sokolnicki a déjà rendus en divers
temps à sa patrie ; ses talents militaires, son intégrité,
l’estime des ennemis mêmes qu’il a eu à combattre ne
peuvent qu’honorer notre pays. Lorsque l’existence de la
Pologne sera assurée, le général se réserve de déposer,
sur l’autel de la patrie, le drapeau représentant un aigle
qui, du milieu d’un nuage épais, s’élève jusqu’au soleil,
avec cette inscription latine : Turbine, discusso. par,
summis. ferre, serenum1.
1. Dans une notice sur les drapeaux de N.-D. de Bon-Secours,
insérée dans les journaux de Nancy le 26 juin 1866, on lit :
n Quant au petit drapeau dressé près du mausolée de Stanislas,
n c’est le guidon du régiment des Gardes du Roi de Pologne. II est,
en petit, la représentation exacte du grand drapeau envoyé par la
» ville de Dantzig au même régiment, ou plutôt à Stanislas, à Lunéi! ville. On sait que, après le service solennel célébré à Notre-Dame
n de Bon-Secours pour le Roi et la Reine de Pologne, le 11 juin 1814,
» la ville de Nancy fut forcée, par ordre de l’autorité supérieure,
h d’abandonner le grand drapeau au général Sokolnicki, qui était
« passé par notre ville pour rendre hommage à la mémoire de
n Stanislas et rentrait dans sa patrie avec les cadres de l’armée
h polonaise.
u L’étendard du guidon est en soie brodée à la main. Il est bordé
» d’arabesques qui, aux angles, enroulent, d’un côté, l’écu de clievau lier, avec casque, cuirasse, etc. ; de l’autre, les initiales enlacées
’> S L P L R {Stanislas. Leszczinski. Poloniœ. Lotharingiœ.
�— 38 —
» G’est un trophée acquis sur l’estime des Lorrains
envers les Polonais, et une preuve de leur considération
particulière pour Son Excellence le général Sokolnicki,
à qui ces objets précieux ont été remis solennellement
par les autorités de Nancy, lors de son dernier passage. »
Après plusieurs lettres d’observations, échangées entre
le Maire de Nancy et M. Sauvo, qui disait être instam
ment prié, de la part de plusieurs officiers polonais, de
ne rien changer à la version de l’article qui précède, le
rédacteur en chef adressa enfin au Maire, le 18 octobre,
les explications suivantes :
« Monsieur le Maire,
» Je viens de faire les recherches et les vérifications
dont j’ai eu l’honneur de vous entretenir par ma lettre
d’hier.
» L’article Posen, inséré au n° du Moniteur du 6 de
ce mois, et les deux autres datés de la même ville, qui
ont paru en même temps, m’ont été présentés par des
officiers polonais. J’en ai trouvé la date fort arriérée, et,
sans les avoir refusés, je ne les publiais pas, lorsque la
sœur du général Sokolnicki a fait auprès de moi une dé
marche pressante, et m’a vivement sollicité de publier
ces articles ; ils l’ont été.
h Bex.}, surmontées d’une couronne royale. Le fond de l’étendard est
»» une peinture, également brodée en soie de diverses couleurs. Sur
h le terrain, accidenté de montagnes, se trouve, au premier plan, un
n grand arbre dont la moitié des branches est brisée par la tempête.
h Dans les airs s’élève un aigle couronné, aux ailes déployées,
n qui sort d’un nuage épais et qui dirige son regard et son vol vers
n le soleil brillant et rayonnant au sommet. L’exergue, qui encadre
n la partie supérieure du tableau, porte ces mots : turbine . discusso.
n par . summis . ferre . serenum. Daigne le ciel donner le calme
n après la tempête, n
�— 59 —
» Mais je viens de vérifier qu’il a été commis wne
faule d'impression très-essentielle. Elle justifie, jusqu’à
un certain point, le général Sokolnicki, et elle me parait
apporter beaucoup de changement à l’état de la ques
tion.
» Sur la note manuscrite qui m’a été remise par les
officiers polonais et par la sœur du général, il y avait :
une partie de la dépouille mortelle; ces mots, une
partie, ont été omis à l’impression, il n’est resté que
ceux-ci : la dépouille mortelle; ce qui entraîne l’idée
d’un enlèvement total. Je n’ai point remarqué cette faute,
et je n’ai pu la rectifier le lendemain par un erratum; la
chose n’a fait aucune sensation ici, mais elle a dû en faire
beaucoup à Nancy, et le Corps municipal a dû prendre
son arrêté ; on ne peut trop applaudir au sentiment qui
l’a dicté.
» Mais, après l’explication que je viens de vous don
ner, Monsieur le Maire, cet arrêté peut-il être maintenu
dans la rigueur de scs dispositions et de sa rédaction
contre le général Sokolnicki ? Il est probable que je vais
recevoir de lui une lettre dajis laquelle il relèvera l’erreur
commise, qui a dû être aperçue surtout par lui comme
par vous, Monsieur le Maire, parce que la chose vous in
téresse également.
» Il va m’écrire, dis-je, que les mots : dépouille mor
telle donnent trop d’extension à sa pensée, et qu’il n’a
recueilli qu’wne partie de cette dépouille.
Et ici se présente une autre question, quelle est cette
partie? Le Corps municipal ou toute autre autorité en
ont-ils permis l'enlèvement ou fait la remise au gé
néral? Cette remise a-t-elle eu lieu en même temps que
celle du drapeau dont sa note parle également. 11 y est
�— 40 —
dit que ces objets précieux ont été remis authentique
ment au général Sokolnicki par les autorités de
Nancy lors de son dernier passage; quels sont donc
ces objets précieux? En quoi consistait la partie de la
dépouille importée en Pologne? Quelle est l’autorité qui
en a fait la remise au général Sokolnicki ?
» Vous voyez, Monsieur le Maire, qu’avant de publier
l’arrêté que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de me faire re
mettre par M. Giroust, il convient que le Corps munici
pal que vous présidez prenne connaissance de la présente
lettre, et remette cette affaire dans l’ordre de ses délibé
rations.
» Si le général Sokolnicki n’a, en effet, emporté qu’une
partie de la dépouille mortelle de Stanislas, avec autori
sation des magistrats, sa note est sans reproche, elle est
régulière, et le Moniteur doit réparer son erreur en in
sérant une rectification où l’erreur sera clairement énon
cée, où les intérêts de Nancy seront complètement con
servés et où il sera dit que la ville de Nancy est toujours
en possession des restes précieux du roi dont elle chérit
la mémoire.
»
» Je vous prie à cet égard, Monsieur le Maire, de
compter sur mes soins et sur mon exactitude.
» J’attendrai, Monsieur le Maire, que vous ayez la
bonté de me répondre à ce sujet.
» Je vous prie d’agréer, etc.
» Sauvo. »
Dans une minute de réponse à M. Sauvo, en date du
22 octobre, le Maire déclare que le Conseil municipal ne
peut se déterminer à modifier sa délibération ; qu’une
simple note iïerratum, proposée dans une lettre précé-
�41 —
dente, ne suffirait point à démentir un fait controuvé,
et qu’on ne peut laisser croire à la Pologne et à la
France entière que le Corps municipal aurait pu concé
der au général Sokolnicki la moindre portion d’un dépôt
aussi précieux. Qu’importe, après tout, ajoute le Maire,
dans la même réponse, que le général ait pu se procurer
quelques lambeaux de vêtement de Stanislas. J’ai bien
appris qu’un individu de celte ville, prétendant en possé
der un morceau, avait consenti à le partager ou à l’a
bandonner au général polonais, mais il reste toujours à
savoir jusqu’à quel point on peut ajouter foi à une pa
reille assertion; rien ne prouve que M. Sokolnicki pos
sède réellement quelques débris des vêtements ou osse
ments de la dépouille mortelle de Stanislas, le Corps
municipal ne lui ayant jamais fait aucune concession à
cet égard.
Quant au drapeau dont il est fait mention, nous gar
derons le silence, parce que nous sommes assurés qu’il a
été effectivement abandonné à ce général par une autorité
supérieure*.
Le 2 novembre suivant, M. Sauvo écrivait au Maire :
« Monsieur le Maire,
» L’extrême abondance des matériaux officiels m’a
empêché, jusqu’à ce jour, de donner connaissance de
l’arrêté du Corps municipal de Nancy, mais je ne l’ai
point oublié et je satisferai au désir du Corps municipal
et au vôtre, au premier moment que la chose me sera
possible.
» J’ai l’honneur, etc.
» Sauvo. »
1. Probablement par ordre du comte d’Artois, depuis Charles X.
�—
Nonobstant cette promesse formelle, le Moniteur n’in
séra pas la délibération entière du Conseil municipal ;
mais, à l’occasion du passage de Monsieur, comte d’Ar
tois, il se contenta d’ajouter, dans son n° du 18 novem
bre, les lignes suivantes au récit de l’événement dont il
parle :
« Nous saisissons cette occasion favorable de men
tionner un acte du Corps municipal de Nancy relatif aux
restes du roi Stanislas dont cette ville est demeurée l’ho
norable et fidèle dépositaire. On a lu dans plusieurs jour
naux étrangers et français un article Posen qui tendrait
à faire croire que la ville de Nancy se serait dessaisie de
ce dépôt précieux, qu’un officier polonais aurait remporté
dans sa patrie. Le Corps municipal de Nancy, par arrêté
du 11 octobre dernier, a démenti cette assertion ; il a
déclaré que la vénération et le respect qui existent à ja
mais dans tous les cœurs pour la mémoire d’un prince
bienfaiteur de la Lorraine eussent suffi, indépendamment
de sa responsabilité, pour lui interdire toute démarche
de celte nature ; que l’état des lieux où reposent les cen
dres de Stanislas a été de nouveau vérifié ; qu’il a été
trouvé tel qu’il avait été constaté en 18061, époque où
ces cendres avaient été recueillies et déposées (replacées)
d’une manière authentique dans le caveau de l’église de
Bon-Secours ; que les habitants de cette ville ont tou
jours le bonheur de les posséder et d’aller tous les jours
lui porter le tribut de leur reconnaissance et de leur res
pect religieux. »
1. C’est en 1806 qu’ont été replacés à Bon-Secours les mausolées
du Roi et de la Reine de Pologne; mais il n’y a eu, à cette époque, au
cune reconnaissance de leurs tombeaux ; elle a eu lieu en 1803 et en
1814, comme on l’a vu ci-dessus.
�— 43
Tel est, d’après des documents authentiques, l’exposé
des faits. Il en résulte que le Conseil municipal de Nancy
a montré, dans cette affaire, la plus louable sollicitude
pour sauvegarder l’honneur de la cité et la disculper du
reproche d’ingratitude qu’elle eût mérité. Mais, lors
qu’une erreur s’est propagée, la vérité a de la peine à
reprendre ses droits. Plusieurs Polonais ont persisté à
croire que le corps de Stanislas n’était plus dans notre
ville, mais qu’il avait été transporté à Poscn, à Varsovie
et de là à Saint-Pétersbourg. Ainsi, en 4857, on écrivait
de Lemberg, au czas de Cracovie, que les restes mortels
du roi Stanislas Leszczinski venaient d’être enterrés à
Saint-Pétersbourg. Voici comment le journal et la cor
respondance Ilavas prétendaient expliquer ce fait, qui
leur paraissait à eux-mêmes étrange :
« Lorsque les légions polonaises retournèrent dans leur
pays après la paix de Paris, elles emportèrent de Nancy
les ossements du roi Stanislas pour les déposer dans le
caveau des rois de Pologne. Le cercueil fut déposé au
local de la Société des Amis des Sciences à Varsovie ;
mais l’exécution du projet traîna en longueur, sans doute
parce qu’on attendait un moment plus favorable. Arrivè
rent les années 1850 et 1851, les collections des Amis des
Sciences furent transférées à Saint-Pétersbourg et avec
elles la caisse qui contenait le cercueil du Roi. Ce n’est
que cette année-ci, en déballant les livres, les manuscrits
et autres objets que renfermaient les autres caisses, qu’on
s’aperçut du contenu de celle-là, et qu’on déposa les
restes de Stanislas Leczinski à côté de ceux d’Auguste
Poniatowski. »
Evidemment le prétendu cercueil déposé au local de la
Société des Amis des Sciences de Varsovie ne peut être
�— 44
autre que la caisse où le général Sokolnicki avait en
fermé, lors de son passage à Nancy, les objets que nous
avons mentionnés, et qui ne sont point les restes mortels
de Stanislas. Du reste, les Polonais, qui ont.fait placer
dans l’église de N.-D. de Bon-Secours une inscription1
commémorative de la cérémonie de 1814, ne pensaient
guère emporter et posséder ces restes, puisqu’ils leur
disaient, en pleurant, un éternel adieu.
Henri LEPAGE.
1. En voici la traduction :
A DIEU TRÈS-BON TRÈS-GRAND.
■m
Les débris de l’armée polonaise, ayant cherché par le monde, avec
l’aide des Français, une patrie qu’ils ont méritée par leur persévé
rance et par leur courage, rassemblés par la bienveillance d’ALEXANDRE
le pacificateur, regagnant leurs pénales, sous la conduite de Michel
Sokolnicki, aux cendres de Stanislas Leszcinski père bienfaisant,
bisaïeul du roi très-chrétien, et à cette nation hospitalière, disent en
pleurant un éternel adieu.
Le xi juin 1814.
1
�Sc. par Sébastien Adam.
MAUSOLÉE DE CATHERINE OPALINSKA
REINE DE POLOGNE
Duchesse
de
Lorraine
et
de
Bar.
�D.
0.
M.
A DIEU
TRÈS-BON TRÈS-GRAND.
Hic jacet, Regina coeloRUM AD PEDES,
Ici
repose, aux pieds de la
Reine
des cieux,
Regibus orta atavis avia
Regum Catharina Opalinska, Regina Poloni.®,
Magna Ducissa Lithuanle,
Ducissa Lotharingi.e et
barri , pietate in Deum,
misericordia in pauperes,
morum integritate, et re
gii celsitudine animi supra modum mirabilis, va
ria in fortuna semper eadem, spiritu magno quo
prospera tulit et adversa
vidit ultima, die 19 martii, annosalutis mdccxlvii,
cetatis suce lxvii.
La fille et la mère des rois,
Catherine Opalinska , reine
de Pologne, grande duchesse
de Lithuanie, duchesse de
Lorraine et de Bar, émi
nemment remarquable par sa
piété envers Dieu, sa charité
pour les pauvres, la pureté
de ses mœurs, l’élévation de
son caractère royal, toujours
égale dans l’une et l’autre
fortune ; avec la même gran
deur d’âme qu’elle supporta
la prospérité et l’adversité,
elle vit ses derniers moments,
le 19 mars, l’an de grâce
1747, de son âge 67.
Dulcissimce Conjugi
Stanislaus I. Rex Poi.
Magnus Dux Lith. Dux
Loth. et Barri luctùs sui
et publici monumentum
bene inerenti piè posuit.
Stanislas I, roi de Polo
gne, grand duc de Lithuanie,
duc de Lorraine et de Bar,
a, dans sa piété, élevé ce mo
nument de sa douleur et de
celle de son peuple à qui en
était si digne, son épouse
bien-aimée.
�PREMIÈRE CONSTRUCTION A NANCY d’üNE CHAPELLE EN
L’HONNEUR DE NOTRE-DAME DE BON-SECOURS.
L’église Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours a pour fondateur
RENÉ 11, Roi de Sicile et de Jérusalem, Duc de Lorraine
et de Bar.
Les princes de Lorraine se sont toujours distingués
par leur dévotion envers la sainte Vierge. RENÉ, lors de
la bataille de Nancy1 (1477), se plaça d’une manière
1. La bataille de Nancy, qui a donné naissance à la chapelle de
Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours, est fameuse dans l’histoire, à raison,
�— 48 —
spéciale, lui et ses Etats, sous la protection de la Mère
de Dieu, et, pour le combat, fit marcher en tète de
ses troupes un étendard de satin blanc, sur lequel était
surtout, de ses conséquences. La défaite et la mort de Charles-leTéméraire affermirent, eu effet, la couronne sur la tète du Duc de
Lorraine, et Louis XI, roi de France se trouvait également délivré
du plus redoutable de scs ennenrs. Rappelons le fait, en quelques
mots.
Nancy était assiégé et serré de près par le Duc de Bourgogne, dont
l’injuste ambition ne connaissait plus de bornes. L’excellent Duc de
Lorraine, René II, menacé de la perte de tous ses Etats, veut tenter
un effort suprême. Il raliie a sa cause les Suisses, qu’il avait luimême secourus contre Charles, à la bataille de Morat, et réunissant
toutes ses troupes, il arrive à Saiul-Nicolas-du-Port à deux lieues de
sa capitale, qui l’attend cl compte sur lui. Là, il ne perd point de
temps et prend ses dispositions pour fondre sur l’ennemi et délivrer
sa bonne Ville le lendemain même.
C’était le dimanche, 5 janvier 1477, veille de la fêle des Rois. Dès
le malin, plusieurs messes sont célébrées et chantées en différents
endroits du bourg ; toute l’armée y assiste, puis se met immédiate
ment en marche. Parvenu, vers dix heures, sur la petite hauteur qui
domine le ruisseau d’Heillecourl et le village de Jarville, hauteur ap
pelée aujourd’hui Renémont, le Prince libérateur trace son plan d’at
taque. De son côté, le Duc de Bourgogne, appuyant sa gauche contre
la rivière de Meurlhc et devant le Rupt de Jarville, établit son centre
de bataille et son artillerie sur l’emplacement où s’élève aujourd’hui
Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours. Les ordres étant distribués, l’armée
lorraine, 18 à 20,000 hommes, traverse le premier ruisseau qui
la sépare de l’ennemi, u tous les malchaussés, dit la chronique de
Lorraine, par dessus puisirent pleins leurs souliers, » et va
se porter sur le plateau de la Malgrange qui était alors une ferme.
Là, dit la même chronique de Lorraine, un prêtre Allemand, revêtu
d’un surplis et d’une élole, monte sur un petit tertre pour être mieux
vu et entendu, et tenant entre ses mains une hostie consacrée, il
exhorte les soldats à la confiance, les excite au repentir de leurs fau
tes, et invoque le Dieu des batailles, vengeur du bon droit. Tous
alors, pour témoigner de leurs dispositions chrétiennes, se précipitent
à genoux, et traçant une croix sur la terre blanchie par la- neige, ils
la baisent, et se relèvent pleins de courage et d’espérance. D’après
�— 49 —
peinte une Annonciation. En reconnaissance de la vic
toire qu’il avait remportée sur Charles-le-Téméraire,
les ordres de René, on devait tourner l’ennemi, tout en simulant une
attaque de front, le séparer de l’armée de siège et le surprendre tout à
la fois à dos et en flanc. Charles, avec les 6 ou 8,000 hommes dont il
pouvait seulement disposer en dehors des troupes de siège, avait
voulu, contre l’avis de son conseil, se porter en avant ; il comptait
sur son artillerie, sur les avantages de sa position et sur la valeur bien
connue de ses troupes. Cependant les mouvements de l’armée lor
raine se combinent et s’exécutent rapidement, on s'échelonne le long
du bois de Saurupt, appelé, depuis, bois de Brichambaut, et une
demi-heure ne s’est pas écoulée que, le signal d’attaque étant donné,
la mêlée commence et se poursuit avec acharnement sur le territoire de
Nabécor, au lieu occupé aujourd’hui par le pensionnat des Dames du
Sacré-Cœur. Les chefs des deux partis firent des prodiges d’intrépidité
et d’audace. Charles, après avoir rétabli plusieurs fois le combat, ne put
éviter d’être enveloppé, et voyant la déroute entière de ses soldats,
prit la fuite pour se soustraire à une mort imminente, u Luy, dit
Commines, qui n’avait oncqnes veue la peur au visage, » voulut re
joindre le camp de Bourgogne placé à la Commanderie de Saint-Jean
du Viel-Aitre ; mais en traversant la partie occidentale de l’étang, il
laissa son cheval s’enfoncer dans le marais, et périt misérablement,
percé de plusieurs coups de lance. Le jour commençait abaisser;
René rentrait victorieux dans sa capitale. Pour arc de triomphe et
comme témoignagne de leur fidélité à toute épreuve, les bourgeois de
Nancy dressèrent un trophée singulier avec les os des vils animaux
dont ils s’étaient nourris pendant le siège. Quelques jours après,
René, aussi généreux dans le succès que terrible au combat, allait
jeter de l’eau bénite sur le corps de son infortuné cousin, à qui il fît
ensuite de magnifiques funérailles. —Les détails de celle bataille mémo
rable ont été traités de la manière la plus intéressante par le capitaine
Ferdinand de Lacombe, dans une brochure intitulée Le siège et la
bataille de Nancy, éditée en 1860.
En action de grâces de la victoire, et pour en perpétuer le souve
nir, René avait ordonné, que chaque année, le 5 janvier, se ferait,
dans sa capitale, une procession solennelle suivie d’un Te Deum,
auquel assistaient le souverain et tous les ordres de l’Etat. Dans
cette procession étaient étalés tous les trophées de la victoire ; les
armes du Duc de Bourgogne étaient portées par les plus grands sei-
�Duc de Bourgogne, il érigea une chapelle sous l’invoca
tion de Noslre-Dame de Bon-Secours, et fit don de la
statue qu’on vénère encore aujourd’hui.
Celte statue, presque de grandeur naturelle, est une
vierge auxiliatrice, étendant son manteau protecteur sur
vingt personnages agenouillés, qui élèvent vers elle des
mains suppliantes. Les dix personnages, formant le
groupe de gauche, représentent l’ordre laïc, princes,
magistrats et peuple ; le groupe de droite représente
l’ordre ecclésiastique, cardinaux, évêques, religieux de
différents ordres et même un Pape, qui, peut-être, dans
la pensée du fondateur, était Léon IX, de la famille des
ducs héréditaires de Lorraine, lequel signait Léon, évê
que de Toul et Pape.
La statue commandée par René 11 au sculpteur Mansuy Gauvain, imagier menuisier de Son Altesse, a été
peinte aux frais de Philippe de Gueldres, épouse de ce
prince.
Les Ducs successeurs de René avaient coutume de
placer dans leur palais un tableau de Notre-Dame de
Bon-Secours et faisaient peindre leur propre famille
sous le manteau de la Vierge.
gneurs de la cour : l’épée par M. de Beauvau et le casque par M. de
Gerbéviller.
Quand fut détruite l’église de la collégiale Saint-Georges, où se
célébrait la cérémonie, un grand nombre de Lorrains, disent les
mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de Lorraine, allaient à la messe
à Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours, chapelle érigée par René II sur
le lieu même où les Bourguignons avaient combattu et où ils
étaient enterrés.
�i
SECONDE CONSTRUCTION AJOUTÉE A LA CHAPELLE.
L'affluence toujours croissante des pèlerins, qu’attirait
la réputation des grâces obtenues par ¡’intercession de
Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours, rendit bientôt nécessaire
l’agrandissement de la première chapelle, et, en 1650, le
duc Charles IV1 ajouta à celle-ci une nef de 60 pieds de
longueur.
Déjà, depuis quelques années, le pèlerinage était des
servi par la Congrégation des R. P. Minimes, qui, instal
lés par le Duc Henri II, entendaient les confessions, célé
braient la sainte Messe et acquittaient les fondations déjà
établies soit en faveur du culte, soit en faveur des pauvres.
Ce qui faisait la beauté de ces deux premiers sanc1. u Les grands, fréquents et admirables miracles qui se font en la
Chapelle de Nostre Dame... ladite Chapelle estant trop petite et trop
eslroite, la plupart d’yceux (pèlerins), demeure hors à la porte....
Avons loué et approuvé l’aggrandissement de ladite... afin d'y estre
Dieu beny et servy et sadite Mère honorée, invoquée et révérée... et
ponr attirer les grâces et bénédictions de Dieu snr nous, sur nos
pays et particulièrement sur nostredite ville de Nancy.... «Tiré des
lettres patentes du Duc Charles IV, en date du 29 juin 1629. Voir
Annuaire de la Meurthe, 1852, par H. Lepage, p. 110 et 111.
�tuaires, c’étaient les nombreux cx-voto qui en tapissaient
les murs, ainsi que six drapeaux1 suspendus à la voûte,
trophées des victoires remportées, sur les ennemis du
nom chrétien, par les ducs de Lorraine et dont ceux-ci
faisaient hommage à Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours.
Durant les nombreuses calamités qui affligèrent le
pays sous Charles IV, la ville de Nancy, désolée par la
guerre, la famine et la peste, se consacra, par un vœu2
solennel, à Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours, afin d’obtenir
la cessation du fléau, et recommander à son intercession
puissante ceux qui avaient succombé. Ce vœu fut con
firmé en 1742, à l’érection de la nouvelle église, et le
texte en est gravé sur le marbre qui se trouve placé
contre le pilastrefvis-à-vis la chaire.
1. Quatre de ces drapeaux existent encore aujourd’hui. Ils ont été
pris sur les Turcs, dans les dernières croisades des xvnc et xvm®
siècles, aux journées de Saint-Golhard, 1663, de Mohatz, 1687, de
Péterwaradin, 1716, et de Méradia, 1738.
2. Vœu à la Vierge des Vierges...... O puissante Mère de Dieu !
Moi, ville de Nancy, pour accomplir mon vœu, j’ai fait élever ce mo
nument éternel de ma reconnaissauce envers vous, pour les bienfaits
dont vous m’avez comblée. Ayant depuis longtemps ressenti les effets
de votre puissante protection, je m’étais engagée à votre service ;
mais depuis ces derniers jours, j’ai voulu, comme je le devais,
m’y consacrer encore plus fortement par un vœu solennel ; afin
que quand la justice divine, que rien ne peut arrêter, fait tomber
du ciel sur nous, pour se venger de nos crimes, le terrible fléau de
la peste, vous en arrêtiez le cours, et qu’après avoir apaisé votre di
vin fils (vous seule usez ordinairement en ce cas des droits que vous
donne sur lui la qualité de sa mère), vous désarmiez son bras vengeur.
Pour cela, je ferai monter chaque semaine, à votre autel, un mi
nistre pour vous supplier d’agréer les vœux de mes citoyens, et qui,
le lendemain de votre glorieuse Assomption dans le ciel, priera,
dans un service funèbre, pour ceux que la contagion aura effacés de la
liste de mes habitants.
O Vierge sainte, qui pouvez faire cesser tous les maux, daignez
écouler ma prière, et recevoir favorablement mon vœu.
(Trad. de Lionnais, Hist. de JVancy.)
�TROISIÈME CONSTRUCTION. — ÉGLISE ACTUELLE DE
NOTRE-DAME DE BON—SECOURS.
1758. Cependant l’église et le .couvent de Bon-Secours
étaient des monuments peu dignes de la célébrité Mu pè
lerinage et de la magnificence d'une ville telle que Nancy ;
ils tombaient d’ailleurs de vétusté*. Stanislas releva le
couvent et voulut rebâtir l’église dans une forme et avec
une splendeur qui répondissent à sa piété. Les artistes
1. Les arrangements de la paix de <736 déterminèrent le mariage
de François lit (dernier duc de Lorraine et de Bar, de la famille'des
Habsbourg), avec Marie-Thérèse d'Autriche, fille et héritière de Pern-
�lorrains les plus distingués, les Adam, les Provençal, les
Lamour furent appelés à enrichir le nouveau sanctuaire
de leurs plus belles œuvres de sculpture, de peinture et
de serrurerie, sous la direction de l’architecte Ileré1. En
1741, l’église fut consacrée avec une grande solennité,
en présence du Roi et de la Reine de Pologne, de la cour,
de la magistrature et de la noblesse lorraine.
L’église Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours est bâtie dans le
style de la Renaissance italienne, comme la chapelle du
palais de Versailles, avec une galerie intérieure au pour
tour. Ses murs sont entièrement couverts de stucs, de
peintures et de sculptures dorées. La voûte, restaurée
depuis quelques années, a été peinte par Joseph Gilles,
dit Provençal. La frise de l’entablement, au-dessous de
la galerie, est ornée d’emblèmes sculptés qui symbolisent
les Litanies de la sainte Vierge. Prés du sanctuaire, à
l’un des pilastres qui soutiennent l’entablement, est agra
fée une élégante chaire à prêcher ; les huit autres pilas
tres sont décorés de statues polychrômées2.
pereur Charles VI. D’un autre côté, Stanislas Ier, roi de Pologne et
grand-duc de Lithuanie, donnait la main de sa fille Marie Lesczinska
au roi Louis XV, et recevait, lui, si digne de succéder aux René, aux
Antoine, aux Charles III, aux Charles IV et aux Léopold, le gouver
nement du duché de Lorraine, lequel devait ensuite être uni à la
France. *
1. Par la reconstruction de Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours, Stanislas
accomplissait, du reste, un vœu qu’il avait fait, et il choisit le chœur
de la nouvelle église pour être le lieu de sa sépulture. Pendant les
29 ans que le Roi gouverna la Lorraine, il ne manqua jamais, quelle
que fût la nécessité des affaires, de venir, à Notre-Dame de BonSecours, assister aux offices divins et recevoir la sainte communion,
les jours de fête de la sainte Vierge. (Voir la note de la page 9.)
2. Ces statues, plus grandes que nature, et d’un travail remar
quable, sont : aux pieds-droits de l’arcade triomphale : saint Joseph,
�— 55 —
Au cote gauche de la chaire se trouve l'inscription
commémorative de l'offrande faite à Notre Dame, par le
Due Charles V, d'un drapeau qu'il avait arraché des
mains d'un musulman à la bataille de Saint-Gothard : en
face. le vœu de la ville de Nancy ; puis les inscriptions
rappelant le passage des Polonais en 1814 et 1853.
Dans le sanctuaire, on remarque, en outre de la
statue vénérée de la Vierge, le mausolée1 de la Reine
de Pologne ( 1745 ), chef-d'œuvre de Nicolas-Sébas
tien Adam : le mausolée5 du Roi (1766), sculpté par
partant Fenfant Jésus sur son bras, et saint Jean Népomucène, mar
tyr de la confession (1330), patron de la Bohème et en grande vé
nération dans la Pologne ; dans la nef, sainte Reine, patronne de la
Boursosne : saint Gaétan, héros de la chanté, en Italie, au xvne
siècle ; saint François-Xavier, apôtre des Indes et du Japon ; saint
Antoine de Padoue, de l’ordre des Frères-Mineurs ; saint François
de Paule, fondateur des Minimes : et saint Michel-Archange, terras
sant le serpent infernal et pesant les âmes au Jugement dernier, em
blèmes sous lesquels il est représenté à l'entrée de la plupart des an
ciennes basiliques.
1. La pyramide du mausolée de Catherine Opalinska, reine de
Pologne, duchesse de Lorraine et de Bar, est surmontée de ses armes,
qui sont comme celles du Roi son époux, les armes ordinaires des
rois de Pologne, dues de Lithuanie, avec l’écusson de Notre-Dame
de Bon-Secours placé sur le tout, c’est à-dire, d'azur, au vaisseau vo
guant, d’argent. (Voir la fin de la notice.)
2. Les armes du Roi Stanislas, duc de Lorraine et de Bar, sur
montent aussi ¡a pyramide de son tombeau. Elles se composent
(comme il était d’usage, pour les Rois ses prédécesseurs), des quar
tiers de Pologne et de Lithuanie, et sur le tout, l’écusson des armes
de sa familie. Ainsi l'écu est : écartelé au 1er et 4e, de gueules, à
l’aigle éployé d’argent, becqué, langué, membré et couronné d’or,
qui est de Pologne ; au 2e et 3e, de gueules, au cavalier d'argent,
tenant de la main droite une épée de même, et de la gauche un
bouclier d’azur charge d’une croix patriarchale d’or, qui est du grand
�— 56
Vassé et Lecomte ; enfin les deux petits monuments,
renfermant, l’un, le cœur de Marie Lesczinska, fille de
Stanislas et épouse de Louis XV, l’autre, les restes du
Duc d’Ossolinski.
Le pèlerinage fut de plus en plus florissant jusqu’à
l’époque de la Révolution de 4789. Lorsque, dans les
jours de fête, ou dans les intervalles de la cessation des
travaux de la campagne, il se joignait à l’affluence ordi
naire le concours simultané de quelques paroisses de la
Montagne, (ce qu’on appelait vulgairement la descente des
Vosges), alors les auberges du faubourg Saint-Pierre
devenaient insuffisantes au logement de la foule, et, pour
le repos de la nuit, on étendait de la paille devant l’église
et entre les contreforts collatéraux.
Aux plus mauvais jours de la Terreur, le recours à
duché de Lithuanie ; sur le tout,
d’or, au rencontre de buffle de sa
ble, bouclé de même, qui est de
Lesczinski.
Quelquefois on rencontre l’écu de
Stanislas, écartelé de Pologne, de Li
thuanie, de Lorraine et de Bar, et sur
le tout l’écusson de Sa Maison. En
ce cas, il est : écartelé, au 1er, de
gueules, à l’aigle éployé, d’argent,
... couronné d’or; au 2e, de gueules,
au cavalier d’argent, armé d’une épée, de même et portant un bou
clier d’azur chargé d’une croix palriarchale d’or ; au 3e, d’or, à
la bande de gueules, chargée de 3 alérions d’argent ; au 4e d'azur,
semé de croix recroisetées, au pied liché d’or, et deux Bars adossés
de même ; sur le tout, d’or, au rencontre de buffle de sable, bouclé
de même.
�— 57 —
l’intercession de Notre-Dame était encore populaire et
empressé, puisque, en 1795. une nouvelle édition de la
neuvainc à Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours s'imprimait à
Nancy.
Maïs ni la vénération publique attachée au pieux sanc
tuaire, ni le respect des chefs-d’œuvre d’art qu'il conte
nait, ne pouvaient suffire à le sauver des coups et delà rage
des démolisseurs. Condamné, à raison des souvenirs de
royauté qu’il rappelait, l'édifice fut vendu ; les sépultures
de Stanislas et de son épouse furent violées et pillées.
Déjà on avait arraché les grilles intérieures ; une des sta
tues avait été abattue, les autres mutilées, l'œuvre géné
rale de destruction avait commencé pendant une nuit,
lorsque le cri d'alarme fut jeté dans la ville dès le malin
et excita un soulèvement populaire en faveur de Bon-Se
cours. En présence de cette manifestation, le district
envoya deux officiers municipaux pour rassurer le peuple
et lui déclarer que. puisque telle était sa volonté, le con
trat de vente serait résilié et l'église conservée. (Voir
page 12.
Aussitôt que l'aurore de meilleurs jours se leva pour
la France, les pertes du sanctuaire se rouvrirent aux fiois
du peuple qui venait demander à Dieu, par l’intercession
de h sainte Vierge, le pardon et la paix.
Après le Concordat, (1805J, le conseil municipal et la
magi^rMnre de Nancy vinrent, comme fl a été dit
précédemment, reconnaître les dépouillés royales du
eaveau. — MM. les curés de la paroisse Saint-Pierre,
qui étaient alors administrateurs de Notre-Dame de
Bon-Secours, déployèrent, avec le concours de Ma
dame de Bourgogne, d'honorable mémoire, le plus grand
zélé pour réparer les dégradations et rétablir I édifice dans
un eut aussi convenable que possible.
�— 58
En 1814, Monsieur, comte d’Artois, depuis, Charles X,
— en 1828, Madame la Dauphine, fille de Louis XVI, —
et en 1851, le Roi Louis-Philippe, sont venus, en visite
solennelle, prier dans l’église Notre-Dame de BonSecours.
En 1841, fut établie, près de l’église et sous le titre
ecclésiastique de Collégiale de Notre-Dame de Bon-Se
cours, la maison de retraite des prêtres du diocèse, les
quels, ayant rang de chanoines honoraires, devaient des
servir le pèlerinage.
En 1844, Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours, tout en conser
vant les avantages précédents, fut érigée en église parois
siale ; mesure importante qui assurait à l’édifice une
existence légale et des moyens de conservation. Dès lors,
on put entreprendre sérieusement la restauration d’un
monument également cher à la religion, aux arts et à
l’histoire, et lui rendre, à l’aide des pieuses largesses des
fidèles, une partie de son ancienne splendeur.
1854. Le 50 juillet, une foule considérable et pieuse se
presse dans l’intérieur et aux abords de Notre-Dame de
Bon-Secours, pour demander à Dieu par l’intercession
de Marie, secours des chrétiens^ la cessation du choléra,
dans des prières publiques présidées par Msr Mcnjaud,
évêque de Nancy et de Toul.
En 4859, M. le Baron de Méneval, alors ministre plé
nipotentiaire de France près la cour de Bavière1, ayant
perdu son épouse après quelques jours de maladie, vou
lut, en mémoire de l’affection de la défunte pour le sanc1. Entré depuis dans les ordres sacrés.
�uaire de Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours, se charger de
¡’ornementation complète de la chapelle des fonts baptis
maux, et il y plaça un monument funèbre sculpté par
Jouffroy, membre de l’institut.
1862. Les murs de la nef s’enrichissent d’un chemin
le croix en émail et bronzes dorés, du plus gracieux
effet.
1865. Par un Bref du 27 mai 1864, le Souverain-Pon
tife Pie IX avait décidé qu’une couronne, dont sa Sainteté
Elle-même faisait présent, serait placée solennellement
sur la tête de la statue vénérée de Notre-Dame de BonSecours de Nancy. Lorsque la réédification du chœur de
l’Eglise sur ses premiers fondements1 fut terminée, et
après l’entier achèvement de la niche de la Vierge, la cé
rémonie du couronnement fut célébrée avec le plus grand
éclat par S. Em. le cardinal archevêque de Besançon,
assisté de N N. SS. les évêques de Nancy et de Metz. Les
décorations de verdure et d’emblèmes qui pavoisaient
toutes les maisons du faubourg Saint-Pierre, dix arcs
de triomphe d’une élégance majestueuse, un immense
1. Le chevet du chœur de l’église de Bon-Secours avait été dé
moli quelques années avant la Révolution, pour bâtir, à sa place et en
prolongement, la chapelle des Dames chanoinesses, transférées de
Bouxières à Nancy, puis le projet de prolongement fut abandonné. Ce
fut seulement en 1806 que l’on reconstruisit, en simples moellons, et
dans de moindres proportions, ce qui avait été renversé. Cettepartie du
chœur, grâces au don du terrain et à des avances d’argent faits par
MM. Saladin, voisins de l’église, a été agrandie et réédifiée, de
puis quelques années, en pierres de taille comme elle était ancien
nement. La niche de la Vierge et l’ornementation générale de l’ab
side sont dues à M. Jules Laurent, architecte, statuaire, qui, sous la
direction de M. Morey, architecte de la Ville, a déployé dans les tra
vaux autant de zèle que de talent.
�concours de prêtres et de fidèles, ont fait de cette céré
monie et de la procession qui l’a précédée, une des
plus belles manifestations religieuses qu’on ait vues de
notre temps.
1866. Du 23 février, anniversaire centenaire de la mort
de Stanislas le Bienfaisant, au 4 mars, époque où ses res
tes ont été déposés dans le caveau royal, une affluence
considérable est venue prier devant le tombeau du Roi.
Tout le chœur et une grande partie de la nef étaient revê
tus de tentures noires et violettes, ornées de nombreux
écussons aux armes du roi de Pologne. Le 4 mars, l’édilité nancéienne, l’élite de la population, le collège de
la Malgrange, un grand nombre de Polonais, assistaient
à un service très-solennel, présidé par M-r Lavigeric, et
témoignaient ainsi du pieux souvenir, que les qualités et
les bienfaits du dernier duc de Lorraine avaient gravé
dans tous les cœurs.
La même année 4866, à l’occasion des fêtes commémo
ratives1 de l’annexion de la Lorraine à la France, le por1. La sonnerie de Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours avait été complé
tée pour l’époque de ces fêles. La cloche qui a eu pour parrain et
marraine (7 septembre 1741) le Roi et la Reine de Pologne, et qui
pèse environ trois cents kilogr., ayaut été heureusement conservée
pendant la Révolution, deux autres plus petites y avaient été ajoutées
en 1810 (données par MM. Bernel et de Bourgogne). Neuf cloches
nouvelles, s’harmonisant avec le ton des premières, ont été fournies,
dans ces dernières années, par M. Perrin-Martin, fondeur à Robécourt
(Vosges) ; la plus forte sonne le mi-bémol et pèse mille quarante kilo
grammes ; la plus petite ne pèse que quarante-cinq kilogrammes.
Celle-ci, fondue seulement en 1867, porte pour toute inscription :
Pie IX, Pape; Napoléon III, Empereur; J.-A. Foulon, Evêque; Podevin, Préfet; A. Buquet, Maire de Nancy; Gouy de Bcllock, Maire de
Jarville; Saladin, Président du Conseil de fabrique; Morel, Curé;
Genet, Trésorier; Lebon, Chanoine; Marquis de Vaugiraud ; Ilenrion,
Secrétaire; Gucrquin, Vicaire. Un clavier de 12 notes est disposé pour
les carillons.
�— 61
tail et Vintérieur de l’Eglise étaient décorés d’oriflammes
et de guirlandes de fleurs. C’est le 17 juillet que S. M.
l'impératrice Eugénie, accompagnée de Son Altesse le
Prince Impérial, est venue faire son pèlerinage à la Vierge
vénérée des Lorrains.
L’année suivante, le 22 octobre 1867, Bon-Secours
recevait également dans son enceinte d’augustes visiteurs,
Sa Majesté l’Empereur François-Joseph d’Autriche, ac
compagnée des deux Archiducs ses frères.
Avant l’hiver de la même année 1867, MM. Ledru et
de Bournonville ont appliqué avec succès à l’église
Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours leur système de calorifère.
Ainsi, avec des frais relativement minimes, une seule
bouche de chaleur, ouverte derrière le rideau du sanc
tuaire, chauffe les sept mille mètres cubes d’air que me
sure l’église. Le foyer du calorifère, construit contre le
chœur, est couvert par un petit bâtiment en pierres de
taille, qui donne en meme temps un local pour le place
ment des ex-voto.
En ce moment, janvier 1869, M. Çuviller, fils, cons
truit, â la tribune de Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours, un
orgue de 16 pieds, entièrement neuf. La soufflerie, établie
dans un étage supérieur, est à différentes pressions et
à deux réservoirs ; elle donne deux mille litres d’air.
L’orgue a 40 jeux complets, savoir : 12 jeux au grand
orgue, 10 au positif, 11 au récit avec boite d’expression,
et 7 à la pédale.
Enfin, dans le cours de 1869, doivent être posés les
deux grands vitraux, donnés, pour le chœur de Notre-
�— 62 —
Dame de Bon-Secours, par LL. MM. l’Empereur et l’im
pératrice. Ces vitraux, accordés à la recommandation de
M. l’abbé de Méneval et en souvenir du pèlerinage de
S. M. l’impératrice Eugénie et de S. A. le Prince Impé
rial, ont été confiés par l’initiative de S. M. l’impéra
trice1, au talent de M. Maréchal, de Metz, et sont aujour
d’hui en voie d’exécution. Comme, de temps immémo
rial, à Nancy, les jeunes époux, immédiatement après la
cérémonie de leur mariage, viennent à Bon-Secours prier
la sainte Vierge de protéger leur union ; comme, d’un
autre côté, les enfans de la ville et des campagnes envi
ronnantes viennent aussi, le lendemain de leur première
communion, se consacrer à Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours,
les sujets des deux vitraux ont été choisis comme mé
morial de ces pieux et antiques usages, et ils repré
sentent, l’un, le mariage de la sainte Vierge, l’autre,
la Présentation de Jésus au Temple.
Ainsi, chaque année apporte son hommage de vénéra
tion et son tribut d’offrandes à un sanctuaire qui, au point
de vue des arts et des souvenirs nationaux, comme au
point de vue de la dévotion envers la sainte Vierge, est
une gloire de la Lorraine.
1. Aussitôt que M. le Bon Buquet, Maire de Nancy et Député, eut
appris la faveur Impériale, il s’empressa d’aller remercier S. M. l’im
pératrice. Sa Majesté, voyant arriver M. Buquet, le prévint et lui dit :
u Eh bien, M. Buquet, je viens d’accorder des vitraux à votre église
de Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours.—Je le sais, Madame, répondit
M. le Baron, et je venais en témoigner ma reconnaissance à Votre
Majesté. — Je désire, reprit l'impératrice, que le travail en soit
confié à M. Maréchal. — Madame, répondit M. Buquet, les désirs de
Votre Majesté sont des ordres ; que Votre Majesté me permette
d’ajouter que rien ne pouvait nous être plus agréable que le choix de
l’artiste désigné par Elle. »
�C’est René II qui a blasonné sous l’écusson de Lorraine les huit
quartiers des alliances de Sa Maison, et qui a ainsi fixé les armes
pleines de Lorraine.
parti de trois et coupé d’un, qui font
8 quartiers : 4 royaumes et 4 duchés ;
au l‘r, burrelé d’argent et de gueules
de 8 pièces, qui est de Hongrie ; —
au 2e, semé de France, au lambel de
gueules, qui est de Naples Sicile ; —
au 3e, d’argent, à la croix potencée
d’or et cantonnée de 4 croiseltes de
même, qui est de Jérusalem ; — au
4e, d’or à 4 pals de gueules, qui est
d’Arragon ; — au 5e, semé de France
à la bordure de gueules, qui est d’Aojou ; — au 6e, d’azur au lion
contourné d’or, armé, lampassé et couronné de gueules, qui est de
Gueldres ; — au 7e, d’or, au lion de sable, arme et lampassé de
gueules, qui est de Juliers ; - au 8«, d’azur, semé de croix recroiselées au pied fiché d’or et deux bars adosses de meme, qui est de
Bar ; sur le tout, d’or, à la bande de gueules, chargée de 3 alenons
d’argent, qui est de Lorraine.
Après sa victoire sur le duc de Bourgogce, René récompensa di
gnement les capitaines et les soldats qui avaient si vaillamment com
battu pour lui. Les villages de Laneuveville, Villers, Laxou et la
contrée du Vermois, - six villages - furent exempts de tailles
pour douze ans.
,
Quant à sa bonne ville de Nancy, non seulement il fil bâtir près de
son enceinte la chapelle de Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours, témoin de
sa valeur, mais il confirma ses privilèges, augmenta scs exemptions
.Uiivm des lettres d’affranchissement à ses bourgeois, et donna a la
�fidélité constante des habitants, permit à la ville de surmonter ses
armes de l’écusson même de Lorraine.
Ainsi les armes de Nancy sont :
d’argent, au chardon ligé, arraché et
verdoyant, arrangé de deux feuilles
piquantes au naturel, à la fleur purpu
rine, et en chef, d’or, à la bande de
gueules, chargées de 3 alérions d’ar
gent.
Comme nous l’avons dit dans la note de la page 55, les armes de
l’église Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours sont :
d’azur, au vaisseau voguant, d'argent.
Ces dernières armes sont attribuées
en effet à l’église Notre-Dame de BonSecours, parce qu’elles symbolisent la
bataille navale de Lépaute, après la
quelle l’invocation Auxilium Christianorum, ora pro nobis, secours
des chrétiens, ou Notre-Dame de
Bon-Secours, priez pour nous, a
été ajoutée aux litanies de la sainte
Vierge par le Pape saint Pie V, en
1571. On ne sait pas si les paroles en étaient inscrites sur quelque
monument dans l’ancienne chapelle de Bon-Secours ; mais, dès 1742,
elles étaient gravées au couronnement qui surmonte le tableau du
vœu de Nancy, et elles sont devenues l’invocation habituelle des
fidèles qui viennent prier dans l’église de Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours.
Notre Dame de Bon-Secours, priez pour nous.
Nancy. — lmp. de A. Lepage, Grande-Rue (Ville-Vieille), 14.
�
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Title
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Victorian Blogging
Description
An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
Date
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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Pamphlet
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Title
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Les caveaux de Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours proces-verbaux de 1803 & 1814 relatifs a la conservations des restes mortels de Stanislas, suivis d'une petit notice sur l'eglise
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Lepage, Henri
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: Nancy
Collation: 64 p. : ill. ; 21 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Includes bibliographical references.
Publisher
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A. Lepage
Date
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1868
Identifier
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G5567
Subject
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Poland
History
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<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (Les caveaux de Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours proces-verbaux de 1803 & 1814 relatifs a la conservations des restes mortels de Stanislas, suivis d'une petit notice sur l'eglise), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
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application/pdf
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Text
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French
Church of Notre-Dame de Bon-Secours
Conway Tracts
King of Poland
Nancy
Stanislaw Leszczynski
-
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Text
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When Hotspur treads the stage with passionate grace, the spectator
hardly dreams of the fact that the princely original lived, paid taxes,
and was an active man of his parish, in Aldersgate Street. There,
however, stood the first Northumberland House. By the ill-fortune
of Percy it fell to the conquering side in the serious conflict in which
Hotspur was engaged; and Henry the Fourth made a present of it
to his queen, Jane. Thence it got the name of the Queen’s Wardrobe.
Subsequently it was converted into a printing office; and, in the
course of time, the first Northumberland House disappeared altogether.
In Fenchurch Street, not now a place wherein to look for nobles,
the great Earls of Northumberland were grandly housed in the
time of Henry the Sixth; but vulgar citizenship elbowed the earls
too closely, and they ultimately withdrew from the City. The deserted
mansion and grounds were taken possession of by the roysterers.
Dice were for ever rattling in the stately saloons. Winners shouted
for joy, and blasphemy was considered a virtue by the losers. As
for the once exquisite gardens, they were converted into bowlinggreens, titanic billiards, at which sport the gayer City sparks breathed
themselves for hours in the summer time. There was no place of
entertainment so fashionably frequented as this second Northumber
land House; but dice and bowls were at length to be enjoyed in
more vulgar places, and “ the old seat of the Percys was deserted by
fashion.” On the site of mansion and gardens, houses and cottages
were erected, and the place knew its old glory no more. So ended
the second Northumberland House.
While the above mansions or palaces were the pride of all
Londoners and the envy of many, there stood on the strand of the
Thames, at the bend of the river, near Charing Cross, a hospital and
chapel, whose founder, William Marshal, Earl of Pembroke, had
dedicated it to St. Mary, and made it an appanage to the Priory of
Boncesvalle, in Navarre. Hence the hospital on our river strand
was known by the name of “ St. Mary Rouncivall.” The estate went
the way of such property at the dissolution of the monasteries; and
the first lay proprietor of the" forfeited property was a Sir Thomas
Cawarden. It was soon after acquired by Henry Howard, Earl of
Northampton, son of the first Earl of Surrey. Howard, early in
the reign of James the First, erected on the site of St. Mary’s
Hospital a brick mansion which, under various names, has developed
�190
NOKTIIUMBEELAND HOUSE AND THE PEECYS.
into that third and present Northumberland House which is about to
fall under pressure of circumstances, the great need of London* and
the argument of half a million of money.
Thus the last nobleman who has clung to the Strand, which, on
its south side, was once a line of palaces, is about to leave it for ever.
The bishops were the first to reside on that river-bank outside the
City walls. Nine episcopal palaces were once mirrored in the then
clear waters of the Thames. The lay nobles followed, when they
felt themselves as safe in that fresh and healthy air as the prelates.
The chapel of the Savoy is still a royal chapel, and the memories of
time-honoured Lancaster and of John, the honest King 'of France,
still dignify the place. But the last nobleman who resided so far
from the now recognised quarters of fashion is about to leave what has
been the seat of the Howards and Percys for nearly three centuries,
and the Strand will be able no longer to boast of a duke. It will
still, however, possess an English earl; but he is only a modest
lodger in Norfolk Street.
When the Duke of Northumberland goes from the Strand, there
goes with him a shield with very nearly nine hundred quarterings;
and among them are the arms of Henry the Seventh, of the sovereign
houses of France, Castile, Leon, and Scotland, and of the ducal
houses of Normandy and Brittany I Nunquam minus solus quam
cum solus, might be a fitting motto for a nobleman who, when he
stands before a glass, may see therein, not only the Duke, but also the
Earl of Northumberland, Earl Percy, Earl of Beverley, Baron Lovaine
of Alnwick, Sir Algernon Percy, Bart., two doctors (LL.D, and D.C.L.)
a colonel, several presidents, and the patron of two-and-twenty livings.
As a man who deals with the merits of a book is little or nothing
concerned with the binding thereof, with the water-marks, or with
the printing, but is altogether concerned with the life that is within,
thatjs, with the author, his thoughts, and his expression of them, so,
in treating of Northumberland House, we care much less for notices
of the building than of its inhabitants—less for the outward aspect
than for what has been said or done beneath its roof. If we look
with interest at a mere wall which screens from sight the stage
of some glorious or some terrible act, it is not for the sake of the
wall or its builders: our interest is in the drama and its actors.
Who cares, in speaking of Shakespeare and Hamlet, to know the
name of the stage carpenter at the Globe or the Blackfriars ? Suffice
it to say, that Lord Howard, who was an amateur architect of some
merit, is supposed to have had a hand in designing the old house in
the Strand, and that Gerard Christmas and Bernard Jansen are
said to have been his “ builders.” Between that brick house and the
present there is as much sameness as in the legendary knife which,
after having had a new handle, subsequently received in addition a
�NORTHUMBERLAND HOUSE AND THE PERCYS.^lOT
new blade. The old house occupied three sides of a square. The
fourth side, towards the river, was completed in the middle of the
Seventeenth century. The portal retains something of the old work,
but so little as to he scarcely recognisable, except to professional eyes.
From the date of its erection till 1614 it bore the name of
Northampton House. In that year it passed by will from Henry
Howard, Lord Northampton, to his nephew, Thomas Howard, Earl of
Suffolk, from whom it was called Suffolk House. In 1642, Elizabeth,
daughter of Theophilus, second Earl of Suffolk, married Algernon
Percy, tenth Earl of Northumberland, and the new master gave his
name to the old mansion. The above-named Lord Northampton was
the man who has been described as foolish when young, infamous
when old, an encourager, at threescore years and ten, of his niece,
the infamous Countess of Essex; and who, had he lived a few months
longer, would probably have been hanged for his share, with that niece
and others, in the mysterious murder of Sir Thomas Overbury. Thus,
the founder of the house was noble only in name; his successor and
nephew has not left a much more brilliant reputation. He was con
nected, with his wife, in frauds upon the King, and was fined heavily.
The heiress of Northumberland, who married his son, came of a
noble but ill-fated race, especially after the thirteenth Baron Percy
was created Earl of Northumberland in 1377. Indeed, the latter title
had been borne by eleven persons before it was given to a Percy, and
by far the greater proportion of the whole of them came to grief. Of
one of them it is stated that he (Alberic) was appointed Earl in
1080, but that, proving unfit for the dignity, he was displaced, and a
Norman bishop named in his stead! The idea of turning out from
high estate those who were unworthy or incapable is one that might
suggest many reflections, if it were not scandalum magnatum to
make them.
In the chapel at Alnwick Castle there is displayed a genealogical
tree. At the root of the Percy branches is “ Charlemagne ”; and
there is a sermon in the whole, much more likely to scourge pride
than to stimulate it, if the thing be rightly considered. However this
may be, the Percys find their root in Karloman, the Emperor, through
Joscelin of Louvain, in this way: Agnes de Percy was, in the
twelfth century, the sole heiress of her house. Immensely rich, she
had many suitors. Among these was Joscelin, brother of Godfrey,
sovereign Duke of Brabant, and of Adelicia, Queen Consort of Henry
the First of England. Joscelin held that estate at Petworth which
has not since gone out of the hands of his descendants. This princely
suitor of the heiress Agnes was only accepted by her as husband on
condition of his assuming the Percy name. Joscelin consented; but
he added the arms of Brabant and Louvain to the Percy shield, in
order that, if succession to those titles and possessions should ever be
�192
NORTHUMBERLAND HOTSE AND THE PERCYS.
stopped for want of an heir, his claim might be kept in remembrance.
Now, this Joscelin was lineally descended from “ Charlemagne,^ and,
therefore, that greater name lies at the root of the Percy pedigree,
which glitters in gold on the walls of the ducal chapel in the castle
at Alnwick.
Very rarely indeed did the Percys, who were the earlier Earls of
Northumberland, die in their beds. The first of them, Henry, was
slain (1407) in the fight on Bramham Moor. The second, another
Henry (whose father, Hotspur, was killed in the hot affair near
Shrewsbury), lies within St. Alban’s Abbey Church, having poured
out his lifeblood in another Battle of the Boses, fought near that
town named after the saint. The blood of the third Earl helped to
colour the roses, which are said to have grown redder from the gore
of the slain on Towton’s hard-fought field. The forfeited title was
transferred, in 1465, to Lord John Nevill Montagu, great Warwick’s
brother; but Montagu soon lay among the dead in the battle near
Barnet. The title was restored to another Henry Percy, and that
unhappy Earl was murdered, in 1489, at his house, Cocklodge, near
Thirsk. In that fifteenth century there was not a single Earl of
Northumberland who died a peaceful and natural death.
In the succeeding century the first line of Earls, consisting of six
Henry Percys, came to an end in that childless noble whom Anne
Boleyn called “ the Thriftless Lord.” He died childless in 1537. He
had, indeed, two brothers, the elder of whom might have succeeded to
the title and estates; but both brothers, Sir Thomas and Sir Tngram,
had taken up arms in the “ Pilgrimage of Grace.” Attainder and
forfeiture were the consequences; and in 1551 Northumberland was
the title of the dukedom conferred on John Dudley, Earl of Warwick,
who lost the dignity when his head was struck off at the block, two
years later.
Then the old title, Earl of Northumberland, was restored in 1557,
to Thomas, son of that attainted Thomas who had joined the
“ Pilgrimage of Grace.” Ill-luck still followed these Percys. Thomas
was beheaded—the last of his house who fell by the hands of the
executioner—in 1572. His brother and heir died in the Tower in
1585.
None of these Percys had yet come into the Strand. The brick
house there, which was to be their own through marriage with an
heiress, was built in the lifetime of the Earl, whose father, as just
mentioned, died in the Tower in 1585. The son, too, was long a
prisoner in that gloomy palace and prison. While Lord Northampton
was laying the foundations of the future London house of the Percys
in 1605, Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, was being carried into
durance. There was a Percy, kinsman to the Earl, who was mixed
up in the Gunpowder Plot. Eor no other reason than relationship
�WOBTHUMBEKBEND HOUSE AND THE PEBCYS? 193
with the conspiring Percy the Earl was shut up in the Tower for
life, as his sentence ran, and he was condemned to pay a fine of thirty
thousand pounds. The Earl ultimately got off with fifteen years’ im
prisonment and a fine of twenty thousand pounds. He was popularly
known as the Wizard Earl, because he was a studious recluse,
company ing only with grave scholars (of whom there were three,
known as “ Percy’s Magi ”), and finding relaxation in writing rhymed
■satires against the Scots.
There was a stone walk in the Tower which, having been paved by
the Earl, was known during many years as “ My Lord of Northumber
land’s Walk.” At one end was an iron shield of his arms; and holes
in which he put a peg at every turn he made in his dreary exercise.
One would suppose that the Wizard Earl would have been very
grateful to the man who restored him to liberty. Lord Hayes
(Viscount Doncaster) was the man. He had married Northumber
land’s daughter, Lucy. The marriage had excited the Earl’s anger,
as a low match, and the proud captive could not u stomach ” a benefit
for which he was indebted to a son-in-law on whom he looked down.
This proud Earl died in 1632. Just ten years after, his son, Algernon
Percy, went a-wooing at Suffolk House, in the Strand. It was then
inhabited by Elizabeth, the daughter and heiress of Theophilus, Earl
of Suffolk, who had died two years previously, in 1640. Algernon
Percy and Elizabeth Howard made a merry and magnificent wedding
of it, and from the time they were joined together the house of the
bride has been known by the bridegroom’s territorial title of Northum
berland.
The street close to the house of the Percys, which we now know
as Northumberland Street, was then a road leading down to the
Thames, and called Hartshorn Lane. Its earlier name was Christopher
Alley. At the bottom of the lane the luckless Sir Edmundsbury
Godfrey had a stately house, from which he walked many a time and
oft to his great wood wharf on the river. But the glory of Hartshorn
Lane was and is Ben Jonson. No one can say where rare Ben was
born, save that the posthumous child first saw the light in Westmin
ster. “Though,” says Fuller, “I cannot, with all my industrious
inquiry, find him in his cradle, I can fetch him from his long coats.
When a little child he lived in Hartshorn Lane, Charing Cross, where
his mother married a bricklayer for her second husband.” Mr. Fowler
was a master bricklayer, and did well with his clever stepson. We
can in imagination see that sturdy boy crossing the Strand to go to his
school within the old church of St. Martin (then still) in the Fields.
Kt is as easy to picture him hastening of a morning early to Westmin
ster, where Camden was second master, and had a keen sense of the
stuff that was in the scholar from Hartshorn Lane. Of all the
figures that flit about the locality, none attracts our sympathies so
von. xxxviii.
o
�194 NORTHUMBERLAND HOUSE AND THE PERCYS.
warmly as that of the boy who developed into the second dramatic
poet of England.
Of the countesses and duchesses of this family, the most singular
was the widow of Algernon, the tenth Earl. In her widowhood she
removed from the house in the Strand (where she had given a home
not only to her husband, but to a brother) to one which occupied the
site on which White’s Club now stands. It was called Suffolk
House, and the proud lady thereof maintained a semi-regal state
beneath the roof and when she went abroad. On such an occasion
as paying a visit, her footmen walked bareheaded on either side of
her coach, which was followed by a second, in which her women were
seated, like so many ladies in waiting! Her state solemnity went so
far that she never allowed her son Joscelin’s wife (daughter of an
Earl) to be seated in her presence—at least till she had obtained per
mission to do so.
Joscelin s wife was, according to Pepys, “ a beautiful lady indeed.”
They had but one child, the famous heiress, Elizabeth Percy, who at
four years of age was left to the guardianship of her proud and wicked
old grandmother. Joscelin was dead, and his widow married Ralph,
afterwards Duke of Montague. The old Dowager Countess was a
matchmaker, and she contracted her granddaughter, at the age of twelve,
to Cavendish, Earl of Ogle. Before this couple were of age to live
together Ogle died. In a year or two after, the old matchmaker
engaged her victim to Mr. Thomas Thynne, of Longleat; but the
young lady had no mind to him. In the Hatton collection of manu
scripts there are three letters addressed by a lady of the Brunswick
family to Lord and Lady Hatton. They are undated, but they con
tain a curious reference to part of the present subject, and are
thus noticed in the first report of the Royal Com-mission
on Historical Manuscripts : “ Mr. Thinn has proved his marriage
with Lady Ogle, but she will not live with him, for fear of
being ‘rotten before she is ripe.’ Lord Suffolk, since he lost
his wife and daughter, lives with his sister, Northumberland.
They have here strange ambassadors—one from the King of Fez, the
other from Muscovett. All the town has seen the last; he goes to
the play, and stinks so that the ladies are not able to take their
muffs from their noses all the play-time. The lampoons that are
made of most of the town ladies are so nasty, that no woman would
read them, else she would have got them for her.”
“ Tom of Ten Thousand,” as Thynne was called, was murdered
(shot dead in his carriage) in Pall Mall (1682) by Konigsmark and
accomplices, two or three of whom suffered death on the scaffold.
Immediately afterwards the maiden wife of two husbands really
married Charles, the proud Duke of Somerset. In the same year
Banks dedicated to her (Illustrious Princess, he calls her) his ‘ Anna
�NORTHUMBERLAND HOUSE AND THE PERCYS. 195
Bullen,’ a tragedy. He says: “ You have submitted to take a noble
partner, as angels have delighted to converse with menand “ there
is so much of divinity and wisdom in your choice, that none but the
Almighty ever did the like ” (giving Eve to Adam) “ with the world
and Eden for a dower.” Then, after more blasphemy, and very free
allusions to her condition as a bride, and fulsomeness beyond concep
tion, he scouts the idea of supposing that she ever should die. “ You
look,” he says, “ as if you had nothing mortal in you. Your guardian,
angel scarcely is more a deity than youand so on, in increase of
bombast, crowned by the mock humility of “ my muse still has no
other ornament than truth.”
The Duke and Duchess of Somerset lived in the house in the
Strand, which continued to be called Northumberland House, as
there had long been a Somerset House a little more to the east.
Anthony Henley once annoyed the above duke and showed his own
ill-manners by addressing a letter “ to the Duke of Somerset, over
against the trunk-shop at Charing Cross.” The duchess was hardly
more respectful when speaking of her suburban mansion, Sion House,
Brentford. “ It’s a hobbledehoy place,” she said; ££ neither town nor
country.” Of this union came a son, Algernon Seymour, who in
1748 succeeded his father as Duke of Somerset, and in 1749 was
created Earl of Northumberland, for a particular reason. He had no
sons. His daughter Elizabeth had encouraged the homage of a
handsome young fellow of that day, named Smithson. She was told
that Hugh Smithson had spoken in terms of admiration of her beauty,
and she laughingly asked why he did not say as much to herself.
Smithson was the son of “ an apothecary,” according to the envious,
but, in truth, the father had been a physician, had earned a baronetcy,
and was of the good old nobility, the landowners, with an estate, still
possessed by the family, at Stanwick, in Yorkshire. Hugh Smithson
married this Elizabeth Percy, and the earldom of Northumberland,
conferred on her father, was to go to her husband, and afterwards to
the eldest male heir of this marriage, failing which the dignity was
to remain with Elizabeth and her heirs male by any other marriage.
It is at this point that the present line of Smithson-Percys begins.
Of the couple who may be called its founders so many severe things
have been said, that we may infer that their exalted fortunes and best
qualities gave umbrage to persons of small minds or strong prejudices.
Walpole’s remark, that in the earl’s lord-lieutenancy in Ireland “ their
vice-majesties scattered pearls and diamonds about the streets,” is good
testimony to their royal liberality. Their taste may not have been
unexceptionable, but there was no touch of meanness in it. In 1758
they gave a supper at Northumberland House to Lady Yarmouth,
George the Second’s old mistress. The chief ornamental piece on the
supper table represented a grand chasse at Herrenhausen, at which
o 2
�196 NORTHUMBERLAND HOUSE AND WE PERCYSl
there was a carriage drawn by six horses, in which was- seated an
august person wearing a blue ribbon, with a lady at his side. This
was not unaptly called “the apotheosis of concubinage.” Of the
celebrated countess notices vary. Her delicacy, elegance, and refine
ment are vouched for by some; her coarseness and vulgarity are
asserted by others. When Queen Charlotte came to England, Lady
Northumberland was made one of the ladies of the queen’s bed
chamber. Lady Townshend justified it to people who felt or feigned
surprise, by remarking, “ Surely nothing could be more proper. The
queen does not understand English, and can anything be more neces
sary than that she should learn the vulgar tongue ?” One of the
countess’s familiar terms for conviviality was “junkitaceous,” but
ladies of equal rank had also little slang words of their own, called
things by the very plainest names, and spelt physician with an “ f.”
There is ample testimony on record that the great countess never
hesitated at a jest on the score of its coarseness. The earl was dis
tinguished rather for his pomposity than vulgarity, though a vulgar
sentiment marked some of both his sayings and doings. For example,
when Lord March visited him at Alnwick Castle, the Earl of North
umberland received him at the gates with this queer sort of welcome:
“ I believe, my lord, this is the first time that ever a Douglas and a
Percy met here in friendship.” The censor who said, “ Think of this
from a Smithson to a true Douglas,” had ample ground for the excla
mation. George the Third raised the earl and countess to the rank
of duke and duchess in 1766. All the earls of older creation were
ruffled and angry at the advancement; but the honour had its draw
back. The King would not allow the title to descend to an heir by
any other wife but the one then alive, who was the true representative
of the Percy line.
The old Northumberland House festivals were right royal things
in their way. There was, on the other hand, many a snug, or uncere
monious, or eccentric party given there. Perhaps the most splendid
was that given in honour of the King of Denmark in 1768. His
majesty was fairly bewildered with the splendour. There was in the
court what was called “ a pantheon,” illuminated by 4000 lamps.
The King, as he sat down to supper, at the table to which he had
expressly invited twenty guests out of the hundreds assembled, said
to the duke, “ How did you contrive to light it all in time ?” “ I had
two hundred lamplighters,” replied the duke. “ That was a stretch,”
wrote candid Mrs. Delany; “ a dozen could have done the business
which was true.
The duchess, who in early life was, in delicacy of form, like one of
the Graces, became, in her more mature years, fatter than if the whole
three had been rolled into one in her person. With obesity came
“ an exposition to sleep,” as Bottom has it. At “ drawing-rooms ” she
�NOTTHUMBERLOTD EroWbrANDEn^ PEROVS? 197
no sooner sank on a sofa than she was deep in slumber; but while
she was awake she would make jokes that were laughed at and cen
sured the next day all over London. Her Grace would sit at a win
dow in Covent Garden, and be hail fellow well met with every one of
a mob of tipsy and not too cleanly-spoken electors. On these occa
sions it was said she “ signalised herself with intrepidity.” She could
bend, too, with cleverness to the humours of more hostile mobs; and
when the Wilkes rioters besieged the ducal mansion, she and the duke
appeared at a window, did salutation to their masters, and performed
homage to the demagogue by drinking his health in ale.
Horace Walpole affected to ridicule the ability of the Duchess as a
verse writer. At Lady Miller’s at Batheaston some rhyming words
were given out to the company, and any one who could, was re
quired to add lines to them so as to make sense with the rhymes
furnished for the end of each line. This sort of dancing in fetters
was called bouts rimes. “On my faith,” cried Walpole, in 1775,
“ there are loouts rimes on a buttered muffin by her Grace the
Duchess of Northumberland.” It may be questioned whether any
body could have surmounted the difficulty more cleverly than her
Grace. For example:
The pen. which I now take and
Has long lain useless in my
Know, every maid, from her own
To her who shines in glossy
That could they now prepare an
From best receipt of book in
Ever so fine, for all their
I should prefer a butter’d
A muffin, Jove himself might
If eaten with Miller, at
brandish,
standish.
patten
satin,
oglio
folio,
puffing,
muffin;
feast on,
Batheaston.
To return to the house itself. There is no doubt that no mansion
of such pretensions and containing such treasures has been so
thoroughly kept from the vulgar eye. There is one exception, how
ever, to this remark. The Duke (Algernon) who was alive at the
, period of the first Exhibition threw open the house in the Strand to
the public without reserve. The public, without being ungrateful,
thought it rather a gloomy residence. Shut in and darkened as it
now is by surrounding buildings—canopied as it now is by clouds of
London smoke—it is less cheerful and airy than the Tower, where the
Wizard Earl studied in his prison room, or counted the turns he made
when pacing his prison yard. The Duke last referred to was in his
youth at Algiers under Exmouth, and in his later years a Lord of
the Admiralty. As Lord Prudhoe, he was a traveller in far-away
countries, and he had the faculty of seeing what he saw, for which
many travellers, though they have eyes, are not qualified. At the
�198 NOETHUMBERLAND HOUSE AND THE’ KEHCyS.
pleasant Smithsonian house at Stanwick, when he was a bachelor, his
household was rather remarkable for the plainness of the female
servants. Satirical people used to say the youngest of them was a
grandmother. Others, more charitable or scandalous, asserted that
Lord Prudhoe was looked upon as a father by many in the country
round, who would have been puzzled where else to look for one. It
was his elder brother Hugh (whom Lord Prudhoe succeeded) who,
represented England as Ambassador Extraordinary at the coronation
of Charles the Tenth at Eheims. Paris was lost in admiration at the
splendour of this embassy, and never since has the hotel in the Eue
de Bac possessed such a gathering of royal and noble personages as
at the fetes given there by the Duke of Northumberland. His sister,
Lady Glenlyon, then resided in a portion of the fine house in the
Eue de Bourbon, owned and in part occupied by the rough but cheery
old warrior, the Comte de Lobau.
When that lady was Lady
Emily Percy, she was married to the eccentric Lord James Murray,
afterwards Lord Glenlyon. The bridegroom was rather of an
oblivious turn of mind, and it is said that when the wedding morn
arrived, his servant had some difficulty in persuading him that it was
the day on which he had to get up and be married.
There remains only to be remarked, that as the Percy line has
been often represented only by an heiress, there have not been wanting
individuals who boasted of male heirship.
Two years after the death of Joscelin Percy in 1670, who died the
last male heir of the line, leaving an only child, a daughter, who
married the Duke of Somerset, there appeared, supported by the Earl
of Anglesea, a most impudent claimant (as next male heir) in the
person of James Percy, an Irish trunkmaker. This individual pro
fessed to be a descendant of Sir Ingram Percy, who was in the Pil
grimage of Grace, and was brother of the sixth earl. The claim was
proved to be unfounded; but it may have rested on an illegitimate
foundation. As the pretender continued to call himself Earl of North
umberland, Elizabeth, daughter of Joscelin, “ took the law ” of him.
Ultimately he was condemned to be taken into the four law courts in
Westminster Hall, with a paper pinned to his breast, bearing these
words: “ The foolish and impudent pretender to the earldom of
Northumberland.”
In the succeeding century, the well-known Dr. Percy, Bishop of
Dromore, believed himself to be the true male representative of the
ancient line of Percy. He built no claims on such belief; but the
belief was not only confirmed by genealogists, it was admitted by the
second heiress Elizabeth, who married Hugh Smithson. Dr. Percy so
far asserted his blood as to let it boil over in wrath against Pennant
when the latter described Alnwick Castle in these disparaging words:
At Alnwick no remains of chivalry are perceptible; no respectable
�NOETHUMBERLAND HOUSE AND THE'PEED xS 199
|trainFof attendants; the furniture and gardens inconsistent; and
nothing, except the numbers of unindustrious poor at the castle gate,
excited any one idea of its former circumstances.”
“ Duke and Duchess of Charing Cross,” or “ their majesties of Mid
dlesex,” were the mock titles which Horace Walpole flung at the
ducal couple of his day who resided at Northumberland House,
London, or at Sion House, Brentford. Walpole accepted and satirised
the hospitality of the London house, and he almost hated the ducal
host and hostess at Sion, because they seemed to overshadow his
mimic feudal state at Strawberry I After all, neither early nor late
circumstance connected with Northumberland House is confined to
memories of the inmates. Ben Jonson comes out upon us from Hartshorn Lane with more majesty than any of the earls; and greatness
has sprung from neighbouring shops, and has flourished as gloriously
as any of which Percy can boast. Half a century ago, there was a
long low house, a single storey high, the ground floor of which was a
saddler’s shop. It was on the west side of the old Golden Cross, and
neariy opposite Northumberland House. The worthy saddler founded
a noble line. Of four sons, three were distinguished as Sir David, Sir
Frederick, and Sir George. Two of the workmen became Lord
Mayors of London; and an attorney’s clerk, who used to go in at
night and chat with the men, married the granddaughter of a king
and became Lord Chancellor.
�
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Victorian Blogging
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An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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Northumberland House and the Percys
Creator
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Doran, John
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: [London]
Collation: 189-199 p. ; 23 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Article from Temple Bar magazine, May 1873; attribution from Virginia Clark catalogue.
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[Bentley]
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[1873]
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G5572
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Aristocracy
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Conway Tracts
London
Northumberland House
Percy Family
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Victorian Blogging
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An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Old and new London
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Place of publication: [s.l.]
Collation: 181-240 p. ; 27 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway.
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Conway Tracts
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PUTNAM’S MAGAZINE
OF
LITERATURE, SCIENCE, ART,
AND
NATIONAL INTERESTS.
Vol. AL—MAY—1870.—No. XXIX.
OUR CELTIC INHERITANCE.
One of the oldest specimens of Gaelic
poetry tells how Oisin was once enticed
by fairies into a cavern, where, by some
of their magical arts, he was for a long
time imprisoned. To amuse himself
during his confinement, he was accus
tomed to whittle the handle of his spear,
and cast the shavings into a stream
which flowed at his feet. His father,
Finn, after many vain attempts to find
him, came one day to the stream, and,
recognizing the shavings floating on its
surface as portions of Oisin’s spear, fol
lowed the stream to its source and dis
covered his son.
The legend may illustrate the fate of
the people to whose literature it belongs.
It has been a perplexing question, what
became of that old Titan, who led the
van in the migrations of races west
ward, and whom Aristotle describes “ as
dreading neither earthquakes nor inun
dations ; as rushing armed into the
waves; as plunging their new-born in
fants into cold water ”—a custom still
common among the Irish—“ or clothing
them in scanty garments.”
Two thousand years ago, we know
from Ephorus and other classic geogra
phers, the Celts occupied more territory
than Teuton, Greek, and Latin com
bined. They were yronderful explor
ers; brave, enterprising, delighting in
the unknown and marvellous, they
pushed eagerly forward, over mountain
and river, through forest and morass,
until their dominion extended from the
western coasts of Ireland, France, and
Spain, to the marshes around St. Peters
burg and the frontiers of Cappadocia:
in fact, they were masters of all Europe,
except the little promontories of Italy
and Greece; and these were not safe
from their incursions. Six centuries
before Christ, we find them invading
Northern Italy, founding Milan, Verona,
Brixia, and inspiring them with a spirit
of independence which Roman tyranny
could never entirely subdue. Two cen
turies later, they descend from their
northern homes as far as Rome, become
masters of the city, kill the Senate, and
would have taken the capitol, had not
Camillus finally repulsed them. A cen
tury later, they pour into Greece in a
similar way, and would surely have
overrun that country, had not their pro
found reverence for the supernatural—
a characteristic not yet lost—led them
to turn back awed by the sacred rites
of Delphos. Their last and most formi
dable appearance among the classics
was in that famous campaign—a cen
tury before Caesar—when the skill and
bravery of Marius saved the Roman re
public.
Entered, in the year 1870. by G. P. PUTNAM & SON, in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the U. S. for the Southern District of
VOL. V.—34
N. T.
�514
Putnam’s Magazine.
[May,
Then the scales turn : the Romans be in the Anglo-Saxon the wonderful dis
come the invaders, and the Celts suffer coveries of modem science have made
I ruinous defeats. In that great battle so manifest, that men are beginning at
with Quintus Fabius Maximus, Csesar last to recognize them; and, during the
tells the Gauls two hundred thousand of past century, some of our most noted
their countrymen were slain. Through scholars have been patiently endeavor
nearly all the vast territory they once ing to trace them to their original
inhabited, the Roman empire became source.
supreme; and where Rome failed to
Philology, although one of the young
gain the supremacy, the persistent Teu est of our sciences, has been of the
tons, pressing closely on their rear, gen greatest service in putting us on the
erally completed the conquest. Every right track in our search after this pio
where, at the commencement of the neer of nations. By its subtle art of
Christian era,—except in the compara drawing from words—those oldest patively insignificant provinces of Ireland, limpsestic monuments of men, their
Scotland, Wales, and Armorica,—this original inscriptions—it has cleared up
great Celtic people vanish so suddenly many a mystery in which the old Celt
and so completely from history, that their seemed hopelessly enveloped. Those ad
former existence soon seems like one of venturous tribes who first forced their
the myths of a pre-historic age. In those way through the western European wil
regions where the Celts retained their derness, left memorials of their presence
identity, prolonged political and re which no succeeding invaders have been
ligious animosities have tended to throw able to efface, in the names they gave
into still greater oblivion all mementoes to prominent landmarks; so that “ the
of their early greatness. Their English mountains and rivers,”—to use a meta
rulers have treated them as members of phor of Palgrave’s,—“still murmur
an inferior race. Glorying in his popu voices ” of this denationalized people.
lar misnomer, the Anglo-Saxon has The Alps, Apennines, Pyrenees, the
generally ignored all kinship with those Rhine, Oder, and Avon,—all bear wit
Britons whom his ancestors subdued.
ness to the extensive dominion of the
“ Little superior to the natives of the race by whom these epithets were first
Sandwich Islands; ”—says Lord Macau bestowed. By means of these epithets,
lay in his positive way, and dismisses the the Celts have been traced from their
subject as unworthy farther notice. original home in Central Asia in two
“ When the Saxons arrived, the ancient diverging lines of migrations. Certain
Britons were all slain, or driven into tribes, forcing their way through north
the mountains of Walessay our com ern Europe, seem to have passed from
mon school histories. “ Aliens in the Cimbric Chersonese—or Denmark—
speech, in religion, in blood; ”—says into the north of Ireland and Scotland;
Lord Lyndhurst, with traditional viru others, taking a southerly route, finally
lence, in that speech which Sheil so ably entered the south of Great Britain from
answered.
the northern coasts of France and Spain.
Still, scraps from Oisin’s spear have The British Isles became thus the termi
been floating down the current of An nus of two widely-diverging Celtic mi
glo-Saxon life. In language, words grations.
have arisen; in politics, literature, and
Naturally, the different climatic influ
religion, ideas and sentiments have been ences to which they were subject dur
expressed, bearing unmistakably the ing their separate wanderings, tended
' impress of the old Titan, and showing to produce a variety of dialects and
conclusively that his spirit, although so popular characteristics. Those old Brit
long concealed, was still influencing and ons, however, whom Csesar first intro
inspiring even the descendants of Heng- duces to history, all belonged substan
ist and Horsa.
tially to one people. Zeuss, after a
These evidences of a Celtic presence patient drudgery of thirteen years in
�1870.]
Oue Celtic Inheritance.
515
investigating the oldest Celtic manu- names you find like Lewis, Morgan,
scripts, has proved beyond question, in Jenkins, Davis, Owen, Evans, Hughes,
his Grammatica Celtica, not only that Bowen, Griffiths, Powel, and Williams.
the Cymry, or modern Welsh, are of the Scarcely less numerous are the Gaelic
same family with the Gael or modem Camerons, Campbells, Craigs, Cunning
Irish and Scotch, but that all the Celtic hams, Dixons, Douglasses, Duffs, Dun
people are only another division of cans, Grahams, Grants, Gordons, Mac
that great Indo-European family out of donalds, Macleans, Munros, Murrays,
which the nations of Europe originally Reids, Robertsons, and Scotts.
sprang. More extensive philological in
Although the application of these
vestigations have indicated a still near surnames has been a custom only dur
er relationship between the Celt and ing the past four hundred years, still
the Anglo-Saxon. In Great Britain, they show that, at some period, we
Celtic names linger not only upon all must have received a large infusion of
the mountains and rivers, with scarcely Celtic blood.
an exception, but upon hundreds and
Physiology has also something to say
hundreds of the towns and villages, on this subject. A careful comparison
valleys and brooks, and the more insig of the different physical types has
nificant localities of the country.
shown that the Celtic is found almost
How frequently Aber and Inver, Bod as frequently among the English as the
and Caer or Car, Strath and Ard, ap Saxon. The typical Saxon of olden
pear in combination as the eye glances times had the broad, short oval skull,
over a map of England. Is not this fact with yellowish or tawny red hair. The
most naturally explained by the suppo old Celt had the long oval skull, with
sition that Briton and Saxon grew up black hair. Climate undoubtedly modi
together in the same localities so inti fied to some extent these types, the
mately, that the latter found it most northern tribes of the Celts possessing
convenient to adopt the names of places lighter hair than the southern; still,
which the former had already bestowed ? these were generally the distinguishing
The Celtic root with Saxon suffix or physical characteristics of the two
prefix, so often greeting us in any de races.
scription of English topography, cer
How, then, have these characteristics
tainly hints at a closer amalgamation been perpetuated ? Retzius, one of the
of the two races than school histories best Swedish ethnologists, after making
are wont to admit. So the language extensive observations and comparisons,
we daily speak, frequently as it has gives it as his opinion that the prevail
been denied, is found strongly impreg ing form of the skull found throughout
nated with Celtic words, and many of England is the long oval, or the same
these our most idiomatic and expres which is found still in Scotland, Ire
sive. Balderdash, banner, barley, bas land, and Wales. His statements are
ket, bicker, bother, bully, carol, cudgel, confirmed by many other ethnologists.
dastard, fudge, grudge, grumble, har Somehow, after crossing the German
lot, hawker, hoyden, loafer, lubber, Ocean, the broad, roundish-headed Sax
nudge, trudge,—may serve as speci on became “ long-headed.” And his hair
mens. The unwritten dialects which changed. Yellow, or tawny red, is by
prevail in so many parts of England, no means now the prevailing colof
give still more numerous examples of among the Anglo-Saxons. Any English
this Celtic element.
assembly will show a much greater pro
If we turn now to our family sur portion of dark-haired than light-haired
names, we shall also find indications people. Different habits and occupa
of a similar race amalgamation. The tions have undoubtedly contributed
Cymric Joneses are only equalled by the somewhat to effect this change. Ger
Saxon Smiths. Take any of our ordi mans and English have alike grown
nary directories, and how many Cymric darker during the past one thousand
�516
Putnam’s Magazine.
years; still, the marked difference which
to-day exists between the Anglo-Saxon
and his brethren on the continent is
too great to be accounted for,—except
through some decided modification of
the race relation. The Celts are the
only race to whom such modifications
can with any propriety be attributed.
Whence came, then, this popular opin
ion that the old Britons were either de
stroyed or expelled from the country by
their Saxon conquerors ? Are the state
ments of history and the conclusions
of modem science so contradictory in
this matter ? Let us see. At the Ro
man invasion, 55 b. c., Great Britain
seems to have been thickly settled.
Csesar says: “ The population is infi
nite, and the houses very numerous.”
Eh one battle, 80,000 Britons were left
dead on the field; and in one campaign
the Romans lost 50,000 soldiers. It
took the Roman legions nearly three
hundred years to bring the southern
portion of the island under subjection;
—and then that great wall of Severus—
seventy-four miles long, eight feet thick,
twelve feet high, with eighty-one cas
tles and three hundred and thirty tur
rets,—was erected to secure the conquest
from the warlike tribes of the north—a
stupendous undertaking, surely, to pro
tect a province so worthless as Macau
lay asserts!
Ptolemy enumerates no less than
twenty British confederacies—with great
resources—south of this wall, and eigh
teen upon the north. During the five
centuries of Roman dominion, they
steadily increased. There was not suffi
cient admixture of Latin blood to
change essentially the Celtic character
of the race. The Latins came to con
trol, not to colonize. When Rome, for
Her own protection, was obliged to recall
her legions, thus relinquishing the prov
ince which had cost so much time and
treasure to secure, we are distinctly told
most of the Latins returned, taking
their treasures with them.
What, then, became of the numerous
Britons who remained? Their condi
tion was deplorable. Accustomed to
rely upon Roman arms for defense and
[May,
Roman magistrates for the administra
tion of law, they were suddenly deprived
of both defenders and rulers. While
Latin civilization had developed their
resources enough to make them a more
tempting prize to their warlike neigh
bors, it had rendered them almost inca
pable of guarding the treasures they
had gained. They had grown unwar
like—had lost both weapons and their
use.
Moreover, a crowd of rival aspirants
at once began a contest for the vacant
throne. It is not difficult to believe
the statements of our earliest historians,
that many, thus threatened by external
foes and internal dissensions, were ready
to welcome as allies the Saxon maraud
ers, preferring to receive them as friends
than to resist them as foes. The Saxons
evidently were determined to come; and
the Briton,—with characteristic craft,—
concluded to array Pict and Saxon
against each other, hoping, doubtless,
both would thus become less formi
dable.
Those Saxons also came in detach
ments, and at different intervals. They
were generally warriors, the picked men
of their tribes. Finding a better coun
try, and a people without rulers, they
quietly determined to take possession
of both. Their final ascendency was
gained, not by superiority of numbers,
but by superiority of will and of arms.
It seems utterly incredible to suppose,
that, in their little open boats, they
could have transported across the Ger
man Ocean a multitude great enough to
outnumber the original British inhabi
tants. All accounts indicate that they
were numerically inferior. Nearly one
hundred and fifty years of hard fight
ing were necessary before Saxon author
ity could take the place of the Roman.
The Welsh historical Triads tells us
that whole bodies of the Britons entered
into “ confederacy with their con
querors”—became Saxons. The Saxon
Chronicle, which, meagre and dry as it
is, still gives the truest account we have
of those dark periods, states that whole
counties, and numerous towns within
the limits of the Heptarchy,—nearly five
�1870.]
Our Celtic Inheritance.
hundred years after the first Saxon in
vasion,—were occupied almost entirely
by Britons; and that there were many
■hsurrections of semi- Saxonized subjects
in the different kingdoms. Bede, speak
ing of Ethelfred as the most cruel of
the Saxon chieftains, says he compelled
the Britons to be “tributary,” or to
leave the country. The great mass of
the people seem to have chosen the for
mer condition, and to have accepted
their new rulers as they had done the
old. There is not the slightest evidence
of any wholesale extermination by the
Saxons, or of any extensive Celtic emi
gration, except two passages found in
Gildas, our earliest historian. In one
of these, he speaks of the Britons as
having been slain like wolves, or driv
en into mountains; and in the other, of
a company of British monks guiding
an entire tribe of men and women to
Armorica, singing,—as they crossed the
channel in their vessels of skin,—“ Thou
hast given us as sheep to the slaughter.”
Gildas’ statements are so contradic
tory and erroneous, as every historical
student knows, that they must be re
ceived with great allowance. He evi
dently hated the Saxons, and shows a
disposition, in all his descriptions, to
exaggerate the injuries his countrymen
had received. Undoubtedly the Saxons
often exhibited the savage ferocity com
mon in those days, killing and enslav
ing their enemies without much com
punction ; undoubtedly many of the
British, who had been Christianized,
fled from the pagan violence of their
conquerors to the more congenial coun
tries of Armorica and Wales; but that
most of them were obliged thus to
choose between a violent death or ex
ile, is sufficiently disproved, I think, by
the evidence already given.
The adoption of the Saxon language
is also sometimes cited as evidence of
the destruction of the old Britons;
but conquerors have very often given
language to their subjects, even when
the subjects were more numerous than
themselves.
Thus the Latin was
adopted in Gaul; thus the Arabic
followed the conquests pf the Mussul
517
mans. Yet there is nothing but this
argument from language and the state
ments of Gildas—which later histo
rians have so blindly copied—to give
any foundation to the common opin
ion of an unmixed Saxon population.
AU other historical records and infer
ences indicate that the Anglo-Saxon
—when that name was first applied, in
the ninth century—represented as large
a proportion of Celtic as of Teutonic
blood.
Future invasions effected little change
in this proportion. The Danes, indeed,
increased somewhat the Teutonic ele
ment, although they made fearful havoc
among the old Saxons; but the Nor
mans brought with them fully as many
Gauls as Norsemen; and since the Nor
man conquest, the Celtic element has
rather increased than diminished.
It is fitting that the Lia Fail, or stone
of destiny, which Edward I. brought
from Scotland, and upon which the
Celtic kings for many generations had
been crowned, should still form the
seat of the English throne, and thus
become a symbol—although undesigned
—of that Celtic basis which really un
derlies the whole structure of Anglo?
Saxon dominion.
If it be admitted, then, that the Celt
formed so large a proportion of those
races out of which the English people
were finally composed, it becomes an.
interesting question whether any ot
their spiritual characteristics became
also the property of their conquerors.
What were these old Celts ? Did their
blood enrich, or impoverish, the Saxon ?
Did they leave us any inheritance be
yond certain modifications of speech
and form ? ^An answer to these ques
tions may also serve to confirm the con
clusions already stated.
We do not get much satisfaction to
such inquiries from contemporary his
torians in other lands. The self-com
placent classic troubled himself little
about neighboring barbarians, provid
ed they did not endanger his safety
or tempt his cupidity. That they
traded in tin with the seafaring Phoe
nicians, three hundred years before
�518
Putnam’s Magazine.
Christ; that, in. the time of Csesar and
Augustus, they had many barbarous
customs, but had also their chariots,
fleets, currency, commerce, poets, and
an order of priests who were supreme
in all matters pertaining to religion,
education, and government;—these, in
brief, are the principal facts gleaned
from the meagre accounts of Greek and
Roman writers concerning the inhabi
tants of the Ultima Thule of the ancient
world. Saxon historians add little to
this information. From the time of
Gildas to Macaulay, they have generally
viewed the Celt through the distorted
medium of their popular prejudices.
The Celt, then, must be his own in
terpreter ; yet the Celt of to-day, after
suffering for so many centuries a treat
ment which has tended to blunt and
destroy his best talent, and after long
association with foreign thoughts and
customs, is by no means the best repre
sentative of his pagan ancestors.
In some way—through their own pro
ductions, if possible—we must get at
the old Celts themselves before we can
determine with any certainty how many
of our popular characteristics can be
attributed with any propriety to such a
source. Aside from their language,
which we have already alluded to, their
oldest works are those weird megalithic
ruins—scattered all over western Eu
rope, and most numerous in Brittany
and Great Britain. That these were of
Celtic origin, seems indicated both by
their greater number and perfection in
those countries where the Celt retained
longest his identity, and by certain cor
respondences in form and masonry with
the earliest known Celtic structures,—
the cells of Irish monks,4-and the fa
mous round towers of Ireland.
Those round towers,—after being vari
ously explained as fire-towers, astro
nomical observatories, phallic emblems,
stylite columns, &c.,—Dr. Petrie has very
clearly proved were of ecclesiastical ori
gin, built between the fifth and thir
teenth centuries, and designed for bel
fries, strongholds, and watch-towers.
Yet these cellsand towers alike exhibit
the same circular form and dome roof,
[May,
the same ignorance of the arch and ce
ment, which are revealed in many of the
older and more mysterious ruins.
If we suppose a mythical people of
the stone age preceded the Indo-Euro
peans in their wanderings,—and there
seems no need of such a supposition,
since it has been so clearly shown by
some of our best pre-historic archaeolo
gists, that the transition from imple
ments of stone to iron has frequently
taken place among the same people,—it
may still be said these ruins are entirely
dissimilar to the productions of such a
people in other lands: they mark a
higher degree of civilization, and show
clearly, in certain cases, the use of me
tallic instruments. Some of them re
veal also great mechanical skill, fore
thought, and extraordinary command
of labor. Most of these ruins are at
least two thousand years old. They
have been exposed constantly to the
destructive influences of a northern cli
mate ;—and any one who has noticed the
ravages which merely six centuries have
wrought upon even the protected stone
work of English cathedrals, can appre
ciate the power of these, atmospheric
vandals;—they have suffered even great
er injury from successive invaders; and
still few can gaze upon them to-day
without being impressed with their
massive grandeur.
Of the vast ruins of Carnac, in Brit
tany, four thousand great triliths still
remain; some of these are twentv-two
feet high, twelve feet broad, and six
feet thick, and are estimated to weigh
singly 256,800 pounds. Says M. Cam
bray : “ These stones have a most ex
traordinary appearance. They are iso
lated in a great plain without trees or
bushes ; not a flint or fragment of stone
is to be seen on the sand which supports
them; they are poised without founda
tion, several of them being movable.”
In Abury and Stonehenge there are
similar structures, not as extensive, in
deed, but giving evidence of much
greater architectural and mechanical
skill. They are found also in different
parts of Great Britain and the Orkney
Islands and the Hebrides.
�T870/]
Oub Celtic Inhebitanoe.
How were these immense stones transported—for there are no quarries within
seveml miles—and by what machinery
could the great lintels of Stonehenge,
for instance, have been raised to their
present position ?
We may smile incredulously at the
learned systems of Oriental mythology
which enthusiastic antiquaries have dis
covered in these voiceless sentinels of
forgotten builders, but can we question
the evidence they give of scientific pro
ficiency—superior to any ever attained
by a “ race of savages ” ?
' Their cromlechs, or tombs, exhibit
clearly the same massiveness. The Irish
people still call them f£ giant beds,” but
they give us no additional information
concerning the people whose skeletons
they contain ;—unless there be a sugges
tion in the kneeling posture in which
their dead were generally buried, of
that religious reverence which charac
terized them when alive.
In the Barrows—or great mounds of
earth—which they seem to have used at
a later period as sepulchres, we do get
a few more interesting hints concerning
their early condition. In these, large
numbers of necklaces, swords, and va
rious ornaments and weapons in gold
and bronze,—some of exquisite work
manship and original design,—have been
found, showing at least that they had
the art of working metals, and many
of the customs of a comparatively civil
ized life. All these relics, however,
although interesting in themselves, and
confirming the few statements of classic
historians, only serve to correct the pop
ular notion concerning the savage con
dition of the old Britons. They leave
us still in ignorance of those mental and
spiritual characteristics which we are
most anxious to discover.
By far the most extensive and valu
able material for determining the char
acter of the ancient Celt, although the
most neglected, is presented in their lit
erature. Few persons I imagine who have
given the subject no special investiga
tion, are aware how extensive this litera
ture is, as found in the Gaelic and Cym
ric tongues. In the library of Trinity
519
College, Dublin, there are one hundred
ajid forty manuscript volumes. A still
more extensive collection is in the Royal
Irish Academy. There are also large coll
lections in the British Museum, and in
the Bodleian Library and Imperial libra
ries of France and Belgium, and in the
Vatican;—besides numerous private col
lections in the possession of the nobility
of Ireland, Great Britain, and on the
continent.
To give an idea of these old manu
scripts, O’Curry has taken as a standard
of comparison the Annals of the Four
Masters, which was published in 1851,
in seven large quarto volumes contain
ing 4,215 closely-printed pages. There
are, in the same library, sixteen other
vellum volumes, which, if similarly
published, would make 17,400 pages;
and six hundred paper manuscripts,
comprising 30,000 pages. Mac Firbis’
great book of genealogies would alone
fill 1,300 similar pages; and the old
Brehon laws, it is calculated, when pub
lished, will contain 8,000 pages.
The Cymric collection, although less
extensive, still comprises more than one
thousand volumes. Some of these, in
deed, are only transcripts of the same
productions, yet many of them are
original works.
A private collection at Peniath num
bers upward of four hundred manu
scripts ; and a large number are in the
British Museum, in Jesus College, and
in the libraries of various noblemen of
England and Wales.
The Myvyrian manuscripts, collected
by Owen Jones, and now deposited in
the British Museum, alone amount to
forty-seven volumes of poetry, in 16,000
pages, and fifty-three volumes of prose,
in about 15,300 pages; and these com
prise only a small portion of the manu
scripts now existing. Extensive as are
these collections, we know, from trust
worthy accounts, the Danish invaders
of Ireland, in the ninth and tenth cen-d
turies, made it a special business to tear,
burn, and drown—to quote the exact
word—all books and records which
were found in any of the churches,
dwellings, or monasteries of the island.
�520
Putnam’s Magazine.
The great wars of the seventeenth cen
tury proved still more destructive to
the Irish manuscripts. The jealous
Protestant conquerors burnt all they
could find among the Catholics. A
great number of undiscovered manu
scripts are referred to and quoted in
those which now exist. From their
titles, we judge more have been lost
than preserved. So late as the sixteenth
century, many were referred to as then
in existence, of which no trace can now
be found. Some of them may still be
hidden in the old monasteries and cas
tles. The finding of the book of Lis
more is an illustration of what may
have been the fate of many. In 1814,
while the Duke of Devonshire was re
pairing his ancient castle of Lismore,
the workmen had occasion to reopen a
doorway which had been long closed, in
the interior of the castle. They found
concealed within it a box containing an
old manuscript and a superb old crozier. The manuscript had been some
what injured by the dampness, and por
tions of it had been gnawed by rat3.
Moreover, when it was discovered, the
workmen carried off several leaves as
mementoes. Some of these were after
ward recovered, and enough now re
mains to give us valuable additions to
our knowledge of Irish customs and tra
ditions. It is by no means improbable
that others, similarly secreted in monas
teries and private dwellings, may still
be discovered.
In O’Clery’s preface to the “ Succes
sion of Kings ’’—one of the most valu
able of the Irish annals—he says:
“ Strangers have taken the principal
books of Erin into strange countries
and among unknown people.” And
again, in the preface to the “ Book of
Invasions ”: “ Sad evil! Short was the
time until dispersion and decay over
took the churches of the saints, their
relics, and their books; for there is not
to be found of them now that has not
been carried away into distant coun
tries and foreign nations; carried away,
so that their fate is not known from
that time hither.”
When we consider, thus, the number
[May,
of literary productions which have been
either lost or destroyed, and the num
ber still remaining, we must admit that
there has been, at some period, great
intellectual activity among the Celtic
people. How far back these produc
tions may be traced, is a question which
cannot now be discussed properly, with
out transgressing the limits assigned to
this article. We can do little more, at
present, than call attention to the ex
tent of these writings, and their impor
tance. Many of them are unquestion
ably older than the Canterbury Tales;
they give us the clearest insight into the
character of a people once great and
famous, but now almost lost in oblivion;
and, although containing a large amount
of literary rubbish, they still comprise
numerous poems, voluminous codes of
ancient laws, extensive annals—older
than any existing European nation can ex
hibit in its own tongue, and a body of
romance which no ancient literature has
ever excelled, and from which modern
fiction drew its first inspiration.
Had this literature no special relation
to our own history, we might naturally
suppose it would repay investigation
for the curious information it contains
of a bygone age, and the intellectual
stimulus it might impart. The condi
tion of Ireland, to-day, is also of such
importance to England and America—
the Irish Celt, in this nineteenth cen
tury, enters so prominently into our
politics and questions of reform, that
every thing is worth investigating which
can reveal to us more clearly his charac
ter and capacity.
But these productions of his ances
tors have for us a still deeper signifi
cance. They are peculiarly our inheri
tance. Celt or Teuton, or both, we
must mainly be ; our ancestry can natu
rally be assigned to no other races.
Much in us is manifestly not Teutonic.
The Anglo-Saxon is quite a different
being from all other Saxons. Climate
and occupation may explain, in a meas
ure, the difference, but not entirely.
Some of the prominent traits which
Englishmen and Americans alike pos
sess, belong so clearly to the German,
�1870.1
The Tale
of a
Comet.
K21
I
or Teutonic people, in every land, that the sentiments of their people, then
we do not hesitate to ascribe them at these old manuscripts become of incal
once to our Saxon blood;—but what culable value in explaining our indebt
shall we do with others equally promi edness to those Britons, who, as history
nent, and naturally foreign to Teutons and science alike indicate, contributed
so essentially to our popular forma
everywhere ?
Were these found peculiarly charac tion.
On some future occasion, we may pre
terizing the Celts from their earliest his
tory, might we not—must we not—with sent such illustrations of their antiquity
equal propriety also ascribe them to our and general character, as will make it
appear still more clearly that the AngloCeltic blood 1
If, then, it can be shown—and we Saxon is—what we might expect the
think it can—that, not only before the offspring of two such varied races to
time of Gower and Chaucer, but also become—the union of the varied char
before Caedmon uttered the first note acteristics of Celt and Teuton, stronger,
of English song, Celtic wits and poets braver, more complete in every respect,
were busy expressing in prose and verse for his diverse parentage.
THE TALE OF A COMET.
IN TWO PARTS:
I.
“ Berum nature tsacra sun non simul tradit. Initiates nos credimus; in vestibulo ejus haeremus.”
Seneca. Nat. Quaest. vii.
young man, my dear Bernard, because I
have confidence in the evenness of your
The year in which the comet came I disposition, and the steady foothold you
was living by myself, at the windmill. have obtained upon the middle way of
Early in May I received from my friend life. He is an anomaly, and therefore
must be treated with prudence, and a
the Professor the following letter:
tender reserve such as we need not
“College Observatory, May 5.
exercise toward the rough-and-tumble
“Mv Dear Bernard.—I want to ask youth of the crowd. In fact, this young
a favor, which, if you please to grant it, I man Baimond Letoile is a unique and
honestly think will contribute sensibly perfect specimen of that rare order of
to the advancement of science, without beings, which, not being able to anato
causing much disorder to your bachelor mize and classify, owing to the infre
life. I want you, in fact, to take a pupil. quency of their occurrence, we men of
There has come to us a very strange Science carelessly label under the name
young man, who knows nothing but the of Genius, and put away upon our shelves
mathematics; but knows them so thor for future examination. Letoile is cer
oughly and with such remarkable and tainly a genius, and when properly in
intuitive insight, that I am persuaded he structed, I believe he will develop a
is destined to become the wonder of this faculty for the operations of pure science
age. His name is Raimond Letoile; he such as has no parallel, unless we turn
is about twenty years old, and his nature, to the arts and compare him with Ra
so far as I can determine upon slight ac phael and Mozart. He is a born mathe
quaintance, is singularly amiable, pure, matician. And when I say this, I do
and unsophisticated. His recommenda not mean that he simply has an extraor
tions are good, he has money sufficient for dinary power of calculation, like Colburn
all his purposes, and I think you will find and those other prodigies who have
him a companion as well as a pupil, proved but pigmies after all — I mean
who, while giving you but little trouble, that he possesses an intuitive faculty for
will reward you for your care by the the higher analysis, and possesses it to
contemplation of his unexampled pro such a wonderful degree that all of us
gress. I want you to take charge of this here stand before him in genuine amazeI.—THE rEOFBSSOB’s LETTER.
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Victorian Blogging
Description
An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Conway Hall Library & Archives
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2018
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Conway Hall Ethical Society
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Pamphlet
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Our Celtic inheritance
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: [New York]
Collation: [513]-521 p. ; 22 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. From Putnam's Magazine of Literature, Science, Art, and National Interests. Vol. V, No. XXIX, May 1870. Printed in double columns.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
[G. P. Putnam's Sons]
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1870
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
G5564
Rights
Information about rights held in and over the resource
<p class="western"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" name="graphics1" width="88" height="31" border="0" alt="88x31.png" /></p>
<p class="western">This work (Our Celtic inheritance), identified by <span style="color:#0000ff;"><span lang="zxx"><u>Humanist Library and Archives</u></span></span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</p>
Format
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application/pdf
Type
The nature or genre of the resource
Text
Language
A language of the resource
English
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
[Unknown]
Subject
The topic of the resource
History
Celts
Conway Tracts