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Text
über bie
am 10. 2tyrtl 1871 itt Wndjeit
abgeljaltene
"
. I■•
i
^at|onten = ^erfainmlun0.
Ui ad) ftenograp^ifcfjer Slufeei^nung.
Uliindjen, 1871.
® r u d üon (£. $R. <S d) u r t ä).
^adjbntdi i|t crfattßf, ttm ^etgreifttttg wirb gcMetu
��tí.
©er f. OberftaatSanwalt v. 2® o If:
Weine feljr geehrten Herren! ©eftatten Sie mir einige einleitenbe
Sßorte, in benen ich mir erlauben werbe, bie 23eranlaffung nnb ben
3metf ber gütigen 23erfammlung $Ijnen in Kür¿e bargulegen. ©ie
23efdjlüffe beS lebten fogenannten vaticanifchen Goncils haben mittler
*
meile, inSbefonbere in festerer Beit, ©hatfadjen gu ©age geförbert,
beren @onfequen¿en geeignet finb, bas ©ewiffen ber nach edjt religiös
*
fittlic^er Wahrheit ftrebenben Katholifen in bie Ijö^fte Unruhe nnb
Aufregung ¿u verfemen, Tonne bas tirdjlidje, politice nnb Kulturleben
im Staate auf’S ^öchfte ¿u gefallen, ja vielleicht gar ¿u vernichten.,
©a£ (Srfdjeinungen von fo eminent hoher iöebeutung bie forglidje 2Iuf=
merffamfeit aller benfenben Staatsangehörigen in Slnfpruch nehmen
muffen, ift meines ®rad;tenS wohl feinem 3loeifel unterworfen, unb
fo fam es benn, bafj vor einiger Beit eine rtnsahl gleidjgefinnter
Männer ¿ufammentrat, welche fid? über bie Wittel befyrad;en, bie
tl}eils gur Slbwe^r ber immer mehr um fich greifenben uncfjriftlicijen
©hrannei ber Kurie, t^eils ¿ur $erfteUung eines normalen BuftanbeS,
wie er bem wahren ©cifte bes ^hriftenthumS unb nuferer Staats
*
verfaffung entflicht, anguwenben finb.
^an einigte fich bei jener 23orverfammlung bahin, eine ber Sadh
*
läge enttyredjenbc 23orfteHung an bie f. Staatsregierung §u entwerfen
unb biefelbe einer größeren Sln^al;! g lei dl; ge f i nn ter — befonberS ein
*
¿ulabenber — Wänne^ gur Kenntnisnahme, Billigung unb Unterzieh
*
nung verwiegen. 3^ ^er bamals verfammelten sperren, unb ¿war
£err ißrofeffor Dr. ópuber unb óperr Staatsanwalt Streng, er
*
Harten, fich ber Aufgabe unterstehen ¿u woden, ben Inhalt ber von
uns bef^loffenen 23orftedung in firdlich=religiöfer unb Staatsrechtlicher
Sejiehung näher ¿u erflären unb ¿u beleuchten. Bugleich würbe ein
Organ gewählt, welchem bie Leitung ber ftatt¿ufinbenben ©crfammlung
obliegen foKte unb weldjeS heute vor 3h«en ¿u erfdjeinen bie (Shre hat.
Weine geehrten Herren I Snbem ich Sie Samens bes Gomités
auf’S $er¿lid;fte begrübe, entnehmen wir mit ^reube unb ©enugthuung
1*
�4
au§ her ¿ahlreichcn 23etheiiigung an her heutigen SBerfammlung, bafj
wir ber guftimmung einer feijr namhaften „ßafyl intelligenter Wlänner
au§ aHen klaffen ber gcbilbeten Söevölferung gu . nuferem — wie ich
glaube — voUtommen gerechtfertigten Streben fid)er fein bürfen.
Ra<h btefen wenigen Sßortcn labe ich £>errn ißrofeffor Dr. §uber
ein, bie non ihm in DluSficht geftellte Erörterung tunbgeben.^u wollen.
ißrofeffor Dr. ^uber:
'’Reine Ifodjgecljrten Herren! Facta loquuntur! St^atfa^en mögen
fyredjen 1 3$ erlaube mir, auf lur^e 3eit $hre Dlufmerf famteit auf bie
bebeutfamften Ereigniffe gu lenien, welche bie @efd)idjte ber fatholifdjen
Äir^e feit ben lebten gtoei SDecennien ungefähr bezeichnen, unb überlaffe bann ^nen felbft bas Urtljcil, ob bie Bewegung, wie fie feit
bem ißontififat ißiuS IX. namentlich gegen bie mobernen §reiheits=
^nftitutionen begonnen ljat, noch weiter fortgefe^t werben foU — ¿ur
Sdjäbigung nuferer religiöfen Eewiffen, ¿ur Sdjabigung unferer ¡politU
fchen, focialen unb wiffenfdjaftliclsen Kultur, ober ob Sie mit uns cnt=
fd^loffen finb, tiefer ^Bewegung ein entfdjiebeneS „$alt" zugurufen.
DReine sperren! Rls ißius IX. bas ißontifilat antrat, ba war bie
Hoffnung rege, bafj nun einmal ein liberaler -Rann in bie (Reihe ber
Rad)folgcr bcS. 1)1. IßetruS eingetreten fei. £>ie holüif^en Reformen
nämlich, bie ißiuS im Äirdjenftaat in’S SBert fe^te, ermutigten auch
gu ber Hoffnung auf Reformen in ber Jtirche. Dlber wer tiefer gufah
unb bie erften SHIoiutionen unb Runbf Treiben $iuS’ IX. näher in’S
Dinge fafjte, bem war bie Erunblofigteit tiefer Hoffnung unmittelbar
Har. SDie erfte Enctyclica ißiuS IX. (vom 9. Dior. 1846) enthielt eine
Sßieberholung ber berüchtigten Enchclica EregorS XVI vom Saljre 1832,
worin bie ißrefifreiheit, bie EewiffenS = unb ElaubenSfreiheit als eine
ißeft ber menf glichen EefeHfchaft verworfen worben waren. ?lls bie
Revolution in Rom ißinS IX. ins Ertl nach Eaeta trieb, gerieth er
hier voHftänbig in bie ^änbe ber ^efulten. IXm Reformen, wie fie vom
Ecifte beS ^al)rl)unberts geforbert finb, innerhalb ber fatholtfchen jetrehe
anjubahnen unb auszuführen, ba^u hätte freilich ein weiter SSlicf über
bie Söeltlage, über bie $cit mit ihren iBcbürfniffen unb berechtigten
$orbermtgen gehört, bajit wäre eine ganz anbere ^enntni^ be§ SBcfenS
unb ber Ecfcijichte ber Kirche notl)Wenbig gewefen, als RinS IX. auf
�5
tialienifcbem SSoben unb burch eine, bürftige thcologifihe Silbung erhalten
hatte. $ür uns in ©eutfchlanb würbe bie ^errfchaft, welche bie ^efuiten
über ißiuS IX. gewannen, balb bemerfbar. £)ie in Italien gegrünbefe
berüchtigte ^ßettfcljrift Civiltà cattolica würbe auch in einer beutfdjen
Ausgabe bei uns ein^ubürgern berfucht; aber biefe fanb auf unferm
Boben deinen rechten Slntlang ltnb ging feljr balb wieber ein. £>afür
aber gab (ich ein anbereS fatl)olifdßej§ ©rgan, ber in sIRainj erf^einenbe
„föatholif", ba^u h^, bie 3been ber Civiltà in ©eutfchlanb ¿u ber=
breiten, Um biefe $eit — int 3apre 1849 ungefähr mag es gewefen
fein — fähigen bie ^efuiten ihre SBurgen am iRhein auf/ wnb nutt
gewahren wir balb einen heftigen stampf gegen bie fatholifch=theologifchett
^afultüten an ben beulten £wchfchulen. £)ie tbcologifche $alultat von
(Sieben würbe nach Wìain^ berlegt unb unter unmittelbare bifcpöfliche Slufflcht
gcfteHt; (Scnfuren, $crbä^tigungen unb WBregelungen-begannen gegen
Sßrofefforen ber Rheologie in Sßür^burg, ^teiburg, Tübingen, SöreSlau
unb SJiünchen. $n ber Civiltà begegnen wir ber bitterften Slnfeinbung
ber SBiffenfchaft; fie f^miht ben mobernen SSerfaffungSftaat mit feinen
$nftitutionen unb ^olitifc^ert Jtör^crfdßaften als „tobte« @ebein", fte
tmalü bie Uniberfitaten unb ^BilbungSanftalten beS beutfc^en SSolfcö
als ^fü^en boll peftilen^ialiter Sehren unb boll federi t en ©eftanteS.
3m 3al;re 1854 erlebten mir fobann bie ©ogmatifirung ber un=
befleckten ©mpfängnifs, — au<h ein Spmptom bon ber óperrfchaft beS
3efuitenorbenS in Dtom; benn ein übertriebener ^eiligen unb ^Reliquien;
*
Kultus, bor allem bie aberglaubifchefte ÜRarienberehrung gehört ja gu
ben charalteriftifchen ©igentaften bcSfelben. SDie bei biefer $eier in
¿Rom berfammelten 53if<höfe ftimmten unterwürfig bem neuen £>ogma
$u; Wer, mie ber SIbbé ßaborbe, bagegen ¿u proteftiren wagte, würbe
mit ©enSbarmen aus ber «Stabt gef^afft. 3n ben 2lHocutionen bom
3ahre 1861 unb 1862 wies ißiuS IX. mit Slbteu jebe SBerföhnung
beS ißapftthumS mit ber mobernen ßibilifation ¿urücf. 3m 3ahre 1864
ertien ber <SpHabuS, worin unter anberrn auSgefproben war, baff
bie Kirche bie SRacht tybt, äußeren $wang ansuwenben unb eine
birette wie inbircfte weltliche (Gewalt befifje, bafs bie Zapfte bie ©renjcn
ber ihnen bon ®ott gegebenen 9Racht niemals Übertritten haben, bafj
bie Immunitäten beS JtleruS nicht bur<h SSergünftigungcn unb £ßribi=
Icgien ber dürften unb ÜRagiftrate entftanben feien, fonbern auf
urfprünglichem göttlichem ^Rechte beruhten, bafj ®emiffenS= unb ©laubenS
*
�freipeit bermerflicp fei unb ber Sßapft jeben 23unb mit ben ¿been bet
mobernen ©ibilifation bon
meifen muffe.
3m ¿apre 1867 mürbe bab ©entenarium in'(Rom gefeiert, bei
meinem Slnlafj ¿um ©rftaunen aller gebilbetcn Jtatpoliten bie büfteren
©eftalten bon ¿nquifitoren alé nacpapmungbmertpe SSorbiíber cpriftlicper
Stugcnb auf bie Alitare gefteUt mürben. 33ei bem ©entenarium ber=
fpracpen bie 33ifd^öfe bem (ßapfte bolle ©bebien¿, unb (ßiub IX.
berpiefj ipnen bafür ein ©oncil. ©ab ¿apr barauf (1868) erfolgte bie
Sßermerfung ber öfterreicpifcpeu (Berfaffung unb halb bab (ßriefter=3ubiläum
beb (papfteb, mo er mepr alb jcmalb in eine fünftlicpe Sltmofppare bon
Hulbigungen eingepüllt mürbe unb boUenbb jeben freien (Blitf über bie
Weltlage unb über bab, mab ber Äircpe nbtpig mar, hedieren mufjte.
©nblicp am ©nbe beb ¿apreb 1869 tarn bab berpeifjene ©ondi. SRan muffte
in ber fatpolifcpen SBelt nùptb um bie Aufgaben, melepe biefem ©ondi
¿ugebacpt maren. SBenn in früheren ¿eiten ein ©ondi berufen mürbe,
fo gefcpap eb, um bie etma bebropte ©laubenbeinpeit in ber Ä'ircpe
mieberper¿ufteHen ober um uotpmenbig gcmorbene (Reformen bor¿uncpmen.
©ie fatpolifepe Sßelt mufjte in jenen ¿eiten, morurn cb fiep auf bem (Sondi
panble; biefjmal aber burften bie ©laubigen (Ricptb bon ben bcabfieptigten
©ntfipeibungen erfapren, bon bereu SInnapme naep menigen SRonaten
bab §eil iprer «Seelen bebingt fein follie, ©ie ©inlabungbbuKe erging
fiep in allgemeinen Slnbeutungen, bie Stpeologen, melepe naep (Rom be
rufen mürben, um bie (Borarbeiten für bab (Sonori ¿u maepen, mufften
ben ©ib beb San Ufficio ablegen, monacp jebe (Berle^ung beb ©epeirnniffcb mit ber «Strafe ber ©pcommunitation belegt ift.
So leitete fiep bab ©oncil alb eine grofje ¿ntrigue
ein, unb nur ber ©ffenper¿igfeit, ber vorlauten Dffenper¿igteit ber
Civiltà mar eb borbepalten, ben Scpleier über bie dbficpten ber ©urie
¿u lüften, ©iefer SIrtifel ber Civiltà (vom Februar 1869) bratpie
eine grofje Aufregung in bie gan¿e tatpolifepe 3Selt unb namentlich
burep ©eutfcplanb. ¿n bemfelben mürbe unb mitgetpeiff, bafj auf bem
©oncil bie papftlitpe Unfeplbarteit befiniri unb ein ueueb 2Rarien-©ogma
gemaept merben folie, unb ¿mar niept auf bem Söege freier, eept condliarifeper (Berpanblung, fonbern rafcp unb fummarifcp burep dffla=
mation. ©ie Senfation napm fo grofje ©imenfionen an, bafj ber beutftpe
©pibfopat tur¿ bor feiner (Romfaprt fiep genötpigt fap, bon $ulba aub
einen Hirtenbrief an bie beutfepen ^atpolifen ¿u erlaffen, morin ipnen
�7
bie SSerfiheruirg gegeben tourbe, bafj baS Sonett feine ©ogmen be=
fdjlieften werbe, bie nicht burch ben ©tauben unb baS ©ewiffen in bie
Jpergen alter ^atholifen eingef^rieben ftünben. Unb toie mir von ¿u
*
ijerläffiger «Seite erzählt toirb, gab ber £>err ©rjbifhof von 9Jiünhen=
^reifing unmittelbar vor feiner Weife noch am iöaljnljof feinem i^n
batyin begleitenben JbleruS baS ^erfprecfyen, nichts Weites von 9tom mit¿ubrmgen, fonbern in bem ©eleife ber alten bewährten ©laubenSlehre
ausbauern ¿u wollen.
Söenn bie SBifhöfe bie feit ber lebten 3eit f^ielenben ÜRahinationen,
bie, ih mödjte fagen, gleihfam unterirbifebe Sljätigfeit ber ^efuiten
Ratten fefjarfer prüfen wollen, fie toürben faum gezweifelt haben, bafé ber
berüchtigte 2Irtifet ber Civiltà bie Slbfidjteu ber Jturie aufbeefe. Schon
hatten nämlich bie ^efuiten burch bie ganje fat^olifc^e .Sßelt Vereine
$egrünbct, bie fih anheifhig machten, für bie Unfehlbarfeit ¿u toirfen,
unb ¿war fo fefjr bafür ju toirfen, bafs fie für ihre ©ogmatifirung
©ui unb «lut hingeben wollten. ÜRoh mehr hätten ben «ifhofen bie
Materien, weihe feit fahren auf ben gfrovinzial=©oncilien auf Eintrag
ber Jturie jur «erathung etngebracfjt toorben toaren, bie klugen offnen
tonnen. 2Iber fie haben biefs Allies überfeinen — wenigftenS gaben fie
fich ben SInfchein, es überfeinen ¡$u haben, unb fo famen fie unvorbe
reitet nach Otom jum ©oncil.
©S toar fo viel Stoff für bie «erhanblungen beffelben angehäuft,
ba^ mehrere «ifhofe, bie bem ©oncile beiwohnten, fonftatirten, bafj gehn
©oncilien vollauf mit ber «ewältigung beffelben ¿u thun gehabt hätten
*
Unb nun betrachten toir baS (Sonett felbft. — Schon burch bie
3 ufam men feeling toar ber Sieg in bie £anb ber Jturie gelegt;
benn 410—430 ganz juverlaffige, unbebingt ergebene «ifhöfe toaren
ihr burch biefelbe von vornherein gefiebert ©a toaren 143 «ifhöfe
aus bem Äirhenftaate, toelhe im ©aujen 700,000 Seelen vertraten,
wäljrenb z- 53. ber $ürftbifhof von «reSlau mit einer ©iöcefe von
1 Va Millionen Seelen nur über eine einzige Stimme zu verfügen hatte.
Ueberhau^t würben bie ztoötf WUionen beutfher föatholifeu nur burch
14 «ifhöfe vertreten. — ©a waren bann weiter 120 «ifhöfe in partibus, bereu ©iòcefen, wie man richtig bemerft hat, im ©rion ober im
Sirius liegen, ©azu famen noch 70 «ifhöfe ber ^rofmgauba unb
100 Prälaten aus bem übrigen Italien, weihe alle nah ^em SBinf
ber giurie ftimmten.
�8
Hiicßt minbcr war bie ©efchàftéorbnung alé ein infiniment
für ben Sieg ber ßurie berechnet. Heach berfclben tourben 5 Qommif
*
fionen aufgefteUt; bie ópatoptcommiffion aber, biejenige nämlich, toeïdje
barüber z« entf^eiben hatte, ob eingebrachte Anträge gur IBerathung
im ßoncil fommen foHten ober nicht, tourbe boni Zapfte felbft zufammen=
gefeßt. ©Benn biefe ßommiffion einen Eintrag für nicht guïâfëig er=
Härte, toanberte er einfach ad acta, unb ber 5lntragfteUer hatte nidjt
einmal bab Hiecht, feinen Eintrag bor ber ßommiffion felbft ¿u oer=
treten ober zu begrünben. Unb alb toenn bab 5llleb noch nicht l;iureidjenb gewefen märe, um ¡eben mißliebigen Eintrag an baê (Soncil gu
berlfinbern, hatte ber ^apft fictf noch befonberö bas Utecht borbehalten,
auch einen bereits bureß bie ©ommiffion gegangenen unb für zuläßig
erklärten Eintrag au£ eigener HRachtoolltommenheit zurücfzutocifen. ©ie
franjöfifcßen iöifdjöfe ^roteftirten gegen biefe ©efhäftSorbnung, fie er=
hielten aber feine Antwort ©ie fo wichtige ©ommiffion de fide tourbe
nur auö infallibiliftifcfyen ©heologen gebilbet; überhaupt gefdjaljeit alle
Söaljlen nach officiellen Siften.
2öab bie Ulula betrifft, worin bab (Soncil gehalten tourbe, fo
toar biefelbe für einen folgen 3tocc£ burdjaitê nicht geeignet. 3<h habe
bor mir eine Schrift: „La liberté du Concile et l’infaillibilité," aué
ber £anb eine« ber erften fircßlitßen Söürbenträger fyranfreidjb, welche
¿unächfi nur für bie 50 Äarbinale gebruett'tourbe, bamit bie barin
erwähnten ©hatfachen nicht zur weiteren tantniß tarnen, weil fie bem
3lnfeßen beá (Sonetts fdjaben mußten. 3a tiefer Sdjrift nun heißt cé,
baß ein Uarbinal um bie Glitte $ebruar ertlärt habe, baß er bon all
ben Hieben, welche bisher gehalten worben, nicht 40 SDBorte oerftanben
habe unb baß überhaupt wenigftcnS ein ©rittheil ber Sßcrfammlung
bon ben Hieben fein Sßort berftehen tonne.
)
*
©iefe Hieben bilbeten
aber auch feine eigentliche ©istuffion, fonbern es waren afabemifhe
Vorträge, oie fiel) ber Hieihe nach folgten. Söurbe aber wirtlich einmal
ein Htcbncr, wie Stroßmaper, Schwarzenberg, Jpapnalb u. 51. unan
*
genehm, fo fudjte iljm ber präfibirenbe Scgat baé SSort zu entziehen
ober cö tourbe bon ber HJtajorität baé fdjon auf bem (Sonett bon ©rient
gebrauchte Mittel wieber aufgenommen, nämlich ben mißliebigen Hiebncr
*) SIbgebructt bei ftot). ^rtebridh, Documenta ad illustrandola
Concilium Vaticanum anni 1870., 9WrbïtJtgen 1871 p. 129 sq.
�9
burcp Söutpgefcprei ¿u übertönen unb tpn ¿u ¿wtngen, bte ©ribüne ¿u
verlaffen. — Sftan fucpte es ben iöifcpöfen ¿u verbieten, fiep in Own=
gregationen ¿u verfammeln, es war ipnen nicpt erlaubt, ipre Sieben
brutfen ¿u laffen, fie durften überpaupt in ütorn feine Scprift gegen
hie Unfehlbarkeit brucfen laffen; eine Prüfung ber SUcptigfeit ber fteno=
grappifcpen 3Iuf¿eicpnungen war ipnen nicht geftattet. $u all’ bem tarn
aber auch noch baS $>erfonTtche (Singreifen beö ißapfteS, ber bie Slnpanger
ber Unfeplbarfeit auf alle mögliche Söeifc ermutpigte unb auS¿eicpnete,
bte ®egner berfelben aber gerabe¿u — es barf unb mu^ auSgefprocpett
werben — fchmäpte. Sitó man wäprenb ber peifjeit <3apreS¿eit IßiuS IX.
barauf aufmerffam inacpte, bafj unter ber ^ieberglut iliomö bie iöifüjöfe,
von benen bte meiften alt unb gebrechlich waren, bie fo wichtige §rage
über bie Unfeplbarfeit unmöglich in ber nötpigett geiftigen unb förperliehen SBerfaffung entfepeiben tonnten; ba foll — eö wirb von vielen Seiten
beftatigt — aus feinem Wtunb baS harte Sßort gefallen fein: „ehe
crepino tutti“.
Scpon im Januar 1870, naepbem baS (Soncil taum über ein
Sftonat verfammelt war, braepte bie SJtajorität ben Slntrag ein, es
möge baö 3nfaHibilitätö=Scheina vorgelegt werben, obwohl ber SReipen=
folge ber Materien gemafs vorder noch ßO Kapitel ¿u erlebigen gewefen
Waren. ©ie iöifcpöfe ber ÜRinorität proteftirten, aber auf ipre bei bem
Sßapft eiitgereicpte ißroteftation erhielten fie feine Slntwort. SDoch ja,
fie erhielten eine Slntwort! nämlich bie Slntwort, bafj im Februar eine
¿weite verfchárfte ©efcpaftSorbnung auferlegt würbe, worin bie conciliarifepe ^reipeiiStocp rnepr beeinträchtigt war, unb bafj fur¿ nach @r=
laff biefer ¿weiten ©efdjñftóorbnttng baS von ber Sftaforitat vielbegehrte
Schema von ber papftli<hen Unfehlbarfeit eingebraept wttrbe. ©amató,
meine yerren, ató biefe ¿weite ©efcpaftóorbnung octropirt würbe, er=
hoben fiep eine Slit¿apl von iöifcpöfen aus ^rantreiep, ©nglattb, ©eutfcpí
lanb, ©eutfcp--Ocftcrreicp unb Ungarn, unb unter btefen iöifchöfen war
auch ber fberr @r¿bifcpof von 2Rünchen-§reifing, ¿u einer iöorfteüung
gegen biefelbe. ^n biefer SßorfteUung, bie von mehr ató bOO Prälaten
unter¿eichnet würbe, finbet fiep folgenber ißaffuS: „Sßir finb in unferm
Oewiffen burcp eine unerträgliche Saft befepwert, bie üefumenicität beá
Concitó unb feine Slutoritat wirb burcp biefe neue (ScfcpaftSorbming
erfepüttert unb fönnte ató ber Sßaprpeit unb §re^he^ entbeprenb be=
�10
gtüeifeli unb angegriffen werben."
)
*
2IKeS baS, meine .Sperren, wa£
it 3^nen über ben (Stjaracter beS vatitaniften (Soncils foeben oorgeflirrt habe, wirb burt baS Beugnifj beS CrrgbiftofS bon Sßaris, beS VerfafferS ber Sdjrift „Sie lefcte Stunbe beS ßoncilS" voUftanbig.
beftätigt. erlauben Sie mir, Sie mit ein paar Steden aus berfelben
begannt gu machen.
)
**
„SBeldjer Seelenftarfe, helfet eS fyier, galten bie Viftofe
ber Minorität beburft, 7 lange Wlonate Ijinburdj, um uidjt
mübe gu werben, StUeS gu erbulben, 2IUeS gu berfudjen, ohne
bie gernljaltung beS 2IergerniffeS erreichen gu tonnen! eine
©cftäftSorbnung, ben erwiefenften dted)ten beS (Soncils ¿um £ro&
aufgegwungen, SluSftüffe, bie im Voraus gewählt waren, trügerifte
Stimmenabgaben, erbrüdenbe Vevormunbung, Verhanblungen
oljne Siegel unb 3iel, Slbänberungen im Verfahren, bie ebcnfiy
od.- widtüljriid? wie vervielfältigt waren; — fie liefeen biej; 2lHeS über
fit ergehen, in ber Hoffnung, burt iljre langmütige ®ebulb>
»■> benn bot eines £ageS i^re Veweife gur Einnahme gu bringen.
@S würbe tuen, off entließ verläftert gu werben, nic^t erfpart, unb
gleidjwoljl erhob fid) inmitten ber Verfammlung, in welcher man
fie ^äretifer unb ^offdjraugen nannte, niemals iljre Stimme in
Stufbraufen unb Unmutl). ^l)re diebner mußten mehr als einmal
bie diebnerbüfyne berlaffen, ohne bafs fie tve ©ebanfen barlegen,,
nof weniger iljre Uebergeugungen bert^eibigen burften, wäljrenb
bie Wljrfyeüt ohne Unterlaß baS dted^t fit vorbehielt, ungeftraft
il;re empörenben Uebertreibungen unb tre frevelhaften 2Ingüglit=
feiten gu vervielfaten. Vom erften dlnfange an warb es ja als
Sfitti erad)tet, bie VeweiSgrünbe ber SDbinberheit unabänberlit
gleit Veleibigungen entgegenguneljmen unb ttre Veleibigungen
gurüdgugeben an Stelle von VeweiSgrünbeu. — Selbft ihre Ver
wahrungen, fo würbig, fo bemütig unb bot in allweg gefehlt
begrünbet fie waren, berartigen Sftifjbräuten gegenüber, blieben
nitt blofe oljne Erfolg, fonbern felbft ohne Antwort."
*) ®a§ Oenftüd finbet fit in bent angeführten SBute Von Sßrof. griebr id),
p. 263.
**) Um bie SSerfianblung abgufürgen, trug ber Stebner biefe Stellen in ber
ißerfantntlung nitt Vor ; ba fie aber fttft Wittig finb, fügen wir fie betn
ftenographiften SBeritte bei.
�11
©er aSerfaffer lonftatirt bann freitet, frie bet ¿ßapft offentunbig
feine $anb bet fo befremblichen unb in bet Jtirdje fo unerhörten Um=
mäljung lieh; er fagt, bap bie ©efeUfchaft 3»efu burd)
Sntriguen
von vornherein baS ganje (Soncil fdjon fertig gemacht hatte unb baff bie
SHfdjöfe blofi berufen frorben waren, um ba§ Söert ber ^efuiten gut
¿u ^et^en, bafg bie (Surie auf febe SBeife bie Freiheit beS (SoncilS ein=
geengt unb vernichtet habe unb f^rid^t enblich ba§ fdjfrere Sßort auS:
„(Ss bietet bie tatholifche Äir<he uns heuie baS Schaufpiel
. eines (Soncils ohne Freiheit unb bie ¿öebrohung burch einen 3lbfolutiSmuS ohne Schranten."
)
*
5j
5lm 13. ^uli tarn enblich bie ¿Hbftimmung in ber (Seneralcongregation. 601 33ifc£ofe fraren anwefenb, 70, obfrohl in ¿Rom gegenwärtig,
hatten fich fron ber Sifjung fern gehalten. ¿Bon biefen 601 ¿Bifchöfen
ftimmten 88 mit Non placet, 62 mit placet juxta modum, bie ¿Rnbern,
ungefähr 450 Votirten fd^on bamals baS ©ogma. ©arauf tarn bie
feierliche Sifcung bes 18. <3>ulL $n biefer Sitzung erfreuen viele
23if<höfe ber 2Rinorität nicht, es fraren in berfeiben im (Sanken nur
535 ¿Bätet anfrefcnb. 55 ißifc^ofe ber ¿Minorität, barunter auch unfer
Jhochfrürbigfter ^>err (Sr^bifchof, haben vor ihrem ¿Weggänge ober ihrer
flucht aus ¿Rom noch ein Schreiben bem ¿ßapfte eingefchicbt, aus freierem
ich 3>hnen bie frichtigften Stellen mittheilen will:
„^eiligfter ¿Batet! <3n ber (Seneralcougregation vom 13. b.
gaben frir unfere Stimmen über bas Schema ber erfteit bogma=
tifchen (Sonftitution von ber Kirche ©huifti ab.
(Sfr. ^eiligteit ift begannt, bafj 88 ¿Bätet, gebrungen von
ihrem (Semiffen unb aus Siebe jur heil. Kirche, ihre
Stimme mit non placet abgaben, 62 anbere mit placet juxta
modum ftimmten unb enblich ungefähr 70 -von ber (Kongregation
abwefenb fraren unb fich bet Slbftimmung enthielten, ©agu tommt,.
bafj Slnbere tl;eils wegen J^rantheit, theilS aus anbern gewichtigen
<Srünben in ihre ©töcefen ¿urücfgelehrt finb.
So mürben (Sm. «Jpeiligfeit unb ber gangen SÖBelt unfere ¿Bota
offenlunbig unb marb conftatirt, von wie vielen ¿Bifchöfen
unfere ¿Rnfchauung gebilligt mürbe; auf biefe Söeife
*) Sie Sdjrtft ift in beutfdjer lleberfe^ung in -SRündjen bei SRanj 1870
etfdjtenen.
�12
erfüllten wir baS Blmt unb hie Pflicht, welche un£
obliegen.
$on jenem ¿Jeitpuntte an ereignete fiep aber gang
unb gar
was unfere Blnfchauung hätte änbern
tonnen; bagegen fielen viele unb ¿war äufjerft ge =
wichtige SDinge vor, welche uns in unferem BSorfafce
beftartten. deshalb ertlären wir, bad wir unfere be=
reits abgegebene 33ota erneuern unb beftätigen."
unb fie fügen ljinju, bad wenn fie in bie feierliche Simung gefommcn
toaren, fie auch bann nicht anberS getonnt hätten als ihre in ber
@eneral=@ongregation abgegebenen $ota ¿u betätigen.
So erlebte benn baS 19. ^ahrhunbert bas unerhörte Schaufpieh
bad bie alte BSerfaffung ber Jtircpe gebrochen unb ein SDogma aufge?
fteUt würbe, welches nach ben Blenderungen feiner eifrigften Anhänger
unb Interpreten ben Sßapft gerabe¿u ¿um SDalai-íama macht So er=
ilari ¿. 23. $ater §aber, bad ber Sßctpft bie brüte HRenfcpwerbung
©otteS fei, SJlfgr. von Segur, bad tofr ihn als ©IwtftuS anf©rben
verehren, unb fagt bie Civiltà, bad n)enn ber $apft nachbentt, ©ott
es ift, ber in ipm benft. in (Rom felbft würbe währenb beS ©oncils
über Remate folgenber Blrt geprebigt: ©h^ftu^ fa ber Grippe, ^priftuS
im BlltarSfatrament, ^hriftuS im (Batican. Unb, meine Herren, wenn
Sie bie frommen 23ilbchen ¿umSDogma ber Unfehlbarkeit gefcpen hätten,
welche aus fran¿0fifcher £)ffi¿in hetvorgingcn unb bamals in (Rom ver=
breitet würben, Sie würben geftaunt haben, bis ¿u welchem ©rabe man
bie ibolatrie, ben ©ö^enbienft mit (ßiuS IX. ¿u treiben wagte.
Bluch Böunber lied man in fran¿ófifchen (Ronnentlöftern burcp bie
Unfehlbarkeit wirten.
(löcrfen wir nun noch einen 23lict auf baS ^Benehmen unb bie
Saaten unfereS Herrn ©r¿bifchofS nach feiner (Rücffehr vom ©onciL
2,?agte er vielleicht vom Blnfang an mit freiem unb entfchloffenem SRutlje
bem infaUibilitätSbogma Beugnid ¿u geben? ©r wagte eS nicht, er
lied baS bctreffenbe Schema als (Beilage ¿um Sßaftoralblatte in feiner
£)iöcefe gleicpfam einfchmuggeln. — BUS bieS ohne böfe folgen von
Seiten ber tgl. baperifdjen Staatsregierung glücklich gelungen war, erlieft
*
ber $err ©rgbifcpof am IO. Januar — ich glaube, es ift bieS baS
©atum — einen Hirtenbrief, worin er baS neue (Dogma ben ©laubigen
feiner SDiöcefe ¿ur Blnnaprne mittheilte. — ^Bekanntlich würbe bem H^n
�13
^¿bif^of fogleicp nacp her Publikation bitfcS Hirtenbriefes öffentlich
naipgcwiefcn, bafj bie gan§e Slrgumentation, womit er baS neue ©ogma
begrünbete, auf Sftifverftänbniffe ber pl. ©epW un^ auf gefälfcpte
Beugniffe fiel) ftüpe. —
ber Herr ©^bifepof barauf geantwortet,
hat er barauf ¿u antworten vermocht? — ©r tonnte es nidpt- —
traurigfte oon allen 511 tenftücfen aber, bie oon ber piefigen ergbifdjöfticljcn
Äanglei ausgegangen finb, ift offenbar baS lepte, ber gegen ©öUinger
gerichtete ¿Hirtenbrief.
©eftatten Sie mir nur noep einige Minuten, meine Hcrren’ — ©$
finb brei Punkte in biefem ntrtenbricfe, bie
^-u9e faffen
muffen, wollen Sie unfern Herrn ©^¿bifepof richtig würbigen. ©er
Herr ©^bifepof fagt:
„1) ©er Perfaffer (©öUinger) verlangt, bafj ihm geftattet werbe, in
einer Perfammlung von iöifcpöfen ober ©pcologeu ben beweis ¿u
'
liefern, baf bie ©laubcnSbcfrete ber IV. Sitzung bcS Patikanifcpcn
©oncils Weber in ber i)eil. Scprift, wie fie bie jtirdpenväter ver=
ftanbeu, noch in ber Ueberlieferung nach itjrer äepten ©efepiepte
enthalten feien, bafj (entere vielmehr burep erbrütete ober entfteKte
Urkunben gefälfcpt worben fei, unb baf bie nämlichen ©etrete im
Söiberfprucpe mit älteren tircplicpen ©ntfcpeibimgen fiepen.
3lun liegt aber pier, nicht etwa eine §rage vor, welche erft
¿u entfepeiben, barum ¿uvor forgfältig 311 prüfen wäre, ©ie Sache
ift bereits entfliehen; ein allgemeines, reeptmäfig berufenes, frei
verfammelteS, vom ©berpaupte ber Jiircpe geleitetes ©oncil
hat nach forgfältiger Prüfung bie katpolifcpe ßepre vom Primate
beS römifepen papfteS erläutert, formulirt unb befinirt."
iöemerten Sie, meine Herreu/ bie Bweibeutigteit! ©er Herr ©rä
*
bifepof wagt nicht ¿u fagen: „ein frei beratpenbeS ©oncil,“ fonbem
er fagt: „ein frei verfammelteS ©oncil" unb pofft offenbar mit
biefer ^weibcutigfeit über bie Schwierigkeiten pinweggufeplüpfen. 5lber
wie pätte er auch [«gen tonnen „ein frei beratpenbeS ©oncil,“
naepbem er im SJiärg vorigen $apreS ¿u Htorn in ber bereits erwähnten
Porftellung gegen bie ¿weite ©efcpäftöorbnung mit anbern Pifcpöfen er=
klärt patte: „äRein ©ewiffen ift unerträglich befepwert burep bie ¿weite
©efcpäftSorbnung, benn baS ©oncil könnte wegen berfelben als ber
Sßaprpeit unb greipeit entbeprenb angegriffen werben."
©er Hetr ©^bifepof fährt in feinem Hirtenbrief alfo fort:
�w2) ©ollinger behauptet, bafj es [ich ^ter um eine rein gerichtliche
^rage Ijanble, welche benn auch einzig mit ben Ijiefür ¿u ©ebote
ftehenben Mitteln unb nach ben Regeln, roeicf;e für jebe hiftorifte
^orfcpung, jebe ©rmitttung vergangener, alfo ber ©efdjidjte ange=
poriger Sljatfadjen gelten, bejubelt unb entfliehen Werben muffe,
©uburd) ift aber bie ^iftorifd^e ^orftnng über bie Jtirdje ge=
fteHt, es werben bie ©ntfcheibungen ber Kirche bem lebten unb
entfdjeibcnben Urteile ber ©efdjichtsfchreiber preiSgegeben, es wirb
baburdj baS göttlidj verorbnete Sehramt in ber ^irdje befeitigt unb
alle tatholifdje 2öalgheit in $rage gefteUt."
(Sä ift, meine Herren, ein bemerkenswertes Bufammentreffen,
bafj gerabe heute vor einem B^t ber $err ©r^bif^of von Mnd)en=
*
Reifing mit auberen Siftöfen ber Minorität eine Sorftedung be^üg
*
lid) beS UnfehlbarfeitS-OogmaS an ben ißapft gelangen liefj, in welchem
er felber auSfpricht, baff burd; falfdje ©efchittSe^ahlung bie ißapfte
getänftt worben feien über ben Umfang ihrer W7att, baff fie burdj
falfdpe ©eftittSe^ählung ¿u bem ©tauben verführt worben feien,
tre Vorgänger hätten Könige unb dürften abgefe^t;' ©aS Beugnift
ber ©efdjichte ruft er alfo felber an in biefer f^rage, worin es ftch
ljanbelt um bie Seftimmung ber dRachtgrennen ber Zapfte. ©er Herr
^¿biftof fagt bann in biefem Oenftüde nod), baff bie Sülle Unam
sanctam, in weiter Sonifaj VIII. bie Obergewalt beS ißapfteS über
alles weltliche Aperrfdfertljum auSfpridjt, wirflict? ben Sinn ljabe, bafc
bem Zapfte bie abfolute Jperrfdfaft in ber SBelt, über baS ©eiftlicfye
fowopl, wie aud; über baS üöeltlic^e eigne, unb baff Beber, ber bie
©efdjichte biefer Sude ftubirt, gefielen müffe, bafg baS Seftreben jener
©Geologen, welche berfelbeit einen auberen, milberen Sinn geben wollen,
ein verkehrtes unb irrtümliches fei. Sllfo ber §err ©rjbiftof beruft
ßt für baS Serftaiibnijg ber Sude Unam sanctam ¿um ¿weiten ddale
auf baS Beugnifj ber @eftid)te. ©aS Bcuguijj ber ©eftitte, baS vor
einem Balge, nämlich am 10. Slpril 1870, ihm nod; begolten'hat, gilt
tm heute — am 10. Slpril 1871 — in berfeiben §rage Nichts mehr.
(Sewegung.)
©üblich Iwren unb beurteilen Sie mit mir noch ben britten ißunkt
in biefem intereffanten Hirtenbrief:
„©odinger, l;ei^t es weiter, erklärt, baff bie ©ecrete vom
18. Bult b. B^' fchledtf^iu unvereinbar feien mit ben Serfaffun
*
�15
gen her europaifcpen Staaten, insbefonbere mit bet baper» 23er
*
faffung, ja, bafj btefe ßepre, an beren folgen baS alte beutfcpe
SReicp gu ©runbe gegangen fei, falls fie bei bem tatpol. Opeile
bet beutfcpen Nation perrfcpenb mürbe, fofort aucp ben Jteim eines
unpeilbaren SiecptpumS in bas eben erbaute neue Hieicp ver
*
pflangen mürbe."
©egen biefe gänglicp irrtpümlicpe UnterfteHung unb fehr ge=
paffige Slnflage proteftiren 2öir piemit mit lautefter (Stimme unb
erklären fie als eine unbegrünbete 23erbäcptigung ber tatp. «Stbcpe,
ipreS OberpaupteS, iprer 23ifcpöfe unb iprer fammtlicpen ©lieber,
melcpe nie aufpbren merben, bem ^aifer gu geben, maS beS «StaiferS
ift unb ©ott, maS ©otteS ift."
2Iber, meine «Sperren! ^n berfelben SBorfteKung vorn 10. 2Ipril
1870 pat ber «Sperr ©rgbifcpof eine gang entgegengefepte Uebergeugung
auSgefprocpen; Sie müffen mir erlauben, $pnen bie begüglicpen Stellen
barauS vorgulefen, bamit Sie felbft urtpeilen tonnen. Oie Stellen
lauten:
„Oie $rage über bie päpftlicpe Unfeplbarteit berührt bie bem
cpriftlicpen 23olfe von ben ©eboten ©otteS gu gebenbe Untermeifung
unb berüprt birect baS 23erpältnijg ber tatpolifcpen Sepre gur bür
*
gerlicpen ©efeüfcpaft.
23iS ins 17. ^aprpunbert pabcn bie Sßäpfte geleprt, bie @e=
malt in meltlicpen Oittgen fei ipnen von ©ott gegeben unb fie
paben bie entgegengefepte Meinung vermorfen.
©ine anbere Sepre aber über baS 23erpaltni^ ber tircplicpen
©emalt gur ftaatlicpen tragen mir mit faft allen 23ifcpöfen ber
tatpolifcpen 23Belt bem cpriftlicpeit SSolte vor, namlicp: eine jebe
von beiben'©emalten, bie bürgerliche mie bie geiftlicpe,
ift in ben ipr anvertrauten Oingen unter ©ott bie
pbcpfte unb in iprem 2Imte ber anbern nicpt unter
*
morfen.
2öaS mir von bem 23erpältnifs ber tircplicpen ©emalt gur ftaat=
licpen leprcn,ift nicpt neu,fonbern uralt unb burcp bie Heber
*
einftimmung ber pl. 23ater unb bie SluSfprücpe unb
23eifpiele aller Sßäpfte bis auf ©regor VII. beftärtt, mefj
*
palb mir nicpt gmeifeln, bajj es volle Sßaprpeit fei; benn ©ott
foH verpüten, bafj mir megen bereiten 23ebürfniffe ben urfprüng
*
�16
ttd^cnSinnbe§göttlichen® efe^c«fällen! ©ennoch muffen bie
(gefahren angejeigt merben, melche für bie Ätrdje au«
einem ©ecrete entfielen merben, ba« mit biefer unferer ßelfre nidjt übereinftimmen mürbe.
@5 entgeht Dlicmanb, bafs e« unmöglich ift, bie Staatliche
©efeüfchaft nach ber in ber 53uUe U. S. feftgefc^ten siegel ju
reformiren. ®lei<hmohl fann burdf ben SSeäffel ber -¡Dichtungen
unb menfdjlidfen (Einrichtungen meber ein von ©oft verliehene«
Dted)t noch bie biefem entfprechenbe
aufgehoben merben.
Söenn ber römifche Sßapft im l;l- Wer bie ©emalt empfangen hatte,
melche figürlich bitrch bie 2 Schmetter bezeichnet wirb, unb mie in
ber 53uHe Cum ex Apostolatus officio verfid^ert wirb, au«
göttlichem Diechte über bie Sßölfer unb ¿Reiche bie $üüe ber @e=
malt innehatte; bann ftünbe e« ber ^treffe nidpt frei, btejs ben
©laubigen ¿u verbergen. . . SBare aber ber chriftliche Unterricht
auf biefe Art umgeftaltet, fo mürbe e« menig nü^en, weitläufig
¿u versichern: ma§ gu ber ©emalt be« hl- Stuhle« im ¿^eitUdjen
gehöre, halte fich in ben ©rennen ber Theorie unb fei von feiner'
lei ©emicht rücfficbtlich ber Angelegenheiten unb ©reigniffe;
ißiu« IX. bemfe nicht entfernt baran, bie Senfer ber Staatlichen
Angelegenheiten ab^ufe^en. ^ohnlachenb mürben bie ©egner aut'
morten: bie ipäpftlichen Urteile fürchten mir nicht; aber nach langen
unb verriebenen Verkeilungen ift e« enblich evibent gemorben,
baf? jeber ^atholif, beffen Söerte burdf ben ©tauben, ben er be=
tennt, geleitet merben foUen, ein geborener fyeinb be« «Staate« ift,
ba er fich im ©emiffen für gebunben erachtet, foviel er tann bci=
¿utragen, bamit alle Dleicße unb Voller bem rörnifelfen ißapfte un=
termorfen merben."
<So ber ^err (Sr^bifchof vor einem 3ahre1 (©eo^e (Senfation.)
Unb nun, meine Herren, laffen Sie mich gum Schluffe gelangen!
liefen ©eift, ber ba« Goncil ^geleitet hat, nennt man in Hirtenbriefen
ben heiligen ©eift! 6« ift aber ber ©eift ber ©emalt unb ber ßüge,
e« ift ber ©eift ber Unmiffenheit unb ber Feigheit, (Vravo!) Söenn
biefi ber ©eift mdre, ber von Anfang an bie Kirche geleitet hat, menn
biefj ber heil- ©eift märe, bann märe über bie dh>riftliche unb tatholifche
Kirche ba« fd^ärffte VermerfitngSurtheil auSgefprochen! ©« ift aber
nicht ber heilige ©eift!
�—
17
—
SD?.
VBaS fo fehr eine Vewegung gegen bie Uebergriffe beS
.^cfuitiSmuS erfcßtöert, baS ift bte reltgtöfe ©leichgiltigfeit. Aber, tu.
es ^anbelt fidj gut Stunbe nicht mehr barum, ob ein ©ogma
me^r ober weniger, bie Alternative' ift ganj anders gcftettt. ®S hatt'
beit fleh darum, ob Sie fleh biefe brutale Vergewaltigung 3hrcS religiöfen
©cwiffens gefallen laffen wollen, ober ob Sie für fi<h unb im Flamen
<3ijrer Binder mit uns gegen biefe ßaft, bie man ben ©ewiffen aufgu=
legen verfugt, fi<h ¿ur Abwehr ergeben wollen. Von ber Unterwerf=
ung Ratten fte nicpt einmal einen ©auf, wie ¿. V. bie Civiltà ¿eigt,
welche in ihren lebten heften über bie Vif^öfe ber Vänorität, bie jefct
¿u Äreu^ gefroren finb, fleh in ber Verhöhnung ergeht, bafj auf bem
(Sondi einige Schwachtöpfe ¿war bie VSaljrljeit ber UnfehlbarteitSlehre
nicht einfdjcn wollten, haft fte aber nun hinterdrein doch noch ber ljeil.
®eift erleuchtet habe.
Alfo, m.
um beS religiöfen ©ewiffenS Witten, um nuferer
ftaatsbürgerli^en unb focialen ttledjte, ja überhaupt um ber (Sultur
witten, nehmen Sie in biefer brenn enben Sa^e Partei, ¿iehen Sie fidj
nicht in bie Vcquemlichtdt beS Privatlebens ¿urücf, geftatten Sie nicht,
bafj fchon gleich in ben erften £agen, wo baS neue beutfche ttleich cm«
Vorblüht, ber Jteim einer tiefen Spaltung in baSfelbe gelegt werbe.
Sie wiffen es aus ber ©efhichte, bafj ber unglücffelige 30jähr. förieg
vor^ugsweife ben SRa^inationen ber ^efutten ¿u verbanden ift; laffeh
Sie barum, nachbem wir einig geworben finb in £)cutfchlanb, uns
nicht abermals trennen burch bie VZacpittationcn ber ^efuiten ! (Stür=
mifcher Veifatt.)
Staatsanwalt Streng:
Vßotten wir uns, meine Herren, über bie politifdSen folgen ber
UnfehlbarteitSlehre Klarheit verfdjaffen, fo müffen wir tlar fein über
bas Verhältnis ¿wiffen Kirche unb Staat vor Vertünbung biefer ßehre
unb über bie Veränderungen, welcpe bte Verfaffuttg ber Kirche burch
bicfelbe erlitten hat.
3n Vapern fanben bie Verhangen ¿wiffen Jtir^e unb Staat
ihre gefebliche ttlegelung burch bas (Soncordat unb burch bie Verfaffung,
tnSbefondere bie ¿weite Vellage ber VerfaffungSurtunde, baS f. g. ttteli=
gionS=@bict.
£>aS (Soncordat, welches ¿unächft eine ttleipe von organifchen Ve
*
�18
ftimmungen über (Sintheilung bcr ©iojefen, (Befolgung ber Kapitel unb
Pfarreien, (Sinfünfte unb ©otirung ber kirchlichen 9(emter enthält, gd
*
Währt ben (Bifchöfen bie iBefugnifj, in ßeitung ber ©iojefen aüeS baS
*
jenige auS¿uüben, waS ihnen vermöge tyreS £irtenamteS haft ber (Sr=
flärung unb Slnorbnung bcr fanonifehen Sa^ungen nach ber gegen
*
wärtigen unb «vom ^eiligen Stuhle betätigten Kirch enbiSciplin ¿ufteht
2llS einzige aber wichtige (Garantie gegen eine bem «Staate feinbltdEje
Ausübung ber Kirchengewalt verleiht eS bem König auf ewige 3eiteH
baS <3nbuít, gu ben erlebigten (BifchofSftühlen (Seiftli^e ¿u ernennen,
Welche bie nach ben fanonifehen Sa^ungen ^bazu erforberitten Sigett
*
fdjaften befi^en, unb welchen ber 5ßaf)ft bie fanonifche (Sinfe^ung er
*
t^eiten wirb. ©ie (Bifchöfe Ijaben bem König ben (Sib ber ©reue gu
leiften.
©ie SBerfaffungSurfunbe ftcllt in gerechter Söürbigung ber fjoliti
*
fd^en (Srrungenfchaften ber Neuzeit an ihre <Spi£e bie Freiheit ber ®e=
wiffen unb gewiffenhafte ©Reibung unb Schätzung beffen, waS beS
Staates unb ber ^ircl;e ift; fie beftimmt, bafs Kirchenämter ober
Sßfrünben nur (Singebornen ober verfaffungSmä^ig (Raturalifirten erteilt
werben fönnen, ftatuirt bie Oieichheit ber bürgerlichen unb ¡politifcfjen
(Rechte ber in bem Königreich beftehenben brei dfjriftiichen KirchengefeÜ
*
fdhaften, wahrt bem Staate baS oberhoheitliche Schuh unb SluffichtS
*
*
recht auch in rein geistlichen ©egenftänben ber (Religionslehre unb beS
©ewiffenS, ben Staatsbürgern bie Berufung an bie (RegicrungSgewalt
wegen W^brauchS ber geistlichen ©ewalt unb verbietet bie (Berfünbung
unb ben (Boüzug ber (Berorbnungen unb ©efche bcr Kirchengewalt ohne
vorgängige (Sinficht unb ohne baS Sßlacet beS Königs.
©urch bie (Berfaffung ift bemnach ber Kirche feineSWegS jene
Stellung gewährt, welche bie meiften Kirchenrechtslehrer als bie ihr ge=
bührenbe bezeichnen, inbem fie barauf hinweifen, bajs bie Kirche weit
älter fei, als alle Staaten ber (Gegenwart unb bafj bie (Rechte bcr Kirche
burch bie viel jüngeren Staatsgewalten in feiner Sßeife beeinträchtigt
werben bürften. SRan fann baS verfaffungSmäjnge (Berhältnifj ¿wifchen
Staat unb Kirche nicht einmal ein gleichberechtigtes nennen, bie Kirchen
*
gewalt ift ber Stuf ficht unb Roheit beS Staates voKftänbig unterworfen.
fragen wir, wie fi«h biefe ©efe^e in ber (ßraris bewährten, fo
finben wir feineSWegS einträchtiges ¿ufammengehen ber beiben ©ewalten
auf bem gefefjltch gebahnten Sßeg. ©er Orunb liegt nahe; baS (Son
*
�19
mar bereits im Dftober 1817 von her baßerifelfen Regierung
ratificirt unb ljatte beit ß^arafter eines voll verpfHdftenben Völkerrechts
lidfen 33ertrageß erlangt; allein eß mürbe erft am 26. üftai 1818 ¿u=
:gletch mit ber 33erfaffung in 33aßerit vertünbigt unb fottte nadf ber
außbrüctlidfen 33eftimmung beß iReligionßebifte^ nur in 3Infehung ber
burdf bie 33erfaffung nicht geregelten inneren Jtirdfenangelegeitheiten
maffgebenb fein. Äöniglidfe ©etlarationen verfudfieit eine Söfung ber
Sßtberfprüdfe in ben ®ruitb$ügen beiter ®efe^e; allein einfeitige S?etla=
rationen beß Königs tonnten 33erfaffungßgefehe nicht meljr in autl)en=
tifdfer 3Beife interpretiren. Stuf ber anbern Seite ftrebten bie 33ifdföfe
fortmälfrenb, beit Stanbpuntt beß (Soncorbatß. ber Jtirdfe §u fiebern.
•¡Rodf am 8. 2Ipril 1852 erfdfien eine töniglidfe 33erorbnuitg, meldfe
in ber bisher geübten ftaatlidfen 3lufftdft (Erleichterungen gemährte, ben
(Einfluf; ber 33ifdföfe auf bie Spulen erhoffte, im Uebrigen aber baß
bberfte 3Iuffidftßredft unb baß ?ßlacet außbrücflidf mährte.
33etrad;ten mir bie 33e$tehungen ¿mifdfen föirdfe unb Staat, mie
fte je|t tlfeilß auf gefe^lidfer (Erunblage beruhen, tlfeilß in ber ißrariß
•ftch geftaltet Ifaben, fo finben mir bie in bem Hteligionß^bifte alß
Weltliche ©egenftänbe erklärten (Rechte, mie
33. bie ©eridftßbarfeit
über bie Oeiftlidfen in bürgerlichen 9tedftßftreitigteiten unb Straffadfen,
faft burdfgehenbß unbeftritten in §änben ber Staatßregierung; meniger
ftdfer unb unbeftritten aber ift baß 33erhältnifi ¿mifdjen ber ^irdfeiv unb
Staatßgemalt bezüglich ber in bem (Reltgionß-©bitt aufgeführten @egen=
ftänbe gemifchter Slatur, mie j. 33. ber (Errichtung geifttiefeer @efed=
{«haften, ber organifcheit 33eftimmungen über geiftlic^e 33ilbungßanftal=
ten, mälfrenb bezüglich ber inneren .ftirdfeiiaiigelegenheiten, mie ber
©laubenßlehre, beß religiöfen 33oltßiinterri<htß unb ber ^irdfenbißcipltn,
bie oerfaffungßmafugen (Garantien, baß oberfte Sdfuh= unb 3luffichtß=
rechtf baß ißlacet unb bie 33erufung megen ülii^braudjß ber geiftlidfen
bemalt, an fidf fchon von felfr gmeifelhafteni SBertlf maren unb mie
(Ereigniffe ber iicueften ^eit bemeifeit, füglich mit Sdjufimaffen ver=
^leidfbar finb, bie ein 33linber tragt, ber feinen @egner nicht fielft unb
fidf beßhalb auch feiner SBaffeit nicht mit (Erfolg gegen ilfn b.ebieiten
faitn.
,,
3Iuf biefem Oebiete ift molfl bie merthVoUfte (Garantie baß burdf
baß (Eoncorbat bem Könige eingeräumte (Recht ber (Ernennung ber
33ifcfyofe. £)iefeß (Ernennungßrccht fefct ben Völlig in bie Sage, bie
�20
bcfte löürgfdjaft auf einem nicht unbeftritteuen Gebiete gegen unberech
*
tigte unb bcm Staate gefährliche Slnmafjungcn unb Ucbergriffe ber
^irchengewalt ¿u finben in ber (Gewiffenhaftigteit unb bem Sßatriotiö=
mub beb SNanneb feiueb SSertrauenb unb feiner SSafyl. Keffer alb bab
oberfte Sdjutj unb Nttffichtbrcdjt ber Staatbregierung fChü^t bie 3n=
tereffen beb Staates bie SSaljl eineb S3ifChofb, ber auch auf bem bi=
fdjöflidjen Stuhle fich alb Singehöriger beb baperif^en Staateb fühlt,
ber bie Sehren beb (Svangeliumb in bem milben unb verföhnlichen Sinne
beb göttlichen Stifterb, nicht in bem finftern unb abftofienben ®eift
vergangener ^ahrpunberte erfafjt, bie ^örberung beb wertthätigen chrift=
liehen Sinneb ben alten unvcrbaulichen (Glaubenbftreitigfeiten vorgieht
unb alb feine fdjönfte Aufgabe bie Erhaltung beb confeffionelXen ^rieben«,
bab einträchtige unb fcgenbvoUe gufammenwirfen ber geiftlidjen unb
weltlichen Ntadjt anftrebt.
SDiefe S3ürgfd;aft ift burch bie neue (Glaubenslehre vernichtet, eb
gibt feine Sifdjöfe mehr im Sinne ber alten ^ird;enverfaffung. SDie
apoftolifche (Gewalt lag in ber Einheit unb (Gefammtheit ber Sifdjöfe,
alb ber Nachfolger ber Npoftel. Seber ®ifd)of war in feiner ©iöcefe
ber felbflftänbige ©räger feineb apoftolifchen Slmteb, er hatte in eigner
Sßerantmortlichteit für (Erhaltung ber djriftlichen Sehre, ben (Gottebbienft
unb für bie ©ibciplin in ber ©iocefe ¿u forgen. ©em ^apfte a^b
bem Nachfolger beb erften ber Npoftel ftanb nur eine befoubere Sluto=
rität in ber Kirche ¿u, feine (Gemalt mar aber nicht iinbeftfjränf't, fie
mar befchränft burch bie gebotene ©hrfurebt vor ben ötumenifchen (£on=
cilien unb bttrCh bie anerkannten Nccpte beb bifcpöflichen Slmteb, unb
ben Nubflüffen ber päpftlicpen (Gemalt gegenüber mar Nemonftration
unb bei offenbaren Ungerechtigkeiten fogar bab Necpt beb paffiven
SSiberftanbeb begrünbet.
äöichtige bie JHrCpe berührenbe §ra9en un^ (Glaubenbftreitigteiten
mürben auf ben (Soncilien beraten unb entfliehen, meldje, bie (Ge=
fammtintelligeng ber Äircpe barftellenb, vom ^Sapfte berufen, nach heri
tömmliCher (Gefchäftborbnung geleitet, in freier SScrathung unter ber
Sanction beb ^ßapfteb SBefdjlüffe feftftellten, welche bie (Gemiffen ber
(Gläubigen verpflidjteten.
©ab mar bie alte Jtircpenverfaffung, mie fie unb in ben Schulen
gelehrt mürbe, unb mie fie in ben SehrbüCpern bewährter fatholifCher
Seprer beb Jtirdjenredjtb bib jur Stunbe noch gelehrt wirb. Nocb un=
�21
ferm 6. September 1869 erklärten bie in §ulba verfammclten beutfchen
«Bifchöfe, bie allgemeinen Jtirchenverfammlungen, bie Bereinigung ber
Nachfolger ber Slpoftel um ben Nachfolger be« heiligen betrug, al« ba«
vorgüglichfte Mittel, bie befeligenbe Böal)rheit be« 6hriftenthum« in
ein hellere« Sicht gu fefcen unb fein heilige« ®efefe mirffamer in« Sehen
einguführeu.
$n berfelben ©rflärung fpricht man von ben grunblofcn Bcfchuk
bigungen gegen ben heiligen Bater, al« ob er unter bem ^influffe
einer «ßartei ba« (Soncil lebiglich al« Mittel benühen molle, um bie
«Nacht be« apoftolifchen Stuhle« über (gebühr gu erhöhen, bie alte unb
echte Berfaffung ber Jtirche gu änbern unb eine mit ber chriftlichen
Freiheit unverträgliche ^errfchaft aufgurichten. ©ie Bifchöfe verlern
bort, ba« Goncil merbe feine neuen unb feine anbern (grunbfähe auf
*
ftellen al« biefenigen, melche allen ^atholifen burch ben (glauben unb
ba« (gemiffen in« ^>erg getrieben feien, unb befennen al« ihren (glau=
ben, baß menn bie Nachfolger iß etri unb ber SIpoftel, ber
Sßaipft unb bie Bifihöfe, auf einem allgemeinen (Soncil
rechtmäßig verfammelt, in Sachen be« (glauben« unb be«
Sittengefe^e« (gntf «heibungen geben, fie burd) (gotte« §ür
*
ficht unb Beiftanb gegen jeben $rrthum fichergeftellt finb.
Sroh biefer feierlichen (Srflärungen unb bündigen Berfichcrungen
fehle bie Niehrheit ber auf bem (Soncil verfammelten Bäter eine un«
feither gang fremde Sehre burch unb gmar gegen eine fchon an fich fehr
bebeutenbe, noch mehr aber burch bie Bolf«gahl unb bie allgemeine Bil
*
buug ihrer SDiocefen gemichtige Slngahl von Bißhöfen. £>a« apoftolifdje
Slmt ruht nicht mehr in ber (gefammtheit ber Bifchöfe, fonbern allein
in ber ißerfon be« ißapfte«.
Nach ber neuen @laubeu«lehre Imi ber ißapft bie volle unb orbent
*
liehe Äirchengemalt in allen S£)iöcefen über alle (geiftlicheu unb Saien,
unb gmar bie unmittelbare (gemalt, unb menu er al« £irte unb Selber
ber gefammten Jtatholifen in Sachen be« (glauben« unb ber Sitten
2lu«fprüche erläßt, fo follen biefe 5Iu«fprüche au« fich al« ge* offenbarte Bßahrheiten gelten, ohne baß e« einer 3uftim=
mung ber Kirche, eine« allgemeinen (Soitcil« mehr bebarf.
Um eine bie (gemiffen ber Äatholiten verioflicßtenbe Sehre gu
ßhaffen, bebarf e« von nun an nicht mehr be« weitläufigen tilipparcvte^
eine« ßoncil«, nicht mehr ber mühevollen Berhanbluugen unb freien
�22
Veratpungen ber bie ®efammtintelltgenj ber Jtircpe repräfentirenben,
auf bem ©oucil verfammelten Väter, nicpt mepr ber nacp altem <£er=
fommen ¿u pflegenben Unterfufpung, ob biefe ßepre aucp überall unb
von allen ^atpolifen geglaubt werbe — alle biefe Garantien finb je^t
übe-rflüffig, ber 5ßapft öffnet feinen Dftunb unb, wag er fpricpt, ift göttlicite Sßaprpeit.
Unb wag foli in ^ufunft neben biefer vollen unmittelbaren @e=
Walt beg ißapfteg über alle fàircpen unb alle ©laubigen nocp bag
bifc^öflic^e Dlmt bebeuten? ©ie Vifcpöfe nennen fiep ¿war nocp bie
iftacpfolger ber SIpoftel, bie Vräger beg apoftolifcpen Slmteg; fie finb
eS aber nicpt mepr. Dieben bem unfehlbaren Zapfte gibt eg für einen
Vifcpof nach bem Sinn ber alten Äircpenvcrfaffung feinen ^ßlaß. £)ie
alten ^anbeftiften [teilten ¿um Veweig, baß ¿wei ^erfonen nicpt ¿u
gleicher $eit biefelbe Sache bcfißen tonnen, ben Sap auf, ubi ego sto
tu stare non potes, wo ich ftepe, fannft bu nicht flehen; benfelben
Sap müffen jept auch bie Vifcpöfe gegen fiep gelten laffen, ¿wei orbent=
liehe Vräger berfelben ©ewalt laffen fiep nicht beuten. £)ie Vifcpöfe
finb bur<h bie neue ©laubenglepre ¿u päpftlicpen ©ommiffären, ¿u
wiUenlofen SBe^eugen ber unermeßliepen päpftlicpen ©ewalt perab=
gewürbigt; ein Söiberfprucp gegen ben unfehlbaren ^ßapft wäre nicht
mehr bag von ben ßeprern beg ^irepenreeptg früher anertannte ffteept
ber Vifcpöfe, gegen päpftltcpe Dlnorbnungen ¿u renwnftriren, unb unter
Umftänben benfelben paffiveit SBiberftanb entgege^ufepen, fonbern bag
wäre SlbfaU vom ©tauben unb ^eßerei.
So ift eö wopl tlar unb bebarf feineg weiteren Veweifeg, baß
mit Vernichtung ber alten ^irepenverfaffung auch bie wichtige Vürg=
fepaft beg ©oncorbatg gegen eine bem Staate feinblicpe Slugübung ber
Äircpengewalt befeitigt ift. 2öag hilft eg, wenn ber Völlig einen noch
fo bewährten patriotifcp gefinnten Dftann ¿u bem erlebigten Vifcpofg=
ftuplc ernennt, wenn ber Vifcpof nicht allein in Sachen beg ©laubeng,
fonbern auch auf bem weiten ©ebiete ber Sitten ber fatpolifcpett Söelt
unbebingt bem Sßapfte folgen muß? 2ßag hilft ber @ib ber £reue, ben
bie Vifcpöfe in bie £änbe beg Äönigg leiften, wenn ber Vifcpof nur
bag willeulofe Sßeri^eug einer außerhalb beg Staateg refibirenben Dftacpt
ift, welcher bie ^ntereffen beg baperifepen Staateg an fiep fremb finb
unb bie bem «ftönig gegenüber teine eiblicpen Verpflichtungen übernom=
men hat? ftacp ber alten Äircpenverfaffung fonnte gegen aUenfaUfige
�23
|
Uebergriffe her papftlichen (Surie in baS @ebiet her meltlicfjen Regie
rungen — urib bie ©efchicpte bietet in biefer ^cjiepung viele iBeifpiele —
ber 53ifchof fid) auf fein apoftolifcheS 2lmt unb ben ihm für folche
§aHe immer fixeren iBeiftanb ber Regierung finden unb er blieb tro£ •
[eines TßiberftanbeS bod; SSifdjof; je^t mürbe ein berartiger Rerfubfr
fofort ben Wcunb beS unfehlbaren papfteS öffnen, einen RuSfpruch beS "
Wirten unb SeprerS ber Katholiken auf bem ungemeffenen $elbe ber
«Sitten ¿ur $olge haben, unb ein Rerfudj beS ißifdßofsS ¿um Söiber[taube mürbe genügen, ihn als einen vom fatholifdjen (glauben 2lbgefallenen vom bifdjöflicben Stuhle ¿u flogen.
SBie kommt eS aber, baf$ biefe bie alte Kirdjenverfaffung vod=
ftänbig umftofjenbe Sehre entgegen ben feierlichen Rerficperungen ber in
$ulba verfammelten 53ifd;öfe auf bem (Joneil ¿ur iöerathung gelangte
unb fchliefjlid) trots beS SBiberftanbeS vieler ißifdmfe mit ben von bem
^jerrn Rorrebner gezeichneten Mitteln burepgefe^t mürbe?
T)ie Slntmort finbeu mir in ber ®efd;ichte. Scpon vor bem (Soncil
mürben Stimmen laut, melche vor ber brohenben ®efahr mamten unb
gelehrte unb fleißige [päube maren gefdjjäftig, Wege für bie gut ge=
meinten SBarnungen aus ben ben Saien fchmer ¿ugänglidjen Quellen
ber Kircpengef (piepte ber Qeffentlid)keit ¿u übergeben. Sie geigten unS,
mie im eilften ^aprpunbert aus bem, ben falfd;en Qecretalen SfiborS
entnommenen, Privilegium ber Kircpe, ben Jpimmel ¿u verfdjliefjen, mem
fie moUe, bie Papfte in ihren ®uUen über baS Rerpältni^ ber Kircpe
¿um Staat 2lnfi(pten unb ©runbfäpe folgerten, bie ben mit ben 3>been
beS 19. ^aprpunberts aufgemaepfenen Staatsbürger gerabe¿u erfdjrecfen.
SRan verglid) bie päpftlicpe ©emalt mit ber Sonne, bie meltlicpe mit
bem Wionb, ber von ber Sonne fein Sicht empfange. (Sin anberer 23er=
gleich mar ber ¿mifepen Seele unb Seib, ber für [ich nidjts unb nur
ber untermürfige Qiener ber Seele fein fott; unb ebenfo allbekannt ift
bie [pmbolifepe QarfteHung ber ¿mei Schmerter, melche beibe bem Papft
gehören, von melden baS eine von bem papfte geführt mirb, baS anbere
vom Kaifer, feboep für bie Kircpe unb nad) Slnmeifung beS papfteS.
Roch übertriebener äußerten fiep einzelne geiftlicpe Theoretiker. (Sine
im Auftrage bes papfteS ^opann XXII. von bem Ruguftiner Trionfo
verfaßte (3ufammenftcllung beS KircpenredjtS [teilt baS ^egfeuer unter
bie §errfd;aft beS pap[teS unb behauptet, ber Papft könne, menn er
moUe, alle im §egfeuer befinblicpen Seelen auf einmal aus bemfeiben
�enHaffen. £>ie SDhdjt b$ PapfteS ift nach Slnficht btcfeö Theologen
fo unermeßlich groß, baß fein. papft wiffen tonne, was et affe«
tl)un bürfc.
SDie prattifche Durchführung btefer monftröfen Slnfchauungen finben
Sie, m. £>., in ben furchtbaren Kämpfen, reelle ^aprhunberte lang
btc Sßapfte mit ben beutfehen Kaifern führten. Söir finben biefe
Doctrinen in bem Streite ¿wifchen Papft ®regor VII. unb König
Heinrich IV. verwirtlicht. $n bet feierlichen Sißung beb ©oncils ju
Ütom am 7. 5Rär^ 1080 fpracp ber papft:
„äßol/an beim, 3hr 35äter unb heiligfte durften, es möge bte
ganje 2öelt erlernten unb einfehen, baß, wenn 3hr
Fimmel
binben unb löfen tonnt, 3hr auf ber ®l’bc bie Kaifertpürner,
Königreiche, gmrftenthümer, ^er^ogthümer, ©raffepaften unb aller
‘’Dienfcften ¿Bedungen nach ®ebühr einem geglichen nehmen unb
geben tonnt. Denn 3hr ha^t oft genommen bie Patriarchate, pri=
mate, ©rjbisthümer, Wthümer ben Schlechten unb Unwürbigen
unb fie gegeben frommen. Söenn-3hr
über bie geiftlichen
Dinge richtet, was muß man bann glauben, haft 3^‘ hMWi^
ber weltlichen tonnt; unb wenn 3hr über bie @ngel, welche allen
ftoQcn dürften gebieten, richtet, was tonnt 3hr thUtt
bereu
Stlaven? SJZögen nun bie Könige unb alle dürften ber SSelt
lernen, wie h»<h 3hr feib, was 3hr tonnet,' unb mögen fie ft<h
hüten, gering gu achten baS ®cbot (Euerer Kirche: unb fo übet
benn rafch an befagtem Heinrich @uer Urteil, bafc öUe triffen,
baß er nicht jufaUig fallen wirb, fonbern burch @uere Pacht''
2luf berfelben Spnobe unterwarf bann ber papft „ben oft ge=
nannten Heinrich, ben fie König nennen/' ber ©xcommunication unb
von Weitem ihm im Flamen beb allmächtigen ®otteS baS ¿Reich ber
Deutfchen unb Italiens unterfagenb, nahm er ihm alle tönigltche ®ewalt
unb Sßürbe, verbot, ba£ irgenb ein ®hr^ft * m
h
feinem Könige
gehorche, unb fpracp los vom SSerfprechen bes @ibeS alle, bie ihm
gefchworen höben ober f^tvören werben aus bem ¿Reiche.
3m 3öhre 10 77 erfolgte jener für bie beutfdhe ®efc^ic^te fo
furchtbar bemüthigenbe Sltt ber Unterwerfung Heinrichs IV., ber bret
Dage lang vor bem ^hore ber 23urg (Sanoffa ftanb, elenbiglich entblößt
von allem töniglichen Schmucfe, barfuß unb in wollenem ©eroanbe, bis
�25
ber [tolge Ißapft fiep bewegen Itefs, ben reuigen Sopn wieber in bie
©cmeinf^aft ber Jtircpe aufgunepmen.
0>aö Scpicffal -SpeinricpS IV. tpeilten viele feiner Vacpfolger, unter
Welcpcn jtaifer ßubwig ber Vaper befonberS auSertoren ift, mit ben
gräßlicpen Vannflücpen, bie auß IRom auf ipn perabblipten, afó piftorifcpcS iBeìfpiel gu bienen, in weldpcr V3eife Ueberpebungeu ber geiftlidpen
Ocwalt gu faft unüberfteigliipen ^inbemiffen für Ausübung ber l)te=
gierungbgewalt ber dürften peranwatpfen tonnen.
So entftanb namcutlicp feit ©regor VII. aub bem urfprünglicpen
eterne bcö SßrimatS beö VifepofS von £Rom auf gefälfdpter ©ruub
*
tage jene toloffale ?lUeö bcperrfcpenbe äftaept beS SßapfttpumS. Vctradpten
wir aber ben inneren ¿uftanb ber Jtircpe in jenen feiten bc§ WUttct^
alteri, . fo bietet fiep unö ein entfcpliipcb Vilb. 9ìic perrfepte eine
größere Korruption, ein tieferer Verfall ber Sitten unb ber ^irepenguept.
©efcpicptsfcprciber aub jener ¿eit fiuben taum VBorte, ben burep unb
burep verberbten Buftanb ber Jtirctje gu fepilbern, unb immer wirb
JRom ber Ißfupl genannt, von bem aub fiep bad Verb erben alten übrigen
Stpcilen ber fatpolifepen SSelt mittpeile. Wit tiefer Vefcpämung bliefen
wir auf jene $eit gurücf; eS war biejßeit ber fureptbarften Verirrungen
ber menßplicpen Vernunft; eb war bie 3eit, wo bie ^nquifition unb
bie ^cyenprogeffe blüpten. Unb wenn wir unb bab Scpicffal ber
Saufcnb unb aber £aufenbe vergegenwärtigen, bie unter ber Auflage
ber Peperei ben Snquifitionbgericpten verfielen, wenn wir an bie Ve=
jammernbwertpeften von 3lUen benfen, bie je bab me nfcplicpe Kienb ver
fcplang', jene Unglücflicpcn, benen man auf ber polier bie einfältigften
©eftänbniffe abpreßte, um fie auf ben Scpeiterpaufen gu fcpleppen, fo
fragen wir unwiUlürlitp, wo blieb benn bie Stimme ber unfeplbaren
Vorgänger beb unfeplbaren ^ßapftcb, ber ÜRacpfolger beffen, ber einft
auf bie Vefcpulbigungen ber Ißparifaer gegen bie Slpoftcl bie fcpbne
Antwort gab: „wenn ipr wüßtet, wab eb peißt, Varmpergigfeit will
icp unb feine Opfer; ipr würbet biefe Sdpulblofen niept verurtpeilen."
Verüprte cb vicUeicpt niept bie Sitten ber fatpolifepen Sßclt, wenn
päpftlicpe ©eriepte Wcnfcpcir gum Xob verurtpeilteu, weil fie gu bem
©ott ber Kpriftcn, aber in anberen formen beteten, unb wenn bie welt=
licpeWacpt biefe Urtpeile in ber barbarifepeften Vkife vollftreden mußte?
Slbcr Sie fiuben nirgenbb, meine Herren, ein Kinfcpreiten ber Zapfte
gegen biefe finftcren unb graufamen ^been, bie bamalb bie ©elfter
�26
beperrfcpten; bagegen £at uns bte ©efcpicpte eine Butte beS ißapftcS
^nnocen^ VIII. aufbemaprt, in welcher bei auf bent (gebiete beS (g(au=
benS unb ber Sitten unfeplbare ^apft auSbrücflicp erflärt, ber (glaube
an §eyen unb Berbinbungen mit bem bbfen $einb fei fein .Spirngefpinnfty
unb in melcper ber ißapft fiep über vormipige Saien unb Jtlerifer be
*
fcpmert, bie iptmer mepr miffen möcpten, als nöt^ig fei, unb feinen
^nquifitoren ungerechtfertigte ^inberniffe in ben 2öeg legten.
©aS mar ber Buftanb auf bent (gebiet ber Sitten ¿u jener $eit,
afö bie papftlicpe Wgcmalt als ein eprfureptgebietenber, mie aus einem
(guffe gefepaffener Bau bie Söelt beherrfc^te, unb um baS (gebiet beS
(glaubens mar nicht beffer befteUt, menn anberS mir ber Berficperung beS
BenetianerS Saituto glauben bürfen, ber im 14. Baprpitnbert be=
rechnet, bafj bie Hälfte ber (Jpriften etma eycommuntcirt fei unb bar=
unter bie ergebenden ©teuer ber ^irepe«
(grft nacp Baprpunb erten fam bie menfcplicpe Bernunft mieber ¿u
(Spreit; ihr reines unb nicht verlofepeubeS ßtdjt legte ben ^nquifitionS
*
gerieten ihr blutiges ^anbmerf unb trieb ben ^eyenfpuef aus ben
' köpfen, unb bie (gefepieptsforfepung lieferte enblicp ben BemeiS, bafj bie
©ocumente, auf melden bie päpftli^e 5lttgemalt fiep auf gebaut patte,
gefälfept feien, — eine Einnahme, bie gegen @nbe beS »ergangenen ^apr«
punberts fogar von Seite beS tßapfteS ihre Betätigung fanb.
Sie fepen, meine Herren, bie SBur^elit ber neuen Sepre verlieren
fiep tief in ber (gefc^ic^te vergangener BapTpunberte. ©iefe ßepre patte
¿u lange bie (geifter beperrfept, als bafj fie mit bent Racpmeis ihres
unlauteren UrfprungeS fofort aus ber Söeit patte verfcpmtnbeit fonnett.
Sie blieb ber erfte (glaubenSfap bei jenen, beren einziges Streben auf
Befeftigung ber äußeren Rtacptftettung ber streße gerichtet ift. Slber
bie (gefepiepte pat getreu bie fcplimmen folgen verzeichnet unb auf
*
bemaprt, melcpe bie Bermirflicpung ber Sepre ber päpftltcpcn Rttgematt
in früperen Beiten pervorgentfen pat, unb fo fepen mir fofort bie un
*
verfennbaren Beiden ber IXttrupe unb Befürchtungen ber Regierungen,
als bie Rbficpten fiep entpüttten, biefe Sepre auf bem (Sonett ¿um ©ogrna
¿u erpeben.
©er baperifepen Staatsregierung unb bem bamaligcn leitenben
ÜRinifter beS Sleufjern, dürften ^openlope, gcbüprt bie @pre, bie
erfteit Scpritte getpan unb mit bem richtigen Berftänbniffe ber aus
biefer (glaubenSlepre für ben Staat entftepenben (gefapren bie tpeo=
�27
logifcpen unb juxiftifc^en §acu (täten bet Univerfitäten dRüncpen unb
SBürgburg gu einem ©utacpten über bie politiföpen ©onfequengen eilieb
folcpen ©ogmab aufgeforbert gu pabcn. ((Bravo.) ©ie Antwort lautete,
ba£ burcp ©ogmatifirung beb SpKabub unb ber päpftlicpen Unfehlbarkeit
bab bisherige SSerijditnifs von Staat unb J^ircije in (Bapern pringipieH
umgeftaltet unb beinap bie gange ©efepgebung begüglicp ber (Recptbver=
pältniffe ber fatpolifcpen Jtircpe in fyrage geftellt werbe.
2l(b bab Schema de ecclesia auf bem * SonciI borgelegt mürbe,
<
rührten fiep auch ^ie ©rofjmäcpte. ©ine ©epefepe beb frangöfifepen
2Rinifterb, beb ©rafen ©aru, betont, biefeb ©epema pabe ¿um Bweck
bie Söieberperftellung ber Sepre, wonach bie bürgerliche ©efeüfcpaft ber
§errfcpaft beb Mcrub unterteilt werben müffe. SRit ©ogmatifirung
beb ©pffabub unb ber Unfehlbarkeit beb (ßapfteb würbe alle politifcpe
unb religiöfc SRacpt ber Jtircpe überwiefen unb oon pier aub in ben
Rauben ipreb ©berpaupteb conccntrirt. ©ie ¡¡Regierungen bepielten nicht
mepr dRacpt unb bie bürgerliche ©efeUfcpaft niept mepr ^reipeit, alb
ber ^irepe beliebe, ipnen gu iiberlaffen. ©er fraitgöfifcpe dRinifter
warnt bie äturie vor ben verhängnisvollen folgen biefer ©laubenblepren.
(Sr befürchtet gwar keine unmittelbare ©efapr für bie Unabhängigkeit
ber bürgerlichen ©efeKfcpaft, weil bie §reipeit ber ©ewiffen unb bie
^reipeit ber Äulte gu allgemein anerkannt feien, aber er fürchtet eine
ernftlicpe Störung beb $riebenb ber bürgerlichen ©efeUfcpaft unb eine
Schwächung beb Slnfepenb ber J^ircpe, welche beibe folgen er von bem
Stanbpunkte ber (Regierung alb gleich bebauerlicp bezeichnet.
$n ähnlicher Söeife fpriept fiep ©raf SBeuft aub in einer ©epefepe,
Worin er erklärt, bie öffentliche Meinung fei bereitb in popem ©rabe
beunrupigt unb er fürepte, im §alle ber (Bermirklicpung jener Äunb=
gebungen, bie man zur Beit noep alb Projekte betraepte, werbe fiep eine
unüberfepreitbare Äluft bilben gwifepen ben ©eboten ber Jt'ircpe unb
ben ^been, wclcpe bie meiften mobernen Staaten beperrfepen.
©ine von bem (Bertrctcr beb norbbeutfepen (Bunbeb in (Rom über=
gebene (BorfteHung unterftüpt bie ©epefepe ber frangöfifepen (Regierung,
entpält bie (Befürchtung, eb möcpte burep bab neue ©ogma bab gute
Einvernehmen gwifepen ^¡irepe unb Staat getrübt werben unb fcpliefjt
mit ber treffenben (Bemerkung':
©ie neue ßepre mürbe gu ^¡rifen führen, von melcpen bie
päpftlicpe (Regierung trop iprer trabitio.nellen Söeibpeit vielleicht
�feinen Begriff fyabe, ba fte rtidjt wie bfe ¿BunbeSregierung in ■
ber Sage fei, bie Stimmung ber (Geifter in ihren ßanbern ¿u be?
urteilen.
EBir tonnen, meine Herren, ben fcparfcn ¿Blick beS ¿BerfafferS
Jener ¿Borftcllung nur bewunbern; feine ¿Propl^eihung, bie wohl alle
beutfdjen Katholiken umfaßte, ift eingetroffen, mir bcfinben uns bereits
in jener Krifis, bie man ber päpftlichen ¿Regierung als unausbleibliche
$olge ber neuen (Glaubenslehre vorauSgefagt h^t.
©er le^te (Grunb jener ¿Beunruhigung, welche fdjon früher bie
öffentliche EReinung erregte unb ben ¿Regierungen bie erwähnten offt
*
dellen Kunbgebungen bictirte, war weniger bte (Gefahr eines birekten
Eingriffes ber Kirchengewalt auf bie Staatsverfaffungen, eine (Gefahr,
welcher bie ¿Regierungen im ¿Bcwufjtfein ber Ucbcrcinftimmung ber
weitaus größten $ahl ihrer Eingehörigen mit ben von ihnen vertretenen
$becn ruhig ins Eluge blicfen könnten, es ift vielmehr bie mehr auf
bie Bukunft (ich erftreckenbe Befürchtung, bie jetjt herrfchenben Bbeen
in einem ber Uebcrwachung ber ¿Regierung fiep entjiehenben, mit ftetiger
Kraft fortwirkenben Kampfe unterliegen ¿u feljen.
©er (Glaube an bie papftliche Unfehlbarkeit, fott er attberS mehr
fein, als fepeinbare Unterwerfung aus ¿Rücksichten ber ¿Bequemlichkeit,
verpflichtet ben gewiffenhaften ERann, bie von ben unfehlbaren ¿päpften
auSgefprodßenen EBahrheitcn auf bem (Gebiete beS (Glaubens uttb ber
Sitten niept allein für wahr ¿u heilten, fonbern fie auch als unfehlbare
¿Richtfchnur im Beben ¿u nehmen unb für ©urchführung berfelben fowie für Befeitigung ber ihrer ©urchführung cntgcgenftehcnbcn §tnber=
niffe nach Kräften einjutreten.
¿Run finben wir aber auf bem (Gebiete ber Sitten eine ¿Reihe von
päpftlichen EluSfprüchen, bie von ben ¿päpften nur in ihrer (Sigenfchaft
als Beprer unb Wirten ber katholifchen SBelt verkünbet fein können
unb bie in offenem SBiberfpruche ftehen mit ben burep bie-¿BerfaffungSurkunbe unb ben StaatSbürgereib uns auferlegten ¿Pflichten.
3$ weijj wohl, meine Herren, bafj man biefe ¿Behauptung auf
Seite ber Elnhängcr ber UnfchlbarkeitSlehre beftreitet; ich lege aber ben
BnfaUibiliften einfach bie im Bahre 1568 von ¿piuS V. erlaffene
fog. ElbenbmahlSbulle ¿um ¿Beweife vor; biefe ¿Bulle foffte nach ihrem
. ausbrücflichen Sßorflaut in ber ©hriftenheit als ewiges (Gcfefc bauern
unb vorzüglich im ¿Beichtftuhl ben (Gewiffen ber (Gläubigen dngcfcharft
�29
werben, ©tefe Suffe crcommunicirt unb verflucht affe Jto^er unb
SchiSmatiter, fowie biejentgen, welche fte aufnehmen, begünstigen unb
vertheibigen, alfo affe durften unb Magistrate, welche SInberSgläubigen
Slufenthalt in ihren ßänbern geftatten; fte eycommuntcirt affe, welche bte
Sü^cr SlnberSgläubigcr lefen, behalfen ober bructen; fie greift bann
mit benfelben JHrchenftrafcn in eine Reihe non Souveränitätsrechten
bes Staates ein, bie hier aufeufufyren gu weitläufig wäre.
konnte biefe Suffe ber ißapft in anberer Gigenfcbaft erlaffen als
[ in feiner ©igenfe^aft als ^irte unb ßel^rer ber tatholifchcn Belt, unb
r in welker anbcrit ©igenf^aft hätte er biefe Suffe als ewiges ®efe&, als
eine im Seichtftuhl ben ©ewiffen ber ätatholiten eingufc^ärfcnbe Satzung
f erlaffen tonnen? Unb bot waren bei (Srlaffung tiefer Suffe bie wclt=
| liehen Regierungen fo fcljr überzeugt, baff biefer päuftticlje @rlafj ein
^öd^ft gefährliches Sittentat gegen bie Souveränität ber Staaten fei,
Jbafj in $ranüeich bas Parlament feben Siftof, ber biefe. Suffe ver=
tunben werbe, als £ochverräther ¿u proccffiren brohte.
SBir brauchen aber nicht auf bas 16. ^ahtunbert ¿urüct¿ugchen,
jum bie Sewcife für ftaatSgefährliche päpftlidje SluSf^rüche ¿u finben,
wir haben päpftliche ßrlaffe aus ber afferneueften Beit, aus weU
chen berfelbe, ben mobernen StaatSibeen feinbliche ®eift uns ent
*
Igegenweht.
3n ber Slffocution vom 22. 3uni 1868 nennt Ißapft ißiuS bte
Sfterreichifcheit SerfaffungSgcfefce, welche bte Meinungsfreiheit, bie sßrefj
*
freiheit, bie ©laubenS unb ©ewiffens^reiheit, bie Freiheit ber Biffen
*
*
fäjaft ftatuiren, bie gemiftten @hen unb bie ©emeinftaftlichteit ber
^riebhöfe regeln} hefüg ¿u tabclnbe, verbammenswürbige unb abfeheu
*
liehe ®cfe£e; erklärte btefelben traft feiner Styoftolifchen Sluctorität als
(gänzlich nichtig unb ohne Jtraft unb bebroht jene, welche biefe @cfe£e
hu billigen unb auS¿uführett nicht anftanben, mit ben Jtirchcnftrafen.
$n welcher ©igenfehaft hat benn hier ber ißa^ft fein Rcrbam
*
|mungSurtheil ausgesprochen ? Bo liegt feine Screchtigung, bie Ser
*
faffung eines Souveränen Staates als mit ben Äir^cngefe^en im
Biberfpruch ¿u verurteilen, wenn er fich nicht auf fein Slmt als
£>irte unb Seigrer ber tatholifchen Belt berufen tann? Unb biefelben
©runbfäfce, meine Herren, finben Sie in ber baperiften StaatSVer
*
faffung; auch hier ift OewiffenSfreiheif, Freiheit ber jaulte, Freiheit
Kr treffe, gcmeinfchaftliche Senkung ber Kirchen unb $riebhöfe
(
�ftatuirt, unb biefe ©efeije, weihe wir befhworen fyaben, rveldje wir als
wertvolle politifhe ©rrungenf^aften, als glänjenben «Sieg bcr Beiten
Aber religiöfe Unbulbfamteit unb Vefhränkung ber Rechte unb grei=
fyeiten ber Staatsbürger in @t)ren galten, tiefe ©efe^e finb in gleicher
SBeifc ber papftliäjen Verbammung verfallen. Unb nun frage idh,
kann wirtlich ein gewiffenhafter Staatsbürger ber Seljre von ber ¡papftlitten Unfehlbarkeit fih unterwerfen, oí>ne mit feinem ©ewiffen in un=
lösbare VHberfprühe ju gerathen, fann ein Staatsbeamter, bem bie
SSaljrung ber ¿Rechte feiner Mitbürger jur Üblichen 5ßfCic^t gemalt ift,
eine ße^re annehmen, bie ihn verpflichtet, biefelben Rechte unb ^retheiten, ju’bereu SCöahrung er berufen ift, jugleih von feinem religiöfen
Stanbpuntte aus als Brrthümer unb jwar als feiner Äirhe gefährliche
Brrthümer ju betrauten unb als fotc^e ju befeitigen?
Bch glaube, meine Herren, bei einer ernften Prüfung biefer grage
ergibt fih bie Antwort von felbft. Unb nun beuten Sie fih biefe
Sehre im !prattifhen Seben burchgeführt, beuten Sic fih biefe Sehre
in ben Schulen gelehrt, was werben Sie Bhren ät'inbern antworten,
wenn fie aus ber Schule kommen unb bie ©Itern fragen, ob fie an
bie Unfehlbarkeit beS gtopfteS glauben, ohne welchen ©tauben Dlicmanb
felig werben könne? Renten Sie fich bie grauen mit biefer Sehre er=
füllt, bereu Mur fich leiht ^it ber Verkeilung befreunbet, bie gange
hriftlihe fpeerbe unter einem unfehlbaren Wirten bem fpimmel juwan=
beln ju fehen 1 Senken Sie fidh ben geftörten grieben in ben ©emeinben,
bie verlebten religiöfen ©efühle, bie fo leicht in ben furchtbaren SSahn=
finn beS religiöfen ganatiSmuS, ber in Verbrehen gottgefällige §anb=
lungen erblickt, auSarten können unb beuten Sie fich baS erhabene
$lmt beS SeclforgerS, baS in feiner ibealen Sluffaffung ber Vroft ber
^Bekümmerten, bie 3uflu^t ber Vebrängten fein foH, bie Stimme beS
griebenS umgewaubclt in baS Organ bcr unbulbfamcn gbeen aus
ntom, in eine Quelle beS religiöfen UnfriebenS unb ber bauernben, tiefgehenben ©ehäffigteiten! Unb nun frage ih nochmals, können Wir bie
neue ©laubenSlchre annehmen? SBir nehmen fie nicht an, baS fei
unfere ©rtlärung heute.
Wan mufjte febon I?in linb ^eber ben ^rwurf hvren, nufer
Stritt entbehre eines beftimmten BieleS, tvir könnten ber Staatsrcgie^
rung nicl;t einmal fagen, weihe Wiegeln wir von ihr verlangten,
liefet Vorwurf beruht auf einer unrichtigen Sluffaffung berwgegcn|
�31
weinigen Sage. 33et 3lbfaffung her Hlbreffe würbe btefe $rage ernftlitp
in©rwägung gezogen, wie man bieS wopl billig bon einer $erfamnt=
hing Befonnener Scanner erwarten tann, bie niept wie jugenblitpe §i^=
topfe
in eine Bewegung [türmen unb beim erften Sdpritt noep un=
flar finb über bett ¿Weiten. SBir baepten an bie Seftimmungen ber
Sßerfaffung, wenn in einer ©laubenSgenoffenfcpaft Spaltung entftepe.
I
3un^fi wüffen wir aber ber Regierung ben Semeis liefern, bafs burep
bie neue ©laubenSlepre eine tiefgepenbe Spaltung in ber tat^olifc^en
I
Mrcpe eingetreten fei, baS Weitere überlaffen wir bann borerft ber
|
SÖeiSpeit nuferer Staatsregierung.
i
Unb fo gepe jeber mit feinem ©emiffen ¿u Hiatp unb lege fiep bie
j
e
*
$rag twr, ob er fiep ber neuen ßepre unterwerfen tonne; wer aber
I unferer Unficpt ift, ber bepalte feine Meinung nid^t für fiep, fonbern
' erflare auf bem bon uns betretenen Söege feine Uebereinftimmung mit
II nuferem Sorgepen. $cp glaube miep nidpt ¿u täufdpen, m.
wenn
Ä"
H
KE
X
L
icp fage, es beginnt ein Jtampf, in bem jeher Partei nepmen mufj.
T Sammeln mir uns unb treten mir ein in ben stampf mit fo mäeptigen
| Scpaaren, fampfen mir mit berfelben ©ntfcploffenpeit, Wie unfere Armeen
uns ¿u tämpfen leprten, unb wie biefe ben Sieg an ipre $apnen ¿u
’
.tnüpfen wußten unb ben tpeueren Soben nuferes SaterlanbeS bem
j p.^einbe weprten, fo poffen audp wir ¿u fiegen für ein gleidp tpeuereS
» ®ut, — für bie ^reipeit beS ©elftes unb für bie fyreipeit nuferer
K ©emiffen. (©rofjer SeifaH.)
£)er fperr Sonfipenbe OberftaatSanmalt bou Sßolf lub pierauf
«perrn Staatsanwalt Streng ein, bie ¿ur Slunapme borgelegte 3Ibreffe
bor^ulefen unb lief; über jeben 2lbfa£ berfelben bie Serfammlung be=
fonberS bebattiren unb abftimmen. 2Rit unmefentlicpen Wiobificationen
würbe ber Slbrefjentwurf einftimmig angenommen. JHladp einigen ge=
fcpaftlicpen Semertungen beS 5perrn Sorfi^enben ergriff noep £ßrof.
Dr. Vollmann baS Söort, um bem ©omite unb ben beiben Hlebnern
ben Bant ber Serfammlung für bie Seranftaltung unb Seitung ber=
felben auS^ubrücfen. ©r fdploB feixte Hiebe mit einem ^>odp auf baS
beutfdpe Saterlanb.
A
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Dublin Core
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Title
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Victorian Blogging
Description
An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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Title
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Bericht uber die am 10 April 1871 in Munchen abgehaltene Katholiken-Versammlung
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: [Munchen]
Collation: 31 p. ; 22 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Text in German.
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[s.n.]
Date
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1871
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G5721
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[Unknown]
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Catholic Church
Germany
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<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (Bericht uber die am 10 April 1871 in Munchen abgehaltene Katholiken-Versammlung), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
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application/pdf
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Text
Language
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German
Catholic Church-Germany
Conway Tracts
-
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PDF Text
Text
406
The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
the barbaric Cosmos, and raised into an independent object of
speculation. Once “ differentiated’ it begins itself to unfold, and
at the same time to gather round it the at first alien facts of
sensation, appetite, and bodily feeling generally. These are in
creasingly matter of inquiry, and theories respecting them take the
hue and shape of the sciences which relate to the material world.
The science of motion evolves, and the idea of orderly sequence
enters into Psychology. Natural Philosophy rises from motion to
force, and Psychology passes from conjunction to causation. Che
mistry tears aside a corner of nature’s veil, and a shaft is sunk in a
mysterious field of mind. The sciences of organic nature receive
a forward impulse, and mind and life are joined in inextricable
union. A philosophy of the universe, incorporating all the
sciences, is created, and Psychology, while attaining increased
independence as regards the adjacent sciences, is merged in that
deductive science of the Knowable which has more widely
divorced, and yet more intimately united, the laws of matter
and of mind.
Art. VII.—The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
1. Deutsche Glassiker des Mittelalters, Mit Wort und SacherJcldrungen. Begriindet von Franz Pfeiffer. Erster
Band, Walther von der Vogelweide. Leipzig: F. A.
Brockhaus. 18*70.
2. Das Lehen Walthers von der Vogelweide. Leipzig : B. G.
Triibner. 1865.
TN the history of German literature no period is more inteJl resting, than that short classical epoch at the end of the twelfth
century and the beginning of the thirteenth, which gave rise to the
literature written in Middle High German. More especially does
it attract attention, because within very narrow limits it com
prises many and great names, but above all it is remarkable
because within these limits it saw the birth and death of a new
kind of poetry, a poetry of an entirely different character from
that of the old epic poems. They were grand, massive, and
objective ; the new style was light, airy, plaintive, aod subjective.
To this style belongs the German Minnesong. The songs of three
hundred Minnesingers are preserved all belonging to this short
period. In their themes there is not much variety. The changes
of the seasons, and the changes of a lover’s mood do not in fact
present a wide range of subjects to the lyric poet. And most of
the Minnesongs are confined to these. But the following simile
seems true. If any one enters a wood in summer time, and listens
�The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
407
to the voices of innumerable birds, he hears at first only a con
fused mixture of strains. In time, however, he distinguishes
now a petulant cry, now a deep bell-like reiterated note, and now
the unbroken song of some joyous chorister. Finally he recog
nises the individual character of each strain, the music runs
clearly in ordered threads,
“ E come in voce voce si discerne
Quan do una e ferme e l’altra va e riede.”
And the Minnesong of this period exhibits a phenomenon not
dissimilar from that described. The subjects and the songs them
selves are likely at first to seem monotonous. Lamentations at
winter, the russet woodlands, and ashen grey landscapes, no less
than the joyous welcomes to spring, are repeated over and over
again. But notwithstanding this, the German Minnesong, as the
rich and peculiar growth of an extraordinary literature, is worthy
of attention. As in the former instance so now in this forest of
song, the listener soon discovers that some notes are clearer and
more solemn than others, and that in them he may follow a
music well worthy the hearing.
The Minnesong is entirely distinct from the lyrics of the Pro
vencal Troubadours. A feminine character has been attributed
to it, and a masculine character to the songs of the South. To a
certain extent this description expresses the difference between
them, but it does so only partially. The Minnesong is certainly
more reticent and coy. It sighs deeply, it smiles and blushes;
it seldom laughs aloud. It is pervaded by an innocent shame.
But it is bold and brave too. It has a scornful contempt for
danger, a profound belief in honour and virtue, and an unutter
able longing for love and beauty.
This is how the Minnesong came to be born. When
Conrad III. led his people to the Holy Land, Louis VII. of
France brought to the same place his French hosts. There,
amidst the magnificence of the East, the German knights
and soldiers listened to the songs of the troubadours who accom
panied the French armies. The “gay science,” as the trou
badours named their art, was then in its bloom. The soldiers
of Conrad were enchanted with the soft melodies and musical
rhymes; they could not forget the rich colours and gallant
romances of the Southern singers when they went back to the
North. They felt indeed that such poetry was not for them. It
had not the deep sentiment, and that inner soul of song which
their sterner natures required. But the Minnesong sprang from
this contact of Teuton and Celt under Eastern skies.
The greatest of the Minnesingers was Walther von der
Vogelweide, with whose life and poems it is proposed to deal
ee2
�408
The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
briefly in this paper. And as his works cannot be understood
without reference to the events of his life, and as those events
were controlled by the wider movements of political affairs, it
will be necessary to speak in some detail of the circumstances
which mark the decadence and follow the fall of the illustrious
Hohenstaufen dynasty.
*
. The place and date of Walther’s birth have been matters of
dispute. The former may now be considered as settled, the
second difficulty can only be approximately solved. For while
we are thrown back to Walther’s poems for most of our infor
mation in reference to the events of his life, those poems are by
no means autobiographical, and it is only partially that we can
construct a connected history of the poet’s life.
Quite as many countries have contended for the honour of
being Walther’s birthplace as strove to enrol Homer amongst
their citizens. Switzerland, Suabia, the Rhineland, Bavaria,
Bohemia, Austria, the Tyrol and others have claimed him.
There is scarcely a district of Germany that has not sought the
honour of being connected with him. All this, however, is a
point of minor interest in the face of his own words—Ze
Osterriche lernt ich singen und sagen. But as a matter of
fact the question has been recently set at rest by the discovery,
in the Royal Library at Vienna, of a MS., which shows the
revenue of the Count of Tyrol towards the end of the 13th
century. Amongst the returns therein recorded is found the
yearly sum paid by the Vogelweide estate, namely, three pounds.
This entry is between those of Mittelwald and Schellenberch,
* The first edition of Walther’s poems, founded upon the Paris MS., was
that by Bodmer and Breitinger, published at Zurich in 1758. In 183S Von
der Hagen sent out a second edition. It was of little value. The first really
critical edition was that of Carl Lachman. Wacknernagel’s edition of 18G2
was also good. Pfeiffer’s edition of 1864 is perhaps, upon the whole, the best.
Its speciality is the excellent commentary which accompanies it, but it is
admirable from every point of view. It is the first edition which has laid the
treasures of Walther’s poetry open to the ordinary German reader. The intro
duction is good, and the prefatory remarks to each poem are well and judi
ciously written. It is provided with explanatory notes, and the glossaries
and index are models of arrangement. Middle High German has been so
long the monopoly of a few students that it is desirable it should be known
that, with a fair knowledge of German, a moderate acquaintance with some
good Middle High German grammar, and Herr Pfeiffer’s book. Walther von
der Vogelweide is easily accessible to all who are interested in Minne song.
There has sprung up rapidly in the last few years a whole body of literature
around the name of Walther von der Vogelweide. Uhland’s book is perhaps
the most widely known: Pfeiffer uses it freely. The best and completest life of
the poet is that by Dr. Menzel. The book is complete and instructive, but
fails to be popularly interesting through abundance of minute historical
details. Where Menzel and Pfeiffer differ, the preference has been given
in this paper to Pfeiffer’s theories. All the references are to Pfeiffer’s edition.
�The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
409
places ten miles apart upon the Eisach. The exact site of the
poet’s house cannot be pointed out, but a wood divided into two
parts still bears, according to investigations made in the winter
of 1863, the double name of Upper and Lower Vogelweide. Of
all the places previously suggested, this alone corresponds with
the indications which the poet gives of his early home.
There is nothing to fix the exact date of his birth; a con
sideration of his poems leads Dr. Menzel to place it earlier than
1168 by, perhaps, ten or twelve years. His life thus comprises
the period of at least sixty years, for we find him in 1228 a bowed
and venerable pilgrim from the Holy Land, ready to lay his head
in its last resting-place. These sixty years were filled by impor
tant events not uninfluenced by the poet.
It is probable that he belonged to the lower ranks of the
nobility. The name of his family and the land-tax which they
paid prevent us from ranking them with the great families of
the time. Probably, too, his childhood was passed amongst the
bowery solitudes of the Tyrol, where a free and happy boyhood,
which he never forgot, grew amid the songs of birds and the
music of waters into a manhood no less musical and free.
Somewhere between the years 1171 and 1183 Walther left
his home for the ducal Court at Vienna. It was then a general
practice for the younger sons of noble families to seek education by
such means as this, and the renown which the Court of Vienna
acquired for the splendour of its pageants and the patronage
which it bestowed upon music and poetry, made it peculiarly
attractive to a youth whose imagination had already been
awakened. And no eager dreams which Walther had dreamed
in the woods of Tyrol were to be rudely banished when he
reached the ducal Court. The star of the German empire never
shone brighter than it did at that time. Then it was that the
old Barbarossa finished his Italian wars. The Church was deve
loping her powers. Chivalry had reached its highest point and
had not begun to decline, and over all Europe swept that in
spiring breeze which hurried away warriors and priests to do
pious duty in the Holy Land. Everywhere there was a keen
atmosphere of new and large ideas. The contact with the East,
even at that time, lent more of magnificence to the national
pomp, and the great festival which Frederick celebrated in
Mayence, at Whitsuntide of the year 1184, stands out still as
the greatest national festival which Germany has celebrated.
All the spiritual and temporal lords of Germany were present.
Princes from far lands, from Italy, France, Illyria, and Sclavonia
assembled with innumerable followers. And it is no wonder if
the centre figure of such an assembly kindled then an enthu
siasm over all the Empire which has never since been extin-
�410
The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
guished, however hidden the sparks have lain. For, as a con
temporary averred, “ The flower of chivalry, the strength of do
minion, the greatness of the nation, and the glory of the empire
were united in his single majestic person.” With these great
events the Court of Vienna was closely connected. The Duke
Leopold VI. took the most active interest in the policy of the
Hohenstaufen dynasty, and was a conspicuous sharer in the
Mayence pageant. Nor was his own Court behind any other of
that time in such knightly display. With Leopold’s two sons,
the young and promising princes, Frederick and Leopold,
Walther was, as we may divine from later poems, upon terms
of intimacy and affection, which, at least in the case of Frederick,
never suffered change.
But if the stirring spirit of the times did much to give the
poet a love for magnificent energy, the Court at which he resided
furnished him with modes of culture which scarcely another
could. Whatever was graceful and chivalric in life flourished
here, and here the Minnesong was oftenest sung. The master
poet of this early time was Reinmar, the “ nightingale of
Hagenau,” as they delighted to call him, and in him Walther
found the best model for his poems. But it was only for the
lighter poems that Reinmar could serve as a model. Walther's
earnest political lays belong to the sphere of poetry, which
Reinmar’s flight never reached.
Yet the education which
Walther derived from his residence at the Court was gained by
no system of learned instruction, nor at that time (any more
than at present) did courtly culture deem learning requisite.
Life, action, the free circulation of ideas, and a readiness to
receive them were the means of instruction, by using which
Walther acquired the deep knowledge of mankind, and the
perfect command over artistic material which are exhibited in
his poems.
Leopold died in 1194, and was succeeded in Austria by his
son Frederick the Catholic, a youth twenty years of age. For
four years Walther enjoyed under his patronage all that a poet
and a patriot could desire, for the Empire was yet in its splendour,
which seemed to wax rather than to wane. But this splendour
was to meet with a speedy and long-lasting eclipse ; and never
again do we find in the poems of Walther the bright
and careless happiness with which they open. Henry VI. the
successor to Barbarossa, succeeded likewise to that idea of the
Empire, which filled the mind of Frederick. He swayed an
Empire greater than any since the time of Charlemagne, and
possessed qualities which rendered him likely to sway one yet
greater. Regarding himself as the heir of the old Caesars, he
deemed his Empire incomplete until all that belonged to them
�The Greatest of the Minnesingers*
411
should own him as its liege lord. Once more the East should be
won back to the West and far-away kings hold their power only
as vassals to the Kaiser. To follow out this idea, and advance
his power in the East he announced a crusade. All preparations
had been made, part of the Eastern countries had acknowledged
his authority, and much more was about to yield, when suddenly,
on the 25th of September, 1197, at Messina, Henry died.
With him died too the splendour of the German Empire; but
it was to this, as it sank lower and lower, that Walther continually
turned his gaze, and it is this which colours his political
poems, and gives them their significance in the eyes of his
countrymen. Yet it was not only the destruction of so much
glory that caused the change in the tone of Walther’s song.
With the national catastrophe his own fall at the Court of
Vienna was nearly contemporaneous. The exact cause of the
Prince’s disfavour is uncertain, but with the departure of
Frederick the Catholic, on Henry’s crusade, Leopold, who was
Regent, began to withdraw the Court patronage from Walther,
and at Frederick’s death in 1198, Walther found himself com
pelled to leave Vienna.
And here it will be well, before we follow him out into the
dark and troublous times which follow, to refer to those poems
which are associated with this period of his life—associated with
it, though it is impossible to assert with certainty that all the
songs of “ Minnedienst ” which we still have were composed
before he left Vienna.
Walther’s poems fall into two divisions. They are either
Minnesongs, such as court-singers of the time were wont to sing,
differing only in degree of excellence from contemporary lays, or
they are poems of an earnest, religious, and political tendency.
Of these latter we shall presently see something. But certainly
the greater part of the former class belong to the Vienna period.
All the fairest and freshest of these' were written before the
trouble came, and possess that charm of conscious happiness
which does not recur. And although, from the nature of the
poems, it is not possible to refer them to a fixed date, a process
of growth and development is to be traced in them. In Wal
ther’s youth court-poetry had not as yet crystallized into those
rigid forms in which development ceases. Nor was the first
inspiration of a young poet’s fancy likely to exhibit itself in the
mould of artificial excellence, at least as long as that freedom
from care, which external circumstances guaranteed, favoured a
spontaneous and happy production of works of art. For this
reason Menzel, unlike Pfeiffer, is inclined to place many of the
“ Lieder” in a later period. He is inclined to think that Walther
did not submit to conventional trammels until the necessity of
�412
The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
finding an audience and patrons became dominant. Be this as
it may, the songs of the early period are undoubtedly pleasing,
and amongst them may be reckoned the exquisite lyrics:—
“ Undei* der linden, an der lieide,”
and
“ So die bluomen uz dem grase dringent.”
We have altogether about eighty of Walther’s “ Lieder,” but
probably many of the earliest are lost. With those that remain,
some German critics (as was to be expected) have endeavoured
to build up a consistent history of Walther’s youth. Little
success, however, has attended the attempt, and the best critics
dismiss the autobiographical theory altogether. Nor is it
necessary to literary enjoyment that the theory should be estab
lished ; it is better to regard these exquisite poems as blossoms
of a happy period. If indeed we think of him as the laureate
of a dazzling and polite Court, the friend and favourite of a
prince only a little younger than himself, amidst the circum
stances of an Empire whose highest glory did not yet seem to
have been reached, in enjoyment of a reputation that was ever
growing, we shall be more prepared to understand the change
that came over the spirit of his verse when the Empire was
racked by internal dissension, and he himself was sent from the
light and kindliness of a Court into the uncertainty of a wander
ing life.
The condition of the Empire was now such that it might well
leave him in doubt where he should find a home. The rightful
heir to the Imperial throne, Frederich the Second, was a child
three years of age. Besides him Henry had left two brothers,
Otto of Burgundy and Philip of Suabia. Henry’s death set
free all those elements of disorder which his iron hand had kept
in subjection. The Pope would not recognise the claims of
Frederick, and Otto and Philip became competitors for the
crown. Philip was indeed willing to act as regent for the child,
but the partisans of the Hohenstaufen dynasty were cold in
their interest for Frederick, and desired to see Philip himself
Emperor. Meanwhile confusion was universal, the Empire was
wasted in a destructive war, its wealth squandered, and its
power broken. The Court of Vienna took the side of Philip,
and Walther became his poet-champion. It was now that he
commenced those poems or “Sprucke ” which were the first of
their kind, and which, repeated from mouth to mouth, exercised
considerable influence upon events. In the Paris manuscript of
his works there is a picture of the poet musing upon the disorder
of the times. He is represented as a bearded man in the prime
of life; a cap covers his curly hair; he wears a rich blue cloak
�The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
413
and a red coat, and looks pensively to the ground, whilst in his
right hand he holds a scroll of his poems, which winds upwards
between the escutcheon and crested helm of Vogelweide. And
in somewhat similar attitude the first “ Sprtich ” represents him.
“ I sat upon a stone and mused, one leg thrown over the other; my
elbow rested upon my knee, and upon my hand I leant my head,
cheek, and chin. There I mused with much despair what profit it
were to live now in the world. I saw no way by which a man might
win three things that are good. Two of them are Honour and
Wealth, which often injure each other. The third is God’s Favour,
which is more excellent than the two. Would that I might bring
these into one life. But, alas ! it may not be that Wealth and
Honour and God’s Favour should ever come to one heart again ; the
ways and paths are closed against them. Untruth lies in ambush;
Might rules in the highways, and Peace and Justice are wounded sore.
So the Three can come no more till the Two are healed ” (p. 81).
. To Walther, the only method of healing the wounds of Peace
And Justice seemed to be in electing Philip king. In him he
Irecognised a man strong enough and good enough to stay the
disorders of Germany. And his song gave no uncertain sound.
He says:—
“ The wild beast and the reptile, these fight many a deadly fight.
Likewise, too, the birds amongst themselves. Yet these would hold
themselves of no esteem had they not one common rule. They make
strong laws, they choose a king and a code, they appoint lords and
lieges. So woe to you, ye of the German tongue ; how fares order in
your land ? when now the very flies have their queen, and your honour
perishes ! Turn ye, turn ye. The Coronets grow your masters, the
petty kings oppress you. Let Philip wear the Orphan-diadem, and bid
the princes begone ” (pp. 81-2).
The “petty kings’' are the other competitors for the crown.
The “orphan ” is a jewel in the crown of the Roman emperors.
Albertus Magnus, according to Menzel, says of it:—“ Orphanus est lapis, qui in corona Romani imperatoris est, neque unquam alibi visus; propter quod etiam orphan us vocatur.”
Philip’s chief competitor seemed to be Berthold, of Zuriugen,
and he had on his side Adolphus, the Archbishop of Cologne ;
but as Berthold did not prove an open-handed candidate, Adol
phus entered into negotiations with Richard of England, and
(after being well paid for his trouble), consented to crown
Richard’s nephew, Otto of Poitou, on the 12th of July, 1198.
Previously to this, Otto had taken Aix-la-Chapelle, which had
refused to recognise him, and Philip seeing that there was now
no time to be lost, was crowned in the following September, at
Mayence, by the Archbishop of Treves. This coronation, subse
quently deemed insufficient, was performed with great splendour,
�414
The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
and gave hopes to the Hohenstaufen dynasty of once more be
holding an united empire.
The diadem of Charlemagne wherein glittered the peerless z
“ orphan” was placed upon Philip’s head, and amongst those
who swelled the train of the young King and his wife Irene was
Walther. The crown, said Walther, seemed made for him.
“ Older though it be than the king, yet never smith wrought crown
to fit so well. And his imperial head no less becomes the diadem, and
none may part the twain. Each lights the other. The crown is
■brighter by its sweet young wearer, for the jewels gladly shine upon
the true prince. Ah! if any one doubts now to whom the Empire
belongs of right, let him but see if the ‘ Orphan’’ so shines upon
another brow. This jewel is a star that finds the true prince.”
Walther’s enthusiasm for the “sweet young” king seems justi
fied by contemporary evidence. An old chronicle says with quaint
.Latinity ;—“ Erat Phillippus animo lenis, mente mitis, erga homi
nes benignus, debilis quidem corpore, sed satis virilis in quantum
confidere poterat de viribus suorum, facie venusta et decora,
capillo flavo, statura mediocri, magis tenui quam grossa.”
We have, however, now two emperors ou the stage. The
Chronicle has described Philip: Otto presented a complete contrast
to the gentle brother of Henry. Nearly the same age as his
rival, he was a man of lofty and commanding stature and
resembled both in person and character his uncle Richard.
His bravery was rash and impetuous, and his unyielding
severity alienated more hearts than his courage could retain.
The literary tastes of the two Emperors exhibited a contrast
no less striking than that presented by their persons. Otto
listened with pleasure to the masculine strains of the Trouba
dours. Philip heard with delight the soft complaining rhymes of
the Minnesingers. It was by these rhymes that Walther won
the favour of Philip and found admission to his court. But there
was need of something else to be done than to listen to the
strains of troubadour or minnesinger, before either of the rival
Emperors could deem his empire safe. Philip had the wider
support, and Otto, perhaps, the more valuable foreign assistance.
Philip had on his side all South Germany, Bohemia, and Saxony.
He was supported, moreover, by many Episcopal princes both in
the south and in the north. Abroad France was his ally. The
centre of Otto’s power was Cologne, then the chief town of Ger
many, and though his kingdom was more contracted than that
of Philip, the inequality was rendered less dangerous by the effi
cient help which his uncle Richard of England was ready to
supply. Thus all Europe was divided into two parts awaiting
the decision of its destiny. This seemed to hang upon the word
a power which had not yet spoken the Papacy.
�The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
415
Now Walther saw clearly enough, nor yet more clearly than the
Pope himself, that whatever dissensions arose between native
princes, the real antagonistic power to the German Empire was
the papal supremacy. For a man now sat upon the papal chair
whose ambition was even more imperial than that of Henry VI.,
and who possessed an energy of character and a subtle power of
statecraft that seemed likely to bring his designs into effect.
Innocent III. had inherited the ambition and the ideas of
Gregory VII. With him he looked upon the Pope as the
rightful source of all power, as above all kings, emperors and
princes, who received from him their unction and their virtue,
and who held their possessions as vassals of the Bishop of Rome.
This notion he caused to prevail in Italy, and there the papal
power regained all it had lost. The two candidates for the Empire
he contrived for some time to keep without a decisive answer, by
means of evasions and deceptions as unscrupulous as they were
diplomatic. Yet he left no doubt in the minds of Otto’s friends
that he preferred the candidature of their monarch, though it
may have escaped their notice that his chief object was the dis
solution of the Empire, which had stood so firmly under the
dynasty to which Philip belonged. It did not escape the notice
of Walther, and he set himself to work against the papal machi
nations with that patriotic and impassioned enthusiasm with
which his love for the German Empire had inspired him. The
Pope seemed to him the incarnation of the anti-national spirit,
and only that king to be worthy of the name who strove once
more to realize the imperial ideal which had animated Germany
under Barbarossa and Henry. Such a monarch he thought at
this time he recognised in Philip. And since Philip, after his
coronation, had met with some successes in the field, and his
rival had been deprived of his chief support by the death of
Richard, it was not unnatural that he should look upon the
festival which Philip held, Christmas, 119.9, as the dawn of a
better era. The dawn of a better era, however, it was not, in
spite of Walther’s joyous song. The war which Philip was now
waging did not advance his cause, and once more we find
Walther at Vienna, reconciled to Leopold, perhaps, through the
intervention of Philip, or, perhaps, with some political commis
sion to the Duke. Meanwhile (1201) Otto advanced as far as
Alsace, and Philip invaded the district of Cologne, when the
long delayed decision of the Pope fell like a thunderbolt. Otto
was declared Emperor by the title of Otto IV., and Philip, with
his followers, was excommunicated. But though this bull
caused more anger than terror amongst the partisans of Philip,
its practical consequences were serious. Many supporters fell
away, and Walther gave utterance to his grief in a poem
�416
The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
which deprecates the use of religious weapons for political
purposes.
“ I saw,” he says, “ with mine eyes the secrets of the hearts of men
and women. I heard and saw what each one says and does. At
Rome I found a Pope lying, and two kings (Philip and Frederick)
deceived. Then arose the greatest strife that has been or shall be.
The priests and the people began to take opposite sides, a grief beyond
all griefs. The priests laid down their swords and fought with their
stoles. They laid the bann on whom they would and not on whom
they should, and the Houses of God were desolate ” (pp. 81-3).
In March, of this year, those of Philip’s party who were faith
ful, renewed their oath of allegiance, and a formal protest against
the Pope’s decision was sent to Rome. The Pope received it
with consideration but firmness, and fresh successes followed the
arms of Otto. Philip sought to strengthen his connexion with
France, by an embassy, to which Walther was attached. As we
are at present more interested in Walther than in the history of
events, it will be well to mention a conjecture of some critics,
that it was upon his return from this journey that he wrote his
celebrated song (39) in praise of German ladies:—
i.
“ Ye should bid me welcome, ladies,
He who brings a message, that am I.
All that ye have heard before this,
Is an empty wind, now ask of me.
But ye must reward me.
If my wage is kindly,
Something I can tell you that[will please ;
See now what reward ye offer.
ii.
“ I will tell to German maidens
Such a message that they all the more
Shall delight the universe,
And will take no great payment therefor.
What would I for payment ?
They are all so dear,
That my prayer is lowly, and I ask no more
Than that they greet me kindly.
in.
“ I have seen many lands,
And saw the best with interest.
�The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
417
Ill must it befall me
Could I ever bring my heart
To take pleasure
In foreign manners.
Now what avails me if I strive for falsehood ?
German truth surpasses all.
IV.
“ From the Elbe to the Rhine,
And back again to Hungary,
These are the best lands
Which I have seen in the world.
This I can truly swear,
That, for fair mien and person,
So help me heaven, to look upon,
Our ladies are fairer than other ladies.”
Philip’s supporters continued to fall away and to swell the
ranks of Otto ; his ecclesiastical adherents, terrified by the fulminations of the Pope, were amongst the earliest deserters.
Indeed, at one time it seemed likely that the whole party would
be broken up, but the judicious concessions which Philip made
to the Pope turned the current, and Philip’s cause was strength
ened by the accession of the Bishop of Cologne, who, perhaps,
found Otto ungenerous. At any rate he was now willing (upon
the receipt of pecuniary remuneration) to crown Philip and his
wife. This second coronation took place in 1205. We have no
poem by Walther in reference to it. In fact, he was losing faith
in Philip. The Emperor of Germany should have been a man
firm in will and ready in deed. Philip was not realizing this
ideal. A second coronation was in itself a confession of weak
ness. Bachmann imagines that there had even been a per
sonal quarrel between the king and the poet, but the ground
for such a belief seems hard to find. In J 208 Philip was
assassinated, and Otto was now universally recognised as
Emperor.
Without doubt Walther had been much disappointed in
Philip. He had grown up under Barbarossa and Henry, and
the magnificent ideas of the Empire had grown strong with his
growth. Those brilliant anticipations of supreme dominion in
German hands he expected to see fulfilled by Philip, and they
had not been fulfilled. On the contrary, the papal power, which
he detested, was leaving everywhere a contracted sphere for
another Empire, and, when a year before his death Philip be
came, as a matter of political necessity, reconciled to Innocent,
�418
The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
Walther, whose ideal monarch was no king, but an emperor,
saw with a despair which is reflected in his poems, the dissolu
tion of his hopes.
From 12O4j to 1207 Walther resided at the Thuringian Court.
This is to be gathered from certain indications in his poems,
and from a consideration, of the history of events. Until 1204
Hermann the Landgrave had been on Otto’s, and Walther upon
Philip’s side. The poet’s residence at the Landgrave’s Court
could not, therefore, have belonged to an earlier period. The
exact length of its duration is uncertain : it was probably three
years. And had Walther been able to see the Empire in a
prosperous state, his days might have been as bright under the
“gentle Landgrave” as they had been at the Court of Vienna.
The Landgrave was not only gentle but generous. His Court
was a regular caravansary of warriors and minstrels. “ Day and
night,” says Walther, “there is ever one troop coming in, and
another going out. Let no one who has an earache come hither,
for the din will assuredly drive him wild.” The Landgrave’s
hospitality was, indeed, unbounded. “ If a measure of good
wine cost a thousand pounds no knight’s beaker would be
empty” (p. 99). And later too, upon another occasion, Walther
sings of his host, that he does not change like the moon, but
that his generosity is continuous. When trouble comes, he re
mains still a support. “ The flower of the Thuringians blossoms
through the snow” (p. 109).
About the year 12Q7 Walther found it necessary to leave the
Court. He had not been without enemies there, especially
amongst those of his own craft. Hermann was not to blame
for this, nor did Walther lose his favour; for later on we find
him again at the Thuringian Court. There seems to have been
two parties amongst the Minnesingers, and Walther was in the
minority. For the next two years Vienna was again his home,
and Leopold forgot or forgave the old quarrel that had been
between them. But he did not long remain here, and his life
until 1211 was unsettled, and was spent at various Courts. But
it will be necessary to bring down the history of the nation to
this period, for several great and important events had occurred.
The death of Philip was followed by an interval, in which
lawlessness and crime prevailed throughout the country. Pillage
and incendiarism desolated the inheritance of the Hohenstaufens,
and recalled to the recollection of the superstitious the comets
and eclipses which had appalled them during the previous year.
Many persons thought that the last day was approaching, and Wal
ther found the signs in the heavens corroborated by the unnatural
wickedness of man. “ The sun,” he says, “ has withheld his
light. Falsehood has everywhere scattered her seeds along the
�The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
419
way. The father finds treachery in his child; brother lies to
brother. The hooded priest, who should lead us to heaven, has
turned traitor.” It was indeed a dark time for Germany, nor
did it at first appear from what quarter amendment should come.
The real representative of the Hohenstaufen line was the young
Frederick, who was now fourteen years old, but this was no time
for a boy-emperor. Many of those who might have protected
his interests had already joined the party of Otto, a party that
openly took the supremacy when Otto declared his intention of
espousing Beatrice, the daughter of Philip, and the storm of
party passion for awhile abated. The interests of the Empire,
too, clearly pointed to Otto as Emperor. Walther saw this, for
Otto was by no means a man who would not follow up the advan
tages which his position gave him. Personally the poet could
feel little cordiality towards the new monarch, whose patronage
of song would little benefit the Minnesingers. And when Otto
received the imperial crown from the hands of the Pope, in
Rome, it was accompanied by no strain of triumph from Walther.
This coronation was in the autumn of 1209. But Otto, instead
of leaving Italy to its ghostly monarch, remained there for a
year, in which time he restored the imperial authority in Nor
thern and Central Italy, and then marched into Southern Italy.
One result of this policy was inevitable. He was excommuni
cated by the Pope, who now put forward the young Frederick, as
king in his stead. Then first, when Otto was under the Papal
bann, did Walther step forward as his fellow combatant for the idea
of the Empire. As reconciliation with the Pope had estranged
him from Philip, so now it was a variance from the same autho
rity that was to place him upon close terms of sympathy with
Otto. And for the next two years we find Walther at the height
of his political influence. .
The Pope, not contented with the declaration of excommuni
cation, set in motion other measures for Otto’s destruction. Once
more he fanned the subsiding embers of civil discord in Ger
many. At the Pope’s call the Archbishops of Mayence and
Magdeburg, the King of Bohemia, the Margrave of Meissen, and
the Landgrave of Thuringia, formed a confederation, whose
object was the deposition of Otto, and the elevation of Frederick
to the throne. This confederation was accomplished in the
autumn of 1211, and was joined by the Archbishop of Treves, and
the Dukes of Bavaria and Austria. In February of the following
year Otto returned from his victorious campaign in Italy once
more to German soil, and held a parliament at Frankfort.
In the political complications which followed these circum
stances, we find Walther an influential diplomatist, for it was
undoubtedly through his influence that the two princes of
�420
The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
Meissen and Bavaria returned to their allegiance to Otto ; and
the princes themselves thanked him for his services upon that
occasion. Further : through his negotiations the crown of Bohe
mia was given to the Margrave's nephew, and to the Duke’s son
as consort the daughter of the Count Palatine, by which union
the Palatinate afterwards passed into the ducal family. These
important negotiations, and the results which attended them,
give us an adequate notion of Walther’s position at this crisis.
The time came when he found the Margrave forgetful (as even
monarchs may be) of former services, but he could still refer with
conscious dignity to the benefits he had conferred upon the Mar
grave’s family: “ Why should I spare the truth ?” he asks, “ for
had I crowned the Margrave himself the crown had even yet
been his” (p. 157).
But Otto had still important ’enemies. Amongst them was
the Landgrave of Thuringia. Whilst engaged in operations
against him he heard of the approach of Frederick, who with a
gathering retinue of supporters was gradually winning the whole
of the Rhineland and North Germany. In 1213 Frederick
ratified his submission to the Pope, and resigned all German
pretensions to the disputed territory in Italy. Thus for awhile
we have the curious spectacle of a Guelph fighting for that
Imperial idea which should have been the heirloom of the
Hohenstaufens, and a Hohenstaufen carrying the banner of the
Papacy.
Whilst thus the power of Frederick was increasing, and the
followers of Otto were falling away, Walther struggled both as
poet and politician against the Pope, and the corrupt use of
ecclesiastical power for political purposes. That he himself
respected the office of the clergy, and that his own religious
convictions were deep-seated, is certain. He viewed, however,
with aversion the struggle of the Papacy for temporal power,
and the humiliation of the German national spirit In a struggle
of this kind he seemed to see the decay of faith, and the immi
nent ruin of the Church herself, and his language to the Pope
was outspoken from the first. He bade him remember that he
himself had crowned and blessed the Emperor (p. 131) ; he
reminded the people that the same mouth which had pronounced
the bann had declared the blessing (p. 132) ; and he referred the
Pope to the scriptural command, that he should render unto
Caesar the things that are Caesar's (p. 133). The corruption of
the clergy he rebuked almost with the fire which afterwards was
to belong to Luther.
“ Christendom,” he says, “ never lived so carelessly as now. Those
who should teach are evil-minded. Even silly laymen would not com
mit their crimes. They sin without fear, and are at enmity with
�The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
421
God. They point us to heaven and themselves go down to hell. They
bid us follow their advice, and not their example.”
Again :—
“ The Pope our father goes before us, and we wander not at all from
his way. Is he avaricious ? So are we all with him. Does he lie ?
We all lie, too. Is he a traitor ? We all follow the example of his
treachery.”
And then he calls him a modern Judas. He accuses him of
simony, and hints at his collusion with infernal powers. Against
the Pope’s attempt to collect tithes in Germany he spoke out
strongly, and not without effect, for his poem on this subject
(116) aroused much bitterness.
Yet even in Otto, the Pope’s enemy, Walther did not find an
Emperor like those whose names he loved. His star waned
before that of Frederick. His manners were marred by an
unroyal boorishness; his Court was the scene of drunken and
disorderly revels, and the flower of poetry no longer blossomed
in its ungracious precincts. In 1214 Walther joined the party
of Frederick. With this new allegiance closes the dependent
period of Walther’s life, for Frederick presented him with a
small estate, which he enjoyed until his death. His first feeling
was one of intense delight, and he celebrated the event in a
strain of fervent gratitude (150). However, in the interval
stretching from 1217 to 1220 he does not appear to have resided
there. Probably he did not find it so valuable as he at first
imagined it to be, when he sang his paean as a landholder.
There were ecclesiastical claims upon it, and he was in no mood
to satisfy them with equanimity. At any rate he determined,
after the residence of a year or two, to betake himself to the
Court of Vienna. It was no longer that brilliant home of poets
and fair women which it had once been. The Duke Leopold
was absent in the Holy Land: his two youthful sons were in
need of an instructor and guardian, and it is probable that until
the return of their father Walther undertook their instruction.
In 1219 Walther greeted the Duke with an ode of welcome
(152), and this is followed by a sarcastic poem (120) directed
against the miserly habits of the Austrian nobility. This poem
may perhaps indicate the reason why Walther left the Court of
Vienna, but all reasoning here rests upon conjecture. A quarrel
between himself and Leopold has been surmised, but upon
insufficient grounds. Then, in 1220, we find him at the Court
of Frederick II. His political muse had been silent since
his adoption of Frederick’s cause: his vehement protestations
against the papal influence were hushed : he aided in no agita
tion for the imperial cause. This silence was probably in
[Vol. CI. No. CO. J—New Series, Vol. XLV. No. II.
TF
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The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
accordance with Frederick’s wishes. Honorius III. was now
upon the Papal throne, a man of a different disposition from
that of Innocent.
Four important subjects were still matters of consideration
between the Papal and Imperial Courts:—Firstly, the separation
of the Italian and German crowns; secondly, the supremacy of
Lombardy; thirdly, the succession to Matilda; and fourthly,
the fulfilment of Frederick’s promise to enter upon a crusade.
And so long as no open breach had been made in the friendship
of Pope and Emperor, and whilst Frederick was furthering his
views more by policy than war, there was no room for the efforts
of Walther. From this time, however, till 1223 we find several
political odes dictated by his sympathy with Frederick. After
this period he returned to his own estate, and henceforth his
mind seems to have been occupied with religious ideas and the
support of the Crusaders. He did not cease to urge the German
princes to that holy undertaking. Frederick had, long before,
promised Innocent that he himself would lead an army to the
East; he had delayed to do so during the life of Honorius; he
was punished for his delay with excommunication by Gregory IX.,
and set out upon the crusade in 1228. Amongst his followers
was Walther the Minnesinger.
For it is clear that the bright dream of a restored Empire,
which once filled the poet’s mind, had now given place to
another feeling. Fainter and fainter the hope had grown
which inspired so many of his songs. Barbarossa could not
come again; at least not now, and there was no comfort remain
ing, except in religion. An overwhelming longing for the Holy
Land seized him. The last winter a terrible storm had swept
over the country. What else could it denote than the anger of
God at the negligence of Christians who left the Infidel in
undisturbed possession of his Holy City ? The bands of pilgrims
who passed through town and village did not fail to warn those
who lingered that they were incurring the divine wrath. Terror
and enthusiasm took possession of all, and Walther, old and
worn as he was, left once more his home and his repose. His
steps were turned towards the Alps. He travelled through the
Bavarian Oberland, and the Inn Valley, until he came to the
Brenner Pass. There at the foot of the hills lay the place of his
birth, a place which he had not visited since his boyhood. And.
here he wrote the renowned poem (188) which touchingly and
truthfully depicts his feelings:—
“Ay me! Whither are vanished all my years ? Has my life been
indeed a dream, or is it all true ? Was that aught whereof I
believed it was something? Nay, I have slept and knew it
not.
�The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
423
“ Now I have awakened, and no longer know that which of old was as
familiar to me as mine own hand. People and land where I grew
up from a child, these are become strange to me, as though what
is past had never been.
“ They who were playmates of mine are feeble and old; that which
was wild land is planted and trained; the woods are felled. Only
the rivulet flows as it flowed of old ; otherwise my sorrow were
fulfilled.
“ I scarce win a greeting from those who once knew me well; the
World has become ungracious. Of old I had here many a happy
day ; all has fallen away like the print of a stone on the waters,
alas! for evermore.
“ Ay me ! there is a poison in all sweetness. I see the gall above the
honey. Outwardly the World is fair hued, white and green,
inwardly she is black and dark, and coloured with the colour of
death.
“ Yet if she has misled any one, let him take this to heart, for he may
with slight service be free from great sin. Look to it, knights ;
this touches you. Bear the light helm and thering-linked pano
ply of arms;
“ Also the strong shield, and consecrated sword. Would God that I,
too, were worthy to join in the Crusade. Then should I, for all
my poverty, become most rich, though not in land nor lordly
gold;
“ But I should wear that eternal crown, which the simple soldier may
win by his own spear. Could I but fare that happy journey
oversea, then would my song be ‘Joy!’ and never more ‘Ay
me !’ nor ever more ‘ Alas !’ ”
If Walther sang joyous songs after his return from the
Crusade, these songs are no longer to be found. We cannot
doubt, as has been doubted, that he accompanied the expedition
to the Holy City. Two devotional poems (78, 79) remain, which
were probably written later, but they are not songs of triumph.
His voice does not reach us any more; only the grave at
Wurzburg gives further indications of his fate. For he died,
as they say, in 1229, at the age of seventy-two.
Yet another pleasing memorial. In his will the poet left
a sum of money to provide seed which the birds might gather
every day upon his grave. And four holes for water (still to be
seen) were scooped in the stone that covered him. The birds
no longer derive any benefit from his legacy, it is commuted
into a dole which upon his birthday is given to the choristers of
the Church.
It has already been indicated that Walther’s poems fall into
Ff2
�424
The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
two divisions, “Lieder” (songs) and “Spriiche” (poems.) These are
different both in form and purpose. A Lied was intended to be
sung to a musical accompaniment; a Spruch was to be read
or recited. The form of a Lied was artistic and severe, that
of a Spruch admitted of anomalies. Their subjects were also
different. The Lied chanted a lover’s hopes and fears, welcomed
the Spring and Summer, bemoaned the Winter, or a lady’s cold
ness ; the Spruch dealt with ethical situations, or, as is mostly
the case in Walther’s poems, expressed strong political convic
tions. A Minnelied was a complex work of art. It comprised
three elements, which may be named, after the German analysis,
the tone, the time, and the text. The tone was the rhythmical
form or metre into which it was thrown ; the tune was the melody
to which it was sung; the text was the verbal wordingof the poem.
A Minnesinger must, therefore, be artist, musician, and poet. Of
the three elements the tone was almost the most important, for it
was no traditional lyric form, but in each case the invention of the
individual poet. No poet could creditably appropriate another’s
metre, nor could any poet repeat without danger to his reputa
tion the same tone upon several occasions. Hence the infinite
variety of tones which characterize the poems of Walther. But
in all this variety one rule prevails—the rule that each stanza
should have three parts (two Stollen and an Abgesang). Each
stanza begins with corresponding portions, and concludes with a
third, differing metrically from the others. To some of Walther’s
poems this triple character is wanting. We may unhesitatingly
assign them to a very early period of the writer’s life. The
following simple little Minnelied is an example :—
“ Winter has injured us every way :
Copseland and woodland are russet and grey,
Where many voices rang merry and gay.
Ah, would that the maidens could come forth to play,
And the birds again carol their roundelay.
“ Would I could slumber the winter through ;
Now, when I waken my heart is low,
In winter’s kingdom of ice and snow.
God knows that at last the winter must go;
Where the ice lingers now flowers will grow.”
To an early period also belongs the poem already referred to,
“ Under der Linden.” It is, perhaps, impossible to reproduce in
English verse the delicate music of this airy lyric. The follow
ing is a literal translation. It preserves the triple division of the
tone:—
�The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
i.
“ Under the lindens,
On the heather,
Where the couch of us two was,
You may discover,
Both beautiful
Broken flowerbells and grass,
By the woodside in the vale.
Tandaradei,
Sweetly sang the nightingale.
ii.
“ I went, I hastened
To the meadow;
Thither my love had gone before.
There was I welcomed
Lady Mary!
That I am happy evermore.
Did he kiss me ? A thousand times,
(Tandaradei),
See how red my lips are yet.
hi.
“ There he had fashioned
A beautiful
Flowercouch and bed of flowers ;
And laughter arises
In inmost heart,
If any one passes that way;
By the roses he may well
(Tandaradei)
See yet where my head was laid.
IV.
“ That he lay beside me,
Should any know,
(0 God forbid !) I were ashamed.
And what he did with me,
No one—never—
Shall know but he and I alone,
And one dear little bird that sang
Tandaradei,
And he will ever be true.”
425
�426
The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
In reference to this poem, Simrock has remarked that the
folksong also is not without instances of lyrics, whose simplicity
throws the magic light of innocence upon situations which would
be intolerable in any other. But in reality to raise a moral
question upon this artless song is wholly inappropriate: the
difficulty for a modern reader is to appreciate the subtle delicacy
and infinite reserve which characterize Minne poetry. To name
his lady’s name was deemed a shameless breach of good taste in a
lover ; and Walther has one indignant poem addressed to those
who sought with some importunity to win such a secret from
him (19). In another graceful little poem (21), he speaks of
his eyes as ambassadors to his lady, ambassadors that return
always with a kindly message. But these eyes are not those of
his corporal vision, for they have long been unblessed by behold
ing her ; they are the eyes of his mind.
“ Es sint die gedanke des herzen min.”
“ Shall I,” asks the poet, “ ever be so happy a man as that she
shall gaze upon me with eyes like mine?”
It was not much, indeed, that the Minnesinger asked from his
lady. That she should smile upon him when he greeted her, or
that, if others were by, she should at least look toward the place
where he stood. A glance threw him into an ecstacyof delight,
yet if his lady endured the presence of other admirers he sank
into the depths of despair. Thence again he rose buoyantly
with the slightest straw of hope. Here is the immemorial
love-oracle (24):
i.
“ In a despairing mood,
I sat me down and pondered.
I thought I would leave her service,
Had not a certain solace restored me.
Solace it may not rightly be called. Alas, no,
It is indeed scarcely a tiny comfort,
So tiny that if I tell you you will mock me,
Yet one is comforted by a little, he knows not why.
ii.
“ Me a blade of grass has made happy,
It tells me that I shall find favour.
I measured this selfsame little blade,
As of old I have seen children do.
�The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
427
Now listen and mark if it does so again.
‘ She loves me, she loves me not, she loves me, she does not, she does.’
As oft as I have done it, the result is good,
That comforts me ; but one must have faith, too.”
Who the lady was whom Walther wooed is unknown now, if
it was known in his time. It has been conjectured that she
was of low birth, and the following poem (14) gives some
ground for the conjecture. Walther’s treatment of the sub
ject is different from the way in which Horace handled a subject
of similar nature.
i.
“ Maiden, heart beloved of me,
God give thee ever help and aid ;
And were there any dearer name,
That would I gladly call thee.
What can I dearer say than this,
That thou art well beloved of me ? Alas! ’tis this that pains me.
n.
“ They taunt me oft that I
Turn to a lowly maid my song.
That they can never know
What love is, is their punishment.
Love never came to those
Who woo for wealth or beauty. 0 what love is theirs ?
ill.
“ Hate often follows beauty ;
Be none too eager for it.
Love is the heart’s best tenant,
Beauty stands after love.
’Tis love makes lady fair,
Beauty can not do this, it never made lady fair.
IV.
“ I bear it as I have borne
And as I shall ever bear it.
Thou art fair and wealthy enough,
What can they tell me of this ?
�4'28
The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
Say what they will, I love thee.
The crystal ring that thou givest is better than royal gold.
*
v.
“ If thou art faithful and true,
Then I am thine without fear;
Thine—that no sorrow of heart
Can come against me by thy will.
If thou art neither of these,
Then thou canst never be mine. Ah me, should this happen to be!”
In another poem (17), however, he praises his lady’s beauty
with much enthusiasm. The following stanza runs more lightly
into the mould of English verse :—
“ God formed with care her cheeks so bright
And laid such lovely colours there,
Such perfect red, such perfect white,
Here tinted rose, there lily fair,
That I will almost dare to say
On her with greater joy I gaze
Than on the sky and starry way.
Alas ! what would my foolish praise ?
For if her pride should grow,
My lip’s light word might work my heart some bitter woe.”
But in fact it is useless arguing from these poems to the actual
circumstances of the poet’s life. The Minne of this period was
after all rather a subject of the imagination than a passion of
the heart. The nameless lady whose praise a poet sang, be
longed to the ideal portion of his life. We find nowhere among
the poems of the Minnesingers songs which celebrate what we call
“ domestic happiness,” or which look forward to nuptial union.
The ideal and the real were kept widely sundered by the knights
and poets of Minne. In actual life the poet composed and sang
these Lieder at the court of some noble patron, whose approval
was his reward. Often he sang, too, with the hope of receiving
a more substantial recognition, the gift, perhaps, of a small estate
where he might settle, and marry the daughter of a neighbour
ing vassal landholder. For her, however, there were certainly
neither Stollen nor Abgesang. She reared his children, and
directed his frugal household. She managed the estate in sum* A glass ring for pledging a lover’s faith was not unfrequently used in the
Middle Ages by the poorer classes.
�The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
429
mer whilst he visited his patrons, gave orders to his servants and
herself set arrow to bow, if any burglarious miscreant attacked
the house. Possibly the poet appreciated what she did, and was
a good husband and father. But the domestic life lacked poeti
cal utterance ; it was not within the region of the art of the
time. Hence there is an artificial atmosphere about the whole
circle of Minnesong. It does not come into close contact with
real life. It is, if not in opposition, at least in contrast with the
masculine and adult energy by which the German character of
the Middle Ages was marked. Minnesong was of the court,
courtly. It sprang, it is true, from the same source as the great
folk-epic of Siegfried and Brunhild, but the waters of that fer
tilizing stream were diverted now to rise in the private fountains
and tinkling cascades of royal gardens. If Walther’s muse had
been confined to this line of poetry alone, the poems which he
has left us would amply have justified the title which has been
assigned him in this paper. But his large and earnest nature is
inadequately commemorated in such a title. He was the
greatest of the Minnesingers, and he was much more. He
was a politician penetrated with the idea of the necessity of
German union. In his maturer years he applied himself more
and more rarely to the composition of Lieder, and in the later
works there is breathed a very different spirit from that which
animates the lyrics of the Court of Vienna. We find in them
the real life of the poet, as we should expect to find it, when a
poet is possessed by an idea which is neither selfish nor small.
The idea which possessed Walther was a great one, and has
never been absent from the best minds of Germany, the idea of
national union. What suffering, what immense power run to
waste would have been spared that noble country, if the dream of
our Minnesinger had been realized five centuries ago. This
was not to be. Perhaps even now the full attainment is distant.
But it is well for his countrymen to look back upon his pen
sive figure seated, as shown in the Paris manuscript, in the atti
tude of deep thought.
M Ich saz uf eime steine
Und dahte bein mit beine,
Bar uf sast’ ich den ellenbogen;
Ich hete in mine hant gesmogen
Min kinne und ein min wange.
Do dahte ich mir vil ange,
Wes man zer werlte solte leben.”
For strangely enough, the ecclesiastical and political contest
of the present day, has much resemblance to that which was
fought in the times of Walther. To-day, as then, Rome and the
�430
Moral Philosophy at Cambridge.
Empire dispute the point of supremacy. The question at issue
may be disguised and deceive even the wise and far-sighted.
But the present is not the first time that Rome has learnt to
throw an appearance of right over audacious and transcendant
injustice. Five hundred years ago she failed to blind to her
designs the vision of our Minnesinger, and now-a-days, happily
there are men numerous enough and strong enough to be true to
the spirit of these poems of Walther, and to insist upon wrest
ing from the hands of Rome, at least the national education
of their children.
“ Tiuschiu zuht gat vor in alien.”
Art. VIII.—Moral Philosophy
at
Cambridge.
First Principles of Moral Science. A Course of Lectures
delivered in the University of Cambridge. By Thomas
Rawson Birks, Knightsbridge, Professor of Moral Philo
sophy. London : Macmillan and Co. 1873.
EARLY forty years have passed since Mr. Mill, in his review
of Professor Sedgwick’s celebrated Discourse, declared that
“ the end, above all others, for which endowed universities exist,
or ought to exist, is to keep alive philosophy.” The “ studies of
the University of Cambridge” in 1835 were not the studies of
the present year. In every department there has been progress.
Great reforms have been instituted from without: those which
have proceeded from within have still been greater. Unattached
students have received recognition. Dissenters, at first admitted
within college precincts for study and then allowed to graduate,
after many years of probation have been placed on a footingof equa
lity in the competition for college fellowships. The badge ofcreed
has been abolished: the stigma of sex is passing away. Lec
tures and Examinations for Women have been inaugurated, and
there is a fair prospect of the entire removal, at no distant time,
of the intellectual disabilities under which they still labour.
University influence has been extended far beyond the boundaries
of Cambridge by the institution of Local Examinations; and
more recently still, by the official establishment of Courses of
Lectures by university men in provincial towns. New professor
ships have been founded. Degrees are conferred for proficiency
n Moral and in Natural Science. The course of study for the
�1875]
The Civil Service.
of obtaining a good article. By the
time this number is in the reader’s
hands the intentions of the Govern
ment may possibly have been ex
pressed, and whether it determines
to try the scheme of the Commis
sioners at first upon some one office
as an experiment, or to let the
matter drop as one beyond its
energies and strength, it is certain
that the warm thanks both of the
Civil Service and the public are
due to Dr. Lyon Playfair and his
colleagues for the ability with which
they have sifted an almost over
whelming mass of evidence, and for
the courage with which they have
exposed what the real grievances
are under which the public service
suffers.
But though, in our opinion, such
thanks are due, it is evident that,
so far as the Civil Service is con
cerned, they have not been generally
accorded. Mr. Farrer, in the Fort
nightly Review for May has forcibly
answered the three principal objec
tions which appear to have been taken
to the recommendations of the Com
missioners, and though he seems to
attach more weight than we should
to such of the opinions of the Service
as a.re ‘ expressed by their organs
in the press,’ it is undoubtedly a
fact that the report has been re
ceived with much disfavour.
In this, however, the Com
missioners have only shared the
VOL. XI.—NO. LXVI.
NEW SERIES.
729
common fate of all who attempt to
reform professions. The obstinate
resistance offered by the Proctors
to the reformation in Doctors’
Commons will be remembered by
many ; the gloomy predictions with
which the Abolition of Purchase
was greeted by the Colonels in and
out of Parliament are still fresh in
the memory of all. But it is to
be hoped and expected that the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, if
clearly convinced that the proposals
of the Commissioners are really
sound and salutary, will have the
courage of his opinion, and will not
sacrifice a national reform to noisy
professional clamour.
Individual
cases of hardship should be met by
liberal or even lavish compensation,
rather than be allowed to constitute
arguments for continuing abuses in
the Public Service.
The Civil Service of England
deserves good and generous treat
ment at the hands of the country.
It has never been servile like that
of Russia; it has never been
‘ bureaucratic ’ like that of France ;
it has never been corrupt like that
of America ; and if the abuses in it
be swept away and steps be taken
to supply it with proper organisation
and payment, it will be in the future,
even more than it has been in the
past, a legitimate source of pride
and strength to the Nation and
Sovereign it serves.
A. C. T.
3 E
�
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Victorian Blogging
Description
An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
Date
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
Text
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Original Format
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Pamphlet
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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The greatest of the Minnesingers
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: [s.l.]
Collation: p. 406-430 ; 22 cm.
Notes: Includes bibliographical references. From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Review of Deutsche Classiker des Mittelalters, Mit Wort und Sacherklarungen. Begrundet von Franz Pfeiffer, Erster Band, Walther von der Vogelweide. Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus, 1870 and Des Leben Walthers von der Vogelweide. Leipzig: B.G. Trubner, 1865. From Westminster Review 45 (April 1874).
Publisher
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[s.n.]
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[n.d.]
Identifier
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CT38
Creator
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[Unknown]
Subject
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Book reviews
Germany
Rights
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<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (The greatest of the Minnesingers), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
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application/pdf
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Text
Language
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English
Book Reviews
Conway Tracts
German Literature
Germany
Minnesingers
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/34fed1e26b8781a3705f3f00cbbb9b33.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=FjOR2H1eFMHD3OccyIIe-0hPNaJBOyp9jx28l0UypmTUBaMOILWe2G4BU1k7ofrgiFegtovQ3nO4FipTwD9UmZBx%7EpjvO3%7E7ZXIXz27-1CFnI6Qkz2m4meViIDwkp6krFeQjrTlsGwxJ-8nXTM5Xm2NctpBxPZ6%7EqMs5IDOmfddKuw-oKjaFy4nTcR7bQUnOGFP5lQ0LoWvR5nforUHBsk2WU75P6DQzH21I3BFJyHUfaOSIwmeWYhvjTvCrrvYZBwdzG2fs%7EylQ6rEszTCbDGYcNHvs0uS6BWFPWDBSnirgqCMYg2yve5Ih7maXhnWF1V-aZwt5pjhE%7E-0uucoxuQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
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Text
820
KETCHES
OF
J RAVEL
IN JcrERMANY.
By Professor Blackie.
PART III.
Having learnt at Berlin that the grand triumphal entry of the troops
■returned from the late war, was not to take place till about the middle
of June, I made a short excursion to Russia, and on my way thither
passed through the good old Prussian town of Königsberg, known
to corn merchants by its flourishing corn trade, but to me interesting
chiefly for very different things.
Here, first I called on Professor
Lehrs, and found in his powerful eye and strong well-chiselled features
exactly those evidences of fine Roman strength which I had derived, at
a distance, from the perusal of his ‘ Aristarchusa work which for
soundness of view, and masculine vigour of expression, will maintain its
place in the libraries alongside of the great Latin masterpieces of
Wolf, Hermann, Ruhnken, and Wyttenbach.
After being ciceronized
by this excellent scholar through the stately and commodious new
buildings of the University, I passed through the small narrow street
which contains the house once inhabited by Immanuel Kant, a meta
physician, who had the singular merit of teaching European thinkers to
believe in their souls, after my subtle, self-puzzling countryman, David
Hume had fairly lost his identity in a whirl of unstable impressions
and ideas which he had spun out of the juggling phraseology of the
schools. Rounding the corner of this little street, I came suddenly, at
the top of a short descent, called Kant Street, on the bronze statue of
the venerable thinker. Here he stood, with his cocked hat under his
left arm, and bag-wig on his head, peering out curiously into the unsym
pathetic world of merchants, corn-dealers, and ship captains, in the
midst of whom it was his destiny, for so many years, persistently to
philosophise.
But Immanuel was too wise a man to complain of this
want of sympathy, as a mere technical metaphysical professor might
have done. As not only a thinker, but a really wise man, he knew that
nothing is so prejudicial to sound thinking as habitual confined inter
course with only one class of men. ‘ Nothing,’ he said, ‘ is so intolerable
�SKETCHES OF TRAVEL IN GERMANY.
321
as a company Consisting only of learned men;’ so he dined every day
at the common table of the principal inn, 'with sailors and ship captains,
and in this singular way added to the narrow limits of his solitary
thinking the large range of experience which belongs to the mercantile
and commercial classes.
After taking off my hat before this most
reputable philosopher, I proceeded to make an inspection of the old
Schloss, Castle, or Palace of the Prussian kings. I had in my memory
the humorous picture drawn by Carlyle of the coronation which took
place here of the first King of Prussia, in the first year of the last
■century, on which august occasion, his philosophical spouse, Sophia,
solaced her soul for the extreme weariness of the prolonged ceremonial
by publicly injecting a familiar pinch of snuff into her nose, beneath
the sublime frown of her royal lord.
So what fixed itself in my
memory principally was the room in which this coronation took place,
with the very throne on which self-created majesty placed the crown
{like the Czar of Russia) with his own hands on his own head, and a
¿significant environment of royal portraits hung on the walls. But my
■.eye was also attracted by a splendid dining hall or reception room, nearly
.three hundred feet long, or as long as some of our finest cathedrals,
which, with a necessary addition to its height (expected to be realised
when the present Crown Prince becomes kaiser-king), will certainly be
■ one of the largest and most imposing halls in Europe.
So much for
Königsberg. Want of time prevented me from an intended visit to the
battle-field of Eylau, which lies some considerable distance to the south
east of the town ; so I proceeded on through a grey and grim monotony
•of sand, and bogs, and blasted pines, for a space of nearly six hundred
miles, to the city of the Czar, and on the road, according to my custom,
.amused myself by spinning into verse my meditations on Immanuel
Kant, as follows :
Who’s here? a strange, old-fangled German Heir,
With hat three-cornered and bag-wig behind ;
Who peers with curious gaze, as if he were
New wafted from the moon by some stray wind
On the strange earth ! Ah ! now I know the man,
The sage who from this outmost Teuton station,
Marked their just bounds to all the thinking clan,
And pruned their wings to sober speculation.
Happy who, humanly, with human kind,
Works human work, well pleased from day to day,
Nor dares with high-plumed venture unconfined
Through trackless voids to push his plunging way !
God laughs at lofty thoughts ; but whoso proves
His ponder’d j ath, and walks by faith, He loves.
■vol.
II.—NO.
IX.
R
�322
SKETCHES OF TRAVEL IN GERMANY.
After a fortnight of very magnificent panoramic views of a. great
country, and very suggestive glimpses into social states, very far
removed from British, I returned from Moscow and St. Petersburg,
through Warsaw, to Berlin.
At Warsaw, the whole style of architec
ture, and the long rows of poplar trees along the turnpike roads,,
declared plainly enough that, though still under Russian sway, I was.
no longer in a Russian atmosphere. The civilization of Poland comes,
from the west, that of Moscow from the east ; and this contrast spoke
plainly out from every house-top, and from every street corner,
notwithstanding the forced Russian appearance given to the signs of
thé shops, which, by police order, are printed first in Russian charac
ters, and then in the native Polish, as of inferior dignity, below. But
my business here is only with Germany.
A railway rattle of about
fifteen hours’ duration brought us to Berlin, early on Wednesday
morning (the 14th), two days before the great military entry, and in.
time to learn that apartments in the best inns had risen from a dollar
a night—their usual rate—to a Frederick d’or.
I, of course, had
expected this, and, by travelling second class (contrary to Murray’s,
advice), all through Russia, had left my pocket in a comfortable flow
of cash, quite up to the need of the great foreseen pressure on the.
hotels.
But I am a Sonntagskind, as the Germans say, and always,
fall on my feet.
A kind friend took compassion on me, and opened,
his door for my shelter ; so that a week’s stay in Berlin cost me
nothing in the way of cash, and was a great gain to me in the way of
balmy and brilliant sociality. Now, no one, of course, expects that I
am here to attempt a detailed description of the grand patriotic display
which we call the Einzug : the newspapers have done the thing to satis
faction, and even to satiety ; and achtnn agere is as little my business at.
any time as it can be anybody’s pleasure at this time ; so with regard to
this matter, I will only set down one or two remarks with regard to the
general tone, effect, and significance of the affair, as it struck me. My
German friend had kindly procured for me a seat on the platform or
gallery raised in front of the University, and looking into the grand
open place, circled writh palaces and monuments, into which the Unter
den Linden opens at its east end : certainly the most pictorial point in
the otherwise somewhat monotonous and wearisome stateliness of Berlin
architecture. From this post—for which I paid only three dollars—I
had a broad unhindered view of the different regiments of the Guard,
that to the number of between forty and fifty thousand came spreading
forth their steely ranks from the comparatively narrow line of the Lin
den j and unquestionably, for the eye of a grey civilian accustomed only
to sober sights, this was a grand spectacle to see. For nearly three
hours the mighty palatial space filled and emptied itself again with
�SKETCHES OF TRAVEL IN GERMANY.
323
close-packed glittering rows, now of the severe bine infantry, now of the
^bright mailed Cuirassiers gleaming in the sun, now of the rapid-trotting
Uhlans, with their black and white pennons fluttering on their long
lances. These last were not only the most picturesque, but the most
loudly cheered : cheers well merited, as anyone who has even hastily
gleaned the newspaper history of the war will understand. If in the
first decisive battles of the campaign the Germans knew what they were
about while the French did not, it was all owing, after Moltke’s admirable
geographic and strategic studies, to the dexterity and daring shown by
thefr reconnoitring horsemen. If this, thought I, be only some forty or
fifty thousand men, what a spectacle must the military array of a great
battle be,' such a battle as that at Leipzig in October, 1813, when Napo
leon, with 150,000 men, stood in an inner circle, with 400,000 Prussians,
Russians, Austrians, and Swedes in his front. Nevertheless, as a mere
spectacle, one could not but say that the Einzug was deficient in two
important respects—in colour and variety. I have seen not a few more
brilliant shows. But the real show, perhaps, was not the march of the
military, with their arms glittering in the sun, but the pomp of festal
decoration in the town, the endless rows of flag and banner and historic
picture, patriotic sculpture, significant device, and suggestive motto of
every kind. This really was a burst of vivid gaiety well calculated both
to please the eye and to satisfy the mind anywhere, but especially in the
grey and grave regions of the frosty North. Of the illuminations which
closed the great festive day I will say nothing; they were good, very
good, perhaps, of their kind; but I am Stoic enough to think there is
something childish in this cumbrous attempt to light up the night with
an artificial imitation of the day. But what chiefly moved me in this
affair of the Einzug, and will remain with me among the deepest and
most fruitful experiences of my life, was the moral and political signifi
cance of the display. Many shows are mere shows, with emptiness or
even hollow, false pretence behind; mere gilded lies, beneath which the
scratch of a pin will expose the depth of foulness and rottenness which
such rare varnish was necessary to conceal. But the Berlin show was
all reality, and the sign of a greater reality. The reality before me was
effective military strength; the reality of which it was the sign is the
solidity, firmness, and systematic consistency of the German people and
the Prussian Government. There rode the stout old soldier King, pre
ceded by his three mighty men, all dressed in the white livery of his
favourite Cuirassiers, Bismark, Moltke, and Roon, the one the eye of his
policy, the second the brain, and the third the arm of his soldiership.
What a reality was there! What a speaking commentary on the famous
words of Bismark (which some hasty people were forward to misunder
stand), that great social revolutions of a certain kind are not to be
R 2
�324
SKETCHES OF TRAVEL IN GERMANY
achieved by mere talking, but that the obstinacy of the tough old ma
terial can be moulded into a new shape only by the stern compulsion of
‘blood and iron.’ Now everybody admits that Bismark and the King,
or rather the King and Bismark (for if the King had been a weakling in
the ‘conflict of 62’ Bismark would have had no game to play), were
right in keeping up the strength of the army against the peddling eco
nomies of the Berlin Liberals; the success of the war, therefore, and the
glory of the triumphal entry, were the legitimate fruit of clear counsel,
firm will, and manly consistency of purpose on the part of those who
had the guidance of public affairs in Prussia. Whatever other excel
lencies the champions of the French in this country may see or imagine
in their petted friends, they must at least confess to two great faults—
their fretful irritability took high offence from no sufficient occasion, and
their hasty insolence_made war without adequate preparation. But no
faults of this kind can be laid to the charge of the Germans. They
knew they had an insolent and treacherous neighbour to contend with;
they had known him in this character for four hundred years; and they
were determined that, so soon as the real outbreak of his itching vanity
and imperious insolence should take place, it would not find them, as in
1806, unprepared and divided. The outbreak did come sooner than
even Bismark’s astuteness had anticipated; he was taken by surprise no
less than his European enemies, who accused him of complicity; but he
was surprised in the midst of his earnestness, as the French in their
insolence; and backed by the firm resolve of a serious, honest, and
laborious people, the whole character of the war on his side was as
satisfactory to the moralTas to the intellectual nature of the impartial
observer. The same attitude of reality and honesty was presented in
the person of the stout old King, a monarch in all points the antipodes
of the French Emperor, who was driven into an unequal war by the
necessity of a position which his own unscrupulous ambition and utter
want of political conscience had created. Only continued success could
seem to justify a rule which every one knew was founded on a crime;
and the dramatic necessity of getting up some glory, to titillate French
vanity and gratify French ambition, sent him with a light start and boast
ful parade into the midst of a struggle, of which the issue, even with
the most complete preparation and most thoughtful circumspection, was
extremely doubtful. How different the moral position of the King of
Prussia ! The hereditary holder of a throne firmly rooted in the loyal
allegiance of a sober-minded and intelligent people, who knew how to
value the strength derived from a firm central rule, even when it
pressed a little severely sometimes on individual liberty, he neither
needed to cater by unworthy means for a popularity which he already
possessed, nor if a storm of adverse fortune should seize the state, was
�SKETCHES OF TRAVEL IN GERMANY.
325
he in danger of being thrown ont as a Jonah to propitiate the wrath
of the sea-god. He was known to be a soldier and a lover of soldiers ;
but he did not require to pander to a fretful appetite, either in his army
or his people, by aggressive acts upon the territories of his neighbours.
The wars in which he had been engaged were purely matters of
domestic arrangement between Germans and Germans ; the changes
which, by the instrumentality of ‘blood and iron,’ he had effected
within the limits of Fatherland, if violent, were absolutely necessary for
the restoration of that imperial unity the loss of which had been
historically identical with the humiliation of Germany beneath the
fraud and force of unscrupulous kingcraft in France. To this firm
political position King William added the wTeight of a personal character
such as the solid and sober-minded Germans knew how to respect. In
‘the conflict ’ with the Parliament in 1862 he showed a firmness of will
which, whatever else may be wanting, must ever be held as a prime
requisite in a ruler of men; in his habits, like his excellent father, he
was plain and unostentatious ; and, like his father also, he was sincerely
and unaffectedly religious. This element in his character I am, of
course, aware it has been the fashion in this country to deride; but
there is not a man in Germany, to what ever party he belongs, who
would insinuate that the devout expressions of thankfulness used by the
King in his despatches were anything else than the genuine utterance
of a natural and unaffected piety. It is indeed a vulgar habit of the
English mind to honour the expression of devout feeling only when it
appears in the stereotyped forms of the national Liturgy ; and beyond
the conventional homage of a Sunday forenoon service, or the question
able zeal for church paraded on the political platform at an election,
many an Englishman seems more than half ashamed of his religion, and
carries no more natural fragrance of piety about him than a cold tulip
does of warm vegetable aroma.
Hence the uncharitable judgments
passed upon good King William : judgments that only prove, if not the
absolute ungenerousness and ungentlemanliness, certainly the frigid
narrowness and formalism of the persons who made them. The real
fact of the matter is, both that there is a fundamental vein of devout
feeling (a portion of their characteristic Gemiitli) in the German mind,
and that the late war, in its motive and occasion essentially a repetition
of the great national struggle of 1813, was inspired by the same fine
combination of devout and patriotic feeling which distinguished its
prototype. The sure instinct of this led the King at the outbreak of
the struggle to re-establish the Order of the Iron Cross, a decoration
which symbolises in the most chaste and significant way that combina
tion of manly endurance, public spirit, and active piety by which the
campaigns of 1813 and 1870 have been so prominently characterised.
�326
SKETCHES OF TRAVEL IN GERMANY.
Sitting in the railway carriage one day, between Gottingen and Halle, I
had before me a young soldier decorated with this expressive symbol,
which, if widely distributed, is so only because, as Bismark said, it is
v’idely deserved ; and, as I am not a smoker, I amused the tedium of the
road by articulating the following lines :
Prussian, that iron cross upon thy breast,
Which thou with manhood’s modest pride dost wear,
I ask not by what deed above the rest,
Dashing or daring, it was planted there ;
I know that when the insolent heel of Gaul
Tramped on all rights to thee and Deutschland dear,
Thou rose regenerate from thy plunging fall
By vows devout and discipline severe.
Thus blazed thy bright noon from a tearful morn,
Blessing from bane sprang, and great gain from loss,
While in thy hand the avenging steel was borne,
And in thy heart was stamped the patient cross :
Thus Spartan pith and Christian grace were thine,
Born in one day, and bodied in one sign.
And now, what more have I to say ? I might tell Mr. Bull not only that
he ought to believe reverently in the moral grandeur of the Iron Cross,
whether as symbolical of the great struggle of 1813, in which himself
took a prominent part, or of the yet greater struggle of 1870, in which
he took no part ; but I would tell him also that the universal arming
of the people, however Lord Derby might call it a retrogression, is a
part of social organisation equally congruous with Spartan discipline,
Athenian freedom, Roman strength, and Christian grace ; that, in fact,
it is a grand nursery of national virtue and patriotic devotion, more
powerful than schools and churches, because it deals in deeds, and not in
words. But I know well that Mr. Bull would not listen to me in this
matter. If I had M.P. after my name, perhaps he might be willing to
lend me a respectful audience for an hour; as it is, I am silent.
�PRESERVATION OF THE NATIONAL HEALTH.
835
un cleanness of every kind, let us tear-down the fever-nests and open up
the pauper warrens to the free light and blithe air, let us sternly treat
as public crime the avarice that distributes poisoned water to swell divi
dends, and that "which refuses to drain villages lest the rates should rise.
Resolute war against dirt, waged under the conduct of scientific enemies
of disease, would soon make this a different country for the poor at least
to live in. If we decline to accept this issue how shall we justify our* solves to the helpless masses whom we are allowing to perish like rotten
sheep ?
Edward D. J. Wilson.
It is just to say here that though the common theory of cholera and its propaga
tion is popularly summarised above, it does not pass unchallenged. - Dr. Chapman, in
a very ingenious work, with the logic oj: which no fault can be found, but which may
be thought to rest on too narrow an induction, has endeavoured to show that cholera
is generated not by any morbid poison but by hyperasmia of the nervous centres dis
tributed along thej spine. He maintains that the disease can be controlled by modify
ing the temperature of these nervous centres, and cites some remarkable cases in which
he has recovered patients far gone in choleraic collapse by the application of ice to the
spine. The method may be useful, even though Dr. Chapman’s theory be unsound,,
and as medical science is confessedly powerless to cope with cholera when once it has
seized on a patient, it will be worth while to give the proposed treatment a fair trial/'
in the public hospitals in case of another cholera epidemic.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Victorian Blogging
Description
An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Conway Hall Library & Archives
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2018
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Conway Hall Ethical Society
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Pamphlet
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Sketches of travels in Germany. Part 3
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Blackie, John Stuart
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: [London]
Collation: 320-326 p. ; 23 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. From The Dark Blue 2 (November, 1871). Attribution of journal title and date: Virginia Clark catalogue. The Dark Blue was a London-based literary magazine published monthly from 1871 to 1873.
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Conway Tracts
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Text
1875]
243
ARMIN, THE LIBERATOR OF GERMANY.
N August the 16th, a great
festive gathering will be held
near Detmold, at the unveiling
the colossal statue of Arminius, or
Hermann,1* Deliverer of Germany
S
the
from the Roman yoke. In the
midst of the Teutoburg Forest—on
the brow of a lofty hill, surrounded
by beech and fir-wood—stands the
figure of this national hero, on a
granite pedestal: with a foot placed
on the eagle of a Roman legion ;
holding a raised sword in his right
hand. The hill rises to an emi
nence of 1,300 feet.
The enor
mous statue itself towers some
sixty feet high.
It is turned
towards the Rhine: a doubly
significant position in our days!
Far and wide will it be visible—as
far as the Drachenfels, famed by
Siegfried’s mythic struggle; as far as
the Brocken, the traditionary seat
ofancient heathen witchcraft. Thirtysix years have passed since Ernst
von Bandel, the patriotic sculptor,
to whom the work has been a labour
of love, conceived the idea of this
great monument. Now, at last,
thanks to Bandel’s unflagging zeal
during a lifetime, the gigantic Statue
—made of iron, and screwed together
in its several parts—is finished : a
remarkable memento of the famed
battle in which the legions of Varus
were annihilated, about the year 9 of
our era.
The country all round the Grotenburg, near which the monument
stands, is replete with myth and
history. The whole mountain-range
goes by a name (‘ Osning ’) that
brings back remembrances of early
Germanic worship. There are
Hiinen-Hinge—Giant Circles—mys
O
terious remnants of large stone
structures. There are woods and
of
homesteads which, if the antiquity
of their names could be proved,
would show an unbroken link of
tradition with the very days of the
Teutoburg Battle. In more than
one sense is the ground between
the Weser and the Rhine strangely
hallowed. In the Osning stood
the Irmin-sul, or Irmin’s Column,
which Karl the Great destroyed in
his struggle against the Saxons.
That popular rhyme in Low German
speech, which is yet current:
Her men! slaDermen;
Sla Pipen ; sla Trummen !
De Keiser will kumen
Met Hamer an Stangen,
Will Her men uphangen—
is by some referred back, not to the
contest against Witukind, but to
that against Armin or Hermann him
self. Not far from the scene of the
great battle—in the cloister of Korvei—there were found, for the first
time, in the sixteenth century, those
Annals of Tacitus which contain a
graphic record of Armin’s deeds.
Again, in the Abbey of Verden,
at the end of the same century,
the Gothic translation of the Bible
by Ulfilas was discovered—the oldest
record of German speech. Truly,
in Massmann’s words, a trilogy of
things full of Teutonic interest!
A most romantic career that of
the Cheruskian Chieftain was, who
wrought the signal victory. As a
youth, he had learnt the art of war
among his country’s foes; was
placed at the head of a legion of
German auxiliaries; and by his
valour, perhaps on Danubian battle
fields in Pannonia (Hungary),
1 The modern rendering of Arminius by ‘ Hermann,’ though generally accepted, is
probably an error. More likely is the connection of that na me with Irmin (AngloSaxon: Eormen-; Old Norse: Iormun-). It may, in Simrock’s opinion, simply have
meant the common leader of the Cheruskian League—even as Irmin was perhaps a com
mon War-God of allied German tribes. Dio Cassius writes the name : ’Apglwos; Strabo:
’Amiewos.
S 2
�244
Armin, the Liberator of Germany.
obtained Roman, citizenship and the
rank of a knight. The Romans that
saw him describe him as coming
from a noble stock; strong and
brave; of quick perception, and
of penetrating judgment—more so
than might be expected from a
‘barbarian’ (ultra barbarum prompltus ingenio). The ardour of his
mind was said to glow from his
face and from the glance of his
eyes. He was the son of Segimer
.—in modern German : Siegmar—
a Cheruskian leader. Armin’s wife,
whose name we learn from a Greek
source, was Thusnelda ;2 originally
betrothed against her will to another
chieftain, but secretly carried off
by her daring swain, between
whom and his father-in-law, Segest,
there was thenceforth a deadly feud.
In those days, it was the en
deavour of the Romans, after
they had conquered Gaul, and gra
dually come up from the Danubian
side, to subject also the country
between the Rhine and the Elbe.
A hundred thousand of their sol
diers kept watch and ward along
the Rhine : one half of them sta
tioned between Mainz and Bonn;
the other half between Koln and
Xanten, and down to the very shores
of the German Ocean.
Pushing
forward from the Rhine in an east
ern direction, they succeeded in
establishing, near the Lippe, a strong
fort, called Aliso—probably what is
now Else, near Paderborn. Drusus
even ventured with an expedition
as far as the Elbe; but, terrified by
the weird appearance of a gigantic
Teuton prophetess, who foretold his
approaching death, he returned, and
soon afterwards died through being
thrown from his horse. Armin’s
merit it is, by his triumph in the
Teutoburg Forest, and by a struggle
carried on for years afterwards,
to have freed this north-western
[August
region, and thus, step by step, to
have driven back the ever-encroach
ing Latin power.
It was under the Emperor Au
gustus that Quinctilius Varus, the
former Quaestor in Syria—who
had, in that capacity, put down
a Jewish insurrection with great
cruelty—was sent to the Lower
Rhine to complete the enslave
ment of the German tribes there.
A man of sybaritic tastes; who
had entered Syria poor, and left
it loaded with riches.
Not
distinguished by a statesman’s
wisdom; but apt to charm the
chieftains of a simple people
into submission to a seductive civi
lisation. This Sardanapalus on a
small scale, whilst exerting himself
to morally fetter and corrupt the
leaders, rode rough-shod over the
people ; disregarding their native
customs; dispensing Roman law
like a praetor; making the Latin
tongue resound near the Cheruskian
homesteads as the language of the
administration and of the tribunals.
His aim was, to push the wedge of
Roman dominion into the very
heart of Germany. The old plan
of Drusus was to be carried out: the
lictor’s fasces were to be promenaded
from the Rhine to the Elbe.
Of the German chieftains placed
with Varus as a means of influencing
the surrounding tribes, Armin,
Segimer, and Segest were the most
prominent—the latter a staunch
adherent of Roman rule; the two
former, as events proved, good
patriots at heart. Young Armin,
then but twenty-five years of age,
became the soul of the national
conspiracy for the overthrow of the
foreign yoke. Segest, his fatherin-law, who afterwards bore him
so deep a grudge because Thus
nelda had become Armin’s wife
in spite of the paternal pro-
2 Thusnelda’s name has been variously interpreted. The explanation given, that it
means ‘A Thousand Graces’ (Tausendhold), is no doubt a mistaken one. Others have
suggested ‘ Thursinhiid,’ which would give a martial, Bellona-like meaning of the word.
�1875]
Armin, the Liberator of Germany.
test,, was excluded from the se
cret patriotic council. Soon get
ting, however, an inkling of the
occult doings, Segest,by denouncing
them to Varus, very nearly brought
about the failure of the whole
movement. On the eve of the out
break, as an earnest of his fidelity
to the Romans, he even asked to
be placed in chains, together with
Armin and the other German leaders,
until the truth would become patent.
Fortunately, Varus disbelieved the
timely warning. Under cover of
raising some auxiliaries for the
quelling of an alleged insurrection,
Armin was enabled to depart, and
at once put himself at the head of
the national rising.
Enough had the young Cheruskian seen of the superior armament
and the military science of the Ro
mans ; too well was he acquainted
with the difficulties of meeting at
one and the same time their excel
lent warlike organisation and the
strength they derived from the
bravery of German, Gaulish, and
other troops in their pay, for him
not to lay his plan cautiously, so as
to balance, to some extent, these
immense advantages of the hostile
army. His design therefore was, to
lure Varus into the depths of the
pathless Teutoburg Forest. By a
series of stratagems he fully suc
ceeded in this.
The Roman Governor, at the head
of his legions, encumbered with a
long train of baggage, was made
to enter a ground where at every
step a clearance had to be ef
fected with the axe; where thick
woods, narrow gorges, impetuous
forest-brooks offered numberless ob
stacles, and the swampy soil often
became slippery from torrents of rain.
Nature conspired, on this memorable
occasion, to render the terrors of the
wilderness more ghastly. A tem
pest of unusual fierceness broke
over the primeval forest, when Varus
245
stuck in the middle of the thicket.
Mountain-spates inundated the
ground. Trees of enormous age
fell, shaken by the storm and struck
by the lightning. The roar of
thunder smothered the cries of
those that staggered under the
weight of falling branches. In short
intervals, the blue zigzag light of
heaven lit up the mysterious re
cesses of the wood, only to fill the
minds of the Roman soldiers with
greater fear when, in the next mo
ment, all was dark again. At last,
a glimpse of sun shone through
the dark forest. Then, of a sudden,
the encircling hills resounded with
the terrific war-cries of the Ger
mans who barred every issue,
compelling their foe to a contest
in which military science went for
nothing.
We know that the Germans of
that time, though a nation of
warriors, given to continued war
like practice, and tolerably advanced
also in several branches of industry,
were armed in a very poor way.
Few wore a helmet, or harness.
Not many even had good swords ;
the quality of the iron used being
such that, after a few strokes, it
easily bent. Their shields, of great
size, were made of thin wicker
work, or of wood, not even covered
with iron or leather; but painted
over with figures—the only orna
ment they used in their war-array.
The infantry and cavalry alike car
ried a shield and a number of short
spears, which could be thrown, or
used for hand-to-hand fight. The
first ranks of their infantry used
lances of great length. The hind
ranks had only short wooden
spears, the points of which were
hardened in the fire;3 and not tipped
with iron. In a regular attack the
Germans massed their forces in
wedge-shape; but by preference
they fought in loose order, each
man displaying his gymnastic agi-
See the speech of Germanicus, in Tacitus’ Annals, ii. 14.
�246
Armin, the Liberator of Germany.
lity, of which Roman writers
have noted down some remarkable
instances. The more well-to-do
among those fur- or linen-clad
Teutonic warriors wore tight suits,
which seemed to hamper them
in fighting. When their blood was
up, they therefore often put aside
their upper garments, rushing into
battle in true Berserker style—
singing their wild heroic songs.
Such was the foe that Varus had
to meet.
I rapidly pass over the details of
the Teutoburg Battle—how a hail
of short spears and arrows came
down from the hill-sides upon the
troops of Varus; ho w, after a carnage,
they gained an open space, and
hurriedly erected a fortified camp ;
how, having burnt many of the
vehicles and less necessary imple
ments, they continued their march,
but were once more led into thick
woods, when a new massacre
occurred—the foot soldiery and
the horse being wedged together in
helpless confusion. Bor three days
the attacks were resumed. The third
day brought the crowning misery of
the Romans. Many cast away their
weapons. Varus, in despair, threw
himself on his sword, and died. Of
the Prefects, Lucius Eggius bravely
defended himself to the last. His
colleague, Cejonius, surrendered.
Vala Numonius, the legate, was
killed in an attempted flight.
Caldus Caelius, made prisoner, beat
his own brains out with the chains
with which he was manacled. Three
legions were destroyed. Two eagles
fell into German hands. A third
eagle was saved from them by the
banner-bearer, who covered it with
his belt, and trod it into the morass.
The rear-guard, led by Lucius Asprenas, the nephew of Varus, fled
towards the Rhine, and was able
yet to restrain the populations on
the other side of the river from
rising in rebellion against Roman
rule.
On hearing of the disaster, Au-
[ August
gustus pushed his head against the
wall, and exclaimed: ‘ Varus! Varus I
give me back my legions!’ Such
was the fear of a new invasion of Teu
tons andKimbrians that all Germans
were removed from Rome, even
the Emperor’s bodyguard ; the city
was placed in a state of defence;
and the Imperator, letting his hair
and beard grow as a sign of dejec
tion, vowed to Jupiter a temple and
solemn games, if he would grant
better fortune to the Commonwealth.
Tiberius, then at the head of the
army in Pannonia, was in all haste
recalled for the better security of
Rome.
This great Teutoburg Battle had
freed the land between the Lower
Rhine and the Weser ; but no ad
vantage was taken of the victory
by the much-divided German tribes.
A few years afterwards, the Romans
were enabled to make a sudden
attack upon the Marsians (near
Osnabriick), during a nocturnal fes
tival of that German tribe. On the
occasion of this raid, the famous
Tanfana temple was destroyed, the
name of which has given so much
trouble to archaeologists, and which
was one of the few temples the
forest-worshipping Germans pos
sessed. Osnabriick, like the Osning
range of hills, no doubt derives its
name from the Asen, Osen, or Aesir,
the Teutonic gods: so that there
was probably a great sanctuary in
that neighbourhood, similar to the
one on Heligoland (Holy Land), or
perhaps in the isle of Riigen.
Another unexpected raid was ef
fected by young Germanicus, five
years after the Teutoburg Battle,
into Chattian (Hessian) territory.
Most probably he crossed the Rhine
near Mainz; followed the road to
wards what is now Homburg; thence
to the country where Giessen and
Marburg now are, which latter may
be what the Roman and Greek au
thors called Mattium and Marriak-dr.
Others believe Mattium to be the
present Maden, near Gudesberg.
�1875]
Armin, the Liberator of Germany.
According to their cruel practice,
the Romans, during this inroad,
‘ captured or killed all that were
defenceless on account of age or
sexi The German youth had en
deavoured to offer resistance by
swimming over the river Adrana
(evidently the Edder of to-day),
and trying to prevent the erection
of a bridge; but, received by a
shower of arrows and spears, they
were driven back into the forests.
On returning from their expedition,
the Romans destroyed Mattium, the
chief place of the Chattians, and
devastated the fields. So Tacitus
himself relates.
Soon afterwards we come upon a
tragic incident in Armin’s career.
His father-in-law, Segest, compelled
by the people’s voice to side with
the national cause, had once more
turned traitor. After having suc
ceeded for a time in capturing and
placing chains upon the Liberator,
Segest was, in his turn, beleaguered
in his stronghold, with a great
many of his blood relations and fol
lowers. Among the noble women
in his fort was his own daughter,
Thusnelda, of whom he seems to
have got possession during this in
ternecine warfare. Pressed hard by
his besiegers, Segest, by a secret
message, asked the Roman general
to bring relief. Segest’s own son,
Segimund, who once had been or
dained as a priest among the Ro
mans in Gaul, but who in the year of
the great rising had torn the priestly
insignia from his forehead, and gone
over to the ‘ rebels,’ was made,
against his own conscience, to
carry the father’s message to the
Romans. In this way relief came,
and Segest was freed. But Thus
nelda was led into Roman capti
vity—‘having more of her hus
band’s, than of her father’s, spirit;
not moved to tears; not of imploring
voice; her hands folded under her
bosom; her eyes glancing down on
her pregnant body ’ (gravidum
uterum intuens).
247
Stepping forth—a man of great
personal beauty, and of towering
height,—the very image of a proud
German warrior, yet a renegade to
his fatherland—Segest held forth
in a speech which Tacitus has pre
served. In it, an attempt is made
to rebut the charge of unfaithful
ness to his country ; the traitor as
suming the part of a mediator be
tween the Romans and the Germans
—if the latter would prefer repent
ance to perdition. The speech, in
which Segest prides himself on his
Roman citizenship, conferred upon
him by the ‘ divine Augustus,’ and
in which he accuses Armin of being
‘ the robber of his daughter, the
violator of the alliance with the
Romans,’ winds up with a prayer
for an amnesty to his son Segi
mund. With regard to Thusnelda,
the heartless father added the cold
remark that she had to be brought
by force before the Roman General,
and that he may ‘judge which cir
cumstance ought by preference to
be taken into account—whether the
fact of her being pregnant by Armin,
or the fact of her being his own.
(Segest’s) offspring.’
The Romans went, in their judg
ment, by the former circumstance,
and carried Thusnelda to Ravenna,
a place of banishment for many of
their state-prisoners. It seems that
afterwards she had to reside at
Rome. Pining away under the
Italian sky, she gave birth to a son,
of the name of Thumelicus, who was
educated at Ravenna. A ‘ mocking
fate,’ Tacitus says, befel afterwards,
this son of Armin. Unfortunately,
the book containing the record is
lost.
A German drama, written
some years ago, about the real au
thorship of which there has been
much contest, but which is no
doubt by Friedrich Halm, has for
its theme the assumed fate of
Thumelik. It is called Der Fechter
von Ravenna—1 The Gladiator of
Ravenna ’—and made considerable
stir.
�248
Armin, the Liberator of Germany.
Thusnelda’s misfortune forms the
subject of a splendid canvas of vast
dimensions by Professor Piloty, of
Munich. It represents her as being
led along in a triumphal entry of
Roman soldiers before the Emperor
Tiberius. At the Vienna Exhibi
tion, last year, this powerful picture
created a deep impression. We
know that in the triumph of Germanicus, Thusnelda figured with her
little son, then three years old.
Together with her, there were her
brother Segimund ; the Chattian
priest Libys ; Sesithak, the son of
the Cheruskian chief Aegimer, and
his wife Hramis, the daughter of
the Chattian chieftain Ukromer;
Deudorix (Theodorich,or Dietrich),
a brother of the Sigambrian chief
tain Melo ; and various other
German captives. Even Segest
had to show himself before the Ro
man populace, in order to swell the
triumph. There are sculptures ex
tant which Gottling thinks can be
recognised as contemporary images
of Thusnelda and Thumelik ;
Armin’s wife being represented
as wrapped up in melancholy
thoughts.
The statue of what is supposed
to be a representation of Thusnelda
is above life-size. It stands at
Florence, in the Loggia de' Lanzi.
Casts of it are at Rome and at
Dresden. Gottling regards it as
the work of the sculptor Kleomenes,
from Athens. The statue has the
German dress, as described by
Tacitus; the flowing hair of Ger
man women of old ; and the
peculiar shoes, which we know to
have been worn by Franks and
Longobards, and even later by the
[August
German people in the Middle Ages.
That which Millin, Tolken, and
Thiersch consider a smaller repre
sentation of Thusnclda, Thumelik,
and some of the other prisoners in
Germanicus’ triumph—in the Cameo
de la Sainte Chapelle at Paris—
Gottiing does not recognise as such.
In the British Museum (Roman
Antiquities, No. 43) there is a bust
which the same author looks upon
as that of Thumelik;4 but this I
believe to be a most improbable
guess.
I may mention here also that the
Teutoburg Battle, during which
Varus ran upon his own sword,
has been the subject of various
poetical attempts ; for instance, by
Klopstock and Grabbe. Heinrich
von Kleist’s drama, Die HermannsSchlacht, was written more than
sixty years ago, at the time of Ger
many’s deepest degradation, when
Napoleon ruled supreme. Kleist,
who also died from his own hand,
never had the satisfaction of seeing
his play even in print; much less
on the stage. It is, however, being
acted at present at Berlin with a
great display of scenic effects ; some
of the best German archaeologists
having lent their aid to get up a
most faithful and correct represen
tation of the costumes, arms, and
habitations of the early Teutonic
race. The run of the public on
the theatre is stated to surpass all
previous experience.
But to return to Armin’s achieve
ments. After Thusnelda had fallen
into the hands of the Romans, we
see her valiant husband, with fiery
energy, at work to rouse the Ger
man tribes. The thought of his
4 The name of Thumelicus somewhat baffles etymologists. It has been explained as
‘ Tummlichfrom tammeln—to run about quickly, or to be active and bustling; so that
it would mean Swift or Nimble. Born in captivity, Thumelicus became by law a Roman
slave; and Thymelicus was a frequent slave’s name, referring to the performances of
such slaves in the Tbymele
the open theatrical place. I would, however,
observe that Strabo gives the name of Armin’s son not as Thymelikos, but Thoumelikos
(&ovp.t\uc6s'), which he would certainly not have done, had he, as a Greek, connected it
with the Thymele. Strabo probably saw, as an eye-witness, the triumphal entry in
which Thusnelda and her son figured as captives; and he wrote before there could have
been a fixed decision as to whether little Thumelik was to become a public performer of
any kind.
�1875]
Armin, the Liberator of Germany.
fatherland and his desolate home
drove him to frantic fury. In the
words of the historian, he was urged
on by the impetuosity of his nature,
as well as by his feelings of indig
nation at the fate of his wife, and
the prospect of a child of theirs
having to be born in captivity.
He sped through the Cheruskian
districts, calling for war against
Segest; for war against the Caesar.
‘ 0 the noble father I ’—he exclaimed,
in one of his patriotic harangues—
‘ 0 the great Imperator! O the
valiant Army, whose countless hands
laid hold of, and carried away, a
helpless woman ! Three legions, as
many legates, had gone down into
the dust before him (Armin). But
notin cowardly manner—not against
helpless women—but openly, against
armed men, did he make war.
There were still to be seen, in Ger
man forests, the banners of the
Romans which he had hung up
there in honour of his country’s
gods. A Segest might cultivate
the banks of a river conquered by
a foreign foe, and make his own
son resume the functions of a Ro
man priest. But the Germans as
a people would never forget that
between the Rhine and the Elbe
they had seen the fasces, the lictor’s
axes, and the togas. Other nations
there were that lived without know
ledge of Roman dominion—un
aware of its cruel executions ; un
acquainted with its oppressive im
posts. But they who had freed
themselves from such tyranny ; they
before whom Augustus, who was said
to be received into the circle of the
gods, and that egregious Tiberius,
had been unable to achieve anything
—they should not stand in fear of an
inexperienced youth and his re
bellious army. If they preferred
249
their fatherland, their parents,
their ancient laws, to a Lord and
Master, and to the new colonies
he would set up among them, then
they should rather follow Armin,
the leader of glory and freedom,
than Segest, the herald of dis
graceful bondage!’
Tacitus says of this speech that
it contains words of abuse. It con
tained only a truth not palatable to
a race which aimed at the dominion
over the world. The result of
Armin’s energetic agitation was,
that neighbouring tribes, besides
the Cheruskians, were inflamed
with patriotic ardour, and that
his uncle, Inguiomer,4 a man of
5
high standing, and of great author
ity with the Romans themselves,
was drawn into the League. True
to their policy, the Romans en
deavoured to get the better of
this new German rising by enlisting
auxiliaries among the Chaukians,
who inhabited the country now
called Eastern Friesland, and by
coming down upon the League
formed by Armin from the side of
the river Ems, as well as from the
Rhine. A colossal army and fleet
were at the command of the Roman
General. ‘ In order to divide the
enemy,’ Caecina led forty Roman
cohorts through Brukterian terri
tory to the Ems. The cavalry was
led by the Prefect Pedo to the
frontier of the Frisians. Caesar
Germanicus himself went by sea,
along the Frisian coast, at the head
of four legions. At the Ems, the
place of general appointment, the
fleet, the infantry, and the cavalry
met. Then began the work of
devastation in the country between
the Ems and the Lippe—‘ which is
not far from that Teutoburg Forest
where, according to common report,
4 Many German names have been written down by the Romans in a form which it is
difficult to recognise now. Inguiomer’s name is among the exceptions. Among the
sons of Mannus (i.e. Man), the mythic progenitor of the three chief German tribes,
there is one whose name corresponds with the first part of the name of Armin’s uncle.
In the Edda (Oegisdrecka) we find the sunny god called Ingvi-Freyr; and again, in the
heroic song of Helgakhvida, we find an Ingvi. So again, in an Anglo-Saxon genea
logical table. The ending syllable ‘ mer,’ or ‘mar,’ occurs in many German names.
�250
Armin, the Liberator of Germany.
Varus and the remnants of the
legions still lay unburied.’6
The plan evidently was to sur
round the Cheruskian League; to
annihilate it at the very scene of
its earlier great triumph; or to
drive it towards the Rhine—thus
crushing it between an attack from
the East and the West. Through
swamps and morasses, over which
bridges and embankments had to
be raised, the Roman army marched
towards the fatal Tentoburg Forest.
A deep emotion seized the soldiers
when they came to the place so
hideous to them by its aspect and
memory. It was a terrible sight.
The first camp of Varus could yet
be recognised, showing, by its wide
extent and its divisions, the strength
of three legions. There was the half
sunken wall—the low ditch; indi
cating the place where the beaten
remnants of the legions had once
more attempted a resistance. In
the open spaces, bleached bones
were to be seen—scattered, or iu
heaps, even as the troops had fled,
or withstood an attack.7 Broken
spears, skeletons of horses, heads
nailed to trees; in the groves near
by, rude altars where sacrifices had
taken place : all this brought back
the harrowing incidents of the Teutoburg Battle. Some of the survivors
of the defeat, who had escaped from
the battle or from their fetters,
pointed out the most noteworthy
spots. There the legates had fallen !
There .the eagles were lost! There
Varus had received his first wound !
There he had found his death by a
sword-thrust from his own hand!
Here, Arminius had spoken from a
raised scaffolding ! Here, a gallows
had been erected for prisoners!
Here there were pits of corpses 1
On yonder spot, Arminius had wan
tonly scoffed at the Roman banners
and eagles !
[August
In melancholy mood, yet full of
wrath—as Tacitus says—the Roman
Army buried the sorry remnants of
the legions of Varus. Germanicus
himself raised the first sod for a
grave-mound. Brooding Tiberius,
always nourishing suspicion, strong
ly blamed this expedition to the
scene of the lost battle; thinking,
perhaps not without reason, that
the sight of the dead and unburied
must impress the army with greater
fear of its foe. Indeed, the new
battle which now followed was, ac
cording to Roman testimony, again
very near being lost, and remained
‘indecisive.’ That is to say, Ger
manicus hurriedly returned with
his legions to the Ems, re-embark
ing them on his fleet, whilst a por
tion of his cavalry was ordered to
follow along the shore of the Ger
man Ocean, towards the Rhine;
thus remaining wi thin hail. Caecina,
in the meanwhile, was to march
over the so-called Long Bridges—
probably the same dykes which, for
eighteen hundred years afterwards,
still led from Lingen to Kovorden,
through the Bourtang Moor.
Finding the dykes partly decayed,
Caecina had to use the shovel as well
as the sword in presence of the ha
rassing enemy. A fearful struggle
began. The Germans, with their
powerful limbs and long spears,
fought on the slippery ground and in
the morasses with wonderful agility.
From the neighbouring hill-sides,
waters were made to deviate, by
German hands, towards the place of
contest. In their heavy armature, the
Romans felt unequal to this strange
water-battle. Night at last gave
some respite, but was made hideous
by the jubilant songs of the carous
ing enemy, who filled the valleys
and the forests with the echo of their
deep-chested voices. The Romans,
‘more sleepless than watchful,’ lay
6 Tacitus, Annals, i. 6o.
7 Not far from the village of Stuckenbrock, there is a brook that still bears the name
of Knochenbach (Bones’-brook). Tradition says of it that it is so called on account of
the human bones that were frequently washed out of the ground by its waters.
�1875]
Armin, the Liberator of Germany.
drearily near their palisades, or wan
dered about despairingly between the
tents. It was during that night of
terrors that Caecina, in his dream,
saw and heard Quinctilius Varus—
he rose, blood-covered, from the
morass, calling for help; yet not
accepting, but pushing back, the
proffered hand of help.
When day broke, Armin rushed
upon the Romans, shouting : c Ho !
Varus again ! and, by the same fate,
twice-vanquished legions !’ With a
body of picked men, he in person
cuts through the Roman troops; in
flicting wounds especially on their
horses. They, throwing their riders,
and trampling on the fallen men,
create confusion throughout the
ranks.
Caecina himself, flung
from his horse, is nearly surrounded,
and with difficulty saved by the
first legion. After a prolonged
massacre, darkness even brings no
end to the misery. There are no
sapper’s tools ; no tents ; no band
ages for the wounded. The food is
soiled with blood and dirt. Wail
ing and despair everywhere.
A
night alarm is created by a horse
that has got loose. The Romans,
believing that the Germans have
broken into the camp, fly towards
the gate on the opposite side, and
are only stopped at last by Caecina,
whose admonitions and prayers
had been fruitless, throwing himself
bodily on the ground to bar the
gate, whilst the tribunes and the
centurions assure the soldiers that
the alarm was a groundless one.
Had Armin’s more prudent tac
tics been carried out to the last; had
not Inguiomer’s passionate advice
to storm the Roman camp pre
vailed in the German council of
war, the legions of Caecina would
have been annihilated as those of
Varus had been. As it was, the
fortune of battle was restored to
the Romans; Armin leaving the
ground of contest unharmed, whilst
Inguiomer received a severe wound.
Caecina’s troops effected their re
251
treat. The fleet of Gernianicus,
who had taken the remainder of
the army with him, was in the
meanwhile wrecked in the German
Ocean by a storm-flood, and gene
rally believed to be lost, until that
part of the army also came back,
after many sufferings and losses.
On the Rhine, the rumour that
the Roman army was hemmed in,
and that the Germans were march
ing towards Gaul, gave rise to such
fears that the bridge over which the
retreating legions were to come
would have been pulled down, had
not Agrippina, the granddaughter
of Augustus, and wife of Germanicus, placed herself there with her
little son, the future Emperor Cali
gula, whom she had dressed in the
garb of a legionary. By personally
receiving and encouraging the re
turning soldiers, she stayed the
apprehensions, and prevented the
destruction of the bridge. So miser
ably ended a campaign which had
been destined to be a War of Re
venge for the Battle in the Teutoburg Forest.
Again we find the Romans re
turning to their plan of conquering
the country between the Rhine and
the Weser by a simultaneous attack
from the land side and from the
shores of the German Ocean. An
even more colossal army and fleet is
under the orders of their General.
Again they come with auxiliaries of
Teuton origin; but some of these—
the Angrivarians—rise in their rear.
On the Roman side there is, this
time, Armin’s own brother, Flavus —so called on account of his
flaxen or golden hair. Like Segest,
he had kept with his country’s
enemies, even after the great victory
of the German arms. There is a
pathetic account, in Tacitus’ Annals,
of an interview between the two
brothers, standing on the opposite
banks of the Weser, when Armin
endeavoured to gain over Flavus
to the national cause. The inter
view took place with Roman per-
�252
Arinin, the Liberator of Germany.
mission. Armin, after having saluted
his brother, who had lost an eye in
battle, asked him whence that dis
figuration of his face ? On hearing
of the cause, and of the reward
received for it—namely, a neck
chain, a crown, and other insignia
—the Liberator laughs scornfully
at ‘ those contemptible prizes of
slavery.’ Thereupon they speak
against one another : Flavus extol
ling Latin power, pointing to the
severe punishments that await the
vanquished, and to the mercy ex
tended to the submissive. On his
part, Armin speaks to his brother
of his country’s rights; of their
ancient native freedom; of Ger
many’s own gods; of the prayers
of their mother; of the calls of their
kith and kin. ‘Is it better,’ he
exclaims, ‘ to be a deserter from, and
a traitor against, your people, than
to be their leader and their chief
tain ? ’
Filled with anger, Golden-Hair
hurriedly asks for his horse and
weapons from those near him;
wishing to cross over with fratri
cidal purpose. With difficulty is he
restrained. Armin answers with
threats, announcing new battles;
and many sentences he uttered, be
tween his German speech, in Latin,
so that the Romans also might
understand him.
Soon the struggle recommences.
We see Cariovalda (probably ‘Heerwalt,’ i.e. Army-leader), the chief
of the Batavian auxiliaries, falling
under Cheruskian blows in a plain
surrounded by wooded hills. News
comes to the Roman General by a
German runaway that Armin has
fixed the place where he will give
battle to the Romans; that other
tribes also are assembled in the
‘Grove of Hercules’ (undoubtedly
a grove devoted to Thunar, the God
of the Tempests) ; and that a noc
[August
turnal attack upon the Roman camp
is intended. Meanwhile the bold
ness of the Germans becomes such
that one of their men who knows the
Latin tongue, spurs on his horse to
the camp wall, and with powerful
voice, in the name of Armin, makes
sundry joyful promises to those
who will desert from the Roman
Army. We hear Germanicus rousing
the courage of his troops ; Armin
on his part asks his men what else
there is to be done than ‘ to main
tain their freedom, or to die before
falling into bondage ? ’
We then see the Roman Army,
composed of many legions, and
with picked cavalry, marching for
ward with Gallic and German
auxiliaries to the Battle of Idistaviso. The locality of that battle
is not clearly fixed. Maybe, that
‘Idistaviso’ means Leister-Wiese —
the Meadow of the Deister Hills.8
In this case, the battle-field would
be near Minden. Others place it
near Vegesack, in the vicinity of
Bremen. It is reported that in
this battle Armin, easily to be
distinguished by his bravery, his
voice, and his wound, for some
time maintained the contest; rush
ing through the enemy’s bowmen,
and only stopped by the Rhaetian,
the Vindelician, and the Gallic co
horts-—all men of other nationality
than the Roman. In danger of beingsurrounded, he breaks away from
his foes by his vehement valour
and the impetuosity of his charger.
His face is smeared over with
blood—perhaps purposely done, to
avoid recognition. Some say that
the Chaukian auxiliaries of the
Romans did recognise him, but let
him pass through unhurt. Though
mercenaries themselves, they could
not harm the Deliverer—a touching
trait! In similar manner, Inguiomer saved himself. The result of
* A mythological explanation of the name of that field is, that it means the Meadow
of the Divine Virgins; or of the Walkyres—Virgins of Battle. Instead of Idistaviso,
Idiasa-Viso has been suggested to sustain this interpretation.
�1875]
Armin, the Liberator of Germany.
the battle was claimed as a victory
by the Romans, who boast of a
great massacre among the van
quished Germans.
But another battle presently
followed ; the German tribes being
roused to fury by the sight of a
triumphal monument which the
Romans had raised, with an in
scription of the names of the popula
tions they thought they had van
quished. ‘The people, the nobles,
the youth, the old men, suddenly
fell upon the Roman Army,
throwing it into confusion.’ So
Tacitus says.
Armin, suffering
from a wound, is not present
during this new engagement. Inguiomer, who rushes through the
ranks, with words of cheer, is
forsaken by Fortune rather than by
his courage. Germanicus recom
mends his troops ‘ not to make any
prisoners, but to continue the carn
age, as the war could be ended only
by the extermination of that people.’
The main victory was again claimed
by the Romans, although their
cavalry fought, according to their
own testimony, indecisively.
Raising a monument of arms,
a mendacious inscription on which
spoke of a victory over ‘ the na
tions between the Rhine and the
Elbe,’ the Roman General re
turned, by way of the Ems, to
the German Ocean, when the
fleet was again wrecked, and
Germanicus, in a trireme, driven
to the Chaukian shore. With diffi
culty was he restrained from seek
ing death, accusing himself of this
misfortune. Some of his wrecked
soldiers found shelter on the Frisian
islands. Many had to be freed by
ransom from captivity among the
inhabitants of the interior. Some,
driven as far as the British shores,
were sent back by the kinglets of
that country.
Barring a few fresh Roman inroads
into Chattian and Marsian territory,
there was an end, henceforth, of
Latin power in those regions of
north-western Germany. The fol
253
lowing years are filled with the
struggle between Marobod, the
German ruler in Bohemia, who had
assumed the title of King, and
Armin, the ‘Championof Freedom.’
Suevian tribes, Semnones and
Longobards, dissatisfied with Marobod’s royal pretensions, went over
to the Liberator, whose influence
would now have been paramount,
had not dissension once more
broken out by the defection of
Inguiomer.
Priding himself on
the superior wisdom of older age,
he would not obey his younger
nephew, Armin, and went over to
Marobod; thus helping to divide
Germany from within. In the words
of the Roman historian, the different
tribes had, ‘ after the retreat of the
Romans, and being no longer
apprehensive of foreign enemies,
become jealous of each other’s
glory, and turned their weapons
against themselves, in accordance
with the custom of that nation.
The strength of the contending
populations, the bravery of the
chiefs, were equal. But Marobod’s
royal title was hateful to his
countrymen, whilst Armin, the
Champion of Freedom, possessed
their favour.’
With an army of 70,000 men and
4,000 horse, organised and officered
on the Roman system, the Markoman
King opposed the Cheruskian leader.
North and South were ranged as
foes against each other—a spectacle
too often seen in later centuries!
It is reported that Marobod, though
for some time looked upon and
treated by the suspicious Romans
as a possible enemy, who might
threaten their possessions south of
the Danube, and even Italy itself,
yet endeavoured to keep on good
terms with them. When Armin,
after the defeat of Varus, sent the
head of the Roman general as a
pledge of victory to Marobod, the
latter hastened to return it to the
Romans for honourable burial. In
the hour of Marobod’s misfortune
the Romans, however, only re-
�254
Armin, the Liberator of Germany.
membered that he had not aided
them in their contest against the
Clieruskians. Imploring—after an
indecisive battle, and much weak
ened by desertion—some succour
from Tiberius, the Markoman ruler
was refused all help ; and becoming
a fugitive, had to go, more as a
prisoner than as an exile, to that
same Ravenna, where Thusnelda
ended her days in grief, far from
her northern forest-home.
The
young Gothic duke Catualda, or
Chatuwalda, who in the meanwhile
stormed Marobod’s capital, was in
his turn expelled by another German
tribe, the Hermundures ; and flying
also to the Romans, died in distant
Gaul. Verily, a series of sad pic
tures of such discord as made the
Roman historian say that if the
gods wished to stay the impending
fate of his own nation, they should
for ever keep up dissension among
the Germans.
Still, even these dissensions,
albeit delaying, could not prevent,
the fall of the Roman Empire.
Frisian, Batavian,Markoman risings,
the latter lasting for twenty years,
followed, in course of time, upon
Armin’s struggles. And who knows
whether in the later Germanic on
slaught on Rome, the hosts of Goths,
Herulians, Longobards, may not
have marched forth to the sound of
heroic songs that praised Armin’s
deeds ?—songs probably still extant
in the ninth century, under the
Frankish Karl ; forming part of
those collected by him, but unfor
tunately lost for us.
We now rapidly come to Armin’s
end. We hear of a knavish pro
posal for poisoning him, made to
the Roman Senate by a Chattian
chieftain, Adgandester. The same
historian who describes the refusal
of the Senate to accede to poison,
considers it a simple matter that a
Chaukian leader, Gannask, was got
rid of by means not very dissimilar.
[August
The last days of the Victor of the
Teutoburg Battle are enveloped in
doubt and mystery. It is said that,
after the withdrawal of the Romans
and the overthrow of Marobod,
he, too, was suspected of aiming at
dominion, and was opposed by his
freedom-loving countrymen, against
whom he struggled with varying
success. Roman report states this
in a few lines. But it would be
difficult, in the absence of all
further testimony, to decide whe
ther the ‘ love of freedom ’ of his
opponents was a people’s spirit
of self-government, or merely
the jealousy of minor chief
tains whom the Romans would
gladly have seen fritter away all
German national cohesion.
At
last, Armin, at the age of thirty
seven, ‘ fell by the treachery of his
relations ’—that is to say, was mur
dered.
Of him Tacitus writes:—‘With
out doubt, Arminius was Germany’s
Deliverer (Arminius Liberator baud
dubie Germaniae)—one who had not
warred against the early beginnings
of the Roman people, like other
princes or army-leaders, but against
the Empire at the height of its
power. Of chequered fortune in
war, he was never vanquished in
battle. Thirty-seven years of hislife,
twelve of his power did he com
plete : his glory is still sung among
the barbarian nations ; unknown he
is to the annals of the Greeks,9 who
only admire tlieir own deeds; not
sufficiently praised is his name by
the Romans, it being our custom
to extol the past, and not to care
for the events of more recent days.’
This prai se, coming from an enemy,
is the greatest that could have been
given; and no prouder inscription
could be placed on the Memorial
which is to be inaugurated in the
Teutoburg Forest than the Latin
words : ‘ Liberator Germaniae.’
9 Still, Strabo—before the time of Tacitus—mentions Armin,
later by Dio Cassius.
Karl Blind.
The same was done
�The Development of Psychology.
405
of that theory of the secular transmission of mental acquisitions
which has become so familiar that it is now difficult to appreciate
its daring originality. Feeling, like Reason, arises out of instinct;
and emotions of the greatest complexity, power, and abstractness
are formed out of the simple aggregation of large groups of
emotional states into still larger groups through endless past ages.
Thus out of the feeble beginnings of life have been woven all
the manifestations of mind, up to the highest abstractions of
a Hegel and the infinitely complex and voluminous emotions
of a Beethoven. Well may a French writer say :—“ Si on la rapproche par la pensee des tentatives de Locke et de Condillac sur ce
sujet, la genese sensualiste paraitra d’une simplicity eufantine.”*
Hitherto the psychologist, proceeding objectively, has made no
use of consciousness ; and it is now necessary, in order to justify
the findings of the synthetic method, to examine consciousness in
the only possible way—by analysis. Setting out with the highest
conceivable display of mind, compound quantitative reasoning, he
tracks all the mental phenomena down to that which is only a
change in consciousness, the establishment of the relation of
sequence, and proves that the genesis of intelligence has advanced
in the same way as was shown in the synthesis—by the establish
ment and consolidation of relations of increasing complexity. Thus
throughout all the phenomena of mind there exists a unity of
composition; and the doctrines of innate ideas, intuitions by gift
of God, supernatural revelations, mysticism of all kinds, have the
ground cut from under them.
The very great extension of plan which Mr. Spencer’s work
received between 1855 and 1870-2 was due solely to the creation
of his own philosophy of evolution. That in its turn had its
initiative in the theory of the correlation of forces advanced by
Grove in 1842. As the new philosophy conceived all existence
to result from evolution through differentiation and integration, it was incumbent on Mr. Spencer to show that mental
phenomena, or at least the physical correlatives of them, can be
interpreted in terms of the redistribution of matter and motion,
and explained by a series of deductions from the persistence of
force. This is the task of a Physical Synthesis, which shows the
structure and functions of the nervous system to have resulted
from intercourse between the organism and its environment.
And thus is laid the coping-stone of a treatise which has defini
tively constituted Psychology a science.
With the definitive constitution of the science our inquiry,
which began with the differentiation of its subject-matter, comes
to an end. We have seen mind slowly emancipating itself from
* Ribot, “ La Psycbologie Anglaise,” p. 215.
[Vol. CI. No. CC.j—New Series, Vol. XLV. No. II.
EE
�406
The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
the barbaric Cosmos, and raised into an independent object of
speculation. Once “ differentiated’ it begins itself to unfold, and
at the same time to gather round it the at first alien facts of
sensation, appetite, and bodily feeling generally. These are in
creasingly matter of inquiry, and theories respecting them take the
hue and shape of the sciences which relate to the material world.
The science of motion evolves, and the idea of orderly sequence
enters into Psychology. Natural Philosophy rises from motion to
force, and Psychology passes from conjunction to causation. Che
mistry tears aside a corner of nature’s veil, and a shaft is sunk in a
mysterious field of mind. The sciences of organic nature receive
a forward impulse, and mind and life are joined in inextricable
union. A philosophy of the universe, incorporating all the
sciences, is created, and Psychology, while attaining increased
independence as regards the adjacent sciences, is merged in that
deductive science of the Knowable which has more widely
divorced, and yet more intimately united, the laws of matter
and of mind.
Art. VII.—The Greatest of the Minnesingers.
1. Deutsche Classiker des Mittelalters, Mit Wort und Sacherkldrungen. Begriindet von Franz Pfeiffer. Erster
Band, Walther von der Vogelweide. Leipzig: F. A.
Brockhaus. 1870.
2. Das Leben Walthers von der Vogelweide. Leipzig : B. G.
Triibner. 1865.
N the history of German literature no period is more inte
resting, than that short classical epoch at the end of the twelfth
century and the beginning of the thirteenth, which gave rise to the
literature written in Middle High German. More especially does
it attract attention, because within very narrow limits it com
prises many and great names, but above all it is remarkable
because within these limits it saw the birth and death of a new
kind of poetry, a poetry of an entirely different character from
that of the old epic poems. They were grand, massive, and
objective ; the new style was light, airy, plaintive, and subjective.
To this style belongs the German Minnesong. The songs of three
hundred Minnesingers are preserved all belonging to this short
period. In their themes there is not much variety. The changes
of the seasons, and the changes of a lover’s mood do not in fact
present a wide range of subjects to the lyric poet. And most of
the Minnesongs are confined to these. But the following simile
seems true. If any one enters a wood in summer time, and listens
I
�
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Victorian Blogging
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A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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Armin, the liberator of Germany
Creator
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Blind, Karl
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: [s.l.]
Collation: p. 243-254 ; 22 cm.
Notes: Includes bibliographical references. Printed in double columns. Fraser's Magazine for Town and Country was a general and literary journal published in London from 1830 to 1882, which initially took a strong Tory line in politics. From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. From Fraser's Magazine 12 (August 1875).
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[s.n.]
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1875
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CT37
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Germany
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English
Arminius
Conway Tracts
Germany
-
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(Siitige SBorte
über bte
Unfci)((iartcitSrtïircf fe
unb:
£)ie neue
♦♦
ùes bondis
010002010201
unb tijre tijeofogtfdje QSebeufung.
3 h) e i @ u t a dj t e n
üon
3. b. Tôffinger.
IMündjen 1870.
3tubolpfy Olbenbourg.
��ftnige Pforte üfier bte ^Infef^ßarfmteabreffe.
)
*
(Sie haben bte merkwürbige Stbrcffe gebraut, welche
aus bem «Sc&oofje bcS 23aticanifchen ©oncils IjcrauS ben
^ßa'pft bittet: baff er bie erforberlichen (Stritte tfyun möge
um feine eigene Unfehlbarkeit burctj bie gegenwärtige 23er=
fammlung jum ©laubenSartifcl erheben ¿u laffen. 180
Millionen Wnfchen — baS verlangen bie Xöifd)öfe welche
biefe 5lbreffe unterzeichnet haben — folien künftig burd)
bie ©rohung ber ?luSfdilicjfung aus ber 5tird)e, ber ©nt=
jiehung ber (Sacramente unb ber ewigen 23erbammniff gc=
gwungen werben baS zu glauben unb zu bekennen was bie
^irclje bisher nicht geglaubt, nicht gelehrt hat. Seicht ge=
glaubt hat — benn auch biejenigen welche biefe ¡päpftlidje
Unfehlbarkeit bisher für wal;r gehalten haben, konnten fic
bodf nidft glauben, bicfeS SBort im dfriftlidjen ©inne
genommen. Bwifchcn ©tauben (fide divina) unb zwifdjen
ber vcrftanbeSmäfzigcn Einnahme einer für wahrfdfcinlid)
gehaltenen Meinung ift ein unermeßlicher Uttterftfueb.
©tauben kann unb barf ber Katholik nur baSjenige was
ihm als göttlich geoffenbarte, zur ©ubftanz ber ^eilslchre
gehörige, über jeben Bweifct erhabene SBahrljeít von ber
*) 2Iu$ ber SlitgSfmrger SlHgemeinen ¿dtung, 1870 5¡r. 21.
j
Stimmen auö b. fatlj.Äirdje üb. b. Äirdjenfr. b. (Segenm. 7
©Bllinger, jtvet ©utadjten.
�88
©ödinger,
(2)
Jlirc^c felbft mitgetljcilt unb vorgcjcidjnct wirb, nur ba8=
fettige, an beffcn tBetcnntnifj bie ^ugeljörigteit jur Jtirdße
gcfnüpft ift, babfenige beffcn ©egentlfeil bic 5tircf»c fd)le^t=
fyin nidjt biilbct, als offenbare 3»rrlcl)re verwirft. $n
2öat;r(}cit Ijat alfo fein -Dicnfd) von Anfang ber ^ird;c bis
junt heutigen Jage bic Unfehlbarkeit bcS ^ßa^fteö geglaubt,
b. I). fo geglaubt wie er an ©ott, an ©tjriftus, an bie
Dreieinigkeit beS SSaterS, «SoIfneS unb ©eiftcS u. f. w.
glaubt, fonbern viele Ijabcit cS nur vermutet, ljaben eS
für waljrfdjeinlidj ober IfödfftenS für mcitf^Iid; gewifj (fide
humana) gehalten bafj biefe Prärogative bem pa^ft jufomntc. ©emnadj Wäre bie SScränbcrung in bem ©tauben
unb ber Scljrc ber Jlirdje Wcldje bic 2lbrejj=33ifd;öfc burd^=
geführt Wiffcn Wollen ein in ber @efc^id;te ber Jtiräßc
cinjig baftcljcnbcS ©reigniff; in acfitjclm ^aljrfyunberten ift
nidjtS WjnlidfcS vorgcfommeit. ©S ift eine firdjlidje ERe=
Volution, welche fic begehren, um fo bur^greifenber als
eS fid; Ijier um baS fyunbament ljanbclt Welches beit reli=
giöfen ©tauben fcbeS Witfdfen künftig tragen unb galten
foll, als an bic «Stelle ber ganjcit, in 3cit unb 9tanm
univcrfalcn ätirefje ein einzelner ^Qienfd;, ber Pa'pft, gefegt
werben foH. «isljcr fagte ber Katholik: 3d; glaube biefe
ober jene ßcljre auf baS 3cugnij3 ber gaitjcn J?ird;e aller
3eitcit, weil fie bic Scrljcijjung l;at, bafj fic immerbar be=
fielen, ftctö im Scfifc ber 2öai>ri?eit bleiben foH. künftig
aber müfjte ber Jtatl;olit fagen: idj glaube weil ber
für unfehlbar erklärte patft cS ju teuren unb ju glauben
befiehlt. ©afj er aber unfehlbar fei, baS glaube itf;, weil
er cS von fid; behauptet. ©enn 400 ober 600 5Bifd;öfe
�(3)
bie llnfefylbarfeitöabrefie.
89
haben ¿war im 3ahre 1870 3U ^om befchloffen, baß ber
ißapft unfehlbar fei; allein alle Bifdjöfe unb jebeS Goncil
aljne ben ^b'apft finb bet Wglicljtcit beS ^rrthumS untere
ivorfen; Untrüglichfeit ift baS auSfchließenbe Borrecht unb
Befifcthum beb Sßapfteö, fein ¿eugniß können bie Bifd;öfe,
viele ober wenige, webet verftärken noch abfcfywacfyen; jener
Befchluß ljat alfo nur fo viel ¿traft unb Slutorität, als
oer 5ßapft ihm, inbem er fiel; benfclben ancignet, verliefen
hat. Unb fo löft fic^ beim SllleS julefet in baS Selbfh
jeugniß beS ^ßapftcö auf, was freilich fcljr einfach ift.
£abei fei nur erinnert, baff vor 1840 3ahren e*n uiu
enblicp Roherer einmal gefagt Ijat: „SBenn ich mir felber
ßeugniß gebe, fo ift mein 3eugniß nicht glaubwürbig."
(M 5, 31.)
SDie Slbrcffe gibt inSbefonbere ju folgenben Siebenten
Einlaß:
©rftenS: fie befdjräntt bie Unfehlbarkeit beS ißapfteS
auf biejenigen 5luSfprüd;e unb ©ecrete, welche berfelbe an
bie ®efammtl)eit aller ©laubigen richtet, alfo ¿ur Belehr
ung ber gangen fatholifdjen ¿tirdje erläßt.
daraus würbe alfo folgen, baß, wenn ein ^ßapft nur
an einzelne Sßerfonen, ¿törperf¿haften, ^articularkirchen fiep
wenbete, er ftets bem ^rrthum preisgegeben war. 9lun
haben aber bie ißäpfte gwölf ober brei^n 3ahr^un^cUe
lang bie Bebingung, an welche bie ^rrthumölofigkeit ihrer
©ntfeheibungen ober Belehrungen geknüpft fein foU, nie
verwirklicht: alle ¿tunbgebuiigen ber ißäpfte über fragen
ber Sehre vor bem Gnbe bcS 13. 3ahrhunbertS finb nur
an beftimmte ^ßerfonen ober an bie Bifcpöfe eines ßanbeS
�90
SöUirtßer,
(4)
u. f. w. gerichtet. £)er ganzen orientalifchcn Jtirc^e ift
niemals in bem ^ahrtaufenb bet Bereinigung ein att=
gemein lautcnbeS Secret eines papfteS mitgetfyeilt worben,
nur — nnb in langen 3^^i^cnräumen — an einzelne
Patriarchen ober an äbaifer haben bie päpfte bogmatifcfje
Schreiben gerichtet.
@S ift alfo flar, baff bie päpfte felbcr von biefer
Bebingung, von welcher bie Sicherheit nnb Unfehlbarfeit
ihrer (Sntfd;eibnngen abhängen foll, minbeftenS taufenb
3ahre lang feine Slhnuitg gehabt haben, wie benn biefe
Behauptung auch crft fehr fpät erfonnen nnb ber Jtirche
vor 1562 unbefannt gewefen ift. 3n tiefem $ahre Xjat fie
nämlich ber Söwencr ^hcologc Johann ^effels ¿um erften«
mal vorgetragen, von bem fie BeHarmin entlehnte, nnb
mit Stellen aus beit falfchcn 3fiborifchcn ©ccretalcn nnb
mit ben erbidhtetcii ^cugniffen bcS heiligen GpriHuS ftüt^te.
Biit einem einzigen vorgefetjten SBorte, burch bie blofje
2luffchrift hätten bie päpftc ihren bogmatif^en Jtunb=
gebungen nach biefer SSheorie bie hWte Prärogative ber
¿rrthumSlofigfeit verleihen fönnen. Sic haben eS nicht
gethan, haben perfonen nnb ©emeinben in bie ©cfahr
verfemt, burch Einnahme ihrer, ohne bie Bürgfchaft gött=
lieber Gewißheit gegebenen Gntfcheibungen in ^rrthümer
¿u verfallen.
3weitens. (5s ift unwahr, baß „gemäjf ber aH=
gemeinen nnb conftantcn Srabition ber Kirche bie bogmati=
fehen Urteile ber päpftc irrcformabcl finb." ®aS @egen=
theil liegt vor aller Singen, ©ic Jtirclje hat bie bogmatifchen
Schreiben ber päpftc ftets erft geprüft, nnb ihnen in {yolge
�(5)
bie Unfefjlbarfeitöabreffe.
91
tiefer Prüfung cntweber ¿ugeftimmt, wie baS Goncil von
Gtjalcebon mit bcm Schreiben £eo’S getljan, ober fie als
irrig verworfen, wie baS fünfte Goncil (553) mit bem
Gonftitutum beS 33igiliuö, baS fctfgte Goncil (6S1) mit
bem Schreiben beS ^onoriitS getljan Ijat.
Srittens. ©3 ift nidjt richtig, bafj auf bem ¿weiten
Goncil von Sijon (1274) burcf) bie ^uftimmung ber ©riedjen
fowofyl als ber Lateiner ein ©laubcnSbefenntniß angenom=
men worben fei, in wcldjem erflärt wirb: baß „Streitig;
feiten über ben ©tauben burcf) baS Urtljeil beS ^ßaipfteö
entfliehen werben müßten." SESeber bie ©riedjen nodj bie
Lateiner, baS Reifst, bie ¿u Sijon verfammcltcn abenbfänbi;
fefjen 33ifd)öfe, eigneten fid) biefeS ©laubenSbefenntnifj an,
fonbern ber verdorbene ^ßapft GlemenS IV. fjatte es bem
Äaifer 2)lid)acl ipaläologuS als ißebingung feiner 3u(affung
¿ur Jtirdjengemcinfdjaft gefdjidt. SDUdjael, im unfidjeren
SSeftis ber erft für^lid) wieber eroberten jpaniptftabt, fdjwer
betrogt von bem lateinifdjen ^gifer Salbuin unb bem Äönig
«Karl von Sicilien, beburfte bringenb beS fßa^fteS, ber allein
feinen «fpauptfeinb ¿ur 9iuf;e nötigen fonntc, unb verftanb
fid^ baljer ¿u ben iBebingungen firdjfidjcr Unterwerfung,
welche bie Sßäpfte iljm Vorfdwieben, wiewofjl unter bem
beharrlichen Sßiberfprudje ber gried)ifd;cit Eßifdjöfe unb ber
Nation. Gr rüefte alfo bie il;m auferlegte formet in baS
Schreiben ein, welches auf bcm Goncil vorgefefen unb von
feinem ©efanbten bem Sogotljeten beftätigt würbe. Gr
felber erffarte ¿u «fpaufe, in «Konftantinopel, bie brei 3U=
geftanbniffe, bie er bcm ißapft gemadjt habe, für itluforifdj.
(Pachymeres de Michaele Palaeol. 5, 22.) Sie Ver=
�92
©öHtnger,
(6)
fammelten 53ifchöfe aber haben fich gar nicht in ber Sage
befunben, über tiefe formet eine Meinung abgugeben.
Viertens. ©a§ ©ccret ber glorentinifchen Stynobe
wirb tyier verftümmelt angeführt; gcrabe ber ^paitptfats, beffen
ftormulirung in $olge tanger iBerljanblungen ¿wifc^cn ben
©riechen unb ben Italienern gu Staube tarn, unb auf ben
baS größte ©cwicht gelegt würbe, weil baS SSorauägehenbe
nur gemäfj ber barin enthaltenen tBefdgänfung verftanben
werben follte, ift weggelaffen, ber Satj nämlich: juxta
eum modum, quo et in gestis et in sacria canonibus
oecumenicorum conciliorum continetur. ©er £ßa£ft unb
bie ©arbinäle verlangten nämlich beharrlich, baff als nähere
iöeftimmung, wie ber Primat beö ißapfteS gu verfielen fei,
beigefefct werbe: juxta dicta Sanctorum. ©aS wiefen bie
©riechen mit gleicher ¿Beharrlichkeit gurüct. Sie wußten
wohl, baff unter biefen „$eugniffen ber ^eiligen" fich eine
beträchtliche SIngahl fel)r weitgehenber erbichteter ober ge=
fälfchtcr Stellen befinbe. <£»atte hoch ber latcinifche ©rg=
bifci;of Slnbreaö, einer ber Otebncr, fich f<hon *n ber 7.
Sifcung auf bie berüchtigten (üjrilluö ^cugniffe berufen,
bie, feitbem ©homaö von Slquin unb ißapft Urban IV.
guerft baburch htatergangen worben waren, im ©ccibent
eine gewaltige unb nachhaltige SBirtung hervorgebracht hat=
ten, feist aber von ben ©riechen gurüefgewiefen würben, ©er
Äaifer bemerkte noch: wenn einer ber Sßäter in einem
¿Briefe an ben ißapft fich l,n ©omplimenten=Sti)l geäußert
habe, fo bürfe man barauo nicht gleich ¿Rechte unb ißrivi=
legien ableiten wollen, ©ie Lateiner gaben enblich nach,
bie dicta Sanctorum verfchwanben au3 bem ©ntwurf, unb
�7)
bie Unfe^lbarfeitöabreffe.
93
rafür würben alé DJia^ftab unb ©dorante beé ípctpfttnfyen
primaté bie 2)erl;anbíungcn ber ofumeitifchen Goncilien
anb bie {»eiligen Ganoneé gefegt. ©amit war jeber ©ebanle
an ¡papftlidje Unfehlbarkeit auégefchloffen, ba in ben alten
(Toncilien unb in ben, beiben Äircfyen gemeinjc^aftlidjen,
vor=ifiborifchen (Sanoned fid^ nicht nur nichts finbet, waé
auf ein berartigeé SSorredjt fyinwiefe, fonbern bie ganje alte
(SJefefjgebnng ber Äircfye, fowie baS Verfahren unb bie ®e=
idjidjtc ber fieben ötumenifdjen Goncilicn (biefe waren ge=
meint) gan¿ cvibent einen 3uftanb vorauéfeijt, in weldjem
bie hoffte Autorität ber fiebre nur ber gefammten Kirche,
nicfjt aber einem einzelnen ber fünf Patriarchen (baS war
oer Papft in ben Äugen ber ©rieten) jufteljt. Ueberbiefj
oatte @r¿bifcí;of Sßeffarion im tarnen fämmtlidjer ©riechen
crft turj vorder erklärt: bafc ber Papft geringer alé baé
'Soncil (alfo aud) nicht unfehlbar) fei. (Sess. IX, Concil.
Labbei XIII, 150.) @3 ift alfo eine SSerftümmelung,
welche einer 23erfälfd)uug gleidj kommt, wenn man aué bem
©ecret ber Florentiner Spnobe gerabe beit £>auptfa£, auf
weldjen bie, für welche baS ©ecret gemacht würbe, ben
wchfteu Söcrtl) legten, wegftreidjt ©er Sah war in ben
Äugen ber ©riechen fo unentbehrlich, baft fie unverrichteter
©inge abreifen ju wollen erklärten, wenn man iljn nid)t
einrüde. Äudj barauf beftanben fie, unb festen eö burch,
oaf) alle ntcd)te unb Privilegien ber übrigen Patriarchen
im ©ccret Vorbehalten würben; bafs aber baé Dtedjt felbft=
ftänbig an ber ^eftftellung ber gcmeinfdjaftlidjcn lirdjlicpen
¿ehre theil¿unehmen, unb nicht etwa blofj ben Änfprüdjen
eines unfehlbaren ÜRcifteré fidj unterwerfen ¿u müffen,
�94
©ödinger,
(8)
ben Patriarchen guftefye, Ratten bic Spd^pfte früher fetber
erflärt.
(S3 liegt freilich noch ein anberer ®runb ¿u ber von
beut (Joncipientcn ber Slbreffe begangenen SBerftümmelung
be3 {ytorentinifeijen Secreta vor; follie er nämlich ben la=
teinifc^en Sext in feiner urfprünglicfyen, bem (55riecf)ifdjen
entfprecljenbcn Raffung geben, ivie fie §(aviu§ 23lonbu3,
«Secretar be£ ^?apfteö (Sagen IV. unb bie älteren Geologen
haben: quemadmodum et in actis Conciliorum et in
sacris canonibus continetur? Ober füllte er bie (¿uerft
von Abraham 23arti)oloinäw3 angebrachte) ^älfcljung, wo
)
*
ftatt be£ et gefegt ift: etiam, fidj aneignen? ©urei; biefeö
etiam wirb ber Sinn beö ©ccretö völlig geänbert, uitb bie
5lbfid;t bc3 BufaijeS vernichtet; eö ift aber, obgleich eö eine
hanbgrcifliche fyälfchung ift, in bie (Soncilicn = Sammlungen
nnb bogmatifdjen Sehrbücher übergegangen, unb e$ wäre
hohe $eit, biefen Stein bc3 SlnftoffeS für bie Orientalen
wegjuräumen unb ben echten Sext, nämlich ben bem grie=
*) Stuf bie Slutorität beb päpftiidjen «Sefietärb ^-laüio 23ionbo
bin, welcher ben griedfifchen ©ert richtig überfefjt Ijat, nahm ich an,
bafj bie unrichtige unb ben Sinn beb ©riedjifdjen unüerfennbar alte=
rirenbe «ßerfion beb quemadmodum etiam eine (patere «öeränberung
fei. (jdj habe mich aber feitbem fowohl auö Jriebniann’ß ©arlegung
in ber Sllig. Leitung, alö auö beni Mbbrutf beö ©riginab©ofumentö
in bem Archivio Storico Italiano 1857, II. p. 219 iiberjeugt, baff
biefe «Sorte aderbingb gleich int erften lateinifdjeii ©erte fdjon (tauben,
(o bafj vom erften Slnfang an griedjifdjer unb lateinifdjer ©ept Don
einanber abwidjen. ©afj bie ©riedjen ben ©ert, wie er im Vateinifdjen
lautet, nidjt angenommen tjaben würben, wenn fie iljn gefannt unb
oerftanben hatten, beweifen bie DorauSgegangenen Skrhanblungen
(29. Mpril).
�(9)
bie UnfeljIbarfeitSabrefje.
95
djifcben SSortlaut entfpredjenben, fyerjuftellen. Sann aber
wäre freilid) baö Secret für bie 3we(^c ^er Sfnfallibiliften
nic^t meljr brauchbar, wie ber G-rjbifdjof von iparis, Se
SRarca, fdjon vor 200 ^aljrcn nadjgewiefcn ljat. (Concord.
Sacerd. et imperii 3, 8.) Gr bemerft richtig: Verba
41 Graeca in sincero sensu accepta modum exercitio
>5 potestatis pontificiae imponunt ei similem quem ecclesia
Gallicana tuetur. At e contextus latini depravata
lectione eruitur plenum esse Papae potestatem, idque
probari actis Conciliorum et canonibus.
I
Sie Slbreffe ertlärt fit mit befonberer ^nbignation
(acerbissimi catholicae doctrinae impugnatores —
blaterare non erubescunt) gegen bie, weiche bie flöten=
tinifdje Si)nobe nidjt für öfumenifd) galten. Sie Sl)atfad;en
mögen fpredjen. Sie Sijnobe würbe betanntlid) berufen,
um ba£ Goncil jn 23afc( ¿u @runbe 511 ridjten, als biefeS
wi mehrere bcr römifdjen Gurie läftige [Reformen ju befdjliefjen
I begonnen ljatte. 2lm 9. 5lpri( 1438 würbe fie 311 gerrara
eröffnet, unb nun muffte fcd;S Wnatc lang gewartet wer=
ben, oljne bafj irgenbetwaS gefefjab, fo gering war bie 3af)l
I ber Ijerbeigcfommcncn 23ifdjöfe. Sius bem ganzen nörblidjen,
bamald nod; völlig fatlfolifdjen Guropa, aus Scutfdjlanb,
ben ffanbinavifdjen Säubern, ißolen, Söljmen, bem bama=
ligen ^rantreidj, Gaftilien, Portugal u. f. w. tarn' üRie=
manb; man tann fagen: neun 3el)iitl)cile bcr bamaligen
fatl)olifd;en Sßclt beteiligten fidj grunbfä^lid; nid;t an bcr
<5t)itobe, Weil fie bicfelbc ber iöafclcr 23er[ammlung gegeiv
über für illegitim Igelten, unb Dobermann wuftte, bafs für
■ bie bringenbfte 3lngclegen()eit, bie [Reform ber JHrd)e, bort
�96
SJöüinger,
(10)
nichts gefd)el)cn werbe. So brachte enblicp Gugen mit
äRüpe eine Schaar italienifcper iBifcijöfe, gegen 50, ju=
fammen, wo^u bann ltocp einige vom 5?er$og von 53urgunb
gefepitfte IBifcpöfe, einige Provenzalen unb ein paar Spanier
famen — in allem waren eS 62 23ifcpöfe, welcpe unters
¿eigneten. Sie grieepifepen Prälaten mit iprern Jtaifer
waren in ber äufcerften ©efapr beS Untergangs burep bie
SSerpeifjung von ©elb, Scpiffen unb Solbaten bapin ge=
¿ogen worben; ber Papft patte jubem verfproepen, bie
Jtoften ipreö 3lufentpaltS in $errara unb Florenz unb
iprer Rücfreife $u tragen. 2llS fie fiel) unnaepgiebig geigten,
entzog er ipnen bie Subfibien, fo bafj fie in bittere Rotp
gerietpen, unb enbiiep, gezwungen burep ben «ftaifer unb
burep junger gebrängt, Singe unterjeiepneten, bie fie fpäter
faft alle wiberriefen. SaS Urtpeil eines grieepifepen $eit=
genoffen, beS SlmprutiuS, welcpeS ber römifepe ©eleprte
2IHatiuS (de perp. censens. 3, 1, 4) anfüprt, ift bamalS
baS perrfepenbe Urtpeil unter ben ©rieepen gewefen: „Söirb
wopl", fagte er, „^emanb im (Srnft biefe Spnobe für eine
otumenifepe auSgebcn, welcpe ©laubenSartitel mit ©elb
ertaufte, welcpe fimoniftifcp ipre SSefcplüffe nur burep 2luS=
fiept auf finanzielle unb militarifepe ^ülfeleiftung burcp=
Zufefjen vermoepte?" ^n fyraulreicp ift vor ber Revolution
bie Tylorenttnifcfie Spnobe als uneept verworfen worben;
baS pat ber Garbinal ©uife, opne irgenbeinen Söiberfprucp
ju erfapren, auf bem Xribentinifcpen Qoncil ertlart. Ser
portugiefifepe Speologe ißapva be 2lnbraba fagt barüber:
Florentinam (Synodum) sola Gallia — pro oecumenica
nunquam habuit, quippe quam neque adire dum agita-
�11)
bie UnfefyfôarfeitSabreffe.
97
etur, neque admittere jam perfectam atque absoluam voluerit. (Defens. fid. Trident, pag. 431, ed.
olon. 1580.)
©er übrige ©ert ber dlbreffe befcbâftigt fich mit ber
Ausführung, bajg bie dlufftettung beS neuen ®laitbcnS=
rtifeïS gcrabe jcfjt geitgemâfj, ja bringcub notfymenbig fei,
eil einige iÇerfoncn, bie fid) für jtatholifcn auSgcben,
■’mgft biefe Meinung von ber pâpftlichen Untrüglichfeit
~ eftritten fyaben. 20aS bie dtbreffe Îjicr thcilS fagt, theils
IS (in iRom) befannt vorauôfetjt, ift mcfcntlidh ^olgcnbeê.
in unb für fich, meint fie, mare es nicht gerabc abfoïut
otijmenbig gemcfcn, bie
ber ©laubenSlehren burdj
n neues ©ogma gu vermehren, aber bie Sage fjabe fich
o geftaltct, baf? bicS jctjt unausmeichtich fei. (Seit mehreren
fahren Ijat nâmïidj ber ^cfuitcn-Drben, unterftüfct von
nem dlnhang ©leidjgefinnter, eine digitation gu ©unften
?S gu macfycnben ©ogmaS gugleidh in Station, ^ranfreich,
: deutfdjtanb unb ©nglanb begonnen, ©inc eigene religiôfe
' ^efeÏÏfctjaft, gu bem 3mccfc für bie ©rlangung beS neuen
ä Dogmas gu beten unb gu mirfcn, ift von beu Sefuiten
~ egrünbet unb öffentlich angcfünbigt morbcn; iijr ^aupt=
: rgan, bie in Hlorn crfcf;einenbc ©iviltà, Ijat eS gum voraus
'S bie Hauptaufgabe beS ©onciïs bcgcicfjnet, ber parrenbcn
_ Seit bas ©cfdienf beS. feptcnben ©taubenSartifelS entgegen
t a bringen ; iïjre „Saazer «Stimmen" unb Wiener ^3ubti=
r. itionen Ijaben baffelbe ©hema breit unb in unermüblid^er
*. Siebert»olung erörtert.
Sei biefer digitation marc es nun bie Pflicht aller
' InberSbenfenbcn gcmefen, in ehrfurchtsvollem «Schmeigen
t
�98
©ödinger, bie UnfeljIbarfeitSabreffe.
(12)
¿u bcrfyarren, bie ^efuitcn unb ityrcn Slnfjang rutyig ge=
waljrcn ¿u laffen, bie von irrten in ¿atylreidjen Schriften
toorgebradjtcn Argumente feiner Prüfung
unterbieten.
Seiber ift bicö nic^t gefetzten; einige Ticnf^cn t^ben bie
unerhörte ^rccljteit gehabt, ba§ tc^9c ©feigen ¿u brechen
unb eine abtx>eidpenbe Meinung funb 311 geben, tiefes
Slergernifj fann nur burdj eine SSermctrung beS @Iaubcn§=
bcfenntniffeS, eine JBeranberung ber 5tated)i§men unb aller
^etigionäbü^er gefüllt werben.
�¿)ie neue ^e^äfisorbnuitg be$ goncifc unb
ißre tfjeofoaifdje gdebeutung.
$)ie neue ® efchaftSorbnung, voeXc^e bem Zoncil burcl)
i bie fünf Zarbinal^ßegatcn auferlegt worben, 'ift völlig ver| fliehen von allem, wa§ fonft auf Zoncilien gebräuchlich
<war, unb guglcidj maf^gebenb unb entfdScibcnb für bcn
I ferneren Verlauf biefer SSerfammlung unb für bie gal)t=
I reichen betrete, welche burdj fie gu (Staube gebracht werben
| foUen. <Sie verbient baljer bie forgfältigfte Sßeadjtung. Bur
gefdjici)tlid)cn ©rientirung mag nur in ber ^ürje erwähnt
* werben, bafj für bie allgemeinen Zoitcilien ber alten Äirdje
i; im erften 3afjrtauienb eine beftimmtc ©efdjaftSorbnung
it nidjt eyiftirte. Br für römifc^e unb fpanifdje $rovingial=
i Zoncilien gab e§ ein liturgifcljeS Zeremoniell. SlllcS mürbe
)
*
| in voller 53erfammlung vorgetragen; jeber 23ifdjof tonnte
j Einträge fteUen, welche er wollte, unb bie ißrafibenten, bie
tj weltlichen fowoljl, welche bie ^taifcr faubten, al§ bie geift=
I liehen, forgten für Orbnung unb leiteten bie Serhanblungen
ii in einfacher Söeife. ©ie großen Zoncilien gu Äonftang
i unb 23afcl machten fich eine eigene £>rbnung, ba bie ^heil=
3 ung unb Slbftimmung nach Nationen eingeführt würbe.
*) 2Iufßenonunen von (pfeubotfibor, unb abgebrutft bet Mansi
Concil. Coll. I, 10.
�100
©öUinger, bie neue ©efdjäftSorbnung.
(14)
3n Orient würbe biefe Einrichtung wieber verlaffen, aber
bie ßegaten, Welche präfibirten, vereinbarten bie <55efc^äft^=
orbnung mit ben æifcbôfen, ber Earbinal be ÏÏRonte tief?
barüber abftimmcn unb alte genehmigten fie. 3Son feiner
)
*
Seite erfolgte ein SSBibcrfpruc^. So ift benn bie heutige
romifche Stynobe bie erfte in ber Ecfchidüe ber J^irdße, in
Welcher ben verfammelten Tätern ohne febe Spcilnahme von
ihrer Seite bie procebur borgefchriebeit worben ift. ©aS
erfte Regolamento erwies fiel; fo hemmenb unb urtpraftifh,
bajg wieberhoite Oefndße um Slbänberung unb Eeftattung
freierer ^Bewegung von vertriebenen $raftionen bcS EpiSfo=
pats an ben Sßa^ft gerichtet würben. ©icjj war vergeblich;
aber nach britthalb Monaten fanben bie fünf Segaten cnb=
lieh felber, bafj, wenn bas Eoncil nicht ins Stocfen geraden
foHe, eine îlenberung unb Ergänzung bringenb nothwenbig
fei. 5luf bie Petitionen ber SBifdjöfe ift inbefj in ber neuen
Einrichtung feine Dlücfficht babei genommen worben.
3wei $üge treten barin vor allem hcrvor. Einmal
ift alle ÜRadht unb aller Einfluß auf ben (Sang beS EoncilS
in bie 5pänbe ber prafibirenben ßegaten unb ber ©cputa=
tionen gelegt, fo bafj baS Eoncil felbft ihnen gegenüber
machtlos unb willenlos erfefjeint. Sobann follen bie ge=
Wicfjtigften fragen beS (Staubens unb ber Sehre burch ein=
fadhe Mehrheit ber ^opfjahl, burd) îlufftehen unb Si^en«
bleiben, entfliehen werben.
$Ran hat befanntlich in ben ¿Wei fahren, welche ber
/
*) Le Plat, Monumenta, III. 418: Dicant Patres, utrum
hic modus procedendi eis placeat. SQorauf abge[ìimmt tuurbe.
�(15)
101
bii neue @ef(^aftöorbnung.
Eröffnung beS EoncilS vorpergegangen, eine HJiengc von
3lbpanblungen mit baju gehörigen Decreten nnb EaitoneS
ausarbeiten laffen, biefe follen nun von bem Eoncil ange=
nommen unb bann vom ^ßapft „approbante Concitio“
als ®efet3c, als Sepr= unb (SlaubenSnormen für bie ganje
tatpolifepe Epriftenpcit vertünbigt werben. Es finb im ganzen
einnubfünfjig foldper Scpemate, von welcpen bis jefct erft
fünf biScutirt finb.
Das ©erfapren, wclcpeS bet ber iBeratpung unb 3lb=
ftimmung ftattfinben foli, ift nun folgenbeS:
1. ©aS (Scpema wirb mehrere (jepn) ©age vor ber
iBeratpung ben Tätern beS (SoncilS auSgettjeilt, welche bann
fcpriftlicpc Erinnerungen, $IuSftettungen, ©erbefferungSantrage
machen tonnen.
2. $n biefem §aU rnüffen fie fogleicfj eine neue formet
ober Raffung beS betreffenben SIrtitelS ftatt beS von ipnen
beanftanbeten in 23orfcf)(ag bringen.
3. Solcpe Einträge werben burep ben Secretär ber
einfeplägigen Deputation (eS finb bereu vier) übergeben,
welche bann nacp iprem Ermeffen bavon (Sebraucp maept,
inbem fie bas Scperna, wenn fie es für gwetfmä^ig palt,
reformirt, unb bann in einem, aber nur fummarifcp ge=
paltenen, Sericptc bem Eoncil von ben gefteUten Anträgen
eine D^otij gibt.
4. Die ißräfibenten tonnen jebeS Scpema entweber
blos im @an$en ober auep in Slbfbpnitte getpeilt ber 53e=
ratpung unterftellen.
5. 23ei ber iBeratpung tonnen bie Sßräfibenten jeben
SDBllinger, jtoei Sutac^ten.
2
Stimmen auöb.fati). jtirdje üb. b.Äirdjenfr. b.@egenm.
8
�102
Töttingev,
(16)
9tebner unterbrechen, wenn eS ihnen fheint, bap er nicht
bei bet (Sache bleibe.
G. SicSifchöfeher Deputation tonnen in jebem Moment
baS SSort ergreifen, um beit Sifhßfcn, welche ben 2öort=
taut beS (Schema beanftanben, ju erwiberit.
7. „ßcpn Säter reichen hin, um ben Schluß ber Dis
*
cuffion ju beantragen, worüber bann mit einfacher TOeljr«
heit burch Slnfftehcn ober Sitzenbleiben cntfchicben wirb.
8. Sei ber Slbftimmung über bic einzelnen Shcite beS
(Schema wirb juerft über bic vorgcfchlagcnen Seränbcrungen,
bann über ben von ber Deputation vorgelcgteu Sert burch
‘ülufftehen ober Sitzenbleiben abgeftimmt, fo bajj bie einfache
■IRehrheit entfeheibet.
9. hierauf wirb über baS ganje (Schema mit 9lamenS=
aufruf abgeftimmt, wobei jeber ber Sätcr mit placet ober
non placet antwortet. Cb auch I^cr
blojjc Mehrheit
ber Äopßahl entfeheiben folie, ift nicht angegeben. (FS
fcpcint aber nach ber ülualogic bejaht werben ¿u muffen,
benn baS ganje (Schema ift ja hoch nur wieber ein Stücf ober
ein Chcil von einem gröpern ©anjen, unb eS liegt burchauS
fein ©runb vor, mit bem gröpern Stücf anberS ¿u verfahren
als mit bem fleinern. SBürbe baS Sßrincip ber fdßtedßthinigen Tíeprpcit h^r verlaffen, fo würben Wopl gerabe
bie wichtigem, tiefer einfhncibenben, Schemate verloren gehen.
2ftan ficht nun wohl, bafj einige parlamentarifche
formen in biefe ©efchäftborbnung Iwibergenommen finb.
Slber wenn in politifhen Serfammlungcn gewiffe ben pi<w
gegebenen ähnliche (Einrichtungen beftepen, fo folien fie ge=
wohnlich ¿um Schutze ber ÜRinberheit gegen ÜJíajorifirung
�(17)
103
bie neue @e[d)aftgorbnung.
bienen, Wäljrcnb fie I)ier umgeteljrt gu bem 3wccfe gegeben
ju fein fdjeinen, bic 9)iel;rt)tit nodj mächtiger unb nnwiber=
Widj ju machen, wie fidj bie3 befonberö in bem ifyr ein=
geräumten 3ied)te ¿eigt, bie ©iScuffion, fobalb es iljr gefällt,
abjufcfntcibcn unb alfo ber ^cinber^eit bad SSort §u ent=
Sieben; bied Wirb um fo peinlicher wirten, als befanntli^
and) bie DJtbglicbteit, fiel) in gebrutften ©utadrten ober 3luf=
tlärungen ben übrigen Wiitgliebcrn bed (Foncild mitjutljeilen,
Weber für einzelne, nodj für ganje ©ruppen von Vifdjöfen
gegeben ift.
3n Politiken Vcrfammlungen tonnen Vcfdjlüffe gefaxt,
felbft ©efe^e gegeben werben burep einfache Wfjrljeit, ba
feine ber folgeubcn Parlamente ober Kammern burdj bie
Vefcblüffc unb ©efe^e ber frühem gebunben ift. $ebe tarnt
gu jeber .Seit eine Satzung ihrer Vorgängerinnen äitbern
ober abrogiren. 5lber bie bogmatifdjen Vefdjlüffe eines
©oncilS follen, wenn cS wirflid) ein bfumcnifcheS ift, für
alle $eiten unantaftbar unb unwiberruflidj gelten.
VorauSfichtlid) wirb bei ben nun folgeubcn 2lbftimmungen
bic Wjrljcit bicfcS Sonetts nidjt etwa eine flüffige, aufunb abwogenbe fein, fie wirb nidjt wcdjfcln mit ben ^u
faffenben Vcfdtfüffen, fonbern fie wirb fidj, mit geringen
Schwankungen ber 3al?i, in ihrer ¿ufammenfe^ung Wcfcnt=
lid) glcid; bleiben, ©enn cd ift bekannt, bay bic ©Teilung
ber Vifdjöfe in eine Wjrhcit unb eine Vänberheit fidj .
gleich von Anfang an fdjon bei ber 2öal;t ber ©cputationen,
unb el;c nod) eine einzige Slbftimmung ftattgefunben, fdjarf
unb entfliehen l)erauSgeftcllt l;at. So mufjte eS kommen,
Weil in ber ftrage von ber päpstlichen Unfehlbarkeit fid)
2*
�104
Döllinger,
(18)
atsbatb ein burcpgrcifenber unb principictler ©egenfa^ ergab, I
unb man fofort erfannte, baff biefe §rage bie £auptan=
gelegenpeit ber Serfammlung bilbe, nnb alle anbcrn von
ipr beijerrfdjt würben. @g ftept ¿u erwarten, baff bie
Ülnpänger ber Unfeplbarfeitgtpeorie bie Sorlagcn, fowic fie
aub ben Rauben ber Deputationen pervorgepeu, auep un=
bebenfiief) votiren werben; benn für fie ift gang folge
*
rieptig 9llleg maffgebenb, wag vom romifcpcit Stuple
aubgept, unb bafür ift aubreiepenb geforgt, baff in ben
Deputationen, welchen jept über alte auf bie Serbe ffcrung
ber Scpcmate begügtietjen Anträge bie umfaffcnbfte unb in
*
appcllable (Gewalt übertragen ift, nur eine Slnficpt fiep
geltenb maepen fann. (Sin Slict auf bab ^erfonal ber
wieptigften Deputation, de fide, genügt. Sor allein finbet
fiep ba ber Utömcr (iarboni, ber fepon in ber Sorbcrcit
*
(
*Sommiffion
ungb
bag Dogma ber pdpftlicpcn Unfeplbartcit
in einer eigenen Dent'fcprift empfoplen unb in feiner (Som
*
miffion pat anncpmen taffen. Sieben ipm ber ^cfuit Steinb,
fobann bie berebten Slawen Dccpampb von SJccepeln, Spal
*
biitg von Saltimore, ißie von Ißoiticrg, Scbocpowbfi, «fpaffun
ber Slrmcnier, be ipreuv bon Sitten; von Dcutfcpcn SJiar
*
tin, Seneftrcp, ©affer von Sri,reu, ¿wei Spanier, brei
Sübanierifauer, brei Italiener, ein ^rlänbcr, enblicp Simor
Qicgnicr unb Scparpman.
Seit 1800 ^apreu pat eg in ber jtirepe alb ©runb
*
gegolten, baff Decrete über beit ©tauben unb bie ßepre
nur mit einer, wenigfteng moralifepen, Stimmencinpcllig
*
feit votirt werben foUten. Diefcr ©runbfap ftept mit bem
ganzen Spftem ber tatpolifepeu Svircpc im engften 3u=
�(19)
bie neue ©cfdjäftöorbnung.
105
fammeuhaitg. ES ift fein IBeifpicl eines Oognta Mannt,
welches bürd; eine einfache Stimmenmehrheit unter bem
SBiberfpruche einer Wuberheit befchloffen unb barauf hin
cingcführt worben wäre.
Um bieS flar 311 machen, mufi ich mir Dtaurn für
eine furje theologifche, aber hoffentlich allgemein i?erftänb=
liehe, Erörterung erbitten.
Sie Kirche Ij^t ein ihr 13011 Slufang an übergebenes
Oepofitum geoffenbartcr Sehre 311 bewahren unb ju ver=
walten. * Sie empfängt feine neuen Offenbarungen, unb
)
fie macht feine neuen ElaubenSartifel. Unb wie mit ber
Kirche felbft, fo ift cS auch mit bem allgemeinen Eoncil.*
)
**
*') Sie ©ijeologie bat fidj in ber Gnttvicfluiig tiefer fragen an=
gefcbloffen an bie allgemein als claffifdj unb völlig correct angenom
mene Sdjrift beö SSincentiuö von Serins, baS Gommonitorium, baS
fdjon um baö 3aljr 434 erfdjien. Stuf biefe bejiefye id) mid) baber
in bem folgenben.
**) So fagt ber Sifdjof gif t) er von Dtodjefter, ber für ben ißrimat
bes? Zapfte« fein geben opferte, in feiner Streitfdjrift gegen i'utber
(Opera, ed. Wirceburg. 1597, p. 592) mit Berufung auf ben gleiten
Slubfprud) be¡3 ©uns ScotuS: In eorum (beS Goncils mit bem Zapfte)
arbitrio non est situm, ut quiequam tale vel non tale faciant, sed
spiritu potius veritatis edocti, id quod revera prídem de substantia
fidei fuerat jam declarant, esse de substantia fidei. Hub ber 9Jii=
norit ©a ven port, Svstema fidei, p. 140: secundum receptam,
tam veterum, quam modernorum doctorum sententiam ecclesia non
potest agere ultra revelationes antiquas, nihil potest hodie decla
ran de fide, quod non habet talem identitatem cum prius revelatis.------------ Unde semper docet Scotus: Quod illae con
clusiones solum possunt infallibiliter declarari et determinan per
ecclesiam, quae sunt necessario inclusae in articulis cre
dit is. Si igitur per accidens conjunguntur, vel si solum proba-
�106
S? cUinger,
(20)
Das ©oncil ift bie IRepräfcntatioii, bie 3ufammciifaffung
bcr gangen Äircbe; bic Sifcpöfc auf bcmfclbcn finb bie
©efanbten unb ©efcpäftSträger aller Äircpcn bcr fat^oii=
fepen SSelt; fic paben im tarnen bcr ©efammtpeit 311
erklären, waS biefe ©efammtpeit bcr ©laubigen über eine
rcligiöfe §ragc bentt unb glaubt, was fic als Ucbcrlicferung
empfangen pat. Die finb alfo als tßrocuratoren angufepen,
Welcpe bic ipnen gegebene ©ollmacpt burepanS niept überfepreiten bürfen.
)
*
Späten fie cS, fo würbe bic Jtircfjc,
bereu Übertreter fie finb, bic von ipnen aufgcftellte Sepre
unb Definition niefjt bestätigen, viclinepr als etwas iprem
gläubigen Dewu^tfein $rembcS jurüefweifeu.
Die ÜSifepöfe auf bem (Soncil finb alfo vor allem
3engen, fie fagen aus unb conftatiren, was fie unb ipre
©emeinben als ©laubcnSlepre empfangen unb bisper be=
' fannt paben; fie finb aber auep Dlicptcr, nur bafj ipre
biliter sequuntur ex articulis, fidem non attingent per quascumque
(leterminationes, quia Concilia non possunt identificare, quae sunt
ex objecto diversa, nec necessario inferre ea, quae solum appa
renter, seu probabiliter sunt inclusa in articulis creditis.
•) Concilium non est ipsamet ecclesia, sed ipsam tantum
repraesentat ; — — id est episcopi illi qui concilio adsunt, legati
mittuntur ab omnibus omnium gentium catholicarum ecclesiis, qui,
ex nomine totius universitatis, déclarent, quid ipsa universitas
sentiat et quid traditum acceperit. Itaque ejusmodi legati omnium
ecclesiarum sunt veluti procuratore«, quibus nefas esset procura
tionem sibi crcditam tantillum excedere. Unde constat, quod si
quingenti episcopi, ut videre est in exemplis Ariminensis, et Constantinopolitanae contra imagines coactae synodi, suam de fide
communi declaranda procurationem tantillum excederent, universa
ecclesia, cujus sunt tantummodo procuratores et simplex reprae-
�(21)
bie neue (ScfdjäftSorbnung.
107
richterliche ©cwalt über ben ©tauben nicht über ben 23e=
reich ihrcö ^cugenthumS ijinau^efyeit barf, vielmehr burefj
biefeS forttvährenb bebingt unb umfehrieben ift 91(3 (Ritter
haben fie baS ©efefc (bie ©laubcnSlchre) nicht erftgu machen,
fonbern nur gn interpretiren unb anjuwcitbeii. Sie flehen
unter bem öffentlichen (Rechte ber Äirche, an irelchcrrt fie
nichts ju äitbcrn vermögen. Sie üben ihr (Richtcramt,
crftenS: inbem fie bie von ihnen abgetegten $cugniffe
unter einanber prüfen unb vergleichen unb bereu Tragweite
erwägen; jweitenS, inbem fie nach gewiffenhafter Prüfung:
ob an einer Sehre bie brei unentbehrlichen (öebingungen ber
Univcrfalität ber (perpetuität unb beS ©onfenfuS (ubique,
semper, ab ómnibus) ¿utreffen; ob alfo bie Sehre als
bie allgemeine Sehre ber ganzen Äirche, als wirtlicher (öe=
ftanbthcil beS göttlichen ©epofitumS, allen gegeigt unb ihr
(Betenntnifj jebein (griffen aufcrlegt Werben fönne.* $hre
)
sentatio, definitionem factam ab illis ratam non haberet, imo re
pudiarci. Oeuvres de Fénélon, Versailles 1820, II, 361.
*) ©o ber ^efuit 23 a g o t in feiner Institutio Theologica de
vera religione. Paris 1645, p. 395: Universitas sine duabus aliis,
nimirum antiquitate et consensione stare non potest. Quod autem
triplici illa probatione confirmatur, est haud dubie ecclesiasticum
et catholicum. Quod si universitatis nota deficit et nova aliqua
quaestio exoritur, novaque contagio ecclesiam commaculare incipit,
tunc hac universitate praesentium ecclesiarum deficiente recurrendem est ad antiquitatem. Notai enim Vincent, posse aliquam
haereseos contagionem occupare multas ecclesias sicut constat de
Ariana ; adeo ut aliquando plures ecclesiae et episcopi diversarum
nationum Ariani quam Catholici reperirentur. Et quantumvis
doc rina aliqua latissime pateat, sitamen novam esse constat, haud
dubie erronea est, nec enim est apostolica, nec per successionem
�108
©ötttnger,
(22)
Prüfung I;at fid) bemnacf; fowol)l über bie Vergangenheit als
bie Gegenwart 311 erftrecfen. <5o ift toon bcm SImte ber
Vifcßöfc auf Goncilien jebe SöiUtür, jebcS blofj fubjective
Gutbünten auSgefcljtoffen. GS würbe ba frevelhaft unb
verberblich fein, benn ba bie itirc^c feine neuen Dffenbarungen
empfangt, feine neuen Glaubenöartifcl macht, fo bann unb
barf auch ein Goncil bie Subftan^ beS Glaubens nicht
aitbern, nichts bavon Wegnchmen unb nichts hin8uFll9en‘
Gin Goncilium macht alfo bogmatifchc Decrete nur über
Dinge, welche fchon in ber Kirche, als burch Schrift unb
Drabition bezeugt, allgemein geglaubt würben, ober welche
)
*
als eoibente unb flarc Folgerungen in beit bereits geglaubten
unb gelehrten Grunbfätjen enthalten finb. SBenit aber
et traditionem ad nos usque pervenit. Deinde, ut notat idem Vincentius, antiquitas non potest jam seduci. Verum enimvero quia
et ipse error antiquus esse potest: idcirco cum consulitur vetustas,
in ea quaerenda est consensio.
*) So S^incentiuS: Hoc semper nec quidquam dliud Conciliorum decretis catholica perfecit ecclesia, nisi ut quod a majoribus sola traditione susceperat, hoc deinde posteris per scripturae
chirographum consignaret. Commonit. cap. 32. ©er ©ribentirtifdje
©Ijeologe 23 eg a, ap. Davenport p.9: Concilia generalia hoc tantum
habent, ut veritates jam alias, vel in seipsis, vel in suis principiò
a Deo, ecclesiae vel SS. Patribus revelatas vel per scripturas vel
traditionem prophetarum et apostolorum turn declarent, turn confirment et sua autoritate claras et apertas et absque ulla ambigu.tate ab omnibus Catholicis tenendas tradant. Addit: et ad hoc
dico: praesentia Spiritus sancii illustrantur, primo ut infallibiles
declarent veritates ecclesiae revelatas, et secundo, ut ad terminando
dubia in ecclesia suborta, extirpandosque errores et abusus infab
libiliter etiam ex revelatis colligant populo Christiano credenda et
usurpanda in fide et moribus.
�(23)
bie neue Oefdiäftborbnung.
109
eine Meinung Ba^unbcrte lang ftetS auf Sßiberfpritd)
gefloßen unb mit allen tl)eoiogifd)en SBaffen beftritten
Worben, alfo ftetS minbeftens unfid)er gewefen ift, fo tarnt
fie nie, and; burd; ein ©oncilium nidjt, sur ©ewif^eit,
baö Ijeifjt jur ©ignitat einer göttlich geoffenbarten £efyre
erhoben werben, ©aljer ber gewöbnlid)c 9luf ber SSäter auf
ben ©oncilien nad) ber Einnahme unb 3)erfüitbigung eines
bogmatifd)cn ©ecretS: haec fides Patrum.
Soll alfo j. 33. att bie Stelle ber früher geglaubten
unb gelehrten Srrtijumsfrciljeit ber gaitjen ftirdje bie Uit=
fehlbarfeit eines ©injigen gefeilt werben, fo ift baS feine
©ntwidlung, feine ©rplication beó vorher implicit @eglaub=
ten, feine mit logifdjer ^olgeridjtigteit fid) ergebenbe ©on=
fequenj, fonbern einfach baS gerabe ©cgcntljeii ber früheren
fiebre, bie bamit auf ben Jiopf gcftellt würbe, ©erabe wie
es im politifd)en ßebeit feine fyortbiibung ober ©ntwicflung,
fonbern einfad) ein Umfturj, eine Revolution wäre, wenn
ein bisher freies ©emeinwefen b^id) unter baS 3od)
eines abfolut I)errfd)enben Wlonard)cn gebracht würbe.
©ie Beit, in welcher ein ofumenifdjeó ©oncit über ben
©laubeit ber (griffen beräth, ift alfo fletó eine $eit ber
lebhafteren ©rweefung beS religiöfen SßewufjtfeinS, eine „ßeit
ber abjulegenben Beugniffe unb ber offenen ©rflarungen
für alle treuen Söhne ber Jtird)e, ©eiftlicfw wie Saien,
gewefen. Rian glaubte, wie bie ©efdjidjte ber Ytirc^e be=
weist, allgemein, bafj man gerabe burd; folcfje Äunbgebungen bent ©oitcil feine Rufgabe erleichtere, unb nicf)t bie
33äter baburd) ftöre ober hemme. Beugnifj ablegeu, 2Dünfd;e
�110
SöHinger,
(24)
auófpredfcn, auf bie 23cbürfniffe ber 5tir(f)c fyinwcifen, tann
unb barf jcbcr, aucf) ber £aie.
)
*
@anj bcfonbcrS wenn cS fid) um bie (Sinfüíjrung
eines neuen £)ogma íjanbelt, welkes etwa, von einer Seite
fycr gcforbcrt, bcm SSewujjtfcin ber (Staubigen fremb ift
unb ifjneit ais cinc Neuerung crfcfjciut, bann ift ber fidj
cr^cbenbe ißroteft ber ßaicn ein ebenfo gerechter als not^=
wenbiger, unb unvermciblidjcS 3eu9u^ ^cr ^Inlfäuglitfjteit
an ben ifyncu überlieferten (Stauben, uub fie erfüllen bamit
cine lßflid;t gegen bie J^ircfje2luf bcm (íoncil fclbft aber beweist bcr SBibcrfprudj
ben cinc Slnjaljl bcr ¡Sifdwfc gegen eine als Dogma ¿u
vertunbcnbe Meinung ergebt, bafj in ben von ifyncn rcpra=
fentirtcn Xíjciífirdjen biefe Meinung nidft für waljr, nicfjt
für göttlid) geoffenbart gehalten worben ift, unb aud) je|t
nidjt bafür gehalten wirb. ¡Damit ift aber fetjon cnt=
fdfieben baf$ biefer Veljre ober Meinung bie brei wefent=
licken ©rforberniffe bcr Univcrfalität, bcr ißetpetuitat unb
*) (So fagt ber Carbinol dieginalb Sßole, einer ber ißräfibeitten
beé Xribentinifcfjen Concité, in feinem 23ud>e De Concilio, 1562,
fol. 11: Patet quidem locus omnibus et singulis exponendi, si quid
vel sibi vel ecclesiae opus esse censeant, sed decernendi non om
nibus patet, verum iis tantum, quibus rectionem animarum ipse
unicus pastor et rector dedit. — ¡papft DHfotauö I. bemerft, baf?
bie Äaifer an ben Concilien tlfeiigenommen haben, roenn oom G5lau=
ben getjanbett loorben fei. Ubinam legistis, imperatores anteces
sores vestros synodalibus conventibus interfuisse? nisi forsitan in
quibus de fide tractatum est, quae universitatis est, quae omnium
communis est, quae non solum ad clericos, verum etiam ad Laicos
et ad omnes omnino pertinet Christianos. -¡Diefe Stelle fanb auch
in (Sratianö Secret Aufnahme.
�(25)
bie neue (^efcf)äftöorbnung.
111
beg (Sonfcnfng abgeben, baß fic alfo auch nicht ber ganzen
Mrebe alb göttliche ^Offenbarung aufgebrungen werben barf.
©arum fyat man eg in ber Äirdje ftctg für notl^
wenbig eraclßet baff, fobalb eine nur einigermaßen beträcht
liche Slnjahl von Sifchöfen einem von ber Mehrheit etwa
vorgcfchlagencn ober beabsichtigten ©ecret wiberfpracb, biefeg
©ecret beifeite gelegt warb, bie ©efinition unterblieb, ©ie
wahrhafte Äatholicität einer Sehre foll evibent unb un=
Zweifelhaft fein, fie ift eg aber nicht, fobalb bag ^eugniß
wenn auch einer Wnbcrzahl ben löewcig liefert, baß ganje
3l6thcilungcn ber ätirebe biefe Sehre nicht glauben unb nicht
betennen.
©arum war bei jebem (Soncil bie Hauptfrage: „Sinb
bieOlaubengbecrete von allen -Dlitgliebcrn genehmigt worben?"
Sogleich auf bem crften allgemeinen Goncil 311 Dlicaa, wo
unter 318 IBifcböfen julcßt nur ¿wei fiep ber Unterfchrift
weigerten. $u (Sbatcebon zögerte man fo lange mit ben
©ntfeheibungen, ließ fiep immer wicber auf neue (5rörter=
ungen ein, big eiiblid; alle 23cbcnfcn, welche befonberg bie
illvrifchcn unb bie paläftinenfifchen Sifcböfe gegen bag
Schreiben Seo’g anfänglich hc9tcn, gehoben waren. 9iod)
ehe Ä'aifer Jarcian bie Sßnobe entließ, brang er auf eine
(ntlärung: ob wirtlich alíe SBifcfwfc (eg waren über 600)
ber (Slaubcngbefinition guftimmten, wag beim auch alle
bcrcitwilligft bejahten, unb worauf ^oapft Seo felbft (Sott
banfte baß fein Schreiben „nach allen 3rüCifeIR unb ®c=
benten bod) cnblicß burcf) bie unwibcrlegliche 3uf^nnnun9
beg gefammten Gpiffopatg" beftätigt worben fei. So ver=
fieberten and) auf bem felgten allgemeinen Goncil bie
�112
S?óliin<jer,
(26)
iöifc^öfc auf bie Jyrage beb Äaiferb: baß bie bogmatifc^e
(Sntfd)eibuug unter Zuftimmung aller aufgcftcllt worben
fei. Sabfelbe gefchal) auf bem fiebenten im Zaljre 787.
Unb wicberum mclbcte Ä'arl ber ©roße von bem (Sondi
ju ^ranffurt 794 ben fpanifd)cn 53ifd)öfen: alleb fei gefdjel)en,quatenusSancta omnium unanimitas decornerete.
3n Srient gab ^ßapft Sßiub IV ben Legaten bic 2Bei=
fungi nicl)tb entfcljeiben ju laffen wab nid)t allen Tätern
genehm fei. (Siner ber bort bcfiitblicfycn Sinologen, ^la^ba
bc dlnbraba, berichtet: mehrmals Ijabe man ein Secret
Söocbcn, SDÌonate lang uneiitfcbicben gclaffcn, weil einige
wenige 23ifd)öfe wiberftrebten ober IBcbentcn äußerten; erft
bann, wenn enblid) nach laugen unb forgfältigen 2?eratt)=
ungen (Sinftimmigfeit ber Später erhielt worben, ljabe man
bab Secret publicirt. $ai)Va führt mehrere 23cifpiele ba=
von an.
)
*
Hub Soffnct bemerft über bic 33orfc()rift ^ius’
IV : bieß fei eine treffliche dìegei um bab Söaljre vom
Zweifelhaften 311 fd)eibcn.
idlle Sheologen machen cb jur 53cbingung ber Detu=
mcuicität eineb (Soncilb baß völlige À reib eit auf bem=
felbcit hctrfdje. Freiheit beb diebenb, Freiheit beb Stimmens,
diiemaub, fagt Sonimeli), barf jurüefgewiefen werben ber
♦) Defensio fidei Tridentinae, f. 17 : Cum quindecim fere aut
viginti dubitare se ajebant, ne vero quiequam praeter Conciliorum
vetustum morem concluderetur, horum paucorum dubitatio plurimoruni impetum retardavit, atque effecit, ut res in aliam sessionem
dilata, omnium fere calculis tandem definiretur. 9Jian vergi. bort
baö Weitere. ‘Ulan fielet, bafe ju Orient bie Uebeineugung l^evrfc^te,
es muffe alleò in ber QBeife ber alten doncilien bel;anbelt unb ent=
fdjieben — menigliene bie mefentlidie {\orm berfelben bcibetjalten werben.
�(27)
bie neue $c|d)äftöorbmin3.
113
gehört werben will. ^id;t bloß phVÍWr $wang würbe
bie 23efd)lüffe eines ßoncils fraftloS unb wertlos machen.
£)ie Freiheit, biefe LebcnSluft eines wahren (Solicits, wirt»
and; burdj bie gar mannigfaltigen formen in benen mo=
ralifSer^wang cintritt, ober bcrWnfd; fidj willig fiiedjtcn
lä£t (3. 25. burd) bie bcrfdjiebcnen Strten ber Simonie),
jerftört, unb bie Legitimität beS (Soncils baburd) aufgehoben.
£ouruelp nennt als bie auf Spnoben wirffamen unb bie
conciliarifdje Freiheit aufhebenben LeibenfSaften fynrdjt,
Stellengier, ®clbgci¿ unb äpabfudjt. *
)
2llS ber grofje Slbfall 311 Seleucia unb Bimini gleis
zeitig ftattfanb, als au fed)Shunbert 23ifchöfc baS gemcin=
fame Wenntnif) bcrläugiieteii unb Preisgaben, ba war es
„©eifteSfSwädje unb Sd)cu vor einer mühfeligen dicife"
(partim imbecillitate ingenii, partim taedio peregrinationis evicti, Sulp. Sever. 2, 43), was fic überwanb.
©ic blofic £l)atfad)e einer wenn and) noch fo ¿al)l=
reifen, bifdjöflidjcn 23erfannulling ift alfo noch lange fein
beweis ber wirtlichen Dcfumcnicität eines (Soncils; ober,
Wie bie Theologen, 3. 23. Sournclp, fid) auSbrüdcn, cS
fanu wohl öfumenifd) ber ^Berufung nad) fein, ob es biejs
aber and) bem Verlauf unb 2luSgang nach fei, baruber
fann baS (Soncil felbft nidjt eutfcpciben, faun nidjt fetber
fid; 3eugnifz geben; ba muff erft bie bod) and) nod) über
jebem (Soncil ftepcube Autorität, ober baS 3eugnifj ber
gaumen Ä'ircpc, als cntfcfjeibeiib unb beftätigenb pinjutreten.
Sie (Soncilien als fold;c haben feine SScrheifgung — aueb
J De ecclesia I, 384.
�114
Töüingcr,
(28)
in bcn gewöhnlich angeführten SSorten be§ äperrn von ben
„jwei ober brei" femmt eben alles auf baS „in feinem
tarnen Sßerfammeltfein" an, unb bieff enthält, wie alle
Geologen annehmen, mehrere. Skbingnngen, bie 3. 5).
Stournelt) aufführt.
)
*
?(ber bie Äirchc hat
2?erhei§=
ungen, unb fie liutfz erft fiel) überzeugen, ober bie @ewif^
beit befi^cn, baf) V^Vfifchcr ober moralifefter 3wang, fvurebt,
ßeibenfehafteu, SJerführungötünftc — Singe wie fie ¿u
Diimini unb noch gar oft gewirtt h^n — nicht auf bem
(Soncil übermächtig geworben finb, baf) alfo bie wahre
Freiheit bort gcljerrfcht bube. $n biefem (Sinn fagt 23of=
fuet von einem ötumenif^en (Soncit: ber 23ifcböfc auf bemfclben müßten fo viele unb aus fo verfeiuebenen Säubern,
unb bie 3iiftimmung ber übrigen fo evibent fein,
*) Quaeres: quibus conditionibus promisit Christus se conciliis adfuturum? Resp. Ista generali: Si in nomine suo congre
gata fuerint; hoc est servata suft'ragiorum liberiate; invocato coelesti auxilio; adhibita humana industria et diligentia in conquirenda
ventate.------- Deus scilicet, qui omnia suaviter disponit ac mo
derato, via supernaturali aperta et manifesta non adest conciliis,
sed occulta Spiritus subministratione. (Deus) permittit, episcopos
omnibus humanae infirmitatis periculis subjacere et aliquando
succumbere: ncque enim unquam promisit, se a conciliis ejusmodi
pericula certo semper pro pulsaturum; sed hoc unum, se’iis semper
adfuturum, qui in suo nomine congrcgarentur. Congregari autem
in suo nomine censentur, quoties eas observant leges et condi
tions, quas voluit observari. Tournely, praelectiones theologicae deDeo et divinis attributis, I, 165. Journet») fiitjrt benfelben
(Bebauten in feinen praelectiones theologicae de ecclesia Christi,
I, 384 nod) weiter aus: (Deus) episcopos permittit omnibus hu
manae infirmitatis periculis obnoxios esse, metus scilicet, ambitionis, avaritiae, cupiditatis etc.
�(29)
bie neue ©efcbâftêorbnung.
115
baff man tlar fclje, e§ fei nidjtä aiibcreö ba gefdjeljeu,
afe baff bie Slufidft bet ganjeu SSelt jufammengetrageu
)
*
worben.
(Sollte fid; alfo geigen, baff auf bern Goucil feineoweg«
„bie fXufidjt bei ganzen tatljolifcfjcn SBelt jufammengetragen"
worben, baff vielmehr TMjrijeitebcfdüiiffc gefafft worben
feien welche mit bent ©tauben eines beträchtlichen Sfjeilö
ber Äirchc im SSibevfprud) fielen, bann würben gewifc in
ber tatlfolifdjcn SSclt bie fragen aufgeworfen werben:
£>aben nufere SSifdwfe richtig Bcuguiff gegeben bon bem
(Glauben ihrer ©iocefen? unb wenn nicht, finb fie waljr=
I;aft frei gewefen? über wie fommt es baff il;r 3cu9niB
nicht beamtet worben ift? bafc fie majorifirt worben finb?
3?on ben Antworten bie auf biefe fragen erteilt werben,
Werben bann bie ferneren Greigniffe in ber 5bird;e bebingt
♦) Et que les autres consentent si évidemment à leur assem
blée, qu’il sera clair, qu’on n’y ait fait qu’apporter le sentiment
de toute la terre. (Histoire des variations, 1. 15, n. 1OOO.) Unb
barum forbert ber WÜ ©elafiu« ju einer bene gesta synodus nidfct
nur, baß fie nad) Sdfrift unb îrabition unb nad) ben firdflidjen
«Regeln ißre Gntfdjeibungen gefaßt habe, fonbern and), baß fie von
ber ganzen ^irdje angenommen fei : quam cuncta recepit ecclesia
(Epist. 13 bei £'abbé ConcilIV, 1200 unb 1203). Unb «Rico te be^
merft gegen bie GaWiniften: Ils ont une marque évidente que le
Concile, qui se dit Universel doit être reçu pour tel, dans l’accep
tation qu’en fait l’Église. (Prétendus Réformés convaincus de
schisme. 2,7. p. 289.) ©ieftirdje gibt ben Goncilien Beugniß (nicht
etfl Autorität), fotvie fie burd) ihren biblifdjen Ganoit ben einjelnen
æüdjern ber Sibel Beugniß gibt, roäfyrenb natürlich bie innere Au
torität berfelben nicht von ber itirdje ausfließt. Sie ift auch batestis,
non autor fidei.
�116
SDöUinger, bic neue @ef<$äft$orbnung.
(30)
fein. Unb barum ift au cf) in ber ganzen Äirdjc bic bollftc
fßublicität ftetö als ju einem (Soncit gehörig gewährt worben; benn cS liegt ber gefammten djriftlidjen SBelt ijodjlicf»
baran nidjt nur ju wiffen bafj etwas bort befdjloffen wirb,
fonbernaudj ¿u wiffen wie eS befdjloffen wirb. 2ln biefem
Hßic hängt gulefct atieS, wie bie benfwürbigen ^a^re 359,
449, 754 u. f. w. beweifen. Stuf baS ßoncil »on Orient
hätte man fid) be^üglidj beS jwangSweife auf erlegten <Sdjwei=
genS nidjt berufen follen; benn erftenS würbe bort blofc
eine ^Dialjnung gegeben, unb ¿weitend betraf bie <5rinner=
ung nur bie 23etanntmadjung oon (Entwürfen, welche, was
heutzutage bei bem <5tanb ber ißreffe nidjt meljr möglich
wäre, bamals in ber $erne mit wirtlichen ^ecreten oer=
wedjfelt würben.
�
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Title
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Victorian Blogging
Description
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A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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Einige worte uber die unjehlbarfeitsadresse und geschaftsordnung des concils und ihre theologische bedeutung zwei gutachtung von J. V. Dollinger
Creator
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Dollinger, J. V.
Description
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Place of publication: Munchen
Collation: p. 87-116 ; 19 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Text in German.
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Rudolph Oldenbourg
Date
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1870
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G5722
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Theology
Germany
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<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (Einige worte uber die unjehlbarfeitsadresse und geschaftsordnung des concils und ihre theologische bedeutung zwei gutachtung von J. V. Dollinger), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
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Text
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German
Conway Tracts
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PDF Text
Text
226
LEGEND OF THE CASTLE OF NUREMBERG.
in some such way as Hugh Miller has
done in “ My Schools and Schoolmas
ters,” I shall have to linger about the
cottage I know not how long; for feel
ing, as I have said, how much is done
by the time the boyhood is over and
the youth begins — if such a distinction
can be made — I can see now how
[March,
many things must have been imM
mately at work beside that sweet, good
home, and what was there. Manners
and customs, traditions, stories, reli
gion, superstition, scene, and incident,
all had their place in the lad’s life, and
must have their place in the man's
story — if it is ever told.
LEGEND OF THE CASTLE OF NUREMBERG.
{From the German?)
BY MRS. E. E. EVANS.
MONGST the many legends and suffered terribly from the ravages of
historical traditions attached to wolves, until, in desperation, the in
the old castle of Nuremberg, is habitants assembled in force and
a
curious story of an event which took drove them out of their haunts, kill
place about the middle of the thir ing meantime as many as possible*
teenth century. The castle was at Those that escaped, to the number of
that time governed by Count Frederic several hundred, retreated to the moun
III. of Hohenzollern, who lived there tains, and from thence made frequent
in princely state with his wife, the descents upon the scattered farms in
Countess Elizabeth, and their six the valleys, so that scarcely a day
children. It was a happy family. The elapsed without some person having
wedded pair lovec[ each other tenderly, been destroyed.
and took pride in the strength and
The most horrible event of this
bravery of their sons and the modest kind occurred three days before Mich
beauty of their daughters. Their re aelmas, In the forests of St. Sebald
tainers were faithful, the citizens of ’ and St. Lawrence (so named from the
the already famous city of Nuremberg two cathedrals of Nuremberg) lived a
held them in honor, the land was no class of peasants who made it their
longer disturbed by war, and through sole business to raise bees and collect
the vigilance and courage of the honey, which was in great demand,
Nurembergers the once dreaded inva as foreign sugars had not yet begun
sions of banded robbers had been to be imported. To such an extent was
brought to an end.
the pursuit carried, that the great forest
Thus peaceful and prosperous was tract was spoken of in the legal in
the existence of this noble family in struments of that period as “ the impe
the year 1264. At that period, John, rial bee-garden,” and the bee-farmers
the elder son, was eighteen and his were allowed to pay their government
brother Sigmund sixteen years old. taxes in honey. For some reason, the
They were skilled in every knightly magistrate having charge of such
accomplishment, and had already won matters issued an order for the tax to
distinction by their exertions in cer be paid three days before Michaelmas,
tain fierce encounters with the rob instead of on the day itself, when it
bers.
would really become due; and in
In the autumn of that year the vil obedience to the command, a certain
lages in the vicinity of Nuremberg bee-farmer, living on the northern
A
�HEPl
LEGEND OFTHE CASTLE OF NUREMBERG.
22]
border of St. Sebald’s forest, went
At this moment the parents of the
with his wife to Nuremberg, distant murdered children came in sight of
about seven miles, each carrying a their desolated home. A sorrowful
BB*ge wooden tub of honey bound by presentiment had caused them to
a strap across their shoulders.
hasten their steps, so that they had
As their cottage stood in a solitary accomplished the last few miles in
place, they could not leave their fam- half the time usually required; but
ily in the care of any neighbor; but the first glance assured them that they
they expected to return in six hours at were too late, and their cries of grief
furthest, and so went away without were so harrowing that the wolves ran
misgiving, having repeatedly charged away in fear.
their eldest child, Wolfgang, a bright
As if it were impossible that the
boy eight years old, to watch over still smoking bones lying before them
his brother of four and his little sister could be the remains of their beloved
of two years, and on no account to go children, the father and mother went
outside of the house—promising, if he raving into the house, and called with
should prove faithful, to reward him despairing voices: “Children, come!
with a present of some gingerbread, come, children! here are your ginger
for which it seems Nuremberg was cakes ! ” With what joy did they rush
even at that early day^ as now, cele to the door when they heard a child’s
brated. voice in reply! But it was the lament
The three children remained hap ing voice of the neighbor’s boy, now
pily together till about five o’clock in descending from the tree, who ex
the afternoon, when Wolfgang saw plained to the distracted parents the
from the window a little friend, the horrible circumstances of the death
son of a neighboring bee-farmer, ap of their darlings. After many mo
proaching the house, and was soon ments of speechless agony, the woman
coaxed by this playfellow to come out broke the deathly stillness by saying
on the green before the door. His to her husband, with the calmness of
brother soon followed, and the little insanity: “Come, Henry, let us go to
girl, not liking to be left alone, started Nuremberg and take our children
in pursuit. Suddenly two wolves ap away from the magistrate, and if he
peared. The visitor climbed quickly refuses to give them to us, we will
up a large linden tree which stood be- carry off his children and throw them
fore the house and called loudly to to the wolves!” “Alas! why did he
Wolfgang to follow him. But the dqmand the honey-tax this year before
brave boy, more anxious for his it was due! ” sighed the heart-broken
brother and sister than himself, caught father; saying which, he, without
tliSdittle girl in his right arm, seized knowing what he did, threw the dear
Rudolf with his left hand, and remains into the tub which still hung
hastened with them to the cottage upon his back, and involuntarily tot
door. Just as he was about to cross tered after his wife toward Nurem
the threshold, one wolf fastened upon berg.
his shoulder, threw him down, and
As soon as they reached the city, the
immediately buried its sharp teeth in miserable pair rushed to the magis
his vitals. The other wolf tore to trate’s house, demanding imperiously
pieces the little Rudolf, who till his of the guard at the door: “Where is
last breath called out incessantly: the bailiff with the children?” The
“Father! mother! oh, God!’’ After man replied insolently: “At the castle
that both the destroyers fell upon the with the Count. What do you want
sister, who had broken out into fright of him at this late hour?” The
ened crying, which was soon silenced woman flew to the castle, and sprang
in death.
up the brilliantly-lighted staircase into
�228
LEGEND OF THE CASTLE OF NUREMBEttk
the noble hall, where the Count and a
company of his favorite frjends, among
whom was the magistrate, were cele
brating the eighteenth birthday of his
elder son, John.
A tender and thoughtful mood had
taken possession of all minds; for just
before the Watchman upon the tower
had announced, with a blast of his
trumpet, the beginning of the last
hour before midnight, the eventful
moment when, eighteen years before,
the Countess, wavering between life
and death, had given successful birth
to her first child. It was then that
the bereaved mother darted amidst
the group of boys and girls playing
in the hall, snatched up one child
after another, and cried out, as she
sought in vain for the familiar little
faces: “Emma, Rudolf, Wolfgang
—where are you, then?” Every one
asked: “Who is she?” “Whom does
she seek?” But she paid no atten
tion to their questions, and the dread
ful tragedy was first guessed from the
words of the bee-farmer, who now
came into the hall, threw the bloody
bones upon the floor, and said:
“There, my noble lords, take your
last tax from me, a poor unhappy
father! ”
This event made a deep impression
upon the family and their guests. The
two young noblemen, moved by the
purest sympathy, declared their inten
tion to summon the whole community
to go out in a body and free the poor
farmers from the frightful plague of
wolves. Before the company broke
up, a wolf-hunt was agreed upon for
the next day; and, before sunrise, the
young counts rode away at the head
of thirty experienced huntsmen and
more than a hundred vigorous serv
ants, who led between twenty and
thirty fierce hunting-dogs in leash.
The precaution had been taken to
close all the forest paths; and by sun
set eighteen wolves, besides six boaas,
five deer, and ten foxes, were killed.
The hunt raged fiercest around the
cottage of the unfortunate bee-farmer.
[March!
He had himself conducted Count John
to the spot, and at the sight of his
children’s toys, lying scattered around
the door, had burst into loud lamen
tations. The cheeks of the Count also
were moistened with manly tears; and
with his eyes raised to heaven, he
swore not to rest until he had sum
ceeded in extirpating all dangerowl
wild beasts from the forest. Just then
he saw two wolves, maddened by hun
ger, licking the spot which had yester
day been wet with the children’s blood.
Without horse or spear, for he had left
both by the linden tree beyond the
wolves, he rushed with the speed of
an arrow upon the beasts, and with a
single stroke of his drawn sword cut
off the head of one of them. The
other sprang .upon him, and had
already fastened its eager jaws in the
side of the brave youth, when one
of his dogs, which had followed him
slowly, flew at the throat of the wolf,
so that, occupied with its own danger,
it could not give the deadly bite. With
a desperate effort, the monster flung
off the faithful dog, and then sprang
upon the Count in a rage; but as
quickly was John’s sharp sword bur
ied in the beast’s entrails.
One may imagine the horror of Sig
mund when, the sudden noise having
called him out of the house, he com-l
prehended his brother’s recent peril;
and his joy when, on carefully exam
ining the wounded side, he found it
merely scratched and only slightly
bloody.
The news of the success of the ex
pedition soon reached the city, and
the Council began at once to make
preparations for a worthy reception
of the victors. Toward eight o’clock
in the evening, the hunters passed
within the walls through the Thier-*
gaertner gate. At the head of the
procession rode the bee-farmer upon
a snow-white horse from the castle
stables, and with bow and quiver
shrouded in crape. Behind him fifty
servants bore the slaughtered beasts
upon poles on their shoulders; while
�1870.]
AACAAT? OF THE CASTLE OF NUREMBERG.
fifty more walked on both sides with
blazing torches in their hands. Next
rode the young knights, John and Sigmund, upon two black horses; and be
hind them, three abreast, came thirty
noble archers. Lastly, by command
of the Council, twenty-five armorers in
glittering armor, and carrying torches,
brought up the rear.
When the procession had reached
St. Sebald’s Church, the chief magis
trate and two lords of the Council
thanked the brave young men in the
name of the inhabitants for deliver
ance from trouble and danger, and
invited them to supper in the great
saloon of the City Hall, which had
been duly adorned for the feast. As
the huntsmen entered the saloon they
were met by the daughters of the no
blest houses of Nuremberg, who placed
upon, the head of each a. garland of
flowers, to the sound of trumpets and
kettle-drums. Around the table were
already seated the parents of both the
crowners and the crowned, and at the
Jiead were the Count and Countess.
One can easily imagine the joyful
astonishment of the young men.
Feasting and dancing continued-till
‘midnight, and before the company
separated a second wolf-hunt was
arranged for the next day — Mich
aelmas.
By five o’clock the next morning the
two young knights were ready to re
pair to the rendezvous of their hunter
friends, when the Countess Elizabeth
came into their chamber with troubled
looks and eyes red with weeping, and
besought them, by their filial love, to
remain that day at home and not go
even outside of the castle. This request of their beloved mother greatly
surprised her sons. They declared
that only extraordinary reasons could
justify them in breaking their promise
to join the hunt, and wished to know
whether such reasons existed.
“A thousand reasons,” answered
the Countess, “and yet all based upon
a single dream.”
“I thought so, dear mother,” inter
16
229
rupted John; “ I feared that the knowl
edge of the wound in my side would
bring you bad dreams, and therefore
I wished to keep it secret.”
But the Countess solemnly replied:
“No, my son, so clearly and circum
stantially did no soul ever dream
through merely human causes. I saw
your dead bodies, torn with many
wounds, carried up the hill to the
castle. I tremble when I think of
that sight 1 ”
The two sons pressed their mother’s
hands with affectionate warmth, and
assured her that, in obedient respect
to the anxiety of a good mother, they
would keep out of danger, so far as
might be consistent with honor.
"Do you see, mother,” continued
Sigmund in a cheerful tone, “your
dream has already fulfilled its pur
pose, and you would not be willjjig to
bear the disgrace of having your sons
break their word and become a deris
ion to their companions through over
solicitude concerning the images of a
dream 1 ” .
After a moment of speechless sor
row, the mother fell hastily upon the
necks of her sons, covered their faces
with kisses and tears, and cried, with
a loud voice, “Farewell, my children I
God protect you, — I can do nothing
more! ” and hastened out of the room.
But, while still upon the threshold, she’
called back to them, with apparent
cheerfulness," Remember, be prudent;
and, above all things, do not forget to
take the two dogs with you.”
AVith imploring voice, John an
swered : “ Pray excuse us from taking
the dogs; it is agreed upon that they
shall be left at home.. They spoiled
our sport several times yesterday, and
excepting the service which one of
them rendered me, and which greater
vigilance on my part will henceforth
make unnecessary, they were of no
advantage. On that account, I left
them yesterday at the tower in the
suburbs.”
But the Countess said: “I com
mand you, as your mother, to take
�230
LEGEND OF THE CASTLE OF NURENHhS®^
the two faithful hounds, which have
twice saved your lives.”
The youths, though greatly vexed,
replied: “We will obey you.”
After she had left them, they went
thoughtfully down the castle stairs,
mounted their horses in silence, bade
two servants go before and release
Drusus and Nero, their two watch
dogs, and then rode slowly down the
castle hill and over the river Pegnitz
to the tower. On arriving there, they
ordered the servants to go on with the
dogs toward the gate, and charged
them, with unwonted earnestness, to
be very careful. While the keeper of
the tower addressed a few necessary
words to John, Sigmund rode to the
window, took from the sill a piece of
chalk, and wrote over the door: “In
obedience to our dear mother, we came
here against our will to-day, Michael
mas, 1264.—Sigmund.” And John,
at his brother’s request, though laugh
ing all the while at the singular fancy,
signed his name, “John,” underneath.
As the young knights rode away
from the tower, following their serv
ants along the road, they heard
suddenly, at some distance, a fright
ful scream; and in a few moments
more than a hundred men had gath
ered in a crowd. The young men
hurried on at a quick trot, and learned
'with horror, at the German House,
that their dogs had torn to pieces the
child of a scythe-smith in the neigh
borhood. It appeared that when the
servants had reached the spot, they
met the child, whom his mother, in
her anxiety to protect him from the
cold morning air, had covered with a
wolf-skin. The little boy had been to
buy dainties in a shop where hiS
mother had often fed him with sweets,
in spite of the anxious protestations
of the father. He had just emptied
his pockets, when the servants, with
the two fierce dogs, passed by the Ger
man House. Scarcely had the dogs
sighted the wolf-skin upon the child,
when, with one strong bound, they
freed themselves from the servants’
[March,
hands, and rushed with their sharp
teeth upon the unfortunate little one]
whom they had mistaken for a wolf.
As John and Sigmund passed
through the crowd standing around
the dead body, they met the careless
servants, who now held the dogs in
leash ; and springing from their horses,
they drew their swords and with one
blow killed both the animals^-whieM
in their irrational zeal, had believed
that they had done their duty, and had
come whining joyfully around their
enraged masters.
They then took the rope from1 the
dogs’ necks, tied the hands of the
thoughtless servants behind their
backs, and sent them to the castle
prison, under the charge of a body of
smiths armed with axes and ham
mers.
Afterwards, John knelt down beside
the mother, who had fallen on the
ground by her murdered child, took
her hand, and, weeping himself, tried
to comfort her.
While the eyes of nearly all the
by-standers testified to their sympa
thetic emotion, a meddlesome peasants
(whose neglected crops had once been
trampled down by the Count’s pack*
of hounds) pressed his way amidst the
throng and cried out: “Did I not tell
you so? Behold the wolves which
killed the bee-farmer’s children!”
These words, envenomed with the
poison of hell, fell fruitfully upon the
black soil of ignoble minds. The ear
lier awakened discontent increased a
curses filled the air ; and before the in
famous beginnings could be checked,
murderous hands laid John dead at
the feet of the despairing mother.
Sigmund, who had thrown himself
upon his brother, in the vain hope to
shield him from his fate, was snatched
away by a compassionate peasant, and
placed upon his horse, when he in
stinctively rode away from the scene
of danger; but he was speedily brought
back, and after a few moments’ delay
was murdered by his pursuers.
Then the bloody weapons fell from
�Legend of the
castle of Nuremberg.
the hands of the desperate scythesmiths, and all at once words of remorse and mutual reproach arose —
loudest, indeed, from the lips of the
wi^ffihed man who, through his hellish speech, had kindled the fire of
tumult. Dismayed at what they had
done, the people lifted up the dead
bodies, laid them upon litters, and,
with hypocritical lamentations, turned
toward the castle, followed by a great
many inhabitants of the inner city,
who, through curiosity or a desire to
be of some use, had hastened to the
scene of horror.
■ As yet, not the slightest knowledge
erf the terrible event had penetrated to
the noble family whom it most concerned. Even while the mournful
procession was approaching, Count
Frederic sat at breakfast, making
merry over the dream which his wife
had related to him; and she, tillable
to regard the subject in the light of a
jest, walked, with the young Countess
Hedwig, of Nassau, toward one of the
bowgyindows to conceal her tears from
her jncredulous husband. Suddenly
she cried out: “Oh, heavens, what do
I see! A great crowd of men are fill
ing the market-place ! This throng,
th^ymovements, mean nothing good.
They are coming nearer—they are
weeping! Do you not see, Hedwig,
the many handkerchiefs? They are
coming, with loud cries, up the castle
hill! Frederic! Hedwig! Oh, my
dreamt I ”
The Count, startled by the cry of his
wife, hastened to her help. Eut he
stood still, as though turned to stone,
B he saw from the window the crowd
approaching, bearing two litters and
leading Sigmund’s horse. Hedwig
turned fearfully pale. At last Count
Frederic broke the dreadful silence.
“Come, Elizabeth; come, Hedwig,”
he said, with a trembling voice, “let
us go and see what we have loved so
well; in death, also, they are dear to
us! ” ' .<•
Involuntarily, Elizabeth and HedESleaned upon his arms and tottered
231
down the stairs to meet the procession
which had just entered the court.
The bearers set down their burdens
and threw back the pall. Then, first,
the father exclaimed, in heart-broken
tones, “It is they !" and, in despair,
the mother repeated, “It is they!”
Many of the spectators, those who had
known the young Counts intimately,
and others, strangers, whose hearts
were tender in the presence of afflic
tion, shared, sobbing, the grief of the
unfortunate parents. At last a young
man, son of a wealthy merchant, in
whose breast compassion and the love
of justice held equal sway, called out
to the by-standers around the litters:
“ The blood of these worthy youths
shall be avenged seven-fold upon
the murderers!” Upon this arose a
fearful curse against the guilty ones,
and more than a thousand avengers
of blood started for the suburbs to exe
cute their stern purpose without delay.
As soon as the Count had aroused
himself from his stupor of sorrow
sufficiently to comprehend the cruel
design of the departing crowd, he
hastened after them at full speed,
placed himself in their way upon the
Pegnitz bridge, and implored them
not to add to his regrets by further
bloodshed. He could only restrain
them, however, by solemnly promis
ing that he himself would immedi
ately undertake the righteous punish
ment of the criminals. “ But, noble
Count, even to-day! ” cried the leader;
“otherwise we will yet hold a night
trial.” Frederic, shuddering at these
ominous words, promised this also;
and commanded, upon the spot, that
a summons should be sent to the
neighboring towns requiring five hun
dred armed knights to join him by a
forced march.
The generous Count gave this order
purposely in a loud voice, rightly sus
pecting that the murderers were within
hearing; and they, profiting by his
clemency, fled in all haste to Donau
worth,— thus sparing the bereaved fa
ther the painful necessity of expiating
/
�SAPPHO.
232
the blood of his sons by that of more'
than a hundred heads of families.
Nor did he revenge himself by the
spoliation of their possessions, but
pacified public sentiment by laying
upon each man a yearly tax of seven
farthings, from which charge of blood
money the city of Nuremberg was re
leased by Duke Frederic V., in the
year 1386.
The memory of this horrible tragedy
haunted continually the after lives of
the unhappy parents. Elizabeth died
in 1272; and Frederic mourned in
gloomy dejection, until, in 1273, the
election of his uncle Rudolph of Hapsburg to the throne of the German
Empire drew him into political life,
and the sacred interests of his native
land filled the heart which excessive
affliction had rendered dead to domes
tic happiness. '
The ashes of John and Sigmund are
said to lie in St. James’s Church, Nu
[March,
remberg, under the altar in the chapel
to the right of the main entrance ; and
so late as the beginning of the present
century, there was to be found in the
court of the ancient “ Moonlight Inn,”
a fresco painted in three compart
ments, illustrating the events narrated '
above. The centre picture showed the
two youths as they rode to the hunt,
with their followers; that on the right
hand, the dog which tore the smith’s
child ; and that upon the left, the mur
der of one of the brothers.
But the “Moonlight Inn” of old
times has been replaced by a modern
hotel bearing the same name, but con
taining no relic of ancient fresco; the •
altar in St. James’s Church is bare of
any inscription to the lamented youths
supposed to have been buried beneath,
and only in the old castle does the tra
dition still find a local habitation for
its pathetic incidents, which are “too
strange not to be true.”
SAPPHO.
BY EDGAR FAWCETT.
ILD-EYED at dawn she crouches on the cliff;
Her lyre amid the myrtles flung; dank hair
Blown from the pallor of a face that yearns
With infinite despair.
W
Slow scarlet heightens in the pearly east;
Foam blushes on the coiling billow’s rim;
Sunward along the roseate waters, now,
Fleet sea-birds waver dim.
Leucadia sparkles to arisen day,
A lyre among its myrtles gleaming clear,
Flaunted with echoes of a farewell song
Far centuries must hear.
Beautiful Hope, that diest as Sappho died,—•
Wofully falling to as chill a wave;
Forevei- to my dark heart may there float
A death-song from thy grave!
�
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Title
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Victorian Blogging
Description
An account of the resource
A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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Conway Hall Library & Archives
Date
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2018
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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Pamphlet
Dublin Core
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Title
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Legend of the Castle of Nuremberg
Creator
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Evans, E. E.
Description
An account of the resource
Place of publication: [California]
Collation: 226-232 p. ; 24 cm.
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Publication information from KVK.
Publisher
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[s.n.]
Date
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1870
Identifier
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G5738
Subject
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Legends
Germany
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<img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /><br /><span>This work (Legend of the Castle of Nuremberg), identified by </span><span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk">Humanist Library and Archives</a></span><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
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application/pdf
Type
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Text
Language
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English
Conway Tracts
German History