2 10 21 https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/83ddc69054006a0556b8c0fbfa8b31e4.pdf?Expires=1782345600&Signature=DofcUpkSHNuNvf7%7EPgUZGXhxyXJCsQyutNiT34TJajy8nJHsZKdh9Vgf7LWDvx%7EaNFMUJgyx5j-N3wHkzmL1stQ0PQqMj0X60sVEHOSB4w33qQ5XX-LbYsnnktK8YbS6-sKlt5GbMsGFkRZRh19d5fwYWxRJENssr0cU0Hgs2elr8vLcc1zqnxOeVuRMEUdMJFQoaRGZqBIAHooDhJHi3e6azFeAq3nSTVfA25IN2H2Qulo0Le2byeu7HQVPiDvz-EzTJhYbWha6AenWinWkMt8QF5z-pQhmE1WkU2prXTtda6bGzNiuJKGa-ug1Zl%7EeokMZwxdlebT8%7Epn0GkY%7Emw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM bfb48e6bd5a0e7542502f12d65a9d4bf PDF Text Text Price One Penny. THE J. THEODORE L’AUTON. w London : THE MODERN PRESS, 13, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C. 1887. �;•I' �THE NATIONALISATION OF SOCIETY. POVERTY. HERE is in the nature of every man a desire tor happiness, enjoyment, and pleasure ; a horror of pain and oppression. The physical constitution of man has craving instincts ; the intellectual part of him has also its desires. These desires must be satisfied; they cannot be oppressed. All oppression of a man’s lawful instincts means misery and death for him. The instincts of human nature are like dormant volcanoes, ready to burst forth when the opportunity offers. The passions of human nature may lie calmly beneath the surface, but when they break forth, they break forth with rage: men have in the course of the world's history risen against their fellow men, and like savage hyaenas have made them their food. A man will slay his fellow man for the slightest angry word or look. The lowest and meanest man will strive to avenge an insult; but why should he bear so meekly the monster of Poverty ? Poverty is the crime which outrages all a man’s instincts and feelings. What is it which condemns you to live in hovels unfit for brutes ; to eat the food of swine ; to wear out your life, health, strength, and beauty in a desperate inhuman struggle for your existence ? Poverty. What is it which robs you of education, crushes your natural intelligence, and destroys the distinguishing mark of your superiority ? Poverty. What is it that changes a man from contentment tQ sedition ; from sobriety to debauchery, from humanity to brutality? Poverty. What is that it makes men criminals, society a barbarism, and hands down to posterity as an heirloom, deformed, stupid progenies ? Poverty. Poverty is the worst crime in the world. The greatest criminal is not shunned as the poor man. If you are poor, the rich man will not sit beside you, will not eat with you, will not speak with you; but will sneer at you. While you are delving for a mere crumb to eat, he is enjoying himself at your expense. While you are passed by as an insig­ nificant object he is honoured. Who is he, this rich man ? The man who has taken advantage of your stupidity and mean opinion of yourself. Are we rich enough ? Do you think there are no men poor except those who ask for a crumb of bread for God’s sake ? Poverty means the inability to satisfy your lawful instincts; if you cannot satisfy your lawful instincts with ^10,000 a-year, you are poor. But nothing can be more barbarous than our idea of civilisation. If you can by a self-denial that eats out your very heart; by the economy of a miser, appear well before the eyes of men, then those that cannot practise your self-denial or your economy will deem you rich and blessed. Are we free from Poverty, when by a struggle that wears out our lives we can barely manage to cover our bodies and keep our blood circulating? In the present social condition of the world, the majority will consider themselves happy if they can find these two necessaries. Must we then rest satisfied with these ? Is there no grander civilisation for us ; no more blessedness than a life and death struggle ? I for one do net believe it; I see in reality no cruel Destiny com­ manding it to be so. All things have a cause ; and there is a cause for Poverty. There is Poverty, universal, degrading, damnable Poverty; men have a life and death Straggle for existence ; but who is responsible for such a state of things ? Are we not �4 41 ourselves responsible? The remedy is before us ; we need only apply it. There is no Tyrant-God ruling over us. Is not the world ours ? The earth will grow us corn and cotton if we only sow ; will give us food, clothing, light, and heat. Where lies the fault ? Is it not ours ? The life of mankind is not a life of blessedness at present; we must make it a life of blessedness. Not the bare necessaries of existence should be the ultimatum of our desires ; but the abundance that will make life worth living. Let us try. If in the nature of things such an acquisition be impossible ; if it be decreed by the immutable laws of the universe that Poverty must exist, then I say with Carlyle, “ So scandalous a beggarly universe deserves nothing but annihilation,” WHY WE ARE POOR. 1 How can a man become rich ? What is it that will make a man rich ? You would say if a shoemaker was making 1,000 pairs of shoes in a day instead of two pairs, that he was on the road to wealth. Precisely so. If a shoemaker, who by making two pairs of shoes in a day struggled through life, then he certainly has a better chance of a more human existence when he can make 1,000 pairs in a day. So also a farmer who rears 1,000 head of cattle has a better chance of being richer than if he only reared ten head of cattle. For i,ooo pairs of shoes are worth more than two pairs; and i,ooo cows are worth more than ten cows. The first condition of wealth therefore is;—A man must have a large amount of saleable commodity of some kind. The greater the amount the richer he will be. But though that is the first condition, it is not sufficient. What would be the use of you making i,ooo pairs of shoes per day if competition with other shoemakers forced you to sell at a trifling profit; or if people were so poor that they could not buy your shoes. So then it is not enough that you have a great amount of saleable commodity ; another condition is necessary. Other persons must have commodities to give you in exchange for your shoes. What would be the use of you making i.ooo pairs of shoes per day if you could not exchange them for other commodities necessary for your daily wants ? Tobe wealthy, or in other words, to have all your wants satisfied, implies two conditions, viz., you must by your labour produce a great amount; secondly, others must also pro­ duce an equivalent amount. The most illiterate workman knows that these two condi­ tions are implied in a good day’s wages. If you are a shoemaker, you know that the more work you do in the day, and the greater the demand for shoes, the greater will be your wages for that day. So also with every other occupation. The more you produce, therefore the richer you will be; provided there be a demand for the produce of your labour. If a shoemaker can make two of pairs shoes in a day, he will be twice as rich if he can make 4 pairs in a day ; he will be fifty times as rich if he can make 100 pairs in the day; provided that the condition of demand is co-existing. The question, therefore, “ How can we become richer ? ” is reduced to this one, “ How can we increase the produce of labour, and at the same time maintain an equivalent demand for that produce? ” HOW INCREASE THE PRODUCE OF LABOUR. 'T .IP, Do you imagine that a shoemaker or tailor, who works before his fire plying his awl or his needle, will ever become richer by that means ? Never. He may by working late and early add a little to his income ; but that little would be totally insignificant. Take your ordinary shoemaker or tailor, and you will say that in order to live a life worthy of being called Life, they should be at least twenty times as rich as they are. They must consequently produce twenty times as much as they are producing inorder to be twenty times as rich. Men can never become richer till the produce of their labour increases. How then can the produce of labour be increased ? Evidently men cannot be left to themselves, to -work when and how they wish. The shoemaker cannot be left to ply his aw’l at his own leisure, “ far from the busy haunts of men.” The greatest result in labour is got from combination or co-operation. A man who by his own aid can make ten pins in a day, will in a factory make 1,000 in the same amount of time. It is the combination of all sorts of skill working in union that has enabled men to become millionaires. We say, therefore, that the only means of increasing the produce of man s labour is the combination of all the individual workers into factories adapted for their several employments. Machinery is the great increaser of the labour of man. Brain and muscle power is valued a thousandfold when applied to machinery. The shoe­ maker who expends his energy in finishing off a shoe, can finish 100 shoes with the same amount of energy when it directs the forces of Nature. The highest result of individual labour is obtained, therefore, by co-operation and scientific machinery. �5 HOW MAINTAIN A DEMAND FOR THE PRODUCE OF LABOUR. A shoemaker may make 1,000 pairs of shoes in the day by the aid of machinery : even the enormous produce of our factories may increase a hundred-fold ; but what advan­ tage would all that be if competition forced down the prices to an irreducible minimum; or if the poverty of would-be buyers was the cause of the goods lying on hand unsold ? In order that any advantage may arise from increased production, there must be a demand for that increase; that is, these two phenomena, Competition and Poverty, must cease to exist. Competition which forces a man to sell at the lowest possible rate, and Poverty which condemns the produce of a man’s labour to rot on shelves, are the two evils which would render an increase of produce on the part of a portion of the community of no appreciable utility. As we stated before, the only two conditions of wealth are: ist. increased produce on the part of workers; 2nd. a universal demand for that produce. To increase the produce of your labour, with a co-existing co­ ordinate demand means to increase your wealth; the same conditions carried to an indefinite degree means indefinite wealth. We have shown how the produce of labour can be increassd ; we have now to show how a demand for that produce can be main­ tained. The two evils which prevent a universal demand for the produce of labour are poverty and competition. Let us deal first with poverty. We mean that if a certain portion of a community work, and produce a certain amount of commodities, and the other portion, for whom part of these commodities are intended, do not work and produce, and consequently have nothing to give in exchange for their wants, these commodities so produced will have to lie unsold. The poverty therefore of those who do not work is a direct reason why there is no demand for commodities produced ; it nullifies the labour of those who have produced ; it leaves the producer in the same position as if he had not produced at all. It is evident, therefore, that all must work ; there must be no exceptions. There is no use in one-half of a population working and producing, and leaving the produce to rot because the other half who have not worked are not able to buy. Labour must be compulsory. The more labourers, the more wealth. If the poverty of a portion of a community be the direct cause of the poverty of the other portion, no matter how much the other portion may produce, then, the only remedy is to remove the poverty by compelling all to work. No other remedy is possible, Not only must all be compelled to work, all must be compelled to work in such a manner as to obtain the maximum result from their labour : the more work the more wealth. But though actual poverty may be removed by compelling all to work, and a demand in general created for saleable commodities, still the evil of competition would remain. Certain branches of industry would compete with other branches of the same industry ; and while such a condition would exist increased production would only have the effect of increasing the evil. Competition, therefore, must cease to exist. How. can com­ petition be made to cease ? There is only one way : there must be equilibrium ot occupations, that is, the various industries must be so balanced, that the amount pro­ duced in any one industry must not be a surplus of what there is a demand for. If the produce of any one industry were more abundant than there was a demand for, then there would be depression or stagnation in that industry. We do not mean, as some political economists mean who cry out that there is overproduction, that industries in general should be restricted ; we mean only that industries should not be allow to overgrow themselves. That does not mean that men should be kept half idle; if men are not wanted in one industry, there are plenty of other industries for them. Hence we conceive that with every man working so that he may have something to to give in exchange for his wants; with every man, aided by science, producing the greatest possible amount so that he may have the greatest possible amount to give in exchange for his unlimited wants ; with equilibrium of occupations, so that no particular industry would produce more than the population naturally demanded, we conceive that poverty would be unknown; that the present barbarism and savagery of our civilisation would disappear ; and society would have more of the elements of perfection. NO-CAUSES AND FALSE REMEDIES. I. Ov.er-Population.—Since the dawn of political economy as a science, " over­ population ” has been adduced as one among the causes of poverty. That " over-popu­ lation ” is essentially a source of poverty is self-evident, if we attach any meaning at all to the word. If the population of the British Isles were such that in town and country, �6 moorland and upland, a man could just rind elbow room, then indeed you would say we were over-populated ; and should try to find elbowroom in some other part of the globe But we have not arrived at such straitened circumstances as that yet; we are in fact a considerable distance from that. It is one thing to say over-population is an evil • it is another to say the British Isles are over-populated. What part of the habitable’globe was ever yet over-populated ? We maintain that “ over-population ” is not the cause of either of the two great evils which we have pointed out as the causes of poverty. We maintain there is no such phenomenon in the British Isles as " over-population.” That there are multitudes who can get no employment is no reason for saying there are too many people here. These multitudes could get employment if labour were properly organised. Evidently a large population does not diminish the productiveness of labour. Neither does the fact that there are multitudes without employment prove that there can be no work here for them ; and that they should go elsewhere to find employment. That would be the case if the work of a country were identical with the work of miners, who having a limited quantity of work to do, must necessarily have it finished at some time. When the mine is worked out, they must go to some other mine. But the work of a nation is not identical with that. The manufacturer will never be in want of materials for labour. He can dig down 4,000 miles without injuring his neighbour. To illustrate further Suppose a settlement of 1,000 persons had formed a society among themselves, and by judicious apportioning of occupations, had formed themselves into a miniature nation, in which each man found ample demand for the product of his labour, why could not 1,000, or 10,000 more settle down there too, provided they adopted and maintained the same internal.organisation as the first thousand. Where everyone found demand for the product of his labour, there would be no cry of ‘‘over-population.” But if that internal organisation were destroyed, and occupations lost their commercial equilibrium, then, necessarily there would be a loss of employment for some. Suppose a few thousand missionaries were to go to Africa to evangelise the Hottentots, there would probably be a cry from some after a time that there. was" over-population " in the Hottentot terri­ tory. But [let these few thousand missionaries betake themselves to the making of drums, wooden pipes, spears, or whatever may be in demand, and the “ over-popula­ tion ” would disappear. It is not “ over-population ” that causes want of employment; it is want of employment that causes “ over-population.” It is the want of equilibrium or organisation in the occupations of life that condemns men to walk about idle, when they earnestly desire to work. The existing poverty will not be alleviated by diminish­ ing the population. As long as'the various industries remain unorganised, as long as some are permitted to live in voluntary pauperism and beggary, as long as one industry is permitted to compete with another, to reduce the value of labour to its lowest value, so long, with ‘‘overpopulation,” or a sparse population, poverty will exist. II. Landlordism.—No greater despotism or diabolical wrong than our present system of landlordism could exist on the surface of the earth. It has been the cause of misery and death to millions through all the centuries of its existence. It has given a few a monopoly over the soil of this earth, which was made for the human race; and thereby has consigned the happiness and lives of the many to the caprice or selfish tyranny of the few. Men have been forced by landlordism to life-long slavery, not for their own benefit, but for the benefit of others. Humane men, therefore, seeing the evils of the accursed system, have cried out for the destruction of landlordism. Such a cry cannot and will not be vain. Landlordism, or private property in land, is unjust, and must be swept away. But though landlordism has restricted the spirit of progress in man, and prevented the development of natural wealth; it . must be remembered that its abolition would be only half a remedy. Abolished it must be; but its abolition will not alone suffice as a foundation for national prosperity. There are many who believe that if private property in land were abolished, we would then be on the road to wealth and happiness. But land nationali­ sation would only be a means towards the first condition of wealth, viz., increased pro­ duction. It would not accomplish the second condition, viz., equilibrium of occupa­ tions. Were the land owned by the State, we would then have co-operation in labour, aided by scientific machinery, as the suitable means of getting the greatest produce from the land, We would then expect increased production from the land. But with­ out equilibrium of occupations there would be the same life and death struggle as now. Were the land possessed by the State there would be increased production ; but what would that avail if competition forced down the prices of that produce to a low degree. Land must be nationalised, as the first condition towards increased production ; it must be followed by equilibrium of occupations. If State ownership be not of itself the whole remedy, how much less the ownership �called “ Peasant Proprietary,’’ You will not abolish the evils of landlordism by creating an army of landlords. You will not destroy a great evil, says Henry George, by chopping it up into small pieces. To talk of “ peasant proprietary ” bringing any appre­ ciable happiness to the cultivators of the soil is to talk nonsense. It is said existing rents are too high. But suppose all the rent of the United Kingdom were abolished, what perceptible benefit would it be to any individual in the United Kingdom? The rental of the land of the “ United Kingdom ” is about ^67,000,000. Wererent abolished, it would be equivalent to a donation of less than £2 for every one of the population. “ Well, you say that itself would be something.” Yes, indeed; it would procure for each a suit of clothes, or some trifling playtoy. It may be said that present high rents are the cause of great poverty ; but you will not introduce an era of blessedness or tolerable prosperity by merely reducing them, or even abolishing them. In our present social condition a few pounds is a matter almost of Life or Death for many ; but if the life of'man is to be anything beyond the damnable inane anarchy of to-day, a few pounds will be a matter ®f indifference. The present cultivators of the soil may desire to have the land sub-divided and allotted to them, to take their stand on it, and call it their own ; but there are more people in the British Isles besides the cultivators of the soil. To-day the majority when they rise in the morning cannot point to any spot of earth, and say, “ Here can I rest unsubjected to the caprice of any one man to drive me forth a wanderer.” Were land allotted even in minute sub-divisions to individuals the same could not be said. The entire abolition of private property is necessary for the first condition of wealth. To sub-divide land would be a means of preventing co-operation, and far from introducing wealth, would probably be not a means towards a greater increase of production than we have at pre­ sent. But whether there would be increased or decreased production would not be a matter of much moment as long as our present anarchy of labour existed. The worst evils of humanity are associated with landlordism. These evils will not be abolished by instituting the system of landlordism on a small scale, or on any scale of it. The improvidence, recklessness, and poverty have been a necessary outcome of the system; and the effects will not be removed till the cause is removed. III. Overproduction.—-Many remarkable cries have been raised since the creation of the world, but this cry of “ Overproduction ” seems to be the most remarkable. I do not. see how any man of common intelligence would say there was such a thing as overproduction. “You have produced too much,” they say; “the supply is greater than the demand.” Well, I can only say with Carlyle “ That is a novelty in this in­ temperate earth, with its nine hundred millions of bare backs ! ” Good heavens ! what shall we say of the audacity of the man who stands up and declares too much has been produced. “ The supply is greater than the demand.” Indeed ! And will you tell me at what time since the creation of Adam was there a greater demand for all the com­ modities which this world can supply ? Millions of bare backs, shoeless feet, hatless heads, and empty stomachs ; and still the cry is “ there is too much produced.” We who are workers call God to witness that we cannot lay our hands upon one-twentieth of what we demand. A supply to satisfy us may be existing on the earth, but gods and demons forbid us to touch it. There are millions of commodities hanging up in the shops, and no one buys them. Very true. But if people came and bought as fast as you could take them down, you would not say then that there was “overproduction.” People say there is overpro­ duction when commodities cannot be sold. But why cannot they be sold ? Evidently because those who would buy them have no money. And now the ultimate question, why the would-be buyers have no money, is the very question.we are trying to solve, and certainly will not be solved by saying that overproduction is the cause of poverty and no demand; when the fact is that there was never in the world’s history a time when workers required more if they could only obtain it. There are millions of com­ modities, I say, hanging up in shops and we cannot obtain them. We have no means of obtaining them. Give us the means of obtaining them and then there will not be overproduction. Grant us the means of producing more, and then we will have more to give in exchange for all these commodities rotting on shelves. Increased production on the part of every one is the first condition of wealth ; what absurdity then to say there is overproduction. For such a ravenous, covetous animal as man there could never be such a thing as overproduction. And you would remedy what you call overproduction by compelling workers to cease their producing for some time until we all get naked and hungry, and then, you say there will be a universal demand for all kinds of commodities. But if I cannot obtain one-hundreth of what I want now, how will I obtain all what I want by ceasing to produce ? The evil lies not with overproduction ; it lies in the fact that there is not universal production—equilibrating production on each individual’s part. �8 . IV. 1. REE I rade.—What does Free Trade mean ? It means free and unrestricted importation of goods. Free Trade has been condemned as the cause of poverty and depression of trade. The various industries of the “ United Kingdom ’• have had to compete with foreign produce. Such competition has had the effect of decreasing prices here, and creating overflowing markets. On such grounds has Free Trade been condemned. But suppose we returned to either partial or complete prohibition, how would the two great evils of deficient production, and anarchy of occupations be remedied ? To institute protection or prohibition either partially or wholly would be useless unless the industries were organised. The two essential remedies of increased production on the part of all and equilibrium of occupations, must be instituted first; all other remedies will be merely subsidiary. Absolute Free Trade has its evils just as landlordism has its evils. But the abolition of ,fee Jrade or landlordism would be of themselves only half remedies. No one can ration­ ally deny that absolute Free Trade may ruin a country. Were the sole industry of the United Kingdom orange-growing, and had it to compete with Spain, it is evident our orange-growmg would be useless. The natural advantages of one country may render some of its industries capable of destroying similar industries in other less favoured countries. Absolute Free Trade has not the advantages claimed for it. Its advocates point to the extension of our industries as a result of Free Trade. They point also to cheapened prices and say it has brought luxuries within the reach o’f all. But if prices of commodities have been cheapened, labour has also been cheapened, and consequently its good effects have been counteracted. As to the extension of industries, they have been forced into existence by pressure of competition. Absolute Free Trade cannot continue. It would be antagonistic to the equilibrium of occupations. We will retain what is lawful of tree Trade; we will abolish what is detrimental. We must have free what we cannot produce; we must prohibit what we can produce in abundance. V. Non-Co-Operation.—There are some who say the poverty of the people can be remedied by co-operation among the people themselves. No one will deny that co­ operation is the only means of getting the highest production from labour ; but it must be remembered that there are two conditions for wealth and prosperity, viz :—-Increased production and equilibrium of occupations. With co-operation, increased production would come, but not equilibrium of occupations. Competition would still be in exist­ ence, and would be at a higher rate than now. The fact that there is not general co­ operation at present does not account for the universal poverty ; for with co-operation, the competition of the various trades would tend towards their destruction. . V?' Capitalism.—The Socialists of to-day cry out for the abolition of capitalists. Capitalists have tyrannised over the workers; have given them wages barely able to sustain life ; these have been the evils of capitalism. But capitalism is not universal; and yet poverty is universal. Were the existing system of capitalism swept away, and the operatives themselves formed into co-operative communities, by each one contri­ buting a share of capital, I say even that would be no safeguard against competition and consequent depression. Co-operative societies have flourished ; but that has been because of their limited number : if the whole British Isles were formed into co-opera­ tive communities there would still be competition. Co-operation truly means increased production, and consequently increase of wealth ; but it in nowise means just distribution of wealth. With co-operative communities alone men may work as long and laboriously as now, and still reap very little benefits of it. VII. Intemperance, Improvidence, Want of Education.—It is said the evils of intem­ perance and improvidence have kept portions of the masses in a condition bordering on absolute starvation. The amount we spend in intoxicating drinks yearly in the British Isles is /126,000,000. It is about ^3 per head of the population. Do you believe that by rooting out intemperance, and thereby saving to everyone that ^3, you will per­ ceptibly increase the welfare of the people ? Three pounds granted to each individual in the year is only a matter of a plain loaf or a sweet one occasionally. We claim for every individual a life embracing all the advantages which modem civilisation can bestow. Do we possess that now; or are we in any slight degree approaching it ? Intemperance must be destroyed as one cf the many evils of life ; but its destruction must be accompanied by intelligent scientific organisation of mankind. The one will not suffice without the other. The want of technical education among our industrial classes has been assigned as one of the causes of our chronic poverty. We are said to be far behind some of the Continental countries. Truly. Germany was the first European country to recognise the advantage of technical training ; and, as a consequence, she has made more progress than any other country in manufacturing. But at the same time there are two techni- �9 callj' trained men in Germany for every one that can find employment suited to his training. All these so-called remedies are useless without equilibrium of occupations. You may train workmen to the highest degree in their profession but unless the number trained in each profession be regulated by the demand for them you will have com­ petition among the members of these professions, and consequent low wages. Educa­ tion alone therefore is no remedy. HOW APPLY THE REMEDY. Who is to apply the remedy? Who is to compel the unwilling to work; locate isolated workers into co-operation; and determine the equilibrium of occupations ? Evidently such work is the work of a government. At first sight there may appear difficulties in the way of applying the remedy. But why should there be a difficulty in applying a remedy if that remedy be proved to be for the benefit of the people. The first duty of the government would be to divide the population into industrial communities, so that each community may be capable of being centres for factories. The next duty would be to determine approximately the amount of every saleable commodity for which there would be a demand in every com­ munity. Let us suppose one of these industrial divisions to consist of 10,000 persons. We can determine approximately the number of shoes for these 10,000 persons to be 50,000 pairs in the year ; the number of hats 40,000; the number of loaves of bread 30,000. per week. That being determined for such a community, we see that if one shoemaker could make 1,000 pairs of shoes in a year, then 50 shoemakers would be re­ quired for such a community. More shoemakers than 50 in that community would be an injury to each other. So if one hatter could make 1,000 hats in a year, then 40 hatters would be required for the same community. And if one baker could bake 3,000 loaves in a week, then 10 bakers would be required. But you say, " What would the remaining 9,900 persons be doing?” Have we not wants enough to keep these 9,900 employed, even supposing an occupation to be allotted to each man. There are about 12,000 different occupations in the British Isles ; every man needs a little of the service of each. Given the amount required to be produced ; and also the amount each person is capable of producing, it is only a problem of arith­ metic to find how many workers are required in each occupation, so as to create an equilibrium of supply and demand. The population of the British Isles is about 35,000,000 ; the amount of every commodity utilised in daily use by such a population can be determined. The number to be employed in each occupation can be determined. We look forward to the development of science, and the means of shortening human labour, or, at least, the means of getting the greatest possible produce from a man’s labour, as the principal means of increasing the welfare of man. You may object : In case machinery and science should be so developed, that comparatively few would be able by working all day to supply all the necessaries required by the population, multi­ tudes would have no occupation; for the very reason, you say, that machinery, and all means of high production, would tend, as it has tended in the past, to throw persons out of employment. Granting that such a high rate of production may arise, and that comparatively few could supply multitudes, it would not follow, that equilibrium of occupations would be destroyed. If comparatively few, working ten hours a day could supply ten times their own number, then by reducing the time of labour down to one hour a day, both suppliers and supplied would have their share of work. The approxi­ mate amount of commodities of every description required for the population being determined ; the numbers to be employed in each occupation, based on the resources of scientific research being determined ; the next duty of the State would be to organise the factories already existing, and to institute others in localities naturally adapted to such factories. In order that the State may institute and organise factories to the best advantage, it will be necessary for the State to be the owner of all lands and buildings. Land must therefore be nationalised. Society must be nationalised. Private individuals could not be left in possession of either buildings or land ; because the tenants would have to pay rent to the owners ; and the payment of rent or interest to any private indi­ vidual is another name for tyranny and robbery. The State must become the owner of all lands, railways, ships, buildings, and all means of distribution and exchange. Com­ pensation must be given for all these. How much compensation should be given ; or whether any should be given for land, are debatable questions; but those who are desirous that our present system of anarchy and poverty should cease, will not dispute about reasonable compensation. Following, however, computations already made, the land value of the United Kingdom has been estimated at £,2,000,000,000 ; the railways �JO anyuA aqy pun ‘iiupnpojd ut paXoyduia oje uopuyndod yynpE jno jo qyjnoj-auo ynoqv XyUQ qjOJtUOO UI OAty oy yyB ayqBUO pynOAX BUO-XyuOMy BAOqB UBXH XjOAB JOJ Xnp B qjOAX sjnoq oaxj uEqy ssay ‘paiyddn Xyjadojd ojoax Xjaurqaura jt ynqy payujysuomap uaaq suq yj ■yuBayiuSisuT ysouqB pajaptsuoa aq pyno.vx yunoitre jBqy ‘Xyaiaog pasTjEuopBjq jo uoijbs -iueHjo aqj japup ‘uoiyByndod aqj jo pBaq jad ogj you st jt ynq 'tuns aSusy e sjuaddr jj ooo'ooo'ooo'zy jb pajEunysa uaaq snq ,, mopSuyx pajiup ,, aqj jo strops puBy aqj jo snjBA sqx i uoajaqy SuiqyXjaAa pun 'saurpytnq ‘puBy aqj yyn assqajnd ajBjg aqj pynoa ‘qsB noX ‘.xxoq puy ’diqsjauAxo aqj sauinssB ajEjg aqj uaqAx pajBSuaduioa aq ajojajaqy jsntu yuasajd jb Xyjadojd ssassod oqA\ asoqj, •aSuEqaxa puB ‘uoijnqyjjsip 'uopanpojd jo stream aqj yyn ptre 'sdyqs ‘sXuAxyiBj 'sSuipyinq 'spirey yyn jo jouaxo aqj aq yynqs ajEjg aqj ynqj stream jnqj, •pasqEUOijBU aq jsnm Xjaiaog -pasiyEuopBU aq jsnui ptreq <; osjb ujbj duaqa b je jnoqny jnoX jo aanpojd aqj yyas oj noX syaduioa jnqj uoijtjadmoa you ji st ‘dnaqa sayaijjn asaqy ya8 noX jnqy jubjS uoAxy ‘Suiqjoyo pnq ptre pooj pnq pire ! sa^ i Suiqjoya ptre pooj deaqa sn joj ajnaojd uoijtyadmoa you ssoq <; Sutqj yutayauaq b uotjpadmoa yon st yng •uopanp -oid pasBOJOUT ujojj poAtjap aq yyiAt syyauaq ou sasnaa uoiyiyadmoa ypupy 'ojej jsoaxoj jtaqy je uauiqjOAx jo so^eax aqy ^utdaaq jo nyqudna st uoppaduiOQ -auiES aqy ureuraj SBAtjBjado jo sbSeax aqy pun ‘asuajaut yyps Xbui uotjanpojd jo bjej aqy ynq ! anjy Xja7\ I XrpyBOAX you are saApnjado aqy yyps pun ‘aanpojd oy uiaqy adoq jbao pynoa sax sb qanui sb aanpojd jo junoure snouijoua ub SuipyaiX are sotjojobj jno yuqy anjy you yi st ynq SNOLLoafao •pasqBOj aq pynoAx Suiaq-yyaAX yntaos pun qyyBOAx jo suoijtpuoa aqy ‘puBtuap ajEuipjo-oa b pun uotyanpojd pasEajatq qyjAt aauayq ‘uotyanpojd jo snydjns ajaqy ajaqAx Xyuo sysixa uoppadtuop •uoppadtuoa joj uiooj ou aq pynoAx ajaqj 'Supsixa Xjysnput jo qauujq Xue ut snydjns ou ‘joj ! ysixa you pynoAx uotypadtuoa suoiyud -noao jo mnijqqinba qyq\\ •pa^uBqaxa Xytpnaj aq you Xbui paonpo.rd sSutqy aqy qSnoqy ‘XjjaAod ou ‘Supyuads Xyyayjys 'aq ubo ajaqy ‘Sutanpojd auoXjaAa qjiAX. qjB joj qjyuaAX jo asBOJauT joj uopypuoa ysjy aqy st qatqAx ‘yyB Xq uopanpojd pasuajaur aq pynoAx ajaqjp •jBaddBsrp pynoAx XyjaAod aynnyadjad puuayBurSpo qaiqAX saauEjsmnajia aqy ! ystxa pynoAx qyjBaAt joj Xjnssaaau sjb qaiqAX suoptpuoa aqy ‘jnoquy jo uopESiUExtio ub qans qji/W ■sayapjB ayqBajBS aqy jo uoyyonpojd aqy uo papuadxa jnoqny jo anyn.x ayqEjinba aqy Xq pautmjajayx aq yyiAx saatjd ‘suopnd -noao jo tumjqyyTnba SutqsiyqBjsa uopyjadtuoa Xq pauyuijayap oje saapd ‘yuasajd yy auioq je sapryuunb yuaraqjns ui paanpojd aq trea qaiqAX sapipotutuoa jo uopEyjoduq aqy ysuyB§B uoyyiqTqojd aq osyB ysnut ajaqy ynq iXjyunca stqy ur aanpojd youuna sax qaiqAX saprpotutuoa asoqy ut apBJj, as-ij ayaydmoa aq ysnui ajaqq purod ysaAxoy syi oy jnoquy jo anyBA aqy jo UMop buiajoj b puu uoryiyadmoo aq XyrjEssaaau pynoAx ajaqy ‘ysixa pyno.vx apBjj, aajq; aynyosqu sb Suoy sb yng •ayqissoduii st yy oy ujnyaj oy pun ‘uoiyaayojg dn uoaiS aAtq oax : uoiyaayojj suuam yuqy ‘pres aq Xeui yy •payjodtui Suiaq tuojj payyqiqojd Xyyayjys aq pynoqs uiopSuiyy payiupy aqy joj sappuBnb aynnbapE ut paanpojd Suiaq jo ayqEdEO ayaiyjE Xuy -suopEdnaao jo umTjqyyinba paqsiyqBysa aqy qyiAX ajajjayui oy you sb os payuynSaj aq pynoqs syjodun aqj, ■qyynaAx jo uopipuoa ysjg aqy si tyaiqAx ‘uopanpojd jo yunoure yuajS ynqy aAuq you pynoAx sax Xjosynauioa you ojoax jnoqny ji ‘jaqyouB jo uopanpojd aqy uo spuadayx uopanpojd s.ubui auo joj punuiap aqy sb joj ! yyn uo Xjosyn'dtuoa aq pynoAx jnoqnp •aauaSiyyayui pajinboB ptre yujujuu sjunpiAipur yuqy oy SuipjoaaB aynyg aqy Xq pauiuijayap aq pynoAx jEnpiAtpuT qana oy payyoyyu uopudnaao aqjp ’ayByg aqy uiojj yuatuyuioddu stq aAiaaaj pynoAx {EnpiAiput XjaAvr -jnoquy jo jaXoydma puu ystyHyidEa aqy aq pynoAx aynyg aqg ■paqsqqEysa aauo jnoqny jo tunijqqrnba aqy qjnysip oy payytuijad aq pynoa sjoynynaads jo sjojnyuoApu ajBAijd oy<y ’jnoquy jo yojyuoa aroqAx aqy oAEty pynoqs ayBjg aqj, •uiaqy pred aq oy uopusuadtuoa joj ayyyiy e ytEAX pynoqs sjouaxo saAyasmaqy yyua oq.xx asoqy ysqy ysnf Xyuo st yt ‘paAJBys Xaqy ayiqAx paqjOAx OAnq oqA\ suoqyttu jo qjo.xx aqy uaaq SBq ruopbtity paytupy aqy ut Xyjadojd aqy sb ! payaayja aq paau uuoy oyq asEqajnd ,sjboX jo jaqmnu b Xq jouaxo aqy auiooaq pynoa ayuyg aqj, •yuBogiuSisut sb tuns aqy jo uoiyejapisuoa aqy ayEdiapuB j paynaoApu OABq J yuamujaAog yuioog aqy japun ynq ! yunoure bSjbj b sjuaddu ynqy saauEysmnajya yuasajd jno uj -uopuyndod aqy jo auoXjaAa joj obiy ynaqn aq pynoAx ajnqs s.auo qoua 'uoiyuynoyBO aAoqu aqy ^uiAioyyog • Xyjadojd uouiuioa aqy jo uoissassod spjEAxoy ajuqs yunba ue aynquyuoa pynoAx auo qanyq pi jo sjouaxo aqy atuoaaq oy ojb aydoad aqy ysqy suuam Xyjadojd siqy yyB jo jouaxo aqy atuoaaq oy st ayuyg aqy Xes oj; -ooo'ooo'oo&bj jo yuyoy e Suiqum ! ooo'ooo‘oz(>-1/ sXurpyinq aqy ! ooo‘ooo'or7 sdiqs aqy : ooo‘ooo‘oo67 b st or �sjiao puB auiua aqj pB jo asnua ajBUipjn aqj uaaq snq XjjaAod jBqj aas ubo uaui jbuoijbj pB uaqA\ jug [ paapuj 'auiija §upjiuiuioa uiojj ajdoad juaAajd uopBjnqijj pun Xjjbaoj istnrepxa apaasE snoidaqj, ‘XjjaAod jnq asp outqjou aAjasap ‘Xjasiui oj sSupq uBinnq uuiapuoa oj sb juejXj b qans si asjaAtug siqj jo jojebjq aqj jnqj OAatpq oqM asoqj I jsbj jnqj sb uopjassB snouiaqdsEjq b qans oj Xjdai on aqBui j -asjaAiug aqj jo jojnajp aqj Xq pautEyjo si ji jnqj pun ! uopnjiABJ^ jo axej aqj sb jsixa Xpjns -saaau sb jsniu XjjaAod jesjoaiuu Suijsixa aqj jBqj OAatpq oqAx suosjad oje ajaqj Mouq j aqj jo os quiqj oqAx suosjad ajn ajaqj Axouq j ; ppoAx aqj ui XjjaAod on aq pjnoa ajaqj jnqj ajqtssoduii si ji Xbs oj uBaui noX o<j i ajqissoduii si ji Xbs noX oq 'uiii] joj aauBqa ou si ajaqj pps jnq ! aounjouSt pun ‘XjaSpnjp ‘XjjaAod uiojj jpsunq UAopaj oj s§uoj ubui qang 'sjpqj oj joijbjui si’ ajp siq Xpunjan jnqj spaj jnq ‘sjeuiiue jbuoijejji aqj aAoqn st aq Xjijebj ui jnqj SA\ouq ! ajp jo apoui jajqou auios joj sSuoj XjaSpnjp Xynp siq jb Xeaxe Suippojd’ ueui qang -ajiijEU jo suopBJidsE jnjMBj aqj Suispnaj uiojj uiiq pajuaA -aid jnqj" uiajsXs jniaos aqj pasjna jou SBq ‘aq oj jqSno ajp UBiunq jnq-w jo Supaaj jseoj aqj ‘ssauajqou jo jauijsui jseoj aqj uiiq in SuiAEq ‘oqAx ubui b ajaqj sj ‘tuajsXs jnqj Xq spua asaqj Suiuibjje’ uiojj pajuaXaid si jaX pun ‘ajp UBtnnq ajoui b pnaj oj SuiSuoj pun ‘jajqou Jouiuioaaq jo snojisap si ubui b jBqj ‘joej aqj st ‘Xbs j ‘tuajsXs Xue jo uoijeu -uiapuoa jsojbbjS aqj, ‘pauiBjjBun pps uopiqtUE jnoX jo jaafqo aqj jnq Xjoixue qjiAX jno ujoax oabjS aqj oj oS pun ‘qjpaq JnoX ‘Xauoui jnoX ‘ajp apqM jnoX aayuans Xbui noX : pautBjjB aq oj pua auios 'ajp jo juauiaouauiuioa aqj ui noX ajojaq jnd Xbui noy ■uotjiquiB siq aspnajjouueo ‘juaiuaauEApE joj joSeo pun ‘qjOM oj snoixun puB SuipiM st oqkx ubui b jnqj jobj aqj st uopipuoa pepos juasajd jno jo sjiao jsajBajg aqj jo auo •aoijsnfui pun uopjojxa §uispoBjd jnoqjtM. oaij pjnoa Xaqj ajaqAx uop -rsod b ui saApsuiaqj'puy uaqj ppiOM ‘ujnjaj ui jnoqnj qanui SuiaiS jnoqjiAV pajjoddns ja8 oj oSbubiu oqAx sjojaop ‘sjoXaxej ‘sjuBqojaui jo sjsoq aqj ‘paqsyqsjsa Suraq suop -Bdnoao jo tunijqpinbg -asBaa jsnui uiajsXs b qang ‘sjaqjo jo jnoqB[ aqj Xq pajjo’d -dns saApsuiaqj jaS oj oSbubui juajopui aqj puB ! Xjsauoq jbao spBAajd Suiuuna ! ajasnui sjanbuoa uiEjg gjOM siq jo sjinjj aqj jo uiiq qoj oj jaqjouB jo jqSp aqj jou jnq •. qjoAx oj ubui Xja/a jo jq3p aqj aSpapxouqaE a,\\ (PjqnuiuBp jou ji si ‘sjaqjo jo aoun -uajuiBin aqj joj jjo.xx oj auios sutnapuoa qaiqAX uiajsXs jBqj puy gjOAx oj uEiu Xjoab jo Xjnp pun jqSiJ aqj aSpapxouipB oax ! ijjoaa jsnui uaui ppoAX aqj jo pua aqj pig •uopipuoa jBiaos juasajd jno ui ubui Xub joj ssau -iddeq ou si ajaqj pjOAx auo uj ’SupjaS jo aauBqa Xub aq Xbui ajaqj jaAajuqAx joj jaqjo qaua uaaMjaq ajquiBjas suouoabj b ‘bjejjeai b ajq puy ptA\ uaui asaqj—pjBAtuo uiaqj saSjn jnq 'sjjas sb soaij Jtaqj jno §Bjp oj uiaqj jiuuad jou jjiai ssajSojd joj sjoupsut asoqM asoqg -saajoj oiubSjo jo ssbui ojoui b jpsuiiq ubui .‘ XjaSpnjp jBaiujojnE ajaiu b ! Xjiubui ub ajojajaqj uiaqj oj st ajig 'ajy uiBjsns oj qSnoua uibS ubo Xaqj ji paysijBs ajB Xaqj ‘qjjBOAx oj SutJidsB uiojj jbj juqj ‘paqsnja os ojb sbssbui aqg ’ojejjeax b pun Xjiubui ub qjoqsi juasajd jb ajiq -SutXofua jo ajqBdBO si ubui saijnxnj jo saSejUBApu aqj pu sueoui qatqAA ! ajnstaj puB qjjBBM Suijq pjno.vv paqojaqs OABq oa\ qaiqAi uiajsXs aqg 'ACESJALSH HHX JO S3f)VJLNVAaV •uitms jo quts jaqjta jsnui aq uiiq uodn jnaq oj satuoa uopijadiuoa uaqAt jnq : uoijanpojd-japun jo uopanpojd-jaAO qjtM ‘Xuiouoaa ou jo Xuiouoaa qjiAi ‘Xjjsnpui ou jo Xjjsnpui qjtAX aauajstxa ub jno aqa Xbui ubui y Suojjs aqj Xq uodn pajduiBJj pun UAtop paqsnja aq oj qnaAx aqj pun ‘qjOAx uiojj jyauaq apjq dnaj oj ‘japjnq >[jom oj ‘jaSuoj qjOAx oj uaui sjaduioa jBqj uoppaduioa si ji aas jou saop oqM ‘ uopijaduioo jo Jia9 aqj sojouSi oqA\ ubui §uiquiqj Xub ajaqj sj 'Xuiouooa puB Xjjsnput jo sjaajja aqj SutXjipnu jo ajqBdBO st qatqAx ‘uoppaduioa jsuibSe suoioa jiaqj osibj oqA\ ojb ajaqj A\aj Axoq juq : qjjBOAx jo sjuauiaja bje asaqj jnqj Xpsnf SuiAaipq ‘Xuioucaa pun 'uopanpojd ‘Xjjsnpui joj jno Xja ajdoag ‘asp Surqjauios jo paau si ajaqj aas jou saop auoXjaAa jnq ! jBqj jo paau aqj saas auoXjaAg -sassnp SuiqjOM aqj Suouib Xtuouoaa pun Xjjsnpui jo sjiqnq ajouiojd pun asnajaui oj si XjjaAog joj jubax oax Xpauiaj Xjuo aqj jBqj pins si jj ■ssauisnq jo qauBjq ojbuSoo auios ojui pasiuB§jo aq pjnoa sjaqBuiqajBAx siydjns aqj pasnaja -ap puBUiap aqj ji ubasj -sjBq jo sotXjs axbu joj puEuiap snonupuoa b axou si ajaqj sb auiBs aqj jsnC saqajBAx ui suoijuoaui axbu jo ‘sajXjs axou joj puniuap jubjsuoo b aq Pjuoax ajaqj Xjiunuiuioa XqjpaAx e ui ‘auip a]qBjaptsuoa b sjsbj jBqj apijjB ub st qajBAx b qSnoqg ’uiaqj joj juauiXojduia Xub aq jou ppoAx aiaqj Xpuanbasuoa puB ‘sjayBtuqajBAx joj puBUiap jaqjjnj aq jou pjnoAx ajaqj ‘saqajBAx Xes ‘sapijjB uiBjjaa qjiAx patjddns auiooaq pjnoAx pE ajaqAx Xjiuntuinoa XqqBOAX Xjoa b ui JBqj osje panXin aq Xbui jj •XjautqoEui jadojd Suisn puB ‘paXojduia ajaAx qjOAx oj ajqB suosjad pB ji aq pjnoAx jnoqBj pnuuu aqj jo junouiu aqi jnajg A\oq : XjauiqaBui jouajui uiojj paAijap si auiooui jboj§ JBqj, ’jBaX-B ooo‘ooo‘oo£‘iy jb pajEptapa st jnoqEj jpqj ii ♦ �12 world, what then can be said in its favour ? Poverty has existed now for some hundreds and thousands of years ; but that is no proof that it is impossible to remove it. Poverty has existed for centuries, not because of any laws of the Creator, but because of the laws of men—because of Might against Right. The day has now come when the few shall not trample the many ; when Might and Right shall be on the same side. A nobler life than the present is possible for every man; I have shown it to be possible. No laws of God or the Devil prevent it being possible ; it is man himself that renders it impossible. The human race want organisation of labour, equilibrium of occupations. The era that introduces that, will be a blessed one. Then the time, money, and energy a man will expend will not be spent in vain ; he will gain some reward for his labour. If his ambition be reasonable he will have the satisfaction of seeing it gratified. The inhuman feline scramble for wealth will then cease. The evil deeds which men commit in order to attain ends they cannot attain by fair means will no longer be necessary. Men will not then be afraid to live; self-destruction will not be necessary to end the miseries which are the companions of poverty. Men too will become more human; more God-like; less brutal: less demon-like. Incessant drudgery, which deforms the body and leaves no opportunity for intellectual culture or enjoyment will vanish into the past. Society then will deserve the name. Each human being brought into this world will be deemed a blessing, not a curse. A bright era of intelligence will take the place of stupidity and ignorance. Men will realise that we cannot live without society ; that the more intelligent a man is, the better for his neighbour. “ It is as reala loss," says Emerson, “ that others should be low, as that we should be low; for we must have society." WHO IS TO APPLY THE REMEDY ? Here let us ask the question : How is it that although schemes for the welfare of mankind have been propounded, have been demonstrated to be for the good of the people, have been fought for, still they are unaccomplished ? The masses through all ages have wished to be emancipated from their slavery ; there have been brave men through all ages who have struggled for their redemption ; yet their redemption has not been realised. How comes it ? Well, the reasons are clear. The people of a country are compelled to be subject to the laws of the country. The laws for the masses of mankind have through centuries been made by the few who have made them in their own interest. From the dawn of history the few who have managed to get possession of the wealth and power have made laws to degrade others in order to elevate themselves. The laws were not made to benefit the people, because those who made the laws did not represent the people. But you say we have changed all that now; the lawmakers now represent the people— at least the people give them the opportunity of making laws. Perfectly true. But though the masses have the power of electing persons to represent them in national assemblies, of what use is that if the people who are to decide for or against Reform are so ignorant concerning social evils and social remedies that they are unable to knowtbe merits or demerits of the remedies proposed. One-half of the people of a country are generally opposed in their opinions on social questions to the other half. Not till the majority of the people are freed from hallucinations ; not till they come to understand thoroughly the real causes of human poverty, and the futility of the so-called remedies of to-day, can you expect any more blessed era than the one we live in. The people must be educated. Till that is accomplished, nothing is accomplished. It is folly to suppose that because people are taught to read, they will read, or will be capable of seeking out for themselves a solution t® the problem of human misery. It is true the masses are able to read: it is in nowise true that they are able to think. For the thousand men says Ruskin, who can read and speak, you will find one who can think. The masses are ignorant and indifferent. If there is to be a nobler life for them their ignorance and indifference must vanish. "Why are the masses," says Emerson, " from the dawn of history down, food for knives and powder "? The heirloom of the masses from the dawn of history down, has been poverty and misery ; and they have grown so accustomed to it that they take it for granted that poverty must exist in the world. They have no hope beyond the present. Their only desire is to obtain sufficient to keep them alive. We can account for such a low standard of human progress ; for anyone who looks around him, and sees the cruel wrongs and sufferings that men endure without uttering a word of complaint, will also see that poverty and misery are looked upon as a thing which must necessarily be, and for which there is no remedy. When the ignorance of the people will pass away, their indifference will pass away. They must be educated : in that lies the hope of better things. They must be taught �13 that there is a remedy for poverty, They must be made to know what that remedy is. Alas ! what a world of labour lies open there before all earnest men. One of the many reasons which have kept, and are still keeping nations in a state of slavery, has been the absence of organised union. They who fight for nobler aims must fight in unison. And not a union of sentiments alone will win the battle ; but steady, wise co-operation. Can you point to any nation where the people as a whole are acting in real unison for their common good ? No. The masses condemned to toil for mere subsistence, either in the dingy lanes of crowded cities, or on the lone wastes of mountain land, have no time or energy to think of remedies for social evils even if they would. Do I then expect from these downtrodden masses the commencement of a new era? No; but I look forward to those select few to whom the favour of Nature and Human Destiny have given souls capable of feeling for the degradation of their fellow­ men, and clear-sighted intelligence to see wherein lies the cause of our miseries. I look forward to those noble and courageous few who have endured the worst hardships of life, have triumphed over them, and are determined to lead a nobler existence or die. I look not to the things called “ Governments ” for the advancement of a nation, but to the nation itself. “What intellect,” says Carlyle, “can regulate the affairs of these millions of labouring men ? No one—great and greatest intellect can do it. What can ? Only these millions of ordinary intellects, once awakened into action ; these well presided over may do it.” By each individual getting a clear idea of what he is to do, and what must be done—only by that means can a nation prosper. But how can the people be educated ? Let us learn from the past. Men have laboured in the past, and have written books to point out to mankind a pathway from their slavery, but their efforts have been vain ; they have passed away unknown to the working millions. Even to-day movements are on foot for the regeneration of the human race ; but the nature of these movements are known only to those immediately connected with them. It is not sufficient to scatter noble opinions broadcast; there are barren soils for them to fall on. It is in the real contact of mind with mind that the dormant intelligence rouses itself into action. Men come together in the market place to buy and sell the scanty produce of each others' labour; but they must also come together in order to elevate human existence. Looking forward earnestly to the advent of a more human existence, and asking myself the grounds of my hope, I again appeal to those noble few in whom the spirit of Right and Justice must make itself known against oppression and injustice. Ye courageous Few! my hope rests upon you. Organize! organize! organize your fellow­ men. They are ignorant, and know not the way ; you must point it out to them. The poor two-footed slave far away on his mountain patch knows nothing of you or of your thoughts till you speak. Hide not, I say, the light that has been given you. Gather together your fellow-men in the thoroughfares and there teach them that a nobler life than a life of slavery is possible for every man. The doctrines which have caught men’s hearts, and which they have followed for centuries, were so preached. Teach them there is a remedy for all the miseries of our present existence ; that they themselves are to apply it. Is there a man who shall dare to say we are well enough ? For the base, worthless, indifferent you must have pity. You may have enemies, as all noble men have had since the creation of the world. But fear not; the spirit of a nobler existence is abroad, and the time of man’s redemption is at hand. The institutions of the past have failed to bring social happiness to mankind. They must change. There are some who cannot foresee the good a change may bring them ; but fear they may lose by it. These will be your enemies. But venture forward ; you shall have the many millions on your side. You may make sacrifices, but you should remember that there is but one life given you, and no chance for you for evermore after that. The tomb shall close over you, and your chance of leading a noble life and of causing others to lead it shall have passed away for ever. Is life worth living at present ? “ Life is an ecstasy” says Emerson; but alas how few there are who can say likewise. Is it worth living a life of monotonous drudgery ? There is no form of life worth living at the present moment if it be not in combatting with all the energy that is in you against the tyrannical wrongs, the insane bedlam delu­ sions of our age. No Demon-God is ruling over and condemning you to misery and scorn. If we are in misery it is because of our own unwisdom. Then why are we unwise ? If the life of man can be elevated why not attempt it ? This beautiful earth was made for us, and shall we be condemned to drag out our existence in some obscure corner without any chance of beholding the fairest portions of it? The wonders of creation and the knowledge and secrets gained by generations are unknown to the mass of men : they are born and they die as the lower animals. Let us then urge forward, fearing not for the cause that has Justice and the masses of men on its side, heeding not �M the opposition of those who foolishly fear a change, and be determined that we mus; have a better life, or die nobly struggling for it. Let us not fear: we shall not be alone the whole civilized world has risen against tyranny, oppression, and slavery. When all men shall know each others efforts, and shall be bound together in one common brother­ hood, to demand freedom it shall not be denied them. SUMMARY. Chap. I.—The feelings of man are easily aroused; he will rise up in resentment against an angry look er word. But why not arise with noble indignation and with earnest endeavour strive to throw off the yoke of poverty that outrages all the dearest instincts of man ? Chap. II.—Why are we poor ? We are poor because, first, we do not produce enough : second, the demand for the products of labour is not co-ordinate with production itself. Chap. III.—How, then, can we increase the produce of labour ? By co-operation ; bv the establishment of factories; by the highest adaptation of scientific machinery ; by compulsory labour. Chap. IV—How maintain a co-ordinate demand for the produce of labour? By establishing equilibrium of occupation ; by having as many workers in an occupation and no more than the wants of the community necessitate. Chap. V.—What are the false remedies for our universal poverty? Diminution of population, destruction of landlordism, restriction of production, protection, co-opera­ tion, abolition of capitalism, education, temperance, providence. To diminish population by emigration or other means, and still leave occupations disorganised, will not cause any decrease in the universal poverty. The United Kingdom seems to be over-populated because the workers are not organised. In a community either populous or otherwise, without equilibrium or organisation of occupa­ tions, the great monster of Competition will exist. So with the other false remedies, which are no remedies because such phenomena as over-population, over-production, intemperance, improvidence are the effects of poverty and the disorganisation of occupations ; while the abolition of landlordism, free trade, and capitalism would be only half-remedies. HOW APPLY THE REMEDY. Chap. VI.—The State would (ist) determine approximately the amount of every saleable commodity necessary for the population. (2nd) It should determine the number of workers to be employed in each industry, so as to produce the amount required, and no more. (3rd) The occupations so organised should be carried on co-operatively, totally under State supervision, compulsorily. The State must be the owner of all lands, conveyances, means of transit, of distribution and exchange. Everything tending to destroy equi­ librium of occupations should be prohibited. OBJECTIONS. Chap. VII.—Is not our production as high as we could expect ? Does not competition bring cheap articles within the reach of all ? How is it possible for the State to buy up such immense property as the land, railways, ships, buildings ? At the high rate of produc­ tion proposed, would not some industries in a short time produce so much that there would be no further use for them ? Would not increased habits of industry, thrift, and temperance remove poverty ? ADVANTAGES OF THE REMEDY. Chap. VIII.—Life would cease to be an inanity and a warfare. To become rich it would not be necessary for one to prey on another. A man’s ambition would be realised. Inhuman strife and dark deeds would be unknown. Man will become more god­ like, less demon-like. WHO IS TO APPLY THE REMEDY ? Chap, IX.—The people must apply the remedy, The people must be educated, must be made to understand there is a remedy for poverty ; that they themselves are to apply the remedy. They must be taught that poverty is the worst crime in the world ; that they are many, their oppressors few. They must know that henceforth their watchwords must be “ Union ! ” “ Organisation ' ” You whom nature has gifted with a love of. justice and nobleness, be you in the vanguard, and in social circle or public thorough­ fare, by word and action, proclaim the doctrine of man's social redemption ! �OBJECT. The Establishment of a Free Condition of Society based on the prin­ ciple of Political Equality, with Equal Social Rights for all and the complete Emancipation of Labour. PROGRAMME. 1. All Officers or Administrators to be elected by Equal Direct Adult Suffrage, and to be paid by the Community._ 2. Legislation by the People, in such wise that no project of Law shall become legally binding till accepted by the Majority of the People. 3. The Abolition of a Standing Army, and the Establishment of a National Citizen Force; the People to decide on Peace or War. 4. All Education, higher no less than elementary, to be Free, Com­ pulsory, Secular, and Industrial for all alike. 5. The Administration of Justice to be Free and Gratuitous for all Members of Society. 6. The Land with all the Mines, Railways and other Means of Tran­ sit, to be declared and treated as Collective or Common Property. 7. Ireland and all other parts of the Empire to have Legislative Independence. 8. The Production of Wealth to be regulated by Society in the com­ mon interest of all its Members. 9. The Means of Production, Distribution and Exchange to be declared and treated as Collective or Common Property. As measures called for to palliate the evils of our existing society the Social-Democratic Federation urges for immediate adoption The Compulsory Construction of healthy artizan’s and agricultura labourers’ dwellings in proportion to the population, such dwellings to be let at rents to cover the cost of construction and maintenance alone. Free Compulsory Education for all classes, together with the provision of at least one wholesome meal a day in each school. Eight Hours or less to be the normal working day in all trades. Cumulative Taxation upon all incomes above a fixed minimum not exceeding ^300 a year. State Appropriation of Railways, with or without compensation. The establishment of National Banks, which shall absorb all private institutions that derive a profit from operations in money or credit. Rapid Extinction of the National Debt. Nationalisation of the Land, and organisation cf agricultural and industrial armies under State control on Co-operative principles. As means for the peaceable attainment of these objects the SocialDemocratic Federation advocates : Adult Suffrage. Annual Parliaments. Proportional Represen­ Payment of Members ; and Official Expenses of Election out of the Rates. Abolition of the House of Lords and all Hereditary Authorities. Disestablishment and Disendowment of all State Churches. tation. Membership of Branches of the Federation is open to all who agree with its objects, and subscribe One Penny per week. Those ready to form Branches should communicate with the Secretary, Social-Democratic Federation, Bridge House, Blackfriars, E.G. �Socialism and Soldiering ; with some comments on the Army Enlistment Fraud. By George Bateman (Late 23rd Regi­ ment), with Portrait. With an introduction by H. H. Champion (Late Royal Artillery). Price One Penny. The Working Man’s Programme (Arbeiter Pro- gramm). By Ferdinand Lassalle. Translated from the German by Edward Peters. Crown 8-vo., paper cover, price 6d. The Robbery of the Poor. Demy 8-vo., paper cover, price 6d. By W. H. P. Campbell. The Appeal to the Young. By Prince Peter Kropotkin. Translated from the French by H. M. Hyndman and reprinted from Justice. Royal 8-vo., 16-pp. Price one penny. The most eloquent and noble appeal to the generous emotions ever penned bv a scientific man. Its author has just suffered five years' imprisonment at the hands of the French Republic for advocating the cause of the workers Wage-Labour and Capital. From the German of Karl Marx translated by J. L. Joynes and reprinted from Justice. New and cheaper edition, Royal 8-vo., price id. By Edward Carpenter.—Social Progress and Indi­ The Man with the Red Flag: B eing John Burns’ vidual Effort ; Desirable Mansions ; and Co-operative Production. One penny each. I ’Ik 14 Speech at the Old Bailey, when tried for Seditious Conspiracy, on April gth, 1886. (From the Verbatim Notes of the official short­ hand reporter.) With Portrait. Price threepence. The Socialist Catechism. with additions from Justice. By J. L. Joynes. Reprinted Demy 8-vo., price id. 20th thousand. Socialism and Slavery. By H. M. Hyndman, (in reply to Mr. Herbert Spencer’s article on “ The Coming Slavery.”) New Edition, with portrait. 16 pp. Royal 8-vo., price one penny. The Emigration Fraud Exposed. By What an Eight Hours Bill Means. By T. Mann H. M. Hyndman. With a Portrait of the Author. Reprinted by per­ mission from the Nineteenth for February, 1885. Crown 8-vo., price one penny. (Amalgamated Engineers). New edition with portrait. Thousand. Price one penny. Socialism and the Worker. By F. A. Sixth Sorge. Price id. An explanation in the simplest language of tne main idea of Socialism. The Chicago Riots and the Class War in the United States. By H. M. Hyndman. Reprinted from Time, June, 1886. Price one penny. International Trade Union Congress, t August, 1886. Report by Adolphe Smith. Price Three-Halfpence. held at Paris, 24-pp., Royal 8-vo. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Victorian Blogging Description An account of the resource A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library &amp; Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. 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Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Modern Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1887 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context G4980 Subject The topic of the resource Socialism Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (The nationalisation of society), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Nationalisation Socialism https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/7be69ad8f8c4ecb7c5744a0577af001f.pdf?Expires=1782345600&Signature=SibLCfxa3v59f6-94Dy3BIPxKS6rzX3ZuCe2N2mgWnZ3Oe7zTj28TtaICX91tZpBfYQwpCwygd1hxBecPBGlaFdNGDg3%7EYuN215M63D0VRaHZNf9KdWBxhQo-nE4oExjOMvx%7EkCD7QwuM1eJWNInMp2w8FONAw37Ft8il03asKkYgrCwn6-2AqneDVtwb7PlPE5xJgn1rELSgOwYJUMVOzQvr6QdoKzw3G1zPaGAOZtwMAgW9pBxJONoZrzQFrzMCCYGzb1IinzWSMxKwzZtdCk%7EZU6tMz25OR5xU4TkdMlH55am0uTxsEgJjUHv8qflZ%7EWGPgIxqvTvhQF-WA0q5Q__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM bf561e76bed248625997a91080bd344a PDF Text Text PRICE ONE PENNY^ AND EDWARD CARPENTER. (Reprinted from TO-DAY, February, 1885.^ UonHon : THE MODERN PRESS, 13, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C. 1886. ��HE Progress of Society is a subject which occupies much attention now-a-days. We hear the shouts and cries of reformers, and are inclined sometimes to be vexed at their noisy insistance and brandishing of panaceas ; but when we come to look into the evils to which they draw our attention-—under our very noses as it were—and see how serious they are : when we see the misery, the suffering all around us, and see too how directly in some cases this appears to be traceable to certain institutions, we can hardly be human if we do not make some effort to alter these insti­ tutions, and the state of society which goes with them; indeed at times we feel that it is our highest duty to agitate with the noisiest, and insist at all costs that justice should be done, the iniquity swept away. And yet, on the other hand, when retiring from the heat and noise of conflict, we mount a little in thought and look out over the world, when we realise what indeed every day is becoming more abundantly clear—that Society is the gigantic growth of centuries, moving on in an irresistible and ordered march of its own, with the precision and atality of an astronomic orb—how absurd seem all our demonstra­ tions ! what an idle beating of the air! The huge beast comes on with elephantine tread. The Liberal sits on his head, and the Con­ servative sits on his tail; but both are borne along whether they will or no, and both are shaken off before long, inevitably, into the dust. One reformer shouts, “ This way,” and another shouts “That,” but the great foot comes down and crushes them both, indifferent, crushes the one who thought he was right and the one who found he was wrong, crushes him who would facilitate its pro­ gress and him who would stop it, alike. , I confess that I am continually borne about between these two Opposing views. On the one hand is Justice, here and now, which must and shall be done. On the other hand is Destiny indifferent, coming down from eternity, which cannot be altered. Where does the truth lie ? Is there any attainable truth in the matter ? Perhaps not. The more I think of it, the more am I �4 persuaded that the true explanations, theories, of the social changes which we see around us, that the forces which produce them, that the purposes which they fulfil, lie deep, deep down unsuspected ; that the profoundest hitherto Science (Buckle, Comte, Marx, Spencer, Morgan, and the rest) has hardly done more than touch the skirt of this great subject. The surface indications, currents, are elusive; the apparent purposes very different from the real ones; individuals, institutions, nations, more or less like puppets or pieces in a game ; —the hand that moves them altogether unseen, screening itself effectually from observation. Let me take an illustration. You see a young plant springing out of the ground. You are struck by the eager vital growth of it. What elasticity, energy! how it snatches contributions from the winds and sunlight, and the earth beneath, and rays itself out with hourly fresh adornment! You become interested to know what is the meaning of all this activity. You watch the plant. It unfolds. The leaf-bud breaks and discloses leaves. These, then, are what it has been aiming at. But in the axils of the leaves are other leaf-buds, and from these more leaves! The young shoot branches and becomes a little tree or bush. The branching and budding go on, a repetition apparently of one formula. Presently, however, a flower-bud appears. Now we see the real object! Have you then ever carefully examined a flower-bud ? Take a rosebud for instance, or better still perhaps, a dahlia. When quite young the buds of these latter are mere green knobs. Cut one across with your pen-knife : you will see a green or whitish mass, apparently without organisation. Cut another open which is more advanced, and you will see traces of structural arrangement, even markings and lines faintly pencilled on its surface, like the markings that shoot thro’ freezing water—sketches and outlines of what is to follow. Later, and your bud will disclose a distinct formation ; beneath an outer husk or film—transparent in the case of the dahlia —the petals can already be distinguished, marked, though not actually separated from each other. Here they lie in block as it were, conceived yet not shapen, like the statue in the stone, or the thought in the brain of the sculptor. But they are growing mo­ mently and expanding. The outermost, or sepals, cohering form a husk, which for a time protects the young bud. But it also confines it. A struggle ensues, a strangulation, and then the husk gives way, falls off or passes into a secondary place, and the bud opens. And now the petals uncurl and free themselves like living things to the light. But the process is not finished. Each petal expanding shows another beneath, and these younger ones as they open push the older ones outwards, and while these latter are fading there are still new ones appearing in the centre. Envelope after envelope exfoliated—such is the law of life. �5 At last however within the most intimate petals appears the central galaxy—the group of the sexual organs ! And now the flower (the petal-flower) which just before in all its glory of form, colour and fragrance seemed to be the culminating expression and purpose of the plant’s life, appears only as a means, an introduction, a secondary thing—a mere advertisement and lure to wandering insects. With­ in it lies the golden circle of the stamens, the magic staff of the pistil, and the precious ark or seed-vessel. Now then we know what it has all been for! But the appearance of the seed-vessel is not the end, it is only a beginning. The flower, the petals, now drop off withered and useless; their work is done. But the seed-vessel begins to swell, to take on structure and form­ just as the formless bud did before—there is something at work within. And now it bursts, opens, and falls away. It too is a husk, and no longer of any importance—for within it appear the seeds, the objects of all this long toil! Is the investigation finished ? is the process at an end ?—No. Here within this tiny seed lies the promise, the purpose, the vital principle, the law, the inspiration—whatever you like to call it—of this plant’s life. Can you find it ? The seed falls to the ground. It swells and takes on form and structure—just as the seed-vessel which enclosed it took on form and structure before—and as the flower-bud (which enclosed the seed-vessel) did before that—-and as the leaf-bud (which enclosed the flower-bud) did before that. The seed falls to the ground ; it throws off a husk (always husks thrown off!)—and discloses an embryo plant—radicle, plumule and cotyledons—root-shoot, stem­ shoot and seed leaves—complete. And the circle begins again. * We are baffled after all! We have followed this extraordinary process, we have seen each stage of the plant-growth appearing first as final, and then only as the envelope of a later stage. We have stripped off, so to speak, husk afLer husk, in our search for the inner secret of the plant-life—we have got down to the tiny seed. But the seed we have found turns out (like every other stage) to be itself only an envelope—to be thrown away in its turn—what we want lies still deeper down. The plant-life begins again—or rather it never ends—but it does not repeat itself. The young plant is not the same as the parent, and the next generation varies again from this. When the envelopes have been thrown off a thousand and a hundred thousand times more, a new form will appear; will this be a nearer and more perfect expression than before of that withinlying secret—or otherwise ? To return to Society : I began by noting the contrast, often drawn, between the stern inexorable march of this as a whole, and the * Though not really a circle any more than the paths of the planets are really ellipses. �equally imperious determination of the individual to interfere with its march—a determination excited by the contemplation of what is called evil, and shapen by an ideal of something better arising with­ in him. Think what a commotion there must be within the bud when the petals of a rose are forming! Think what arguments, what divisions, what recriminations, even among the atoms. An organization has to be constructed and completed. It is finished at last, and a petal is formed. It rays itself out in the sun, is beautiful and unimpeachable for a day; then it fades, is pushed off, its work is done—another from within takes its place. One social movement succeeds another, the completion of one is the signal for the commencement of the next. Hence there can be no stereotyping: not to change is to die—this is the rule of Life ; because (and the reason is simple enough) one form is not enough to express the secret of life. To express that require an infinite series of forms. Even a crab cannot get on without changing its shell. It outgrows it. It feels very uncomfortable—pent, sullen and irritable (much as the bud did before the bursting of the husk, or as society does when dead forms and institutions—generally represented by a class in power—confine its growth)—anxious, too, and oppressed with fears, the crab—retires under a rock, out of harm’s way, and presently, crack! the shell scales off, and with quietude and patience from within another more suited to it forms. Yet this latter is not final. It is merely the prelude to another. The Conservative may be wron& but the Liberal is just as wrong who considers his reform as ultimate, both are right in so far as they look upon measures as transitory. Beware above all things of utopianism in measures ! Beware, that is, of regarding any system or scheme of society whatever as final or permanent, whether it be the present, or one to come. The feudal arrangement of society succeeded the clannish and patriarchal, the commercial or competi­ tive system succeeds the feudal, the socialistic succeeds the commercial, and the socialistic is succeeded in its turn by other stages ; and each of these includes numerous minor developments. The politician or reformer who regards any of these stages or steps as containing the whole secret and redemption of society commits just the same mistake as the theologian who looks upon any one doctrine as necessary to salvation. He is betrayed into the most frightful harshness, narrow-mindedness, and intolerance—and if he has power will become a tyrant. Just the same danger has to be guarded against by every one of us in daily life. Who is there who. (though his reason may contend against it) does not drop into the habit of regarding some one change in his life and surroundings as containing finally the secret of his happiness, and excited by this immense prospect does not do things which he afterwards regrets, and which end in disappointment ? There is a millennium, but it- �7 does not belong to any system of society that can be named, nor to any doctrine, belief, circumstance or surrounding of individual life. The secret of the plant-life does not tarry in any one phase of its growth; it eludes from one phase to another, still lying within and within the latest. It is within the grain of mustard seed ; it is so small. Yet it rules and is the purpose of every stage, and is like the little leaven which, invisible in three measures of meal, yet leavened the whole lump. Of the tendency, of which I have spoken, of social forms to stereo­ type themselves, Law is the most important and in some sense the most pernicious instance. Social progress is a continual fight against it. Popular customs get hardened into laws. Even thus they soon constitute evils. But in the more complex stages of society, when classes arise, the law-making is generally in the hands of a class, and the laws are hardened (often very hardened) class practices. These shells have to be thrown off and got rid of at all costs—or rather they will inevitably be thrown off when the growing life of the people underneath forces this liberation. It is a bad sign when a patient ‘ law-abiding ’ people submit like sheep to old forms which are really long out-worn. “ Where the men and women think lightly of the laws. . . . there the great city stands,” says Walt Whitman. I remember once meeting with a pamphlet written by an Italian, whose name I have forgotten, member of a Secularist society, to prove that the Devil was the author of all human progress. Of course that, in his sense, is true. The spirit of opposition to established order, the war against the continuance (as a finality) of any institution or order, however good it may be for the time, is a necessary element of social progress, is a condition of the very life of Society. Without this it would die. Law is a strangulation. Yet while it figures constantly as an evil in social life, it must not therefore be imagined to be bad or without use. On the contrary, its very appearance as an evil is part of its use. It is the husk which protects and strengthens the bud while it confines it. Possibly the very confinement and forcible repression which it exercises is one element in the more rapid organization of the bud within. It is the crab’s shell which gives form and stability to the body of the creature, but which has to give way when a more extended form is wanted. In the present day in modern society the strangulation of the growth of the people is effected by the capitalist class. This class together with its laws and institutions constitutes the husk which has to be thrown off just as itself threw off the husk of the feudal aristocracy in its time. The commercial and capitalist envelope has undoubtedly served to protect and give form to (and even nourish) the growing life of the people. But now its function in that respect is virtually at an end. It appears merely as an obstacle �8 and an evil—and will inevitably be removed, either by a violent disruption or possibly by a gradual absorption into the socialised proletariat beneath. At all times, and from whatever points of view, it should be borne in mind that laws are made by the people, not the people by the laws. Modern European Society is cumbered by such a huge and complicated overgrowth of law, that the notion actually gets abroad that such machinery is necessary to keep the people in order —that without it the mass of the people would not live an orderly life ; whereas all observation of the habits of primitive and savage tribes, destitute of laws and almost destitute of any authoritative institutions —and all observation of the habits of civilised people when freed from law (as in gold-mining and other backwood communities)— show just the reverse. The instinct ofamanis to an orderly life, the law is but the result and expression of this. As well attribute the organization of a crab to the influence of its shell, as attribute the orderly life of a nation to the action of its laws. Law has a purpose and an influence—but the idea that it is to preserve order is elusive. All its machinery of police and prisons do not, cannot do this. At best in this sense it only preserves an order advan­ tageous to a certain class ; it is the weapon of a slow and deliberate warfare. It springs from hatred and rouses opposition, and so has a healthy influence. Fichte said : “ The. object of all government is to render govern­ ment superfluous.” And certainly if external authority of any kind has a final purpose it must be to establish and consolidate an internal authority. Whitman adds to his description of “ the great city,” that it stands “ Where outside authority enters always after the precedence of inside authority.” When this process is complete government in the ordinary sense is already “rendered superfluous.’ Anyhow this external governmental power is obviously self-destruc­ tive. It has no permanence or finality about it, but in every period of history appears as a husk or shell preparing the force within which is to reject it. Thus I have in a very fragmentary and imperfect way called attention to some general conditions of social progress, conditions by which the growth of Society is probably comparable with the growth of a plant or an animal or an astronomic organism, subject to laws and an order of its own, in face of which the individual would at first sight appear to count as nothing. But there is, as usual, a counter-truth which must not be overlooked. If Society moves by an ordered and irresistible march of its own, so also—as a part of Society, and beyond that as a part of Nature—does the individual. In his right place the individual is also irresistible. Now then, when you have seized your life-inspiration, your absolute determination, you also are irresistible, the whole weight of this vast force is behind you. Huge as the institutions of Society �are, vast as is the sweep of its traditions and customs, yet in face of it all, the word “I will ” is not out of place. Let us take the law of the competitive struggle for existence— which has been looked upon by political economists (perhaps with some justice) as the base of social life. It is often pointed out that this law of competition rules throughout the animal and vegetable kingdoms as well as through the region of human society, and there­ fore, it is said, being evidently a universal law of Nature, it is useless and hopeless to expect that society can ever be founded on any r other basis. Yet I say that granting this assumption—and in reality the same illusion underlies the application of the word 1 “ law ” here, as we saw before in its social application—granting I say that competition has hitherto been the universal law, the last word, of Nature, still if only one man should stand up and say, “ It shall be so no more,” if he should say, “ It is not the last word of my nature, and my acts and life declare that it is not,”—then that so-called law would be at an end. He being a part of Nature has I as much right to speak as any other part, and as in the elementarylaw of hydrostatics a slender column of water can balance (being at l the same height) against an ocean—so his Will (if he understand it aright) can balance all that can be arrayed against him. If only one man — with regard to social matters — speaking from the very depth of his heart says “This shall not be: behold something better; ” his word is likely stronger than all insti­ tutions, all traditions. And why ?—because in the deeps of his P individual heart he touches also that of Society, of Man. Within ft himself, in quiet, he has beheld the secret, he has seen a fresh crown of petals, a golden circle of stamens, folded and slumbering in the L bud. Man forms society, its laws and institutions, and Man can ! reform them. Somewhere within yourself be assured, the secret of that authority lies. The fatal words spoken by individuals—the words of progress— are provoked by what is called evil. Every human institution is good in its time, and then becomes evil—yet it may be doubted whether it is really evil in itself, but rather because if it remained it would hinder the next step. Each petal is pushed out by the next one, A new growth of the moral sense takes place first withinthe individual—and this gives birth to a new ideal, something to love better than anything seen before. Then in the light of this new love, this more perfect desire, what has gone and the actually existing things appear wizened and false (i.e., ready to fall like the petals). They become something to hate, they are evil; and the perception of evil is already the promise of something better. Do not be misled so as to suppose that science and the intellect • are or can be the sources of social progress or change. It is the moral births and outgrowths that originate, science and the intellect only give form to these. It is a common notion and one apparently �gaining ground that science may as it were take Society by the hand and become its high priest and guide to a glorious kingdom. And this to a certain extent is true. Science may become high-priest, but the result of its priestly offices will entirely depend on what kind of deity it represents—what kind of god Society worships. Science will doubtless become its guide, but whither it leads Society will entirely depend on whither Society desires to be led. If Society worships a god of selfish curiosity the holy rites and priest­ hood of science will consist in vivisection and the torture of the loving animals ; if Society believes above all things in material results, science will before long provide these things—it will surround men with machinery and machine-made products, it will whirl them about (behind steam-kettles as Mr. Ruskin says) from one end of the world to the other, it will lap them in every luxury and debility, and give them fifty thousand toys to play with where before they had only one—but through all the whistling of the kettles and the rattling of the toys it will not make the still small voice of God sound nearer. If Society, in short, worships the devil, science will lead it to the devil; aud if Society worships God science will open up, and clear away much that encumbered the path to God. (And here I use these terms as lawyers say “ without prejudice.”) No mere scientific adjustments will bring about the millenium. Granted that the problem is Happiness, there must be certain moral elements in the mass of mankind before they will even desire, that kind of happiness which is attainable, let alone their capacity of reaching it—when these moral elements are present the intellectual or scientific solution of the problem will be soon found, without them there will not really be any serious attempt made to find it. That is—as I said at the head of this paragraph —science and the intellect are not, and never can be, the sources of social progress and change. It is the moral births and outgrowths that originate; the intellect stands in a secondary place as the tool and instrument of the moral faculty. The commercial and competitive state of society indicates to my mind an upheaval from the feudal of a new (and perhaps grander) sentiment of human right and dignity. Arising simultaneously with Protestantism it meant—they both meant—individualism, the assertion of man’s worth and dignity as man, and as against any feudal lordship or priestly hierarchy. It was an outburst of feeling first. It was the sense of equality spreading. It took the form of individualism—the equality of rights—Protestantism in religion, competition in commerce. It resulted in the social emancipation of a large class, the bourgeoisie. Feudalism, now dwindled to a husk, was thrown off; and for a time the glory, the life of society was in the new order. But to-day a wider morality, or at least a fresh impulse, asserts itself. Competition in setting itself up as the symbol of human �II equality, was (like all earthly representations of what is divine) only an imperfect symbol. It had the elements of mortality and dissolution in it. For while it destroyed the privilege of rank and emancipated a huge class, it ended after all by enslaving another class and creating the privilege of wealth. Competition in fact represented a portion of human equality but not the whole: in­ sisting on individual rights all round, it overlooked the law of charity, turned sour with the acid of selfishness, and became as to-day the gospel of “ the devil take the hindmost.” Arising glorious as the representative of human equality and the opponent of iniquity in high places, it has ended by denying the very source from whence it sprung. It passes by, and like Moses on the rock we now behold the back parts of our divinity ! Competition is doomed. Once a good, it has now become an evil. But simultaneously (and probably as part of the same pro­ cess) springs up, as I say, a new morality. Everywhere to-day signs of this may be seen, felt. It is felt that the relation which systematically allows the weaker to go to the wall is not human. Individualism, the mere separate pursuit, each of his own good, on the basis of equality, does not satisfy the heart. The right (un­ doubted though it may be) to take advantage of another’s weakness or inferiority, does not please us any longer. Science and the intel­ lect have nothing to say to this, for or against,—they can merely stand and look on—arguments may be brought on both sides. What I say is that as a fact a change is taking place in the general senti­ ment in this matter; some deeper feeling of human solidarity, brotherliness, charity, some more genuine and substantial apprehen­ sion of the meaning of the word equality, is arising—some broader and more determined sense of justice, Though making itself felt as yet only here and there, still there are indications that this new sentiment is spreading ; and if it becomes anything like general, then inevitably (I say) it will bring a new state of society with it— will be in fact such new state of society. Some years ago at Brighton I met with William Smith, the author of “Thorndale ” and other works—a man who had thought much about society and human life. He was then quite an invalid, and indeed died only a week or two later. Talking one day about the current Political Economy he said : “ They assume self-interest as the one guiding principle of human nature and so make it the basis of their science—but,” he added, “ even if it is so now it may not always be so, and that would entirely re-model their science.” I do not know whether he was aware that even then a new school of political economy was in existence, the school of Marx, Engels, Lassalle, and others—founded really on just this new basis, taking as its point of departure a stricter sense of justice and a new conception of human right and equality. At any rate, whether aware or not, I contend that this dying man—even if he had been �12 alone in the world in his aspiration—-feeling within himself a deeper, more intimate, principle of action than that expressed in the existing state of society, might have been confident that at some time or other—if not immediately—it would come to the surface and find its due interpretation and translation m a new order of things. And I contend that whoever to-day feels in himself that there is a better standard of life than the higgling of the market, and a juster scale of wages than “what A. or B. will take," and a more important question in an undertaking than “ how much per cent, it will pay ”—contains or conceals in himself the germs of a new social order. Socialism, if that is to be the name of the next wave of social life, springs from and demands as its basis a new sentiment of humanity, a higher morality. That is the essential part of it. A science it is, but only secondarily ; for we must remember that as the bourgeois political economy sprang from certain moral data, so the socialist political economy implies other moral data. Both are irrefragable on their own axioms. And when these axioms in course of time change again (as they infallibly will) another science of political economy, again irrefragable, will spring up, and socialist political economy will be false. The morality being the essential part of the movement, it is im­ portant to keep that in view. If Socialism, as Mr. Matthew Arnold has pointed out, means merely a change of society without a change of its heart—if it merely means that those who grabbed all the good things before shall be displaced, and that those who were grabbed from shall now grab in their turn—it amounts to nothing, and is not in effect a change at all, except quite upon the surface. If it is to be a substantial movement, it must mean a changed ideal, a changed conception of daily life ; it must mean some better conception of human dignity—such as shall scorn to claim anything for its own which has not been duly earned, and such as shall not find itself degraded by the doing of any work, however menial, which is useful to society; it must mean simplicity of life, defence of the weak, courage of one’s own convictions, charity of the faults and failings of others. These things first, and a larger slice of pudding all round afterwards! How can such morality be spread ?—How does a plant grow ?— It grows. There , is some contagion of influence in these matters. Knowledge can be taught directly ; but a new ideal, a new sentiment of life, can only pass by some indirect influence from one to another. Yet it does pass. There is no need to talk—-perhaps the less said in any case about these matters the better—but if you have such new ideal within you, it is I believe your clearest duty, as well as your best interest, to act it out in your own life at all apparent costs. Then we must not forget that a wise order of society once estab­ lished (by the strenuous action of a few) reacts on its members. To �T3 a certain extent it is true, perhaps, that men and women can be grown—like cabbages. And this is a case of the indirect influence of the strenuous few upon the many. Thus—in this matter of society’s change and progress—(though I feel that the subject as a whole is far too deep for me)—-I do think that the birth of new moral conceptions in the individual is at least a very important factor. It may be in one individual or in a hundred thousand. As a rule probably when one man feels any such impulse strongly, the hundred thousand are nearer to him than he suspects. (When one leaf, or petal, or stamen begins to form on a tree, or one plant begins to push its way above the ground in spring, there are hundreds of thousands all round just ready to form.) Anyhow, whether he is alone or not, the new moral birth is sacred—as sacred as the child within the mother’s womb—it is a kind of blasphemy against the Holy Ghost to conceal it. And when I use the word “ moral ” here—or anywhere above—I do not, I hope, mean that dull pinch-lipped conventionality of negations which often goes under that name. The deep-lying ineradicable desires, fountains of human action, the life-long aspirations, the lightninglike revelations of right and justice, the treasured hidden ideals, born in flame and in darkness, in joy and sorrow, in tears and in triumph, within the heart—are as a rule anything but conventional. They may be, and often are, thought immoral. I don’t care, they are sacred just the same. If they underlie a man’s life, and are nearest to himself—they will underlie humanity. “To your own self be true . . . Anyhow courage is better than conventionality : take your stand and let the world come round to you. Do not think you are right and everybody else wrong. If you think you are wrong then you may be right; but if you think you are right then you are certainly . wrong. Your deepest highest moral conceptions are only for a time. They have to give place. They are the envelopes of Free­ dom—that eternal Freedom which cannot be represented—that peace which passes understanding. Somewhere here is the invisible vital principle, the seed within the seed. It may be held but not thought, felt but not represented—except by Life and History. Every individual so far as he touches this stands at the source of social progress—behind the screen on which the phantasmagoria play. �THE INTERNATIONAL LIBRARY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. Vol. I. Woman, in the Past, Present, and Future. By August Bebel, Deputy in the Reichstag. Translated from the German by H. B. Adams Walther. Demy 8-vo., cloth, price 5s. Vol. II. The Co operative Common­ wealth : an Exposition of Modern Socialism. By Laurence Gronlund, of Philadelphia. cloth, price 3s. 6d. Demy 8-vo., “ The book, while just as readable and captivating as Henry George’s Progress and Poverty, is far more logical and thoughtful: at the same time, it is in a masterly manner adapted to the Anglo-Saxon public.”—New York Volkszeitung (one of the largest Socialist papers in America). ‘‘The best account of German or State Socialism in English.”—-Mw York Sun (the largest capitalist newspaper in the States). “The grandest and highest minded statement of Socialism I have ever seen.”—H. D. Wright, Chief of Massachussetts Bureau of Labour Statistics. Socialism made Plain. The social and political manifesto of the Social-Democratic Federation issued in June 1883, with proposals for organisation of labour issued in November 1883. Fifty-first thousand. Crown 8-vo., paper cover, price id. 44 JUSTICE,” the Organ of the Social Democracy. ' Every Saturday, one penny. Summary of the Principles of Socialism By H. M. Hyndman and William Morris. Second edition, 64-pp. crown 8-vo., in wrapper designed by Wm. Morris, price 4d. This gives an account of the growth of capitalist production, and con­ cludes with a statement of the demands of English Socialists for the imme­ diate future. The Socialist Catechism. By J. L. Joynes. Reprinted with additions from Justice. price id. Tenth thousand. Socialist Rhymes. By Reprinted chiefly from Justice. J. Royal 8-vo., L. Joynes. Royal 8-vo., price id. The Modern Press, 13, Paternoster Row, E.C. �Wage-Labour and Capital. By Karl Marx. Translated by J. L. Joynes and reprinted from Justice,. Price 2d. This is the only work of the great Socialist thinker which has been translated into English. Socialism and the Worker. Sorge. By F. A. Price id. 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English and French Morality; from a Frenchman’s point of view. Paper cover, is. By Yves Guyot, Depute. Herbert Spencer on Socialism. By Frank Fairman. 16-pp. crown 8-vo., price id. The Modern Press, 13, Paternoster Row, E.C. ' �BY THE SAME AUTHOR. Towards Democracy. New edition, with numerous added Poems, crown 8vo, cloth. 260pp. Price 2s. 6d. Modern Science : a Criticism. Crown 8vo, paper, 76 pp. Price is. Modern Money-Lending ; or, the Meaning of Divi­ dends. A Pamphlet. Price 2d. Second edition. England’s Ideal. Price 2d. To be had of the Publisher, John Heywood, Deansgate and Ridgefield, Manchester; 11, Paternoster Buildings, London. and � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Victorian Blogging Description An account of the resource A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library &amp; Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Conway Hall Library & Archives Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Conway Hall Ethical Society Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Pamphlet Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Social progress and individual effort Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Carpenter, Edward Description An account of the resource Place of publication: London Collation: 13, [3] p. ; 19 cm. Notes: Reprinted from To-day, February, 1885. Publisher's list on two unnumbered pages at the end. List of other works by author on unnumbered page at the end. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Modern Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1886 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context T394 Subject The topic of the resource Socialism Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /><br /><span>This work (Social progress and individual effort), identified by </span><span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk">Humanist Library and Archives</a></span><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Social change Social Reform Socialism https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/1c6d7827eec35d79792e1ea7162baa7a.pdf?Expires=1782345600&Signature=DzIYDjqpKHLI%7EMlLyhHWbWbiTYeKXX5rC2RLCCJDdhrPYDCcakpFtRjp8p9OfsnTnQeQM6%7ELUD3w8Vt9W4LSPVQoLC2O6adEYRAEQr4SFImbtamueYdqxmkFzbvyo-7JseMiokpCxhJTNoj8kNSH1oKx3HUhNK5pyJfceX4iX1tVFcjs1NxZt1i8UT4B2VZ28EHgqrrKC%7EhJYDltk%7Eb6Dozz6ql2KSC3JCxicdt4sf-HKfBsrI%7EzHhzV5Ur1RFR1yq-P4hhSlhNIuHRJ3MmCoH6tjUPEc0EbKZ7jRPh8TLKkfmRy8z1DlAP2KGHiU24AnuC4-70bSgdFuiSuVz2CGQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 944575b964e9a3f95dcb55b0172855f1 PDF Text Text PRICE SIXPENCE. THE WORKING MAN’S PROGRAMME, (ARBEITER-PROGRAMM) An Address BY FERDINAND LASSALLE. Translated (with an Introduction) by EDWARD PETERS. THE 13 and MODERN PRESS, 14, PATERNOSTER ROW, 1884. LONDON, E.C. ��iii. NOTE. .Ferdinand Lassalle was born in the year 1825 at Breslau in Silesia, where his father carried on the business of a merchant, and intended that his son should follow the same occupation. But young Lassalle having early given proof of unusual ability, and a *“ certain passionate energy of character, ” preferred a more am­ bitious career, and having passed with distinction through the Universities of Breslau and Berlin, devoted himself to the task of raising the condition of the people. Young, handsome, highly gifted, and thoroughly trained in the intellectual school of the highest German thought, he found a ready entrance to the best society of Berlin, and in Mendelssohn’s house in particular gained the friendship of Humboldt and other eminent men. The poet Heine thus writes of him to Varnhagen von Euse—“ My friend Lassalle, who is the bearer of this letter, is a young man of extra­ ordinary ability. To the most thorough scholarship, the widest knowledge, the greatest penetration I have ever met with, and the greatest power of expression, he unites an energy of will, and a prudence in action, which fairly astonish me." He hints at one defect, however, .with characteristic irony—“He is thoroughly stamped with the impress of these later times, which ignore the self­ denial and modesty about which we of the older generation used, with more or less hypocrisy, perpetually to prate." In 1848 Lassalle took a leading part in organising armed resist­ ance to the reactionary Government, and when brought to trial, he undertook his own defence, and admitting the fact, maintained that he had done no more than his duty, and was acquitted by the jury. He now devoted himself anew to philosophy and literature. The first book that he published was entitled “The Philosophy of Heraclitus the Mystic of Ephesus,” which was considered to be both, a brilliant and a learned work. His tragedy “Franz von Sickingen ” contains many passages of brilliant oratory, but was not found suitable for the stage. His brochure on “ The Italian war * Wurzbach, Zeitgenossen, to which I am mainly indebted for this sketch of Lassalle s life.—E.P �and the task of Prussia," met with a better reception, and soon reached a second edition. This was followed by 11 Fichte’s Political Testament,” and a work on Lessing. His “ System of Inherited Rights ” in two large volumes is said to be a work of great learning and power, but is not consistent with his later socialistic writings. Of the latter by far the most important is the treatise on “ Capital and Labour.” In this he states his object to be, to make the profits now absorbed by capital, available for the lower class of working men. The means to this end are to be national workshops, like those which failed in France, only the part which the State is to play is to be that of a sleeping partner, namely to provide the capital, to watch the conduct of the business, and to have the right of inspecting the books. He held this to be the only way to make the working class their own employers, and to evade the iron law which limits the working man’s wages. At the same time he de­ clared that ‘ ‘ no social improvement would be worth the trouble of obtaining it if the working men (which happily is objectively im­ possible) were to remain after it what they are now.” Education, and again education, is the constant refrain of his teaching. In 1862 he delivered a series of addresses in Berlin which pro­ duced a stirring effect on the people, amongst them the Arbeiter Program™ for which, strange as it may appear to the readers of this translation, he was punished by a short term of imprisonment. In the following year the “General Union of the working men of Germany ” was formed at his instance, of which he was made President, and thus became the acknowledged leader of the “ People’s Party.” Bismarck had three interviews with him, and tried to obtain the help of this party in his struggle with the socalled Party of Progress—but in vain. Equally in vain Lassalle urged the Chancellor to try the weapon of universal and equal suffrage against the common enemy the bourgeoisie. Bismarck, it appeared, had carefully studied Lassalle’s writings, and there can be little doubt that what are called the Socialistic schemes of the Chancellor owe their origin, in part at least, to this source. Nor can we doubt the great influence of Lassalle on German thought in general. This is the work he had to do in the world, and it may yet bear fruit in a not very distant future. His further career was cut off by his untimely death in a duel in 1864. E. Peters. �.THE WORKING MAN’S PROGRAMME. 'Gentlemen, Having been asked to give you a lecture, I thought that I should best meet your wishes by choosing a theme which from its very nature must be deeply interesting to you, and by treating it in the most thoroughly scien­ tific manner. I will therefore speak on the special con­ nexion that exists between the character of the present period of history in which we are living and the idea of the working class. I have said that my treatment of the subject should be purely scientific. But scientific treatment consists in nothing else than complete clearness, and therefore a complete absence of presuppositions, that is to say, of reasoning founded on unwarranted assumptions. On account of this entire absence of presuppositions with which we have to approach our subject, it will be necessary at starting to have a clear understanding of what we mean by a working man, or by the working class. For on this point we dare not allow ourselves the benefit of a presupposition, as if this were something perfectly well known. This is far from being the case. The language of common life, on the contrary, frequently attaches different meanings at different times to the �6 words working man and working class, and we must therefore at the proper time get a clear understanding as to the sense in which we intend to use these words. This however is not the right time. We must on the contrary begin this lecture with another question. Namely with the following question. The working class is only one of the many classes of which the com­ munity of citizens consists. Moreover working men have existed at all times. How is it then possible, and what meaning can be attached to the statement, that a special connexion exists between the idea of this speci­ fied single class, and the principle of the particular period of history in which we live ? In order to understand this, it is requisite, gentlemen, to throw a glance, at history, at the past, which rightly Understood, here as always, explains the present and foreshows the outline of the future. We must make this retrospect as brief, gentlemen, as possible, for we shall otherwise run a risk of not reaching at all in the short time allotted to us the real subject which we have met to consider. But even in the face of this danger, we must take some such retrospective view of the past, however cursory and confined to the most general features, inorder to understand the meaning of our question and of our theme. If then we go back to the Middle Ages, we find that even at that time the same grades and classes of the population were in existence, though certainly far less developed than those of which the community of citizens consists at the present day. But we find further that one grade and one element was at that time the dominating one—namely the landed interest. �7 It is the landed interest, gentlemen, which in aU respects bore sway in the Middle Ages, which im­ pressed its own specific stamp on all the arrangements and on the whole life of that time; it is that which must be proclaimed as the ruling principle of that period. The reason of this, namely that the landed interest was the ruling principle of that age, is a very simple one. It lies—at least this reason may for the present fully satisfy us—in the domestic and economic constitution of the Middle Ages ; in the conditions of production at that period. Trade was at that time very slightly developed, and industry still less so. The staple of the wealth of the community consisted to an immensely prepon­ derating degree in the produce of agriculture. Movable possessions were at that time but little thought of in comparison with possession of the land and the soil, and you may plainly see to what an extent this was the case by the law of property, which always throws a clear light on the economic condition of the periods in which it was instituted. Thus for instance the law of property of the Middle Ages, with the object of preserving family property from generation to gene­ ration, and protecting it against dissipation, declares family property or “ Estate” to be inalienable without the consent of the heirs. But by this family property or “ Estate ” is understood by express limitation only landed property. Chattels (fahrniss), on the contrary, as movable property was then called, were alienable with­ out the consent of the heirs. And, in general, all personal or movable property was treated by the old German laws, not as an independent reproductive pro­ �8 perty, or in short as capital, but only as the/raZww of the land and the soil, like the crops which are annually gathered from it, and it was put on a par with these. Landed property alone was regularly treated, at that time, as independent productive property. It was therefore only in complete accordance with this state of things, and a simple consequence of it, that the landed interest and those who had it almost exclusively in their hands, that is, as you are aware, the nobles and the clergy, formed the ruling factor of that society in all respects. To whatever institutions of the middle ages we turn our eyes, this phenomenon is everywhere apparent in them. We will content ourselves with a hasty glance at some of the most important of those arrangements, in which the land interest comes forth as the ruling principle. First then let us look at the organisation of the public forces, or the feudal system. You know, gentlemen, that this was so constituted that the king, princes, and lords ceded to other lords and knights certain lands for their use, in consideration of which the recipients were obliged solemnly to undertake the obligation of service in the field, that is to say, of supporting their feudal lords in their wars or quarrels, both in person and with their dependents. Let us next look at the organisation of the public Rights, or the constitution of the realm. In the assembly of the German States the princely class and the great landed interest were represented by the Counts of the Empire and the clergy. The towns only enjoyed a �9 seat and a vote in that assembly if they had acquired the privileges of a free town of the Empire. To proceed, thirdly, to the exemption of tfie great landed proprietors from taxation. Now it is a characteristic and an ever recurring phenomenon, gentlemen, that every ruling privileged class invariably seeks to throw the burden of maintaining the existence of the State on the oppressed classes which have no property; and they do this openly or covertly, either directly or indirectly. When Richelieu in the year 1641 demanded six millions of francs from the clergy, as an extraordinary tax to help the necessities of the State, the clergy, through the mouth of the Archbishop of Sens, gave this characteristic answer—“ The ancient usage of the Church during its vigour was that the people contributed its goods, the nobility its blood, the clergy its prayers to the necessities of the State.” Fourthly, we may mention the contempt with which every other kind of labour than that which was occupied with the land was socially regarded. To engage in industrial undertakings, to gain money by a trade or profession, was considered disgraceful, and dishonouring to the two privileged ruling classes, the nobles and the clergy, for whom it was only deemed honourable to derive their income from the possession of land. These four great and important facts, which determine the fundamental character of any epoch, are amply sufficient for our purpose, and show how it was that the possession of land everywhere fixed its impress on the period of which we are treating, and formed its ruling principle. �IO So much was this the case that even the movement of the Peasants War which broke out in Germany in I524> and spread all over Swabia, Franconia, Alsace, Westphalia, and other parts of Germany, and was in appearance thoroughly revolutionary, nevertheless was essentially dependent on this same principle, was in fact therefore a reactionary movement, in spite of its revo­ lutionary mode of action. You are aware, gentlemen, that the peasants at that time burnt down the castles of the nobles, put the nobles themselves to death, made them run the gauntlet through their spears, which was the cruel practice in vogue at that time. And not­ withstanding, in spite of this external revolutionary varnish, the movement was essentially and throughout reactionary. For the new birth of the relations of the State, the German freedom, which the peasants wished to establish, was to consist according to them in this, that the pe­ culiar and privileged intermediate position which the princes had assumed between the Emperor and the States should be done away with, and that nothing should be represented in the German Diet, excepting the free and independent possession of the land, especially of the land held by the peasant class and by the knights—neither of which had been hitherto repre­ sented—as well as that of the nobles of every degree, namely of the Knights, Counts and then existing Princes, without regard to the difference that had for­ merly been made between them. The representation therefore was to be confined to the landed possessions of the nobles on the one side and those of the peasants on the other. �XI You see at once then, gentlemen, that this plan ultimately proceeds simply on a perfectly consistent and more regular carrying out of this principle, which the epoch just then drawing near its close had taken as its foundation—I say on a logically consistent, more complete and regular carrying out of the principle that the possession of land should be the ruling element, which alone should entitle any one to a participation in the management of the State. That any one could demand such participation on the ground that he was a man, that he was a reasonable being, without the possession of any land,—of' that the peasants had not the most distant idea ! The times were not yet ripe for this, the thoughts of men not yet become sufficiently revolu­ tionary. Thus, then, this movement of the peasantry, which proceeded with such revolutionary determination, was in its essence thoroughly reactionary: that is to say, instead of resting on a new revolutionary piinciple, if rested unconsciously on the old established principle of the period which was at that very time dying out: and it was precisely for this reason, because it was in fact reactionary, while it believed itself to be revolutionary, that the peasant movement was unsuccessful. In opposition both to the rising of the peasants and that of the nobles (under Franz von Sickingen), both of which had in common the principle that participation in the management of the State should depend, even more strictly than had hitherto been the case, on the possession of the land, the sovereign authority of the Princes, founded on the idea of a State sovereignty �12. 1I • independent of landed possessions, which was making head at that time, was a relatively justifiable and revolutionary force. This it was which gave it the power which led to its victorious development, and to the suppression both of the movement of the peasants and that of the nobles. I have dwelt with some emphasis on this point,, gentlemen,—first, in order to prove to you the reasona­ bleness and the progress of freedom, in the development of history, and that by an example from which it is by no means obvious on a superficial survey; secondly, because historians are far from having recognised this reactionary character of the rising of the peasants, and the true cause of its failure which was solely dependent upon that character, but on the contrary, deceived by external appearances, hold the peasant war to have been a truly revolutionary movement. Thirdly, I have dwelt upon it because this spectacle is constantly repeating itself in all ages, that men who do not think clearly—and to this class,, gentlemen, those who are apparently most learned, and even pro­ fessors may belong, and, as the Church of St. Paul with its sad memorials has shewn us, do extremely often belong—fall into the extraordinary illusion of holding that which is only a more consistent and complete expression of a period of history and an organisation of society even then passing away, to be a new revolutionary principle. Against such men and such courses, which are revolutionary only in the imagination of these men—for there will be plenty of them in the future as there �z3 have been in the past—permit me, gentlemen, to put you on your guard. We may be allowed to feel confident on these grounds that the numerous movements which have been imme­ diately, or within a short time, after momentary suc­ cesses, suppressed, which we find in history, and which may fill many well meaning friends of the people who take a superficial view of things with sad misgivings, have ever been revolutionary movements only in the imagination of their promoters. A truly revolutionary movement, one which is founded on a really new principle of thought, has never failed, at least in the long run, as any one who thinks deeply may, to his comfort, prove to himself from history. I now resume the thread of my argument. As the Peasants’ War was revolutionary only in their imagination, so on the other hand the progress of in­ dustry, the productive energy of the towns, the con­ stantly developing division of labour, and the wealth of capital, which came into existence by these means, and which accumulated exclusively in the hands of the bourgeoisie (because they were the only class which engaged in production, and appropriated its advantages to themselves)—these were the really and truly revolu­ tionary forces of that time. The close of the Middle Ages, and the commence­ ment of modern history, is usually dated from the Reformation, i.e. from the year 1517. And in fact this is correct, in the sense that in the two centuries which immediately followed the Reforma­ tion, a change was slowly, gradually, and imperceptibly �taking place, which completely transformed the aspect of society, and brought about in the heart of it a re­ volution, which was only proclaimed, but not really created by what is called the French Revolution in the year 1789. Do you ask in what this revolution consisted ? Nothing had been changed in the legal position of the nobles. By law the nobles and the clergy were the two ruling classes, the Bourgeoisie remained everywhere the neglected and oppressed class. But if nothing had been changed de jure, yet de facto the change that had actually taken place in the relations of these classes was all the more extraordinary. Through the creation and accumulation of capital, that is to say of moveable in opposition to landed property, in the hands of the Bourgeoisie, the nobles had sunk into complete insignificance ; nay, often into real dependence on this Bourgeoisie which had become rich. Already they were obliged, if they wished to be some­ what on a par with them, to abandon all the principles •of their class, and to begin to make use of the same means of obtaining money through industry, to which the Bourgeoisie owed their wealth and therefore their -actual power. The Comedies of Moliere, who lived in the time of Louis XIV., show us as early as that date a highly interesting phenomenon, the noble of that day despising the rich citizen, and at the same time playing the para­ site at his table. We see Louis XIV. himself, that proudest of kings, doffing his hat, and humbling himself in his palace of �i5 Versailles before the Jew Samuel Bernard, the Roths­ child of that day, in order to induce him to grant a loan. When Law, the famous Scotch financier, had formed the trading company or joint-stock enterprise which had combined for the commercial exploration of the banks of the Mississippi, Louisiana, the East Indies, &c., the Regent of France himself was one of the Directors— a member of a company of merchants! Yes, the Regent found himself compelled in August 1717, to issue an edict, in which it was ordained that the nobles might enter the naval and military service of this trading company without any degradation to their dignity! To that pass, then, had the proud and war­ like feudal nobility of France arrived, that they could become the armed commissaries of the industrial com­ mercial undertakings of the Bourgeoisie who were carrying on their trade in every part of the world at once. In connexion with this change of opinion, a kind of materialism had at that time already developed itself, and a voracious and greedy struggling for money and property, to which all moral ideas, nay what unhappily appeals in general still more strongly to the privileged classes, all class privileges, were prostituted. Under the same Regent of France, Count Horn, one of the most distinguished nobles connected with the first families of France, nay with the Regent himself, was broken on the wheel as a common highway robber ; and the Duchess of Orleans, a German Princess, writes in a letter of the 29th November 1719, that six of the �i6 most distinguished of the Court ladies had one day waylaid the aforesaid Law (who at that time was the most courted and also the busiest man in France, and whom consequently it was very difficult to lay hold of} in the court of some building, in order to induce him to give them some shares in a company he had estab­ lished, after which all France was running at that time, and whose value on the Exchange was six or eight times as high as the nominal price at which they had been issued by Law. The pressure exercised by these ladies with this object proceeded to a degree which a regard to decency will not allow me to par­ ticularise. If you ask me again what causes had rendered possible this development of industry, and of the wealth of the Bourgeoisie thereby called into existence, I could not give a complete answer to the question without largely overstepping the limits of the time allotted to me. I will therefore only briefly enumerate the most essential of these causes; namely, the discovery of America and the enormous impulse thereby exercised on production ; the discovery of the sea route to the East Indies by doubling the Cape of Good Hope, whereas formerly all trade with India and the East was forced to take the overland route by Suez ; the dis­ covery of the magnetic needle and the compass, and the greater security thus given to all trade by sea, as well as greater speed and diminution of the cost of insurance ; the canals and paved roads constructed in the interior of countries, which, by diminishing the cost of transport, first made it possible to sell at a distance �*7 numerous commodities which formerly were not worth the expense of carriage ; the greater security of the property of the citizens ; the regular course of justice ; the invention of gunpowder, and the breaking up of the feudal power of the nobles by the kings in consequence of this invention ; the dismissal of the spearmen and men at arms of the nobles, in consequence of the destruction of their castles and of their independent military power, nothing being now left for these de­ pendents but to seek admission to the workshops of that time—all these events helped to drag on the tri­ umphal car of the Bourgeoisie! All these events and many others which could be enumerated are comprised however in one consequence —the opening of great outlets, that is of extensive regions where goods can be sold, and the accompanying diminution of the cost of production and transport leads to production in vast quantities, production for the market of the world, and this in turn creates the necessity of eheap production, which again can only be satisfied by an ever-advancing division of labour, that is by a separation of employment into its simplest mechanical operations, ever carried further and further, and thus again calls forth a production on an ever in­ creasing scale. We have thus arrived, gentlemen, at the domain of reciprocal cause and effect. Each of these facts calls the other into existence, and the latter again reacts upon the former, and widens and enlarges its area. Accordingly you will clearly perceive that, the pro­ duction of an article in enormous quantities, its pro- �i8 Ruction for the market of the world, is, speaking gene­ rally, easily accomplished only on the condition that the cost of the production of this article shall be moderate, and also the transport of it cheap enough not to raise its price exorbitantly. For production in vast quantities requires an enormous sale ; and the extensive sale of any kind of produce is only rendered possible by its cheapness, which makes it accessible to a large number of purchasers. Cheapness of production and transport therefore cause the production of wares of any kind to take place on a large scale. But conversely, you will at once see that it is the production of an article in large quantities which causes and increases cheapness. A manufacturer for instance who sells two hundred thou­ sand pieces of cotton in the year, is enabled by pur­ chasing his raw materials cheaper on so large a scale,, and also because the profits on his capital and the expense of his plant and machinery are divided between so large a number of pieces, he is enabled, I say, within certain limits, to sell each piece much cheaper than a manufacturer who only produces five thousand such pieces every year. The greater cheapness of produc­ tion leads therefore to production in larger quantities, and this leads again to still greater cheapness, which calls forth again a still larger production, which once more causes further cheapness, and so on. Precisely the same thing happens with regard to the division of labour, which on its side again is the ne­ cessary condition of extensive production and of cheap * ness, for without it neither cheapness nor production on an extensive scale would be possible. �19 The division of labour which separates the process of production into a great number of very simple and often purely mechanical operations requiring no exercise of reason, and which causes separate workmen to be em­ ployed for each one of these divided operations, would be quite impossible without an extensive production of the articles in question; and is therefore only called into existence and developed by such extensive demand. Conversely this separation of labour into such simple­ operations and manipulations, leads further (i) to an ever increasing cheapness, (2) consequently to produc­ tion on a greater and more gigantic scale, ever spreading beyond this and that market till it reaches the whole market of the world, and (3) by this means, and through the new divisions which this extension renders possible in the single operations of labour, to an ever increasing advance in the division of labour itself. Through this series of reciprocal operations of cause and effect, an entire change took place in the work of the community, and consequently in all the relations of life of the community itself. A brief view of the nature of this revolution may be obtained by reducing it to the following contrasts. In the earlier part of the Middle Ages, as only a very small number of costly products could bear the enhanced price which would have been caused by their transport, articles were only produced to supply the needs of the locality in which the producers lived. This implied a very limited market comprising only their immediate neighbourhood, the requirements of which were for this very reason well known, fixed, and uniform. The re­ �20 quirements or the demand preceded the offer of the goods, and formed the well known guide to the amount of goods offered for sale. Or in other words—the production of the community was carried on mainly by handicrafts. For this is the character of business carried on in a small way or by handicrafts, as distinguished from that which is carried on in factories or on a large scale, that either the demand is waited for, before the article is pro­ duced ; as for instance the tailor waits for my order be­ fore he makes me a coat, the locksmith before he makes me a lock ; or that at least if many articles are manu­ factured beforehand, this production in advance is limited to the minimum of the requirements of the locality and its immediate neighbourhood, which are accurately known by experience. For instance, a tinman makes a certain number of lamps in advance, which he knows will be soon absorbed by the requirements of the town. The characteristic quality, gentlemen, of a community which produces mainly in this manner, is poverty, or at least only a moderate degree of prosperity, and on the other hand a certain stability and fixedness of all re­ lations. But now, through the incessant reciprocal action which I have described to you, the work of the com­ munity, and consequently all the relations of life gra­ dually assumed a totally opposite character. This was in germ the same character which distinguishes the work of the community to-day, through truly in a very different, in fact in an immensely- developed degree. In the 'gigantic development which has now been attained this character may be thus indicated in opposition to the �earlier one which has been described: whereas formerly the demand preceded the offer of the merchandise, and the production of it, and drew this latter in its train, and determined it, formed its guide and its well known mea­ sure, now on the contrary the production, the offer of the goods precedes the demand, and seeks to force it into existence. Goods are no longer produced for the locality, for the ascertained needs of neighbouring markets, but for the markets of the world. They are produced on the largest scale and for every part of the world in gene­ ral, to supply a need entirely unknown and not to be measured, and the produce is able to force the demand for it into being, provided that a single weapon is given to it, namely cheapness. Cheapness is the weapon of production, with which on the one hand it conquers the purchaser, and on the other hand drives all other goods of the same kind out of the market, which may be like­ wise pressed upon the purchaser, so that in fact under the system offree competition, every producer may hope, however great the quantity of goods he produces, to find a market for all these if he is only able by the better arming of his wares with cheapness to make the wares of his competitors unable to maintain the contest. The prevailing character of such a community is vast, immeasurable wealth, on the other hand a great mobility of all relations, an almost constant, anxious insecurity in the position of individuals and a very unequal appor­ tionment of the proceeds of production amongst those who work together to secure them. You see then, gentlemen, how vast was the change which the quiet, revolutionary, and undermining activity �22 of industry, had imperceptibly wrought in the structure of the community before the end of that century. Although the actors in the Peasants War had not yet ventured so much as to take up any other idea, than that of founding the State on the possession of land, although they had not been able even in thought to free them­ selves from the view that the possession of land was necessarily the element that involved dominion over the State, and a participation in this possession the condition of a participation in this dominion, yet before the end of this century, the quiet, unnoticed, re­ volutionary advance of industry had brought it to pass, that the possession of land had been completely stripped of its former importance, and in presence of the development of the new means of production, of the wealth which this development fostered and daily in­ creased, and of the immense influence which it exercised thereby on the whole population, and on its relations, as well as upon the nobility itself, which had to a great extent become poor, had sunk to a subordinate position. The revolution had therefore already entered into the vitals of the community, into their actual relations, long before it broke out in France, and it was only requisite to bring the change thus wrought to external recognition, in order to give it a moral sanction. This, gentlemen, is always the case in all revolutions. A revolution can never be made; all that can ever be done is to add external moral recognition to a revolution which has already entered into the actual relations of a •community, aud to carry it out accordingly. To set about to make a revolution is the folly of im­ �23 mature minds which have no notion of the laws of history. And it is for this reason equally foolish and childish to attempt to repress a revolution which has once de­ veloped itself in the womb of a community, and to oppose its moral recognition, or to utter against such a community, or the individuals who assist at its birth, the reproach that they are revolutionary. If the revolu­ tion has already found its way into the community, into its actual relations, then there is no help for it, it must come out and take its place in the constitution of the community. How this comes about, and how far it had already happened in the period of which I am speaking, you will best see by one fact which I will relate to you. I have already spoken to you of the division of labour, the development of which consists in separating all the processes of production, into a series of very simple and mechanical operations, requiring no exer­ cise of reason. Now as this division is ever advancing further and further, it is at last discovered that these single opera­ tions, as they are so simple and require no exercise of reason, can be just as well and even better performed by unreasoning agents ; and accordingly in the year 1775, that is fourteen years before the French Revolution, Arkwright invented in England, the first machine, his famous spinning jenny. I am not going to say that this machine produced the French Revolution. The invention preceded it by far too short a time for this, and besides had not yet been �24 introduced into France ; but it may truly be said that it represented in itself, in a material form, the revolution which had already actually entered into the community, and was already developed there. This was itself, so to speak, the revolution which had become a living force. The reason of this is very simple. You will have heard of the formation of the Guilds, through which production was carried on in the Middle Ages. I cannot here go into the history of the Guilds of the Middle Ages, nor trace that of the free competition which at the time of the French Revolution had every­ where taken the place of the Guilds. I can only state the fact in the form of an asseveration, that the system of Guilds of the Middle Ages was inseparable from the other social arrangements of that period. But if time does not allow me to lay before you clearly the reasons of this inseparable connection, yet the fact itself admits of an easy historical proof. The Guilds lasted through the whole of the Middle Ages, and until the French Revo­ lution. Asj-early as the year 1672 their abrogation was discussed in a German Diet—but in vain, nay, in the year 1614 the Bourgeoisie demanded of the Estates General., that is to say the French Parliament, the abolition of the Guilds which already cramped them in all their manufactures. This was likewise in vain. Nay further, thirteen years before the Revolution, in the year 1776, a reforming minister in France, the famous Turgot, did abolish Guilds. But the feudal privileged world of the Middle Ages regarded itself, and it was perfectly right, in danger of death, if privilege, its principle of life, �ceased to penetrate every class of society : and so the king was prevailed upon, six months after the abolition of the Guilds, to withdraw his edict, and restore them. In due time came the Revolution, and destroyed in one day by the storming of the Bastille that for which Ger­ many had striven in vain since 1672, and France since 1614, that is for near two centuries,{.0 do away with by legal means. You will perceive from this, gentlemen, that how­ ever great are the advantages which attend reforms conducted by legal methods, yet they have on all the most important occasions, the one great drawback of an impotence lasting for entire centuries, and on the other hand, that the revolutionary method, terrible as are the drawbacks with which it also is accompanied, has in spite of them the one advantage of attaining speedilv and energetically a practical result. Now fix your eyes, gentlemen, with me for a moment on the fact that the Guilds were inseparably connected with the whole of the social arrangements of the Middle Ages, and you will see at once how the first machine, the spinning jenny which Arkwright invented, contained already in itself a complete revolutionising of those social conditions. For how could production by means of machinery be possible under the system of Guilds, by which the number of men and apprentices which a master might keep was fixed by law in every locality ? Again under this system of Guilds, the different branches of industry were marked off from one another in the most exact manner by law, and each master was only allowed to �26 undertake one of them, so that for example, for hundreds of years the tailors who made clothes were engaged in lawsuits with the tailors who mended them, the makers of nails, with the locksmiths, in order to fix the limits which separated their trades. Now under such a system of Guilds how could production be carried on by machinery for which it was necessary that different kinds of labour should be combined in the hand of one and the same capitalist ? A stage had thus been reached, at which production itself, by its steadily advancing development, had brought into existence instruments of production which were destined to shatter the whole existing system of society; instruments of production and methods of production, which could find no place or room for development in that system. In this sense I say that the first machine was already in itself a Revolution, for it bore in its cogs and wheels, little as this could be seen from its outward appearance, the germ of the whole of the new conditions of society, founded upon free competition, which were to be deve­ loped with the vigour and necessity of a living force. And in the same way it is possible, gentlemen, unless I am greatly mistaken, that many phenomena which are to be seen at the present day, contain in themselves a new condition of things, which they must of necessity develope. This is entirely overlooked in judging of these phenomena from the outside only, so that even the Goverment passes over them without suspicion, while prosecuting insignificant agitators, nay even con- �27 siders them as necessary accompaniments of our culture, greets them as the flower and outcome of it, and occasion­ ally makes speeches recognising and approving them. After all this discussion, gentlemen, you will now clearly comprehend the true significance of the famous pamphlet which was published in 1788 the year before the French Revolution by the Abbe Sieyes, and which is summed up in these words, “ What is the third Estate? Nothing ! What ought it to be ? Everything !” The Bourgeoisie was called the third Estate in France, because they formed the third class, in contra-distinction to the two privileged classes, the nobility and the clergy, and thus included the whole of the nonprivileged popu­ lation. Sieyes then thus formulated these two questions and answers. But their true significance, as follows from what I have already said, might be expressed more strikingly and correctly as follows— “ What is the third Estate actually and in fact £ Everything! But what is it legally or constitutionally? Nothing ! The point is, therefore, to make the legal position of the third class, identical with its actual position; to obtain legal sanction and recognition for its actual and existing, significance,—and this is precisely the work and the sig­ nificance of the victorious Revolution which broke out in France in 1789, and of the transforming influence which it exercised over the other countries of Europe. I am not going, gentlemen, to enter upon the history of the French Revolution. We can now only glance, and that in the most brief and cursory manner, which is all �28 that our time will allow, at the most important and decisive points in the transition from one stage of society to another. ’ It is necessary here then to ask the question, who constituted this thirM class, or the Bourgeoisie, who by means of the French Revolution conquered the privi­ leged classes, and obtained the government of the State? As this class stood over against the legally privileged classes of the community, so it understood itself at that time, at the first moment, to be identified with the whole people, and its interests to be identical with the interests of the whole of humanity. To this was owing the elevating and mighty enthusiasm which prevailed at that period. The rights of man were proclaimed, and it appeared as if with the freedom and the rule of the third Estate, all legal privileges had disappeared from the community, and all differences founded upon them had been swallowed up and absorbed in the one idea of the freedom of man. In the very beginning of the movement, in April 1789, on the occasion of the elections to the chambers which were convened by the king on the understanding that the third class should this time send as many represen­ tatives as the nobles and the clergy together, we find a journal by no means revolutionary in character, writing as follows—“Who can say whether the despotism of the Bourgeoisie will not succeed to the pretended aristocracy of the nobles ?” But cries of this kind were at that time drowned in the general enthusiasm. Nevertheless we must return to that question ; we �must put the question distinctly.— Were the interest of the third class truly the interests of the whole of humanity, or did this third class, the Bourgeoisie, carry in its bosom yet another, a. fourth class, from which it desired to separate itself by law, fend so to subject it to its dominion ? It is now time, gentlemen, that in order to avoid the danger of being exposed to gross misinterpretation, I should explain clearly the meaning of the word Bour­ geoisie or upper Bourgeoisie, as the designation of a political party, and the sense in which I use the word Bourgeoisie. In the German language the word Bourgeoisie is usually translated by the burgher or citizen class. But I do not use it in this sense; we are all citizens, the working man, the poor citizen [Kleinburger] the rich citizen [Grossbiirger] and so forth. The word Bourgeoisie has on the contrary in the course of history acquired a very special political significance which I will now imme­ diately explain to you. , The whole burgher or not noble class, when the French Revolution occurred, divided itself, and still remains divided, speaking generally, into two subdivisions, namely in the first place, the class whose members either entirely or mainly derive their income from their labour, and who have either no capital, or a very modest one to assist them in exercising a productive industry for the support of themselves and their families. To this class belong therefore the working men, the lower grade of citizens, handicraftsmen, and generally speaking the peasants. The second class consists of those who �30 dispose of large private property, of a large capital, and by reason of such a basis of capital, engage in production, or draw an income in the shape of rents. These may be called the rich citizens. But a rich citizen, gentlemen, is for that reason essentially no Bourgeois at all. If a nobleman seated in his room, finds pleasure in the contemplation ofhis ancestors, and of his landed property, no citizen has any thing to say against it. But if this nobleman desires to make his ancestry or his landed property the condition of a special rank and privilege in the State, the condition of the power of directing the will of the State,—then the indignation of the citizen is roused against the noble, and he calls him a feudalist. The same thing exactly takes place with regard to the difference of property within the citizen class. That the rich citizen seated in his chamber should find pleasure in contemplating the great convenience and advantage which a large private property brings to its possessor, nothing is more simple, nothing more natural and legitimate than this. The working man, and the poor citizen, in a word, the whole of that class which is without capital, is fully justified in demanding from the State that it should direct its aim and all its endeavours towards the improvement of the sorrowful and needy condition of the working classes, and to the discovery of the means by which it may help to raise those by whose hands all the riches with which our civilization delights to adorn itself have been produced. To the same hands all those products owe their existence, without which the whole community would perish in a single day ; it is. �31 therefore the duty of the State to help these to a more ample and assured wage, and so again to the possibility of a rational education, and through this to an existence truly worthy of man. Fully as the working classes are justified in demanding this from the State, and in point­ ing out this as its true aim, so on the other hand, the working man must and will never forget that the right to all property once lawfully earned is thoroughly legitimate and unassailable. But if the rich citizen, not contented with the actual advantages of large possessions, desires to make the property of the citizen, or his capital, the condition of power over the State, and of participating in the direction of the will of the State and the determination of its aims, then the rich citizen becomes a bourgeois, then he makes the fact of possession a legal condition of political power, then he characterises himself as belong­ ing to a new privileged class of the people, which now desires to impress the overruling stamp of its privilege on all the arrangements of society, just as the noble did in the Middle Ages, as we have seen, with the privilege of the possession of land. The question then which we have to raise with re­ gard to the French Revolution, and the period of his­ tory inaugurated by it, is this,—Has the third class which came into power through the French Revolution, regarded itself as a Bourgeoisie in this sense, and at­ tempted successfully to subject the people to its privi­ leged political domination ? The answer must be sought in the great facts of history, and this answer is distinctly in the affirmative. �32 We can only cast a rapid glance at the most import­ ant of these facts, which, however, are amply sufficient to decide the question. In the very first decree issued in consequence of the French Revolution, namely, that of the 3rd of Septem­ ber 179I (Chapter I. sections 1 and 2), the difference between active and passive citizens is set forth. Only the active citizens are entitled to the franchise, and an active citizen, according to this decree, is only one who pays dived taxes to a certain amount, which is afterwards more precisely stated. The amount of this taxation was fixed with consider­ able moderation ; it was to be only the value of three days’ work, or if we estimate a days’ work at the value of 10 silver groschen it would amount to a thaler (three shillings). But what was far more important was this, that all who served for wages were declared to be not active citizens, by which definition the working class was expressly excluded from the right of election. But ' after all in such questions as these it is not the amount which is of importance but the principle. A census was introduced, that is to say a specified amount of private property was, by means of the franchise— this first and most important of all political rights— , made the condition of participation in the direction of the will of the State, and the determination of its object. All those who paid no direct taxes at all, or a less amount than the above, or who worked for wages, were excluded from exercising power over the State, and reduced to an inferior subject class. Private property �33 or the possession of capital had become the condition of sovereignty over the State, as nobility or landed property had been in the Middle Ages. This principle of the census remains the leading principle of all the constitutions which resulted from the French Revolution. The only exception was a short period during which the French Republic of 1793 lasted, which perished on account of its own want of definite­ ness, and of the entire condition of society at that time, and on which I cannot enter here more particularly. Yes, following the rule which is common to all principles, it was a necessary consequence that the amount first fixed should soon develope itself into a much larger one. In the decree of 1814, 300 francs or 80 thalers, instead of the former amount of three days labour, was fixed as the qualification of the franchise by the charter granted by Louis XVIII. The Revolution of 1830 broke out, and nevertheless, the law of the 19th of April 1831 enacts that a payment of direct taxes to the amount of 200 francs or about 53 thalers, shall be the qualification of the franchise. That which was called, under Louis Phillipe and Guizot, the “ pays legal,” the country recognised by law, consisted of 200,000 men. There were no more than , 200,000 electors in France qualified by the amount of their private property, and these bore rule over a country of thirty millions of inhabitants. We must here observe that it is obviously a matter of indifference, whether the principle of the census, the exclusion of those who have no property from the �34 franchise, is applied by the law in a direct and open, or in some covert manner. The effect is always the same. Thus the second French Republic in the year 1850 could not possibly recall openly the universal and direct right to the suffrage which had been once declared, and which we shall consider presently in its operation. But they partially effected their object by excluding from the franchise, by the law of 31st May, 1850, all citizens who had not been domiciled for at least three years without intermission in the same place. For, as workmen in France are often forced by their circumstances to change their abode, and to seek for employment in another commune, they hoped, and with good reason, to exclude from the suffrage a very considerable number of work­ ing men, who would be unable to prove a continuous residence of three years in the same place. We have here, then, a Census in a disguised form. Much worse, however, do we fare in Prussia since the passing of the electoral law, which divided electors into three classes. By this law, according to the cir­ cumstances of different localities, three, ten, or thirty or more electors of the third class who have no property, exercise only the same voting power as a single large . capitalist, a rich burgher who belongs to the first electoral class. Consequently, in point of fact, if the proportional numbers were on an average, for instance, as one to ten, nine men in every ten of those who in the year 1848 possessed the franchise, have lost it through this electoral law which formed part of the charter of the year 1849, and now exercise it only in appearance. �35 But in order to show you how this law now actually works on an average, it is only necessary to exhibit to you some figures which are drawn from the official lists published by the Government. In the year 1848 we had in consequence of the right of universal suffrage then introduced, 3,661,993 original electors. By the electoral law of 30th May, 1849, with its three classes, the number of electors was in the first place reduced to 3,255,703 by depriving of the suffrage all who had no fixed abode, or who received public alms. Thus 406,000 men were at once deprived of the fran­ chise. This however was the smallest part of the evil. The remaining 3,255,000 electors were now to be divided, according to the electoral laws, into three classes, and according to the official lists prepared by the direction of the chartered electoral law of 1849— 153,808 men belonged to the 1st class 409,945 ,, ,, 2nd class 2,691,950 ,, )t 3rd class Now let us leave the second class out of view, and compare only the first and the third, the rich burghers and those who possessed no property, with one another, and we find that 153,800 rich men exercised the same voting power as 2,691,950 who belonged to the class of workmen, small citizens, and peasants; that is to say, one rich man exercised the same right of voting as seventeen who had no property. And now if we take as our basis the fact, that in the year 1848 universal suffrage was decreed by the law of the 8th April, so that �36 at that time 153,800 working men or small citizens were of equal weight at the elections with 153,800 rich men, and consequently one man without property was of equal weight with one rich man, it is clear that now, when it takes seventeen poor men to counterbalance the vote of one rich man, sixteen working men and small citizens out of seventeen have had their legal right of voting wrested from them. But even this, gentlemen, bad as it is, is only the average effect. In practice the matter assumes, in con­ sequence of the varying circumstances of different localities , a very different and far more unfavourable aspect ; and most unfavourable of all where the ine­ qualities of property are the greatest. Thus the district of Dusseldorf has 6356 electors of the first class and 166,300 of the third class ; twenty-six electors of the third class therefore exercise in that place the same voting power as one rich man. To return from this digression to our main line of argument. We have shown, and have yet to adduce further proofs, that since the Bourgeoisie attained to power through the French Revolution, it has made its own element, private property, the ruling principle of all the arrangements of society ; that the ■ Bourgeoisie, behaving precisely as the nobles did in the middle ages with regard to landed property, now affix the pre­ dominant and exclusive impress edits peculiar principle, private property or capital, the impress of its privilege, upon all the arrangements of society. The parallel between the nobility and the Bourgeoisie is in this respect complete. �37 In relation to the most important and fundamental point, the composition of the State, we have already seen this. As, in the middle ages, the possession of land was the ruling principle of the representation in the German Parliament, so now by means of the direct or the disguised census, the payment of taxes, and consequently, as this is conditioned by the capital which a man possesses, the possession of capital, is ultimately that which determines the right of election to the Chambers, and consequently the participation in power over the State. And so with regard to all the other arrangements in which I have proved to you that the landed interest was the ruling principle in the Middle Ages. I have drawn your attention to the freedom from taxation of the nobles who then possessed the land ; and I told you that every dominant privileged class en­ deavours to shift the burden of supporting the expenses tof the State on the oppressed classes who have no property. The Bourgeoisie have done precisely the same. It is true they cannot openly declare that they intend to be free of taxation. The principle that they express is on the contrary that every one should pay taxes according to his income. But they attain to the same result in a disguised form, at least as far as it goes, by the distinction between direct and indirect taxes. Direct taxes, gentlemen, are those which like the classified income tax, or the class taxes, are raised from income, and are therefore fixed according to the amount of the income and capital. Indirect taxes, on the other D �38 hand, are those which are imposed on needs of some kind, for instance on salt, corn, beer, meat, fuel, or on the need of the protection provided by law, on the cost of litigation, stamps, &c. These are in most instances paid by the individual in the price of the article, without his knowing or observing that he is paying any tax when he pays for it, or that it is the tax which enhances the price he pays for the article. Now you are aware, gentlemen, that one man who is twenty, fifty, or a hundred times as rich as another, by no means requires on that account, twenty, fifty, or a hundred times as much salt, bread or meat, nor drinks fifty or a hundred times as much beer or wine, nor requires fifty or a hundred times as much warmth, and therefore fuel, as a workman or poor citizen. Hence it follows that all indirect taxes, instead of being adapted to individuals according to the proportion of their capital and income, are paid, in far the greater part, by the poorest and most destitute classes of the nation. It is true that the Bourgeoisie did not actually invent indirect taxation; it existed before. But the Bourgeoisie were the first to develop it in an unprece­ dented degree into a system, and laid upon it almost the whole burden of supplying the necessities of the State. In order to show you this, I will glance by way of example at the revenue of Prussia for the year 1855. The total amount received by the State in that year was in round numbers 108,930,000 thalers. From this -we have to deduct 11,967,000 thalers the proceeds of the domains and forests, that is to say, income derived �39 from State property which we need not reckon here. There remain, therefore, about 97 millions of revenue from other sources. Of this revenue, according to the budget, about 26 millions were raised by direct taxation. But this is not true, and is only made to appear so because our budget is not constructed on scientific principles, but is only regulated by the manner in which the taxes are apparently collected. Out of these 26 millions, 10 millions of land tax ought to be deducted ; for though they are certainly taken directly from the possessor of the land, yet they are again added by him to the price he demands for his corn; they are there­ fore actually paid by the consumer of the corn, and are really an indirect tax. For the same reason the tax on trades amounting to 2,900,000 thalers must be de­ ducted. There only remains as revenue really derived from direct taxation— 2,928,000 thalers from classified income-tax. 7,884,000 ,, from class taxes. 2,036,000 ,, from surtax. Total 12,848,000 thalers. Thus only 12,800,000 thalers, gentlemen, out of a revenue of 97 millions really proceed from direct tax­ ation. All that is collected beyond this 12,800,000 thalers (for we must not follow the unscientific classifi­ cation of the budget which does not reckon the proceeds of the salt monopoly, amounting to 8,300,000 thalers, nor 8,849,000 thalers received as a tax on litigation, as �40 indirect taxes), all this balance I say, with the exception of a few unimportant items of a special character, is altogether raised from sources of revenue which are of the nature of indirect taxes, that is to say they are raised by indirect taxation. Indirect taxation is therefore, gentlemen, the institu­ tion by which the Bourgeoisie creates the privilege of freedom from taxation for great capitalists, and lays the 'cost of maintaining the existence of the State on the poorer classes of the community. At the same time I beg you to observe, gentlemen, the remarkable contradiction, and strange justice in­ volved in this proceeding of laying the whole burden of the expenses of the State on the indirect taxes, and so on the poor people, but making the direct taxes the criterion and condition of the right to the suffrage, that is to say of the right to political power; while these direct taxes contribute only the absurdly small pro­ portion of 12 millions to the whole revenue of 108 millions ! Moreover, I told you, gentlemen, while speaking of the nobles of the Middle Ages, that they held in social contempt all the activity and industry of the burgher class. Precisely the same thing occurs to day. It is true that every kind of labour is now held in high honour, and if a rag picker or a nightman became a millionaire, he might be certain of being received with high honour into society. But with what social contempt are they greeted, no matter in what way or how hard they work, who have �no private property to back them. This is a fact which you have no need to learn from my lecture, but which, unhappily, you can verify often enough by your own daily experience. Nay, in many respects the Bourgeoisie carries out more thoroughly and logically the dominion of its own peculiar element and privileges, than did the noble in the Middle Ages with respect to the landed interest. The education of the people—I speak here of the education of adults—was in the Middle Ages left in the hands of the clergy. Since then the newspapers have undertaken this office. But owing to the caution money which the journals must deposit, and still more to the stamp duty which is imposed on the newspapers here, in France, and in other countries, to start a daily paper is a very expensive business- that can only be under­ taken with the help of a large amount of capital ; so that by this means the possibility of appealing to the thought of the people, of enlightening and leading them, has become a privilege of the possessors of capital. If this were not the case, gentlemen, you would possess very different, and much better journals I It is interesting to see, gentlemen, at what an early period this attempt of the richer Bourgeoise to make the press one of the privileges of capital, showed itself, and in what a naive undisguised form. On the 24th July, 1789, a few days after the storming of the Bastille, and therefore soon after the Bourgeoisie had seized upon political power, the representatives of the Commune of Paris -issued a decree by which the printers were de­ clared to be responsible for the publication of pamphlets �42 or leaflets written by authors “ sans existence connue." The freedom of the press which was thus seized upon, was to be allowed therefore only to writers of known means of subsistence. Property appears therefore as the the condition of the freedom of the press, nay in fact of the morality of a writer I This naivete of the first days of the rule of the Bourgeois, only expresses in an artless and open way, what has been attained by the ingenious contrivance of caution money and stamp duty in our day. We must be satisfied gentlemen, with these great and characteristic facts, which corroborate the view we have taken of the Middle Ages. We have now seen, gentlemen, two periods of the world, each of which is dominated by the ruling idea of a particular class of the community which impresses its own principle on all the social arrangements of its time. First the idea of nobility, or of the possession of land which forms the ruling principle of the Middle Ages, -and permeates all its institutions. This period closed with the French Revolution, although you will understand that, especially in Ger­ many, where the change was not brought about by the people, but by very gradual and incomplete reforms introduced by the Government, numerous and import­ ant extensions of that first period of history have occurred, which even at the present day greatly hamper the progress of the Bourgeoisie. We saw in the next place the period of history which begins at the eighteenth century with the French Revo­ �43 lution, which has for its principle large private property, or capital, and makes this into the privilege which per­ vades all the arrangements of society, and is the con­ dition of participation in directing the will of the State and determining its aims. This period also, little as outward appearances seem to show it, is virtually already closed. On the 24th February 1848, the dawn of a new period of history appeared. For on that day in France (that country in whose great struggles the victory or the defeat of freedom means victory or defeat for the whole human race) a revolution broke out which called a working man into the provisional Government, declared that the object of the State was the improvement of the lot of the working classes, and proclaimed the universal and direct right to the suffrage, by which every citizen who had attained his twenty-first year, without any reference to the amount of his property, received an equal share in the government of the State in the direction of its will and the determination of its aims. You see, gentlemen, that if the Revolution of 1789 was the Revolution of the Tiers etat, the Third class, it is now the Fourth class, which in 1789 was still enfolded within the third class and appeared to be identical with it, which will now raise its principle to be the domi­ nating principle of the community, and cause all its arrangements to be permeated by it. But here, in the domination of the fourth class comes to light this immense difference, that the fourth class is the last and the outside of all, the disinterested class �44 of the community, which sets up and can set up no further exclusive condition, either legal or actual, neither nobility nor landed possessions nor the posses­ sion of capital, which it could make into a new privilege and force upon the arrangements of society. We are all working men in so far as we have even the will to make ourselves useful in any way to the community. This Fourth class in whose heart therefore no germ of a new privilege is contained, is for this very reason synonomous with the whole human race. Its interest is in truth the interest of the whole of humanity, its freedom is the freedom of humanity itself, and its domination is the domination of all. Whoever therefore invokes the idea of the working class as the ruling principle of society, in the sense in which I have explained it to you, does not put forth a cry that divides and separates the classes of society. On the contrary, he utters a cry of reconciliation, & cry which embraces the whole of the community, a cry for doing away with all the contradictions in every circle of society ; a cry of union in which all should join who do not wish for privileges, and the oppression of the people by privileged classes ; a cry of love which having once gone up from the heart of the people, will for ever remain the true cry of the people, and whose meaning will make it still a cry of love, even when it sounds the war cry of the people. We will now consider the principle of the working class as the ruling principle of the community only in three of its relations :— �45 (1) In re1ation to the formal means of its realisation. (2) In relation to its moral significance. (3) In relation to the political conception of the object of the State, which is inherent in that principle. We cannot on this occasion enter upon its other aspects, and even those to which we have referred can be only very cursorily examined in the short time that remains to us. The formal means of carrying out this principle is the universal and direct suffrage which we have already discussed. I say universal andtf/m^ suffrage, gentlemen, not that mere universal suffrage which we had in the year 1848. The introduction of two degrees in the electoral act, namely, original electors and electors simply, is nothing but an ingenious method purposely introduced with the object of falsifying as far as pos­ sible the will of the people by means of the electoral act. It is true that even universal and direct suffrage is no magic wand, gentlemen, which is able to protect you from temporary mistakes. We have seen in France two bad elections following one another, in 1848 and 1849. But universal and direct suffrage is the only means which in the long run of itself corrects the mistakes to which its momentary wrong use may lead. It is that spear which heals the wounds itself has made. It is impossible in the long run with universal and direct suffrage that the elected body should be any other than the exact and true likeness of the people which has elected it. The people must therefore at all times regard uni­ �46 versal and direct suffrage as its indispensable political weapon, as the most fundamental and important of its demands. I will now glance at the moral significance of the principle of society which we are considering. It is possible that the idea of converting the principle of the lower classes of society into the ruling principle of the State and the community may appear to be ex­ tremely dangerous and immoral, and to threaten the destruction of morality and education by a “ modern barbarism.” And it is no wonder that this idea should be so regarded at the present day since even public opinion, gentlemen—I have already indicated by what means, namely, the newspapers—receives its impressions from the mint of capital, and from the hands of the privileged wealthy Bourgeoisie. Nevertheless this fear is only a prejudice, and it can be proved on the contrary, that the idea would exhibit the greatest advance and triumph of morality that the history of the world has ever recorded. That view is a prejudice I repeat, and it is simply the prejudice of the present time which is dominated by privilege. At another time, namely, that of the first French Republic of the year 1793 (of which I have already told you that I cannot enter into further particulars on this occasion, but that it was destined to perish by its own want of definite aims) the opposite prejudice prevailed. It was then a current dogma that all the upper classes were immoral and corrupt, and that only the lower �47 classes were good and moral. In the new declara­ tion of the rights of man issued by the French convention, that powerful constituent assembly of France, this was actually laid down by a special article, namely, article nineteen, which runs as follows, “ Toute institution qui ne suppose le peuple bon, et lemagistrat corruptible, est vicieuse.” “ Every institution which does not assume that the people are good and the magistracy contemptible is vicious.” You see that this is exactly the opposite to the happy faith now required, according to which there is no greater sin than to doubt of the goodwill and the virtue of the Government, while it is taken for granted that the people are a sort of tiger and a sink of corruption. At the time of which we are speaking the opposite dogma had advanced so far, that almost every one who had a whole coat on his back was thought to be a bad man, or at least an object of suspicion ; and virtue, purity, and patriotic morality were thought to be pos­ sessed only by those who had no decent clothes. It was the period of sansculottism. This view, gentlemen, is in fact founded on a truth, but it presents itself in an untrue and perverted form. Now there is nothing more dangerous than a truth which presents itself in an untrue perverted form. For in whatever way we deal with it, we are certain to go wrong. If we adopt such a truth in its untrue perverted form, it will lead at certain times to most pernicious destruction, as was the case with sansculottism. But if we regard the whole statement as untrue on account ■of its untrue perverted form, then we are much worse. �For we have rejected a truth, and, in the case before us, a truth without the recognition of which not a single sound step in our political life can be taken. The only course that remains open to us, therefore,, is to set aside the untrue and perverted form of the statement, and to bring its true essence into distinct relief. The public opinion of the present day is inclined, as I have said, to declare the whole statement to be utterly untrue, and mere declamation on the part of Rousseau and the French Revolution. But even if it were possible to adopt the course of rejection in the case of Rousseau and the French Revolution, it is quite impossible to do so in the case of one of the greatest of German philosophers, the centenary of whose birth-day will be celebrated in this town next month : I allude to the philosopher Fichte, one of the greatest thinkers of all nations and times. Even Fichte declares expressly in so many words, that the higher the rank the greater the moral deteriora­ tion, that—these are his very words — “Wickedness in­ creases in proportion to the elevation of rank.” But Fichte did not develope the ultimate ground of this statement. He adduces, as the ground of this cor­ ruption, the selfishness and egoism of the upper classes. But then the question must immediately arise, whether selfishness does not also prevail in the lower classes, or why it should prevail less in these. Nay it must at first sight appear to be an extraordinary paradox to assert that less selfishness should prevail in" the lower classes than in the higher who have a considerable advantage �49 over them in education and training which are recog­ nised as moralising elements. The following is the true ground of what as I said appears at first sight to be extraordinary paradox. In a long period in the past, as we have seen, the development of the people, which is the life-breath of history, proceeds by an ever advancing abolition of the privileges which guarantee to the higher classes their position as higher and ruling classes. The desire to maintain this, in other words their personal interest, brings therefore every member of the higher classes who has not once for all by a high range of vision elevated himself above his purely personal existence—and you will understand, gentlemen, that this can never be more than a very small number of exceptional characters—into a position thoroughly hostile in principle to the develop­ ment of the people, to the progress of education and science, to tne advance of culture, to all tne life-oreatn and victory of historic life. It is this opposition of the personal interest of the higher classes to the development of the nation in culture which evokes the great and necessary immorality of the higher classes. It is a life, whose daily conditions you need only represent to yourselves, in order to perceive the deep inward deterioration to which it must lead. To be compelled daily to oppose all that is great and good, to be obliged to grieve at its successes, to rejoice at its failures, to restrain its further progress, to be obliged to undo or to execrate the advantages it has already attained. It is to lead their life as in the country of an enemy—and this enemy is the moral community of their �own people, amongst whom they live, and for whom to strive constitutes all true morality. It is to lead their lives, I say, as in the country of an enemy; this enemy is their own people, and the fact that it is regarded and treated as their enemy must generally at all events be cunningly concealed, and this hostility must more orless artfully be covered with a veil. And to this we must add that either they must do all this against the voice of their own conscience and intelli­ gence, or they must have stifled the voice by habit so as not to be oppressed by it, or lastly they must have never known this voice, never known anything different and better than the religion of their own advantage ! This life, gentlemen, leads therefore necessarily to a thorough depreciation and contempt of all striving to realise an ideal, to a compassionate smile at the bare mention of the great name of the Idea, to a deeply seated want of sympathy and even antipathy to all that is beautiful and great, to a complete swallowing up of every moral element in us, by the one passion of selfish seeking for our own advantage, and of immoderate desire for pleasure. It is this opposition, gentlemen, between personal interest and the development of the nation in culture, which the lower classes, happily for them, are without. It is unfortunately true that there is always enough of selfishness in the lower classes, much more than there should be, but this selfishness of theirs, wherever it is found, is the fault of single persons, of individuals r and not the inevitable fault of the class. �5^ A very reasonable instinct warns the members of the lower classes, that so long as each of them relates him­ self only to himself, and each one thinks only of himself, he can hope for no important improvement in his. position. But the more earnestly and deeply the lower classes of society strive after the improvement of their condition as a class, the improvement of the lot of their class, the more does this personal interest, instead of opposing the movement of history and thereby being condemned to that immorality of which we have spoken, assume a direction which thoroughly accords with the development of the whole people, with the victory of the idea, with the advance of culture, with the living principle of history itself, which is no other than the development of freedom. Or in other words, as we have already seen, its interest is the interest of the entire human race. You are therefore in this happy position, gentlemen, that instead of its being possible for you to be dead to the idea, you are on the contrary urged to the deepest sympathy for it by your own personal interests. You are in the happy position that the idea which constitutes your true personal interest, is one with the throbbing pulse of history, and with the living principle of moral development. You are able therefore to devote your­ selves with personal passion to this historical development, and to be certain that the more strongly this passion grows and burns within you in the true sense in which I have explained it to you, the higher is the moral position you have attained. These are the reasons, gentlemen, why the dominion �52 of the fourth class in the State must produce such an efflorescence of morality, culture, and science, as has not yet been witnessed in history. But there is yet another reason for this, one which is most intimately connected with all the views I have explained to you, and forms their keystone. The fourth estate not only has a different formal political principle from that of the Bourgeoisie, namelv, the universal direct franchise, instead of the census of the Bourgeoisie, and not only has through its position in life a different relation to moral forces than the higher classes, but has also—and partly in consequence of these —quite another and a different conception of the moral object of the State from that of the Bourgeoisie. According to the Bourgeoisie, the moral idea of the State is exclusively this, that the unhindered exercise by himself of his own faculties should be guaranteed to each individual. If we were all equally strong, equally clever, equally educated, and equally rich, this might be regarded as a sufficient and a moral idea. But since we neither are nor can be thus equal, this idea is not satisfactory, and therefore necessarily leads in its consequences to deep immorality, for it leads to this, that the stronger, the cleverer, and the richer fleece the weaker and pick their pockets. The moral idea of the State according to the working class on the contrary is this, that the unhindered and free activity of individual powers exercised by the indi­ vidual is not sufficient, but that something must be added to this in a morally ordered community—namely, �53 solidarity of interests, community and reciprocity in development. In accordance with this difference, the Bourgeoisie conceive the moral object of the State to consist solely and exclusively in the protection of the personal freedom and the property of the individual. This is a policeman’s idea, gentlemen, a policeman’s idea for this reason, because it represents to itself the State from a point of view of a policeman, whose whole function consists in preventing robbery and burglary. Unfortunately this policeman’s idea is not only familiar to genuine liberals, but is even to be met with not unfrequently among so-called democrats, owing to their defective imagination. If the Bourgeoisie would express the logical inference from their idea, they must maintain that according to it if there were no such thing as robbers and thieves, the State itself would be entirely * superfluous. Very differently, gentlemen, does the fourth estate regard the object of the State, for it apprehends it in its true nature. History, gentlemen, is a struggle with nature; with * This idea of the State, which in fact does away with the State, and changes it into a mere union of egoistic interests, is the idea of the State as regarded by liberalism, and historically was produced by it. It forms by the power which it has necessarily obtained and which stands in direct relation to its superficiality, the true danger of spiritual and moral decay, the true danger, which threatens us at this day, of a “modern barbarism.” In Germany happily it is strongly opposed by the ancient learning which has once for all become the indestructible foundation of German thought. From this proceeds the view “that it is neces­ sary to enlarge the notion of the State to the fullest extent to which in my opinion it is possible to enlarge it, that the State should be the organisation, in which the whole virtue of man should realise itself.” (Augustus Booth’s address to his University of the 22nd March, 1862.) �54 the misery, the ignorance, the poverty, the weakness, and consequent slavery in which we were involved when the human race came upon the scene in the beginning of history. The progressive victory over this weakness—this is the development of freedom which history displays to us. In this struggle we should never have made one step forward, nor shall we ever advance one step more by acting on the principle of each one for himself, each one alone. It is the State whose function it is to carry on this development of freedom, this development of the human race until its freedom is attained. The State is this unity of individuals into a moral whole, a unity which increases a million-fold the strength of all the individuals who are comprehended in it, and multiplies a million times the power which would be at the disposal of them all as individuals. The object of the State, therefore, is not only to protect the personal freedom and property of the indi­ vidual with which he is supposed according to the idea of the Bourgeoisie to have entered the State. On the contrary, the object of the State is precisely this, to place the individuals through this union in a position to attain to such objects, and reach such a stage of existence as they never could have reached as individuals ; to make them capable of acquiring an amount of education, power, and freedom which would have been wholly unattainable by them as individuals. Accordingly the object of the State is to bring man to positive expansion, and progressive development, in �55 other words, to bring the destiny of man—that is the culture of which the human race is capable-—into actual existence ; it is the training and development of the human race to freedom. This is the true moral nature of the State, gentlemen, its true and high mission. So much is this the case, that from the beginning of time through the very force of events it has more or less been carried out by the State without the exercise of will, and unconsciously even against the will of its leaders. But the working class, gentlemen, the lower classes of the community in general, through the helpless con­ dition in which its members find themselves placed as individuals, have always acquired the deep instinct, that this is and must be the duty of the State, to help the individual by means of the union of all to such a development as he would be incapable of attaining as an individual. A State therefore which was ruled by the idea of the working class, would no longer be driven, as all States have hitherto been, unconsciously and against their will by the nature of things, and the force of circum­ stances, but it would make this moral nature of the State its mission, with perfect clearness of vision and complete consciousness. It would complete with un­ checked desire and perfect consistency, that which hitherto has only been wrung in scanty and imperfect frag­ ments from wills that were opposed to it, and for this very reason—though time does, not permit me to explain in any detail this necessary connection of cause and effect—it would produce a soaring flight of the human �56 spirit, a development of an amount of happiness, cul­ ture, well-being, and freedom without example in the history of the world, and in comparison with which, the most favourable conditions that have existed in former times would appear but dim shadows of the reality. This it is, gentlemen, which must be called the work­ ing man’s idea of the State, his conception of the object of the State, which, as you see is just as different from the bourgeois conception of the object of the State, as the principle of the working class, of the claim of all to direct the will of the State, or uni­ versal suffrage, is different from the principle held by the Bourgeoisie, the census. The series of ideas which I have [explained to you must be regarded as the idea of the working class. It is this that I had in view when I spoke to you, at the com­ mencement of my lecture, of the connection of the particular period of history in which we live with the idea of the working class. It is this period of history beginning with February, 1848, to which has been allotted the task of bringing this idea of the State into actual existence. We may congratulate ourselves, gentlemen, that we have been born at a time which is destined to witness this the most glorious work of history, and that we are permitted to take a part in accomplishing it. But on all who belong to the working class the duty of taking up an entirely new attitude is imposed, if there is any truth in what I have said. Nothing is more calculated to impress upon a class a worthy and moral character, than the consciousness �57 that it is destined to become a ruling class, that it is called upon to raise the principle of its class to the principle of the entire age, to convert its idea into the leading idea of the whole of society and thus to form this society by impressing upon it its own char­ acter. The high and world-wide honour of this destiny must occupy all your thoughts. Neither the load of the oppressed, nor the idle dissipation of the thoughtless, nor even the harmless frivolity of the insignificant, are henceforth becoming to you. You are the rock on which the Church of the present is to be built. It is the lofty moral earnestness of this thought which must with devouring exclusiveness possess your spirits, fill your minds, and shape |your whole lives, so as to make them worthy of it, conformable to it, and always related to it. It is the moral earnestness of this thought which must never leave you, but must be present to your heart in your workshops during the hours of labour, in your leisure hours, during your walks, at your meet­ ings, and even when you stretch your limbs to rest upon your hard couches, it is this thought which must fill and occupy your minds till they lose themselves in dreams. The more exclusively you immerse yourselves in the moral earnestness of this thought, the more undividedly you give yourselves up to its glowing fervour, by so much the more, be assured, will you hasten the time within which our present period of history will have to fulfil its task, so much the sooner will you bring about the accomplishment of this task. If there be only two or three of you, gentlemen, who �LONDON: PRINTED AT THE MODERN PRESS, — 13 AND 14, — PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C. �March., 1887. W O S SOLD BY THE FREETHOUGHT PUBLISHING COMPANY, 63, FLEET STREET, LONDON, E.C. Postage must be sent with Orders less than One Shilling in value. Cheques should be crossed “ London and South-Western Bank". No receipts for amounts under 10s. in value sent, unless stamped and directed envelope be fonoarded. BU orders should be addressed to “ The Manager ’ ’. _____ Estimates given for Printing Books and Pamphlets. Bradlaugh., Charles—(See also International Series.') The Freethinker’s Text-Book. 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(published at 15s. each); containing’ articles by W. E. Gladstone, Sir T. Brassey, Sir W. Herschell, Professor Clifford, Dean Stanley, Karl Blind, and many other famous writers. And the following numbers :—1875. January contains Supernatural Religion (The Silence of Eusebius), by Prof. Lightfoot; Sermon on the Immutability of Jehovah, by Colenso; Max Muller’s reply to Darwin; Saxon Studies, by Julian Hawthorne, etc., etc. March contains Saturn and the Sabbath of the Jews, by R. A. Proctor; Some Results of the Challenger Expedition, by Prof. Huxley; Life at High Pressure, by W. R. Greg; On Objections to “Literature and Dogma ”, by Matthew Arnold, etc., etc. April contains A Jesuit Father on Papal Infallibility; The Covenanters, Charles H. and Argyle; Instinct and Reason, by St. George Mivart; Bogies of To-day, by Earl Pembroke, etc., etc. July contains Is the Church of England Worth Preserving ? by W. E. Gladstone; George Jacob Holyoake on Co-operation; The Tory Party and the Catholics, by Pope Hennessey; Animal Instinct in its relation to the Mind of Man, by the Duke of Argyll, etc., ■etc. August contains The Liberal Party and the Roman Catholics, by Arthur Arnold; "Roman Catholic Marriage Laws, by Canon Todd; Supernatural Religion (Papias of Hierapolis), by Prof. Lightfoot, etc., etc. September contains A Dis­ cussion on the Scientific Basis of Morals between Prof. Clifford, Frederic Harrison, and P. C. W.; Lord Blachford on Huxley’s Hypothesis that Animals are Auto­ mata ; Ocean Circulation, by Dr. W. B. Carpenter; Rig-ht use of a Surplus, by W. R. Greg, etc., etc. November contains India, Political and Social, by M. E. Grant Duff; Religious and Conservative Aspects of Positivism, by Frederic Harrison!; ’Liknesses, or Philosophical Anatomy, by St. George Mivart, etc., etc. The above seven numbers for 1875 free for 2s. 9d.----- 1876. January contains The Fallacies ■ of Testimony, by W. B. Carpenter; Why have Animals a Nervous System? by H. ■Charlton Bastian; Goethe and Minna Herzlieb, by Andrew Hamilton; Wesleyan Methodism, by J. L. Davies; Public Education, by Sir John Lubbock, etc., etc. March contains Modem Materialism, by the Rev. James Martineau; Irrigation Works and the Permanent Settlement in India, by J. Dacosta; Bishop Butler, by Matthew Arnold ; Eternal Perdition and Universalism from a Roman Catholic �15 Point of View Religion of Positivism, by Mark Pattison, etc., etc. April contains Russian Idylls, by W. R. S. Ralston; The Bases of Morals, by James Hanton; Homerology, by W. E. Gladstone ; John H. Newman: a Psychological Study, by the Rev. John Hunt; Jellyfish Theory of Language, by the Rev. A. H. Sayce, etc., etc. May contains Humanity, by Frederic Harrison ; Strauss : a Chapter in the History of Modem Religious Thought, by the Rev. A. M. Fairbairn; Religious Teaching in Elementary Schools, by Francis Peek, etc., etc. June contains Th° Courses of Religious Thought, by W. E. Gladstone ; Persia, by Arthur Arnold ; Evolution and the Religion of the Future, by Anna Swanwick ; Elementary Edu­ cation, by Sir John Lubbock, etc., etc. July contains- Turkey, by Arthur Arnold • Christian Evidences, by Richard H. Hutton; Homerology, by W. E. Gladstone • The Pulse of Europe, by M. E. Grant Duff; The Restitution of all Things, by Andrew Jukes, etc., etc. September contains Automatism and Evolution, by Dr. Charles Elam; Capital Punishment in England, by Francis W. Rowsell; Church­ manship of John Wesley, by James Rigg, D.D., etc., etc. October contains Imper­ fect Genius: William Blake, by H. G. Hewlett; Professor Cairnes on Value, by W. T. Thornton ; Antagonism of Creeds, by Philip Schaff, D.D.; Working Men and the Eastern Question, by Geo. Potter and Geo. Howell, etc., etc. November contains Philosophy without Assumptions, by Cardinal Manning ; The Prophetic Element in the Gospels, by W. R. Greg; Russian Policy in Turkestan, by W. E. Glad­ stone; A Psychological Parallel, by Matthew Arnold, etc., etc. The above nine numbers for 1876 free for 4s.----- 1877. February contains: Evolution and the Vegetable Kingdom, by W. Carruthers, F.R.S. ; Problems of Social and Political Life in France, by A. Oer; The English People in relation to the Eastern Question, by Edward A. Freeman; Henrietta Maria; The Roman Catholics and the Puritans, by Peter Bayne; Transcendentalism in England New England, and India, by H. Holbeach, etc., etc. March contains ■ Pro­ gress of Religious Thought in Scotland, by Principal Tulloch; Race and Language, by E. A. Freeman ; Spinoza : the man and the philosopher, by Arthur Bolles Lee ; Prussia in the Nineteenth Century, by Prof. J. S. Blackie; Reason­ able Faith, by a London Merchant, etc. April contains: Spinoza : 1677—1877 by Ernest Renan; Metaphysical Study, by Prof. Bain ; The Germ Theory and Spon­ taneous Generation: Pasteur, Tyndall, Bastian ; One per Cent., by Prof. Bonamy Price, etc., etc. May contains: Contest of Heathenism with Christianity, by Prof Zeller; Conditions and Prospects of the Church of England, by Thos. Hughes • Wagner, by Rev. H. R. Haweis ; French Thought and Spinozism, by Paul Janet’ Harriet Martineau’s account of herself, by H. S. Richardson; A Reconciling Philosophic Conception, by Prof. Bain, etc., etc. July contains: Morality in Politics, by the Duke of Argyll; Pascal and Montaigne, by John Grote; Religious Upheaval m Scotland, by William Wallace; Drifting Light Waves, by R. A. Proctor; Virgil, by Julia Wedgwood, etc., etc. September contains: The Gospei according to St. John, by Ernest Renan; The Pantheistic Factor in Christian Thought, by the Rev. R. F. Littledale; Scientific Movement and Literature, by Edward Dowden; French Chateaux of the Renaissance, by Mrs. Mark Pattison (Lady Dilke), etc., etc. October contains : The Divine Guidance of the Church by the Bishop of Salisbury; Trial of Jesus Christ, by A. Taylor Tunes; Trades’ Unions, Apprentices and Technical Education, by George Howell; Oxygen in the Sun, by R. A. Proctor; Legislation for the Insane, by Dr. D. Hack Tuke, etc., etc. November contains : The Resurrection of Christ a new revelation, by Canon West­ cott; War-Power, by Prof. F. W. Newman; Fashionable Farces; Prof. Tyndall’s Birmingham address, by George Peard ; The Slaveowner and the Turk, by Goldwin Smith. The above eight numbers of 1877 free for 2s. 9d. 1878. January contains • Dog Poison m Man, by Dr. Acland; J. S. 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Blackley; Contemporary Life and Thought in Russia, byT. S., St. Petersburg; Literary Chronicles, by Profs. Bonamy Price, Cheitham, S. R. Gardiner, and Matthew Browne, etc., etc. March contains : Belief in Christ: its relation to miracles and to evolution, by J. LI. Davies ; New Planets near the Sun, by R. A. Proctor; Women in Ancient Athens (Aspasia and Sappho), by James Donaldson ; Confession : its Scientific and Medical Aspects, by George Cowell; New Religious Movement in France, by Josephine E. Butler, etc., etc. April contains: Car­ nivorous Plants, by Ellice Hopkins; Over-production, by Prof. W. S. Aldis; Bad Trade and its cause, by Stephen Williamson and R. H. Patterson ; Disenclosure of the "‘Anglican Paddock”, by J. R. Prettyman, etc., etc. May contains: The Social Philosophy and Religion of Comte, by Prof. E. 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April contains Italy and the War of 1866; Papal Drama; Thomas Hobbes; New America; Hopes and Fears of Reformers; Swinburne’s Poetry; Contemporary Music and Musical Literature, etc.----- 1870. July contains Unpublished Letters of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, 1815-16; Indian Taxation; Future of the British Empire; Shelley; Roman Catholicism, _ Pre­ sent and Future, etc. etc.----- 1871. July contains Religious Life and Tendencies in Scotland ; Walt Whitman; Genesis of the Free Will Doctrine; Republicans of the Commonwealth; Early English Literature; Function of Physical Pain; Method of Political Economy, etc., etc. October contains Pilgrim Fathers; Greek Democracy; Faraday; Chaucer; Modern Science and Arts; Authorship of Junius; The Baptists; Lessing, etc., etc.——1874. April contains The Bible as interpreted by Mr. Arnold; Pangenesis; Song of Songs; Development of Psychology; Moral Philosophy at Cam­ bridge, etc., etc.----- 1875. 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Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Modern Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1884 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context T470 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Peters, Edward (tr) Subject The topic of the resource Socialism Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /><br /><span>This work (The working man's programme (arbeiter-programm)), identified by </span><span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk">Humanist Library and Archives</a></span><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Addresses Political Manifesto Socialism Speeches Working Classes https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/0fc5552cd5e8fc29da1724397db0f46f.pdf?Expires=1782345600&Signature=riFpooJEr-qkME4u8Dti4KOKDnmIpeak7BfGjFMpFfvcIa1w49RmnklXg5ihhTVtlsMzlbeka3a2TY9QJ%7ExtWUYz2CVus1i1ovWHUZQnU8GtevMMd26GIWZ%7EEwd0CEthu35rNTHbpJusxOCuL-1RSYNbriWXvd8mQluJJIpIHwB0hHblg5vxOn4RCJ8kmIEhJXMtzYYPwIaWNmr3uLBBkp2o4BQtSuP5Eyj4U5n-c49mHAFU-VqlhqhxTQw8ilhnKU5iqUvcCHSMcjluJSzeEaiUrTmeNjidpQnto3MEmaizC5r3KpI%7ES4bfaQkgwJVxoRtORk9qPimfFXIMH5BAUg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM cdad33cf09b36e20f409a2fdda209682 PDF Text Text CT&> PRICE ONE PENNY. HERBERT SPENCER I ON SOCIALISM. A TO THE REPLY THE ARTICLE ENTITLED COMING SLAVERY, (In the “ Contemporary Review” for April, 1884.) BY v FRANK FAIRMAN/ l,e*( TheoAef-e THE 13 and R- UJKrlct" MODERN 14, PATERNOSTER PRESS, ROW, LONDON, E.C. AND OF W. REEVES, 185, FLEET STREET, LONDON, E C. 1884. �“ Out of thine own mouth will I judge thee.” �HERBERT SPENCER ON SOCIALISM. “ Is Saul also amongst the prophets ? ” seems to have been at one time the proverbial formula for expressing surprise, bordering on incredulity, at the appearance of any wellknown individual in a new and unexpected character, and the like feelings may probably be evoked by the inquiry—“ Is Herbert Spencer also amongst the humourists ? ” A careful and repeated perusal, however, of his latest deliverance on social questions in the April number of the Contemporary Review, and a comparison of it with other writings of his which are un­ doubtedly serious, almost forces one to the conclusion that he is on this occasion laughing in his sleeve at the British public, and enjoying the joke of being held up as Defender of the universal-scramble and Devil-take-the-hindmost Faith which not once only, but all his life, he has laboured to destroy. Probably no one—not even Dr. Marx, himself (his works being inaccessible in English) has done so much to promote the spread of socialistic ideas in England as Mr. Spencer, and to those who have for years felt that in the principles he has laid down they had a sure and solid founda­ tion on which to stand, and a clue to guide them in coming to a right conclusion on many vexed questions of political and social importance, it will be an immense relief to find that their great teacher has not really turned his back upon himself, but that like Rabelais and others, he is only con­ cealing his real purpose under a cloak—not of nastiness— which neither his own taste, nor the manners of the age would permit — but of apparent hard-heartedness and economic superficiality, both of which are alike repugnant to his real nature. What better evidence can we have that a writer is masquerading than to find— being a philanthropist, whose sympathies arq pot �4 limited by country, colour, or creed, he insults the unfor­ tunate and apparently depreciates all attempts to help them. 2. —That being an exact and profound thinker, he over­ states and mis-states his (nominal) opponent’s case in order to prejudice it, and trots out from the economic stable vener­ able old screws like “ wages-fund,” which though they made good running in their day, are now only fit for a fair-trade procession. 3. —That being probably the leading philosopher of the age, he condemns, because it bears an unpopular name, the very thing which he has himself held up as the grand desideratum. 4. —That being a master of the English language, he uses terms so exactly and admirably adapted to describe the effects of the present system of production that when applied to its rival they can only be taken ironically, and— Lastly, when there is an intelligible object for the grim joke, viz., that of sending those who are so delighted with this last essay, to study the other writings of their supposed champion, where, if they are at all amenable to reason, his inexorable logic can hardly fail to convince them of the necessity of at least as radical a reconstruction of society as even the Democratic Federation can desire. Furthermore, the dis­ covery that there is this vein of humour in Mr. Spencer’s composition will assist one to read between the lines of those portions of Social Statics in which he has denounced Socialism—in name—and even combatted, though, but im­ perfectly, some of its claims, though at the same time admitting that they spring naturally from the principles he has formulated. Let us take these various propositions in order and see whether or not they are justified. 1.—It is hardly necessary to prove that Mr. Spencer is a genuine philanthropist, but the following sentences show what was once the real attitude of his mind towards the poorer classes, and the hard conditions of their lot:— “ It is a pity that those who speak disparagingly of the masses have not wisdom enough, to make due allowance for the unfavourable circumstances in which the masses are placed. Suppose that after weighing the evidence it should turn out that the working men do exhibit greater vices than those more comfortably off; does it therefore follow that they are morally worse ? . . . Shall as much be expected at their hands as from those born �5 into a more fortunate position ? . . . Surely the lot of the hard-handed labourer is pitiable enough without having harsh judgments passed upon him. To be wholly sacrificed to other men’s happiness; to be made a mere human tool; to have every faculty subordinated to the sole function of work—this, one would say, is alone a misfortune, needing all sympathy for its mitigation. . . It is very easy for you, oh respectable citizen, seated in your easy chair, with your feet on the fender, to hold forth on the mis­ conduct of the people, very easy for you to censure their extravagant and vicious habits, very easy for you to be a pattern of frugality, of rectitude, of sobriety. What else should you be ? Here are you surrounded by comforts, possessing multiplied sources of lawful happiness, with a reputation to maintain, an ambition to fulfil, and prospects of a competency for old age. . . If you do not contract dissipated habits where is the merit ? How would these virtues of yours stand the wear and tear of poverty ? Where would your prudence and self-denial be if you were deprived of all the hopes that now stimulate you; if you had no better prospect than that of the Dorsetshire farm-servant with his 7s. a-week, or that of the perpetually straitened stocking weaver, or that of the mill-hand with his periodical suspensions of work ? Let us see you tied to an irksome employment from dawn till dusk; fed on meagre food, and scarcely enough of that; married to a factory girl ignorant of domestic management; deprived of the enjoyments which education opens up; with no place of recreation but the pot­ house, and then let us see whether you would be as steady as you are. Suppose your savings had to be made, not, as now, out of surplus ’income, but out of wages already insufficient for necessaries; and then consider whether to be provident would be as easy as you at present find it. . . “ How offensive it is to hear some pert, self-approving personage, who thanks God that he is not as other men are, passing harsh sentence on his poor, hardworked, heavily burdened fellow-countrymen; including them all in one sweeping condemnation, because in their struggles for existence they do not maintain the same prim respectability as himself. Of all stupidities there are few greater, and yet few in which we more doggedly persist, than this of estimating other men’s conduct by the standard of our own feelings. . . We cannot understand another’s character except by abandoning our own identity, and realising to ourselves his frame of mind, his want of knowledge, his hardships, temptations and discouragements. And if the wealthier classes would do this before framing their opinions of the working man, their verdict would savour somewhat more of that charity which covereth a multitude of sins." — Social Statics, part 3, chapter 20. What a striking contrast do those sentiments present to the opening of the article on the Coming Slavery, where the author speaks of “the miseries of the poor being thought of as the miseries of the deserving poor, instead of being thought of as in large measure they should be, as the miseries of the undeserving poor”; goes on to describe the idlers about tavern doors, the men who appropriate the wages of their wives, the fellows who share the gains of prostitutes, &c., �6 and then says—“ Is it not manifest that there must exist in our midst an enormous amount of misery which is a normal result of misconduct, and ought not to be dissociated from it ? ” Can any one doubt that Mr. Spencer is as perfectly well aware as any one who reads these lines, that it is the misery of the deserving poor, not that of the undeserving, which has excited so much sympathy :—and that if by toiling twelve or fourteen hours a day men and women could have secured as good accommodation as well kept pigs, and as good and sufficient food as cart-horses, we should have heard no “ bitter cry,” and had no Royal Commission ? The loungers who rush to open a cab-door are not to be lost sight of, but it is a mere gratuitous assumption that all or most of them could find better work to do. An equally patent fact is the immense rush for any opportunity of earning an honest living at even the lowest remuneration, as witness the crowds who besiege the London Docks at 6 o’clock every morning, 40 per cent, at least being stated by eye-witnesses to go away disappointed. Mr, Spencer has taken great pains to collect information regarding the aborigines of all parts of the globe, and can hardly have passed over his own countrymen ; if he has ever made a personal tour of our great metropolitan markets and leading thoroughfares, early in the morning or late at night, he must be convinced from witnessing the innumerable shifts and devices resorted to, the hard work undergone, and the discomfort endured, to gain a few miserable pence and so escape the workhouse, that taking the poorer classes as a whole, laziness is the last vice which can be laid to their charge. Thriftless they un­ doubtedly are, but what inducement have they to be other­ wise, when the most strenuous efforts would be so hopelessly futile of obtaining anything like a tangible result. In­ temperate, on occasion they are also, but there is much excuse, if no justification, for their indulging when they have the means in the only form of pleasurable excitement known or open to them. Unoerlying these opening sentences, is the common assumption that an honest, sober, and in­ dustrious workman can always find employment. It must be acknowledged that there is some slight colour for the assumption,but what doesit come to when analysed ? Simply that the best men get employed first. But if all were equally sober, industrious, and skilful, their good qualities would �7 bear no premium in the labour market, and what little foundation there is now for this assumption would vanish ; so that, in fact, it rather is to the bad qualities of their fellows than to their own virtues—to the existence in short, of the tavern and street corner loungers—that the elite of the working classes owe such advantages as they possess. Once more, can any one suppose that Mr. Spencer, of all men, needs to have this pointed out ? It is impossible. 2.—“ There is a notion,” says Mr. Spencer, “ always more or less prevalent, and just now vociferously expressed, that all social suffering is removable, and that it is the duty of somebody or other to remove it. Both these beliefs are false.” A great portion of social suffering arises from the death of relatives and friends, but no instructed Socialist has as yet proposed to remove it; on the contrary, unhappily, some ^instructed ones seem rather in favour of increasing it. Speaking seriously, however, what Socialists maintain is—not any such absurdity as the above, but that a great deal of suffering is removable, and in particular that an im­ mense deal of it results directly from defective social arrange­ ments ; and that this portion at least, can be, and ought to be, removed. They are firmly convinced that material im­ provement without moral and intellectual elevation is a chimera, but they are equally convinced that the moral eleva­ tion of the lowest class without material improvement is im­ possible. They agree with Mr. Spencer in accepting the scientific accuracy of the maxim, “ If any will not work neither shall he eat; ” but they also believe that “ if any do not eat neither can he work; ” and they object to the pre­ sent system of distribution because on the one hand it gives plenty to eat to those who do not work at all,. and on the other, leaves those who work the hardest the smallest possible means and opportunity of eating anything. The next suggestion is that the working classes are being supplied with dwelling accommodation at less than its com­ mercial value, because in Liverpool the municipality has spent ^200,000 in pulling down and reconstructing, and “ the implication is that in some way the ratepayers supply the poor with more accommodation than the rents they pay would otherwise have brought.” An equally logical implica­ tion would be, that in some way some of the non-working classes have obtained £200,000 of the ratepayer’s money be- �8x yond the commercial value of their property. Mr. Spencer also . says that the advantages derived from free libraries, public baths, Board schools, etc., are only a rate in aid of wages, and that these seeming boons are really illusory. It might be said that these things being necessaries, if they were not supplied by the public, the working classes would insist on such wages as would enable them to provide them for themselves ; and such an argument would be not only plausible, but sound, assuming the premises to be correct, which evidently they are not. But the line of reasoning adopted seems to be that capitalists give as high wages as ever they can afford, many of them even coming to grief from their liberality in this respect, and that any inroads by taxation on either profits or “wages fund” necessitate, much against their will, an equivalent reduction in wages. Whether either the premises or the argument in this case be sounder than m the previous one, those who understand anything of economics must judge. It may be pointed out, however, that this view accords very ill with the conclusions of Mr. Giffen, and similar optimists, who prove very much to their own satisfaction that the wages of the working classes have con­ siderably improved during the very period that the public have been providing these illusory benefits. Besides, supposing Mr. Spencer’s criticism on this point well founded, it is obviously only an argument against half and half measures, and in favour of real Socialism, (did he mean it as such ?) which would abolish this cut-throat competition between employers, by which both their own profits and the remuneration of labour are reduced to a minimum. 3-—The condemnation of Socialism by name is too obvious to need more than a general reference. To show that the thing itself is _ the only legitimate outcome of Mr. Spencer’s teaching, it is necessary to refer in some detail to Social Statics, especially as this book is not now readily accessible. It is understood that Mr. Spencer objects to its being re­ printed until he has time to revise and modify some portions, but judging by the preface to the last edition, such modifica­ tions will be confined to the practical applications of the prin­ ciples laid down, and will not interfere with the principles themselves. So firmly, indeed, has the author established these, that it would be difficult even for him to upset them. It is to these that attention will be chiefly directed, rather �9 than to special deductions which the writer draws from them ; and, be it said with all deference, it is not for a philosopher who succeeds in establishing a principle to dictate what con­ clusions may or may not be drawn from it; that must depend on the acknowledged rules of logic. Without unduly lengthening these pages by citations, it may fairly be said that the one great principle which Mr. Spencer establishes as the fundamental law of morality for human beings, is what he terms “the law of equal freedom ; ” that is, that every individual should enjoy perfect liberty to exer­ cise all his faculties, the only limitation being that he shall not in so doing infringe in any manner on the like freedom of others. As he puts it, “ man must have liberty to go and to come ; to see, to feel, to speak, to work, to get food, raiment, and shelter, and to provide for each and all the needs of his nature.” (p. 93.) Again, “If this law of equal freedom is the primary law of right relationship between man and man, then no desire to get fulfilled a secondary law can warrant us in breaking it.” It is here contended that the acceptance of this primary law inevitably leads to Socialism, and can lead to nothing else. Mr. Spencer has himself done the greater part of the work required to show that it does so, by himself drawing from it the deduction that it includes the right to the use of the earth. “ Each is free to use the earth for the satisfaction of his wants provided he allows all others the same liberty. And conversely it is manifest that no one may use the earth in such a way as to prevent the rest from similarly using it. Equity, therefore does not permit pro­ perty in land.” (p. 131). Again, “ It is impossible to dis­ cover any mode in which land can become private property.” And at p. 143 “ Bye and bye men may learn that to deprive others of their rights to the use of the earth is to commit a crime inferior only in wickedness to the crime of taking away their lives or personal liberties.” So far so good; but the author goes a step, and a very im­ portant step further, and when dealing with the rights of pro­ perty points out that all wealth being derived from the earth, the only legitimate basis qf property is the exercise of man’s labour upon land for which he has paid to society, the rightful owner thereof, a fair rent, and this never having been done, all personal as well as real property, is tainted and illegitimate in its origin. This important deduction of his own drawing �Mr. Spencer seems afterwards to have somewhat lost sight of. Well may he say, with reference to another matter, but it is equally applicable to this : “ Due warning was given that our first principle carried in it the germs of sundry unlooked for conclusions. We have just found ourselves committed to a proposition at war with the convictions of almost all. Truth, however, must of necessity be consistent; we have, there­ fore, no alternative but to re-examine our pre-conceived notions in the expectation of finding them erroneous.” (p. 195.) This is exactly what Socialists desire mankind to do with regard to their pre-conceived notions about the produc­ tion and distribution of wealth, bearing in mind that “ as liberty to exercise the faculties is the first condition of in­ dividual life, the liberty of each limited only bv the like liberty of all, must be the first condition of social life, the law of equal freedom is of higher authority than all other laws.” (p. 217.) Remembering also that “ before establishing a code for the right exercise of faculties there must be established the condition which makes the exercise of faculties possible. It is the function of this chief institution which we call a government, to uphold the law of equal freedom.” (p. 278.) Is not this precisely the contention of Socialists, that the first duty of the State is to see that each individual has a chance of exercising his faculties, the digestive ones included ? It is quite true that Mr. Spencer apparently shrinks from this “unlooked for conclusion,” and declines to recognise either a right to maintenance, or the right to labour; but, as observed at the outset, a suspicion not unnaturally arises that in so doing he was possibly actuated rather by policy than conviction, especially when we examine the mode in which he deals with these two claims. He disposes of the first by asserting that it cannot be entertained until an exact defini­ tion is arrived at of what a maintenance means, whether a bare subsistence, or a certain amount, and if so how much, of comforts or luxuries. It may be replied in the first place that though this task may be difficult, it does not follow that it is impossible ; and if confined, as is evidently contemplated, to those who cannot get their own living, those entrusted by society with the charge ofmaintaing them would easily estab­ lish a working scale, as is in fact done. Besides, as Mr. Spencer repeatedly points out in other cases, it by no means follows that the law of perfect morality is discredited because �ri it is difficult or even impossible of application in an imper­ fect state of society. Once more, Socialists do not contend that every one is entitled to a maintenance without earning it; quite the reverse. The real gist of the argument there­ fore, turns on the next point, the right to labour, which is dealt with still less satisfactorily. Mr. Spencer says, “ First, let us make sure of the meaning wrapped up in this expres­ sion—right to labour. Evidently, if we would avoid mistakes we must render it literally—right to the labour; ” (which does not seem to make it any plainer) “ for the thing deman­ ded is not the liberty of labouring ; this no one disputes ; ” (on the contrary it is the very thing which is disputed, unless swinging one’s arms and legs aimlessly is to be called labour­ ing) “ but it is the opportunity of labouring, the having re­ munerative employment provided, which is contended for.” Now, to take Mr. Spencer literally, one wants to know whether it is the liberty combined with the opportunity which he concedes (if he does he concedes the whole point), or the liberty without the opportunity, which he seems to mean ; if so, he may as well concede the liberty to fly. It is something like the liberty which calvinistic theologians accord to those predestined to damnation; just enough to save the credit of the deity, but not enough, without the effectual grace which they never get, to save their own souls. Again, “the word right, as here used, bears a signification quite different from its legitimate one, for it does not here imply something inherent in man, but something dependent upon external circumstances, not something pos­ sessed in virtue of his faculties, but something springing out of his relationship to others, not something true of him as a solitary individual, but something which can be true of him only as one of a community, not something antecedent to society, but something necessarily subsequent to it, not some­ thing expressive of a claim to do, but of a claim to be done unto.” With the exception of the last member of the sen­ tence, which might be disputed, this is an accurate criticism, but does it not strengthen the claim rather than weaken it ? The right, in its strict sense, on which the claim is founded, is the right to use the faculties, and the fact that everything on which that right can be exercised, every inch of ground, and every particle of wood, stone, iron, etc., has been previously appropriated by society seems a very insufficient reason for �1-3 rejecting the claim. To so reject it, is in fact to contravene one of the fundamental rules of equity, that no one may take advantage of his own wrong doing. Going on further, Mr. Spencer by that clear method of analysis of which he is a master, points out that when the proposition is reduced to its lowest terms, it only means that society is the employer, and therefore in efiect the labourer says that ABC and D are bound to employ him ; that he, with B C and D are bound to employ A; and so on with each individual of the twenty millions’of whom the society may be composed ; and then, with a fine touch of humour, he adds: “ Thus do we see how readily imaginary rights are distinguishable from real ones. They need no disproof, they disprove themselves. The ordeal of definition breaks the illusion at once.” It certainly does not break this illusion, if it be one ; on the contrary, this admirable mode of stating the case only confirms the justice of the claim, when the real facts are considered. It is in truth the veritable A B C of Socialism. All the letters of the social alphabet, large and small, furnish employment; even the veriest waif and outcast provides employment for others, be it only the policeman and gaoler ; and this claim of the right to labour is nothing more nor less than a protest on the part of the small letters, who each help to swell the demand, against the supply being mon­ opolized by the capitals for their own profit. As Mr. Spencer himself puts it at p. 345: “We must not overlook the fact that erroneous as are these poor law and communist theories, these assertions of a man’s right to maintenance and of his right to have work provided for him, they are nevertheless nearly related to a truth. They are unsuccessful efforts to express the fact that whoso is born on this planet of ours thereby obtains some interest in it—may not be summarily dismissed again—may not have his existence ignored by those in possession. In other words, they are attempts to embody that thought which finds its legitimate utterance in the law, all men have equal rights to the use of the earth. . . . After getting from under the grosser injustice of slavery men could not help beginning in course of time to feel what a monstrous thing it was that nine people out of ten should live in the world on suffrance, not having even standing room save by allowance of those who claim the earth’s surface. Could it be right that all these human beings should not only be with- �'r3 out claim to the necessaries of life, should not only be denied the use of those elements from which such necessaries are obtainable—but should further be unable to exchange their labour for such necessaries except by leave of their more for­ tunate fellows ? . . . . To all which questions now forced upon men’s minds in more or less definite shapes, there come amongst other answers these theories of a right to a mainten­ ance and a right of labour. Whilst, therefore, they must be rejected as untenable we may still ” [not give any definite answer which is more tenable, but] “ recognise in them the imperfect utterances of the moral sense in its efforts to express equity.” 4.—At p. 474 of the Contemporary Review Mr. Spencer says : “Why is this change described as the Coming Slavery? The reply is simple. All Socialism involves slavery,” and then, in an eloquent passage he asks and answers the question, “ what is essential to the idea of a slave ? ” The result being thus expressed. “ The essential question is, how much is he compelled to labour for other benefit than his own, and how much he can labour for his own benefit ? The degree of his slavery varies according to the ratio between that which he is forced to yield up and that which he is allowed to retain ; and it matters not whether his master is a single person or a society. If, without option he has to labour for the society and receives from the general stock such portion as the society awards him, he becomes a slave to the society.” Could there be a more exact description of the condition of the modern wage labourer under the capitalist system ? Yet Mr. Spencer adds, “ Socialistic arrangements necessitate an enslavement of this kind.” If they did, they would be no worse than present arrangements, but they do not. Socialistic arrange­ ments literally, etymologically, and reasonably, only mean such arrangements as will admit of the great primary law of equal freedom being carried out. As the whole work of Mr. Spencer’s life shows, Sociology as a science is still in its in­ fancy ; it is no wonder therefore that though many good men in former times have indistinctly seen the promised land afar off, or in visions, no Moses has yet arisen with sufficient knowledge, wisdom, and divine enthusiasm to lead the people out of their worse than Egyptian bondage, and guide them safely through the dreary wilderness of economic truisms and fallacies which have to be traversed ere that holy land is �T4 reached. Happily, a very good sketch map of the route has recently been laid down by Mr. Carruthers, some of whose observations on this particular point seem to have been written specially in anticipation of “ The Coming Slavery.” He says:— “ Without formally asserting that men under Communal Government could not be allowed every possible freedom, except that of compelling others to serve them, they (capitalists) assert that such freedom would not be granted if any but capitalists governed the world. Acting under these opinions, or rather prejudices, they devise an ideal commune, in which every public and private action would be guided by idiotic folly and per­ versity, and then triumphantly ask whether even the working classes are not better off under commercialism than they would be under so absurd a system. If we are to believe what they tell us, communal government would be entrusted to a huge bureaucracy, sitting at the capital town, like a spider in the middle of its web, and sending its commands over the country as to what every one should eat and drink, what clothes he should wear, what religion he should profess, at what sports he should play, what trade he should follow, when and whom he should marry, and finally, the shape and material of his coffin........................ Imperfect as the workmen’s freedom actually is, we are quite prepared to admit that mere material well-being would not compensate them for its loss, and that they would do better for themselves by upholding commercialism than by adopting such a scheme of communism as is sketched out for them by the capitalists. They are not, however, tied to this system, which is indeed such as no sane man would ever dream of establishing, nor need they fear that under the commune, anyone would lose any freedom he now enjoys.................... Instead of comparing commercialism with the form of communism that would be set up by men as foolish and meddling as the capitalists assume every one but themselves to be, we must compare it with a system in which no one desires, or would be permitted to interfere unnecessarily with his fellows, and in which the sphere of State control would be made as re­ stricted as was compatible with securing the end for which all government is established, namely, the well-being of the people.”—"Communal and Commercial Economy ” p. 321 et seq. Very much to the same practical effect are Mr. Spencer’s own words : “ Civilization is evolving a state of things and a kind of character in which two apparently conflicting require­ ments are reconciled. To achieve the creative purpose— the greatest sum of happiness—there must on the one hand exist an amount of population maintainable only by the best possible system of production ; that is, by the most elaborate subdivision of labour ; that is, by the extremest mutual de­ pendence, whilst on the other hand each individual must have the right to do whatever his desires prompt. Clearly these two conditions can be harmonized only by that adap­ tation humanity is undergoing, that process during which all �i5 desires inconsistent with the most perfect social organization are dying out, and other desires corresponding to such or­ ganizations are being developed.” (Social Statics, p. 482.) A better definition of the real aims of Socialism than the first portion of the above extract could hardly be given, and the conclusion seems inevitable, either that Mr. Spencer is having his little joke in denouncing the Coming Slavery; or, which seems still more difficult of belief, he has fallen into the vulgar error of condemning Socialism because he does not agree with what all who call themselves Socialists may say. He might as well deride all law, religion, medicine, and charity, because unscrupulous advocates, corrupt judges, self-seeking hypocrites, ignorant quacks, and misguided enthusiasts have sheltered themselves under these sacred names. In any case, genuine Socialists will be none the less grateful to him for affording this opportunity of supporting the cause which he and they alike have at heart, from the rich storehouse which he has provided. If, as may perhaps be inferred from the last sentence quoted, his objection is merely to the method, and he only fears that the desired re­ forms may be attempted too soon, or by wrong means, he may be reassured by a consideration of the fact, which he has over and over again insisted upon, that “ the sense of rights, by whose sympathetic excitement men are led to behave justly to each other, is the same sense of rights by which they are prompted to assert their own claims.” And conversely those who are most forward to assert their own claims are as a rule the most ready to respect the rights of others. Mr. Spencer has a well-founded dread of paternal legislation, and unlimited faith in the power of voluntary co-operation, but seems hardly to realize how far the government of the future will necessarily partake of the character of co-operation, for­ cible interference being limited almost entirely to his own minimum, that necessary to secure equal justice. In conclusion it may with all respect be submitted that his great powers would be more usefully employed in assisting the efforts of those who share his own aspirations, and found themselves upon his own principles, than in even appearing to lend the weight of his authority to the already overwhelm­ ing mass of stolid Conservatism. Intelligent criticism is always useful, and to none more so than to those who are en­ deavouring to devise a better mode of life ; but Mr; Spencer �i6 Claims to be a synthetical philosopher, and from him, there­ fore, something beyond mere criticism is expected. It is no use to tell us that “ the welfare of a society and the justice of its arrangements are at bottom dependent on the character of its members,” nor can Mr. Spencer claim any exclusive ownership in this idea. What is wanted before all things at the present day is some method of improving individual character, and especially that side of it which modern com­ mercialism does everything to foster, that grasping, selfish, greed of gain, which is at once corrupting the upper and degrading the lower sections of society. In an early essay Mr. Spencer depicted the vices of modern trade in a manner it would be difficult to rival; it is these very vices, springing from unchecked, almost inevitable selfishness, that Socialism seeks to uproot, and nothing in his last paper goes one inch towards showing that it would be ineffectual for the purpose, still less does he offer any alternative. Such may yet be forthcoming, and even if not complete, an instalment will be heartily wel­ comed by those earnest men who are less affected by specu­ lative and imaginary fears of the coming slavery, than by a deep and ever growing sense of the enormity of that present slavery which they see around them. Literature on Land, Labour and Capital, &c., Published by W. Reeves, 185, Fleet Street, London. THE CHRISTIAN SOCIALIST. Monthly, id.; is. 6d. a year 6 2 post free. The First Volume neatly bound in Cloth ART AND SOCIALISM, by William Morris. Large paper, is. Ordinary o 3 (postage id.), Cloth I o THE LAND QUESTION, by Henry George .. (postage id.) o 3 ,, ,, Popular Edition, PROGRESS AND POVERTY, by Henry George. 8-vo. Library size, Paper, is.; Limp Cloth, is. 6d.; Cloth, 2S. 6d. (postage 3d.) I o o I PORTRAIT OF HENRY GEORGE (Cabinet 2s. 6d.) LAND NATIONALISATION ; Its Necessity and its Aims, by A. Russell Wallace. Paper, 8d. (postage 3d.); Cloth I 6 ENGLAND FOR ALL, The Text Book of Democracy, by H. M. Hyndman ................................................. (postage 2d.) o 6 THE LAND LAWS, as they are and as they should be, by Hine i 0 Solon .. .. .. .. •• •• � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. 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Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Pamphlet Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Herbert Spencer on socialism. A reply to the article entitled "The coming slavery" Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Fairman, Frank Description An account of the resource Place of Publication: London Collation: 16 p. ; 18 cm. Notes: Annotated in pencil "i.e., Theodore R. Wright" under author's name on title page. From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. The Spencer article appeared in Contemporary Review 45 (April 1884). Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Modern Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1884 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context CT86 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (Herbert Spencer on socialism: A reply to the article "The coming slavery")  identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource Socialism Conway Tracts Herbert Spencer Socialism https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/82b305a360bca7b5dba19d0836ab890f.pdf?Expires=1782345600&Signature=AQcvL7Uan8qyAvbRl8do5M4quuTfAXSG9fUEYTov3cUZBqZIrCJgMUollYImy3qoSzNlHekoG-1G9vEAzNjdDthM3vPnqEt6Y6oFyiE3BDr24xonx%7ElIlOjWeo5k89ohvpRevbThQsbCmMc7tgVPQaC1hvSIJzLsONHjh-b48Q24MP0K1KDQdD6gmH3KYGWRr58jNcar-Rb3Xd2W5EVO1Z0wgQq87MMtiFwOW8wZ2h08glryEXnpZuOU3WHcYMmUI4%7ELanyLkuW4Hs8OakgdIRNrO7RJ5Dh7jUtRMEyiqxVuOvwVUGXsTSVLCgPwLL-i2IF1TcEZYO3rWBfuyi8PUw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM bc3c4a92f9dfadb6e2652b030050f1c6 PDF Text Text gA< PRICE ONE PENNY. BY KARL MARX. Translated by J. L. JOYNES, Author of “ADVENTURES OF A TOURIST IN IRELAND,” “ THE SOCIALIST CATECHISM,” “ SOCIALIST RHYMES.” NEW AND CHEAPER EDITION. (<»( * ~ ® ® -A E Y LU THE MODERN PRESS, 13, Paternoster Row, London, E.CE Agent for U.S.A., W. L. Rosenberg, 261, East Tenth St., New York City. 1886. �THE SOCIAL-DEMOCRATILFEDERATION. OBJECT. The Establishment of a Free Condition of Society based on the prin­ ciple of Political Equality, with Equal Social Rights for all and the complete Emancipation of Labour. PROGRAMME. 1. All Officers or Administrators to be elected by Equal Direct Adult Suffrage, and to be paid by the Community. 2. Legislation by the People, in such wise that no project of Law shall become legally binding till accepted by the Majority of the People. 3. The Abolition of a Standing Army, and the Establishment of a National Citizen Force; the People to decide on Peace or War. 4. All Education, higher no less than elementary, to be Free, Com­ pulsory, Secular, and Industrial for all alike. 5. The Administration of Justice to be Free and Gratuitous for all Members of Society. 6. The Land with all the Mines, Railways and other Means of Tran­ sit, to be declared and treated as Collective or Common Property. 7. Ireland and all other parts of the Empire to have Legislative Independence. 8. The Production of Wealth to be regulated by Society in the com­ mon interest of all its Members. 9. The Means of Production, Distribution and Exchange to be declared and treated as Collective or Common Property. As measures called for to palliate the evils of our existing society the Social-Democratic Federation urges for immediate adoption :— The Compulsory Construction of healthy artizan’s and agricultural labourers’ dwellings in proportion to the population, such dwellings to be let at rents to cover the cost of construction and maintenance alone. Free Compulsory Education for all classes, together with the provision of at least one wholesome meal a day in each school. Eight Hours or less to be the normal working day in all trades. Cumulative Taxation upon all incomes above a fixed minimum not exceeding ^300 a year. State Appropriation of Railways, with or without compensation. The establishment of National Banks, which shall absorb all private institutions that derive a profit from operations in money or credit. Rapid Extinction of the National Debt. Nationalisation of the Land, and organisation of agricultural and industrial armies under State control on Co-operative principles. As means for the peaceable attainment of these objects the SocialDemocratic Federation advocates : Adult Suffrage. Annual Parliaments. Proportional Represen­ Payment of Members ; and Official Expenses of Election out of the Rates. Abolition of the House of Lords and all Hereditary Authorities. Disestablishment and Disendowment of all State Churches. tation. Membership of Branches of the Federation is open to all who agree with its objects, and subscribe One Penny per week. Those ready to form Branches should communicate with the Secretary, Social-Democratic Federation, Bridge House, Blackfriars, E.C. �WAGE-LABOUR AND CAPITAL. What are wages, and, how are they determined. ? ±* we were to ask the labourers, “ How much wages do you get ? ” one would reply, “ I get a couple of shillings a day from my employer ; ” another, “I get half-a-crown,” and so on. According to the differen trades to which they belong, they would name different sums of money which they receive from their particular employers, either for working for a certain length of time, or for performing a certain piece of work ; for example, either for weaving an ell of cloth, or for setting up a certain amount of type, But in spite of this difference in their statements there is one point in which they would all agree : their wages are the amount of money which their employer pays them either for working a certain length of time, or for a certain amount of work done. Thus their employer buys their work formoney. For money they sell their ■ work to him. With the same sum for which the employer has bought their work, as for instance, with a couple of shillings, he might have bought four pounds of sugar, or a proportionate amount of any other wares, The two shil­ lings with which he buys the four pounds of sugar, is the price of four pounds of sugar. The two shillings with which he buys labour for twelve hours, is the price of twelve hours’ work. Work is therefore as much a commodity as sugar, neither more nor less, only they measure the former by the clock, the latter by the scales. The labourersexchange their own commodity with their employers’—work for money ; and this exchange takes place according to a fixed proportion. So much money for so much work. For twelve hours’ weaving, two shillings. And do not these two shillings represent two shillings’ worth of all other commodities ? Thus the labourer has, in fact, exchanged his own commodity—work, with all kinds of orher commodities, and that in a fixed proportion. His employer in giving him two shillings, has given him so much meat, so much clothing, so much fuel, light, and so on, in exchange for his day’s work. The two shillings, therefore, express the proportion in which his work is exchanged with other commodities—the exchange-value of his work; and the exchange-value of any commodity expressed in money is called its price. Wage is, therefore, only another name for the price of work—for the price of this peculiar piece of property which can have no local habitation at all except in human flesh and blood. Take the case of any workman, a weaver for instance. The employer supplies him with thread and loom. The weaver sets to work, and the thread is turned into cloth. The employer takes possession of the cloth and sells it, say for twenty shillings. Does the weaver receive as wages a share in the cloth—in the twenty shillings—in the product of his labour ? By no means. The weaver receives his wages long before the product is sold. The employer does not, therefore, pay his wages with the money he will get for the cloth, but with money previously pro­ vided. Loom and thread are not the weaver’s produce, since they are supplied by the employer, and no more are the commodities which he receives in exchange fer his own commodity, or in other words, for his work, It is possible that the employer finds no purchaser for his cloth. It may be that by its sale he does not recover even the wages he has paid. It may be that in comparison with the weaver’s wages he made a great bargain by its sale. But all this has nothing whatever to do with the weaver. The employer purchases the weaver's labour with a part of his available property—of his capital—in exactly the same way as he has with another part of his property bought the raw material—the thread— and the instrument of labour—the loom. As soon as he has made these pur­ chases—and he reckons among them the purchase of the labour necessary to the I r F: r i $ I i ] I I I �4 production of the cloth—he proceeds to produce it by means of the raw material and the instruments which belong to him. Among these last is, of course, reckoned our worthy weaver, who has as little share in the product, or in the price of the product, as the loom itself. Wages, therefore, are not the worker’s share of the commodities which he has produced. Wages are the share of commodities previously produced, with which the employer purchases a certain amount of productive labour. Labour is, therefore, a commodity which its owner the wage worker sells to capital. Why does he sell it ? In order to live. But labour is the peculiar expression of the energy of the labourer’s life. And this energy he sells to another party, in order to secure for himself the means of living. For him, therefore, his energy is nothing but a means of ensur­ ing his own existence. He works to live. He does not count the work itself as a part of his life, rather is it a sacrifice of his life. It is a commodity which he has made over to another party. Neither is its product the aim of his activity. What he produces for himself is not the silk he weaves, nor the place that he builds, nor the gold that ne digs from out the mine. What he produces for himself is his wage ; and silk, gold, and palaces are transformed for him into a certain quantity of means of existence—a cotton shirt, some copper coins, and a lodging in a cellar. And what of the labourer, who for twelve hours weaves, spins, bores, turns, builds, shovels, breaks stones, carries loads, and so on ? Does his twelve hours’ weaving, spinning, boring, turning, building, shovelling, and stone-breaking represent the active expression of his life? On the contrary. Life begins for him exactly where this activity of his ceases—at his meals, on the public-house bench, in his bed. His twelve hours’ work has no meaning for him as weaving, spinning, boring, etc., but only as earnings whereby he may obtain his meals, his seat in the public-house, his bed. If the silkworm’s object in spinning were to prolong its existence as a caterpillar, it would be a perfect example of a wage­ worker. Labour was not always a commodity. Labour was not always wage-work, that is, a marketable commodity. The slave does not sell his labour to the slave­ owner. The slave along with his labour is sold once for all to his owner. He is a commodity which can pass from the hand of one owner to that of another. He himself is a commodity, but his labour is not his commodity. The serf sells only a portion of his labour. He does not receive his wages from the owner of the soil; rather the owner of the soil receives a tribute from him. The serf be­ longs to the soil, and to the lord of the soil he brings its fruits. The free labourer, on the other hand, sells himself, and that by fractions. From day to day he sells by auction eight, ten, twelve, fifteen hours of his life to the highest bidder—to the owner of the raw material, the instruments of work, and the means of life; that is, to the employer. The labourer himself belongs neither to an owner nor to the soil : but eight, ten, twelve, fifteen hours of his daily life belong to the man who buys them. The labourer leaves the employer to whom he has hired him­ self whenever he pleases; and the employer discharges him whenever he thinks fit; either as soon as he ceases to make a profit out of him, or fails to get so high a profit as he requires. But the labourer, whose only source of earning is the sale of his labour, cannot leave the whole class of his purchasers, that is, the capitalist class, without renouncing his own existence. He does not belong to this or that particular employer, but he does belong to the employing class; and more than that, it is his business to find an employer ; that is, among this employing class it is his business to discover his own particular purchaser. Before going more closely into the relations between capital and wage-work, it will be well to give a brief survey of those general relations which are taken into consideration in determining the amount of wages. As we have seen, wages are the price of a certain commodity—labour. Wages are thus determined by the same law which regulates the'price of any other commodity. Thereupon the question arises, how is the price of a commodity determined ? By what means is the price of a commodity determined ? By means of competition between buyers and sellers, and the relation between supply and demand—offer and desire. And this competition by which the price of an article is fixed, is three-fold. The same commodity is offered in the market by various sellers. Whoever offers the greatest advantage to purchasers is certain to drive the other sellers off the field, and secure for himself the greatest sale. The sellers, therefore, fight for the sale and the market among themselves. Everyone of them wants to sell, and does his best to sell much, and if possible to become the only seller. There­ �$ 5 fore each outbids the other in cheapness, and a competition takes place among the sellers which lowers the price of the goods they offer. But a competition also goes on among the purchasers, which on their side raises the price of the goods offered. Finally there arises a competition between buyers and sellers; the one set want to buy as cheap as possible, the other to sell as dear as possible. The result of this competition between buyers and sellers will depend upon the relations of the two previous aspects of the competition ; that is, upon whether the compe­ tition in the ranks of the buyers or that in those of the sellers is the keener. Business thus leads two opposing armies into the field, and each of them again presents the aspect of a battle in its own ranks between its own soldiers. That army whose troops are least mauled by one another carries off the victory over the opposing host. . Let us suppose that there are a hundred bales of cotton in the market, and at the same time buyers in -want of a thousand bales. In this case the demand is greater than the supply. The competition between the buyers will therefore be intense • each of them will do his best to get hold of all the hundred bales of cotton ’ This example is no arbitrary supposition. In the history of the trade we have experienced periods of failure of the cotton plant, when particular com­ panies of capitalists have endeavoured to purchase, not only a hundred bales of cotton but the whole stock of cotton in the world. Therefore, in the case sup­ posed ’ each buyer will try to beat the others out of the field by offering a pro­ portionately higher price for the cotton. The cotton-sellers, perceiving the troops of the hostile host in violent combat with one another, and being perfectly secure as to the sale of all their hundred bales, will take very good care not to begin squabbling among themselves in order to depress the price at the very moment when their adversaries are emulating each other ;in the process of screwing it higher up. Peace is therefore suddenly proclaimed in the army of the sellers. They present a united front to the purchaser, and fold their arms in philosophic content ■ and their claims would be absolutely boundless if it were not that the offers of even the most pressing and eager of the buyers must always have some definite limit. Thus if the supply of a commodity is not so great as the demand tor it, the competition between the buyers waxes. Result; A more or less important rise in the price of goods. . As a rule the converse case is of commoner occurrence, producing an opposite result. Large excess of supply over demand ; desperate competition among the sellers; dearth of purchasers ; forced sale of goods dirt cheap. But what is the meaning of the rise and fall in price ? What is the meaning of higher price or lower price ? A grain of sand is high when examined through a microscope, and a tower is low when compared with a mountain. And if price is determined by the relation between supply and demand, how is the relation between supply and demand itself determined ? . . Let us turn to the first worthy citizen we meet. . He will not take an instant to consider but like a second Alexander the Great will cut the metaphysical knot by the help of his multiplication table. “ If the production of the goods which I sell” he will tell us, “has cost me /ioo, and I get pro by their sale—within the year you understand—that’s what I call a sound, honest, reasonable profit. But if I make £120 or £130 by the sale, that is a higher profit; and if I were to get a good Z200, that would be an exceptional, an enormous profit.” What is it then that serves our citizen as to the measure of his profit ? The cost of pro­ duction of his goods. If he receives in exchange for them an amount of other goods whose production has cost less, he has lost by his bargain. If he receives an amount whose production has cost more, he has gained. And he reckons the rise and fall of his profit by the number of degrees at which it stands with refer­ ence to his zero—the cost of production. _ We have now seen how the changing proportion between supply and demaud Ji produces the rise and fall of prices, making them at one time high at another low. If through failure in the supply, or exceptional increase in the demand, an important rise in the price of a commodity takes place, then the price of another commodity must have fallen ; for,, of course, the price of a commodity only expresses in money the proportion in which other commodities can be exchanged with it. For instance, if the price of a yard of silk rises from five |to six shillings, the price of silver has fallen in comparison with silk ; and in the same way the price of all other commodities which remain at their old prices has fallen if compared with silk. We have to give a larger quantity of them m exchange in order to obtain the same quantity of silk. Aud what is the result ot H �6 a rise in the price of a commodity ? A mass of capital is thrown into that flourish­ ing branch of business, and the immigration of capital into the province of the privileged business will last until the ordinary level of profits is attained; or rather, until the price of the products sinks through overproduction. Conversely, if the price of a commodity falls below the cost of its production, capital will be withdrawn from the production of this commodity. Except in the case of a branch of industry which has become obsolete and is therefore doomed to disappear, the result of this flight of capital will be that the production cf this commodity, and therefore its supply, will continually dwindle until it corresponds to the demand; and thus its price rises again to the level of the cost of its production ; or rather, until the supply has fallen below the demand ; that is, until its price has again risen above its cost of production ; for the price of any commodity is always either above or below its cost of production. We see then how it is that capital is always immigrating and emigrating, from the province of one industry into that of another. It is high prices that bring about an excessive immigration, and low prices an excess of emigration. We might show from another point of view how not only the supply, but also the demand is determined by the cost of production ; _but this would lead us too far from our present subject. We have just seen how the fluctuations of supply and demand always reduce the price of a commodity to its cost of production. It is true that the precise price of a commodity is always either above or below its cost of production; but the rise and fall reciprocally balance each other, so within a certain period, if the ebb and flow of the business are reckoned up together, commodities are exchanged with one another in accordance with their cost of production ; and thus their cost of production determines their price. The determination of price by cost of production is not to be understood in the sense of the economists. The economists declare that the average price of commodities is equal to the cost of production ; this, according to them, is a law. The anarchical movements in which the rise is compensated by the fall, and the fall by the rise, they ascribe to chance. With just as good a right as this, which the other economists assume, we might consider the fluctuations as the law, and ascribe the fixing of price by cost of production to chance. But if we look closely, we see that it is precisely these fluctuations, although they bring the most terrible desolation in their train and shake the fabric of bourgeois society like earthquakes, it is precisely these fluctuations which in their course determine price by cost of production. In the totality of this disorderly move­ ment is to be found its order. Throughout these alternating movements, in the course of this industrial anarchy, competition, as it were, cancels one excess by means of another. We gather, therefore, that the price of a commodity is determined by its cost of production, in such manner that the periods in which the price of this commodity rises above its cost of production are compensated by the periods in which it sinks below this cost, and conversely. Of course this does not hold good for one single particular product of an industry, but only for that entire branch of industry. So also it does not hold good for a particular manufacturer, but only for the entire industrial class. The determination of price by cost of production is the same thing as its determination by the duration of the labour which is required for the manu­ facture of a commodity; for cost of production may be divided into (i) raw material and implements, that is, products of industry whose manufacture has cost a certain number of days’ work, and which therefore represents a certain duration of labour, and (2) actual labour, which is measured by its duration. Now the same general laws, which universally regulate the price of com­ modities, regulate, of course, wages, the price of labour. Wages will rise and fall in accordance with the proportion between demand and supply, that is, in accordance with the conditions of the competition between capitalists as buyers, and labourers as sellers of labour. The fluctuations of wages correspond in general with the fluctuations in the price of commodities. Within these fluctuations the price of labour is regulated by its cost of production, that is, by the duration of labour which is required in order to produce this commodity, labour. Now what is the cost of production of labour itself? It is the cost required for the production of a labourer and for,his maintenance as a labourer. The shorter the time requisite for instruction in any labour, the less is the labourer's cost of production, and the lower are his wages, the price of his work �7 In those branches of industry which scarcely require any oeriod of apprenticeship, and where the mere bodily existence of the labourer is sufficient, the requisite cost of his production and maintenance are almost limited to the cost of the commodities which are requisite to keep him alive, The price of his labour is therefore determined by the price of the bare necessaries of his existence. Here, however, another consideration comes in. The manufacturer, who reckons up his expenses of production and determines accordingly the price of the product, takes into account the wear and tear of the machinery. If a machine costs him /ioo and wears itself out in ten years, he adds £10 a-year to the price of his goods, in order to replace the worn-out machine by a new one when the ten years are up. In the same way we must reckon in the cost of pro­ duction of simple labour the cost of its propagation ; so that the race of labourers may be put in a position to multiply and to replace the worn-out workers by new ones. Thus the wear and tear of the labourer must be taken into account just as much as the wear and tear of the machine. Thus the cost of the production of simple labour amounts to cost of the labourer’s subsistence and propagation, and the price of this cost determines his wages. When we speak of wages we mean the minimum of wages. This mini­ mum of wages holds good, just as does the determination by the cost of pro­ duction of the price of commodities in general, not for the particular individual, but for the species. Individual labourers, indeed millions of them, do not receive enough to enable them to subsist and propagate; but the wages of the whole working class with all their fluctuations are nicely adjusted to this minimum. Now that we are grounded on these general laws which govern wages just as much as the price of any other commodity, we can examine our subject more exactly, “Capital consists of raw material, implements of labour, and all kinds of means of subsistence, which are used for the production of new implements and new means of subsistence. All these factors of capital are created by labour, are products of labour, are stored-up labour. Stored-up labour which serves as the means of new production is capital.” So say the economists. What is a negro slave ? A human creature of the black race. The one definition is just as valuable as the other. A negro is a negro. In certain conditions he is transformed into a slave. A spinning-jenny is a machine for spinning cotton. Only in certain conditions is it transformed into capital. When torn away from these conditions, it is just as little capital as gold is money in the abstract, or sugar the price of sugar. In the work of production men do not stand in relation to nature alone. They only produce when they work together in a certain way, and mutually exchange their different kinds of energy. In order to produce, they mutually enter upon certain relations and conditions, and it is only by means of these relations and conditions that .their relation to nature is defined, and production becomes possible. These social relations upon which the producers mutnally enter, the terms upon which they exchange their energies and take their share in the collective act of production, will of course differ according to the character of the means of production. With the invention of firearms as implements of warfare the whole organisation of the army was of necessity altered ; and with the alteration in the relations through which individuals form an army, and are enabled to work together as an army, there was a simultaneous alteration in the relations of armies to one another. Thus with the change in the social relations by means of which individuals, produce, that is, in the social relations of production, and with the alteration and development of the material means of production, the powers of production arealso transformed, The relations of production collectively form those social relations which we call a society, and a society with definite degrees of historical development, a society with an appropriate and distinctive character. Ancient society, feudal society, bourgeois society, are instances of this collective result of the relations of production, each of which marks out an important step in the historical development of mankind. Now capital also is a social condition of production. It is a bourgeois condition of production, a condition of the production of a bourgeois society. Are not the means of subsistence, the implements of labour, and the raw material, of which capital consists, the results of definite social relations ; were they not produced and stored up under certain social conditions ? Will they not be used for further production under certain social conditions ? And is it not just this definite social �8 character which transforms into capital that product which serves for further production ? Capital does not consist of means of subsistence, implements of labour, and raw material alone, nor only of material products; it consists just as much of ■exchange-values. All the products of which it consists are commodities. Thus capital is not merely the sum of material products ; it is a sum of commodities, of exchange-values, of social quantities. Capital remains unchanged if we substitute cotton for wool, rice for corn, and steamers for railways; provided only that the cotton, the rice, the steamers —the bodily form of capital—have the same exchange value, the same price, as the wool, the corn, the railways, in which it formerly embodied itself, The bodily form of capital may change continually, while the capital itself undergoes not the slightest alteration. But though all capital is a sum of commodities, that is, of exchange-values, it is not every sum of commodities, of exchange-values, that is capital. Every sum of exchange-values is an exchange-value. For instance, a house worth a thousand pounds is an exchange-value of a thousand pounds. A penny­ worth of paper is the sum of the exchange-values of a hundred-hundreths of a penny. Products which may be mutually exchanged are commodities. The definite proportion in which they are exchangeable forms their exchange-value, or, expressed in money, their price. The amount of these products can do nothing to alter their definition as being commodities, or as representing an ■exchange-value, or as having a certain price. Whether a tree is large or small, it remains a tree. Whether we exchange iron for other wares in ounces or in hundredweights, that makes no difference in its character as a commodity possessing exchange-value. According to its amount it is a commodity of more ■or less worth, with a higher or lower price. How then can a sum of commodities, of exchange-values, become capital ? By maintaining and multiplying itself as an independent social power, that is, as the power of a portion of society, by means of its exchange for direct, living labour. Capital necessarily pre-supposes the existence of a class which possesses nothing but labour-force. It is the lordship of past, stored-up, realised labour over actual, living labour that transforms the stored-up labour into capital. Capital does not consist in the fact that stored-up labour is used by living labour as a means to further production. It consists in the fact that living labours serves as the means whereby stored-up labour may maintain and multiply its own ■exchange-value. What is it that takes place in the exchange between capital and wage-work ? The labourer receives in exchange for his labour the means of subsistence ; but the capitalist receives in exchange for the means of subsistence labour, the productive energy of the labourer, the creative force whereby the labourer not only replaces what he consumes, but also gives to the stored-up labour a greater value than it had before. The labourer receives from the capitalist a share of the previously provided means of subsistence. To what use does he put these means of subsistence ? He uses them for immediate consump­ tion. But as soon as I consume my means of subsistence, they disappear and are irrecoverably lost to me; it therefore becomes necessary that I should employ the time during which these means keep me alive in order to produce new means of subsistence ; so that during their consumption I may provide by my labour new value in the place of that which thus disappears. But it is just this grand reproductive power which the labourer has to bargain away to capital in exchange for the means of subsistence which he receives. To him therefore it is entirely lost. Let us take an example. A farmer gives his day-labourer two shillings a day. For this two shillings he works throughout the day on the farmer’s field, and so secures him a return of four shillings. The farmer does not merely get the value which he had advanced to the day-labourer replaced ; he doubles it. He has thus spent or consumed the two shillings which he gave to the daylabourer in a fruitful and productive fashion. He has bought for his two shil­ lings just that labour and force of the day-labourer which produces fruits of the earth of twice the value, and turns two shillings into four. The day-labourer on the other hand receives in place of his productive force, which he has just bar­ gained away to the farmer, two shillings: and these he exchanges for means of subsistence ; which means of subsistence he proceeds with more or less speed to consume. The two shillings have thus been consumed in double fashion ; pro­ ductively for capital, since they have been exchanged for the labour-force which �produced the four shillings; unproductively for the labourer, since they have been exchanged for means of subsistence which have disappeared for ever, and whose value he can only recover by repeating the same bargain with tha farmer. Thus capital presupposes wage-labour, and wage-labour presupposes capital. They condition one another ; and each brings the other into play. Does a labourer in a cotton factory produce merely cotton ? No, he produces capital. He produces value which serves afresh to command his own labour, and to create new value by its means. Capital can only increase when it is exchanged for labour, when it calls wage-labour into existence. Wage-labour can only be exchanged for capital by augmenting capital and strengthening the power whose slave it is. An increase of capital is therefore an increase of the proletariat, that is, of the labouring class. The interests of the capitalist and the labourer are therefore identical, assert the bourgeoisie and their economists, And, in fact, so they are ! The labourer perishes if capital does not employ him. Capital perishes if it does not exploit labour ; and in order to exploit it, it must buy it. The faster the capital devoted to production—the productive capital—increases, and the more successfully the industry is carried on, the richer do the bourgeoisie become, the better does business go, the more labourers does the capitalist require, and the dearer does the labourer sell himself. Thus the indispensable condition of the labourer’s securing a tolerable posi­ tion is the speediest possible growth of productive capital. But what is the meaning of the increase of productive capital ? The increase of the power of stored-up labour over living labour. The increase of the dominion of the bourgeoisie over the labouring class. As fast as wage-labour creates its own antagonist and its own master in the dominating power of capital, the means of employment, that is, of subsistence, flow back to it from its antagonist; but only on the condition that it is itself transformed afresh into a portion of capital, and becomes the lever whereby the increase of capital may be again hugely accelerated. Thus the statement that the interests of capital and labour are identical comes to mean merely this : capital and wage-labour are the two terms of one and the same proportion. The one conditions the other, just in the same way that the usurer and the borrower condition each other mutually. So long as the wage-labourer remains a wage-labourer, his lot in life is dependent upon capital. That is the exact meaning of the famous community of interests between capital and labour. The increase of capital is attended by an increase in the amount of wage­ labour and in the number of wage-labourers; or, in other words, the dominion of capital is spread over a larger number of individuals. And, to give the most fortunate event possible, with the increase of productive capital there is an increase in the demand for labour. And thus wages, the price of labour, will rise. A house may be large or small: but as long as the surrounding houses are equally small, it satisfies all social expectations as a dwelling place. But let a palace arise by the side of this small house, and it shrinks from a house into a hut. The smallness of the house now gives it to be understood that its occupant has either very small pretentions or none at all; and however high it may shoot up with the progress of civilisation, if the neighbouring palace shoots up also in the same or in greater proportion, the occupant of the comparatively small house will always find himself more uncomfortable, more discontented, more confined within his four walls. A notable advance in the amount paid as wages brings about a rapid increase of productive capital. The rapid increase of productive capital calls forth just as rapid an increase in wealth, luxury, social wants, and social comforts. Therefore, although the comforts of the labourer have risen, the social satisfaction which they give has fallen in comparison'jwith^these'augmented comforts of the capitalist which are unattainable for the labourer, and in comparison with the general development of comforts. Our wants and their satisfaction have their origin in society; we therefore measure them in their relation to society, and not in relation to the objects which satisfy them. Since their nature is social, it is therefore relative. As a rule then, wages are not determined merely by the amount of commo­ dities for which they may be exchanged. They depend upon various relations. What the labourer immediately receives for his labour is a certain sum of money. Are wages determined merely by this money price ? In the sixteenth century the gold and silver in circulation in Europe was �IO augmented in consequence of the discovery of America. The value of gold and silver fell, therefore, in proportion to other commodities. The labourers received for their labour the same amount of silver coin as before. The money price of their labour remained the same, and yet their wages had fallen, for in exchange for the same sum of silver they obtained a smaller quantity of other commo­ dities. This was one of the circumstances which furthered the increase of capital and the rise of the bourgeoisie in the sixteenth century. Let us take another case. In the winter of 1847, in consequence of a failure in the crops, there was an important increase in the price of the indispensable means of subsistence, corn, meat, butter, cheese, and so on, We will suppose that the labourers still received the same sum of money for their labour as before. Had not their wages fallen then ? Of course they had. For the same amount of money they received in exchange less bread, meat, etc. ; and their wages had fallen, not because the value of silver had diminished, but because the value of the means of subsistence had increased. Let us finally suppose that the money price of labour remains the same, while in consequence of the employment of new machinery, or on account of a good season, or for some similar reason, there is a fall in the price of all agri­ cultural and manufactured goods. For the same amount of money the labourers can now buy more commodities of all kinds. Their wages have therefore risen, just because their money price has not changed. The money price of labour, the nominal amount of wages, does not there­ fore fall together with the real wages, that is, with the amount of commodities that may practically be obtained in exchange for the wages. Therefore if we speak of the rise and fall of wages, the money price of labour, or the nominal wage, is not the only thing which we must keep in view. But neither the nominal wages, that is, the amount of money for which the labourer sells himself to the employer, nor yet the real wages, that is, the amount of commodities which he can buy for this money, exhaust the relations which are comprehended in the term wages. For the meaning of the word is chiefly determined by its relation to the gain or profit of the employer—it is a proportionate and relative expression. The real wage expresses the price of labour in relation to the price of other commodities; the relative wage, on the contrary, expresses the price of direct labour in relation to that of stored-up labour, the relative value of wage-labour and capital, the proportionate value of capitalist and labourer. Real wages may remain the same, or they may even rise, and yet the relative wages may none the less have fallen. Let us assume, for example, that the price of all the means of subsistence has fallen by two-thirds, while a day’s wages have only fallen one-third, as for instance, from three shillings to two. Although the labourer has a larger amount of commodities at his disposal for two shillings than he had before for three, yet his wages are nevertheless diminished in pro­ portion to the capitalist’s gain. The capitalist’s profit—the manufacturer's, for instance—has been augmented by a shilling, since for the smaller sum of exchange­ value which he pays to the labourer, the labourer has to produce a larger sum of exchange-value than he did before. The value of capital is raised in proportion to the value of labour. The division of social wealth between capital and labour has become more disproportionate. The capitalist commands a larger amount of labour with the same amount of capital. The power of the capitalist class over the labouring class is increased; the social position of the labourer has deteriorated, and is depressed another degree below that of the capitalist. What then is the general law which determines the rise and fall of wages and profit in their reciprocal relation ? They stand in inverse proportion to one another. Capital's exchange-value, profit, rises in the same proportion in which the exchange-value of labour, wages, sinks; and conversely. The rise in profit is exactly measured by the fall in wages, and the fall in profit by the rise in wages. The objection may perhaps be made that the capitalist may have gained a profit by advantageous exchange of his products with other capitalists, or by a rise in the demand for his goods, whether in consequence of the opening of new markets, or of a greater demand in the old markets; that the profit of the capi­ talist may thus increase by means of over-reaching another capitalist, indepen­ dently of the rise and fall of wages and the exchange-value of labour ; or that rhe profit of the capitalist may also rise through an improvement in the implements of labour, a new application of natural forces, and so on. But it must nevertheless be admitted that the result remains the same, although it is brought about in a different way. The capitalist has acquired a �11 larger amount of exchange-value with the same amount of labour, without having had to pay a higher price for the labour on that account; that is to say, a lower price has been paid for the labour in proportion to the nett profit which it yields to the capitalist. Besides we must remember that in spite of the fluctuations in the price of com­ modities, the average price of each commodity—the proportion in. which it exchanges for other commodities—is determined by its cost of production. The over-reaching and tricks that go on within the capitalist class therefore neces­ sarily cancel one another. Improvements in machinery, and new applications of natural forces to the service of production, enable them to turn out in a given time with the same amount of labour and capital a larger quantity of products, but by no means a larger quantity of exchange-value. If by the application of the spinning-jenny I han turn out twice as much thread in an hour as I could before its invention, for instance, a hundred pounds instead of fifty, that is because the cost of production has been halved, or because at the same cost I can turn out double the amount of products. Finally in whatsoever proportion the capitalist classes—the bourgeoisie— whether of one country or of the market of the whole world—-share among them­ selves the nett profits of production, the total amount of these nett profits always consists merely of the amount by which, taking all in all, direct labour has been increased by means of stored-up labour. This sum total increases, therefore, in the proportion in which labour augments capital; that is, in the proportion in which profit rises as compared with wages. Thus we see that even if we confine ourselves to the relation between capital and wage-labour, the interests of capital are in direct antagonism to the interests of wage-labour. A rapid increase of capital is equal to a rapid increase of profits. Profits can only make a rapid increase, if the exchange-value of labour—the relative wage—makes an equally rapid decline. The relative wage may decline, although the actual wage rises along with the nominal wage, or money price of labour; if only it does not rise in the same proportion as profit. For instance, if when trade is good, wages rise five per cent., and profits on the other hand thirty per cent., then the proportional or relative wage has not increased but declined. Thus if the receipts of the labourer increase with the rapid advance of capital, yet at the same time there is a widening of the social gulf which separates the labourer from the capitalist, and also an increase in the power of capital over labour and in the dependence of labour upon capital. The meaning of the statement that the labourer has an interest in the rapid increase of capital is merely this; the faster the labourer increases his master s dominion, the richer will be the crumbs that he will get from his table; and the greater the number of labourers that can be employed and called into existence, the greater will be the number of slaves of which capital will be the owner. We have thus seen that even the most fortunate event for the working class, the speediest possible increase of capital, however much it may improve the material condition of the labourer, cannot abolish the opposition between his interests and those of the bourgeois or capitalist class. Profit and wages remain just as much as ever in inverse proportion. When capital is increasing fast, wages may rise, but the profits of capita will rise much faster. The actual position of the labourer has improved, but. it is at the expense of his social position. The social gulf which separates him from the capitalist has widened. Finally, the meaning of fortunate conditions for wage-labour, and of the quickest possible increase of productive capital, is merely this; the faster the working classes enlarge and extend the hostile power that dominates over them, the better will be the conditions under which they will be allowed to labour for the further increase of bourgeois dominion and for the wider extension of the power of capital, and thus contentedly to forge for themselves the golden chains by which the bourgeois drags them in its train. But are the increase of productive capital and the rise of wages so indis­ solubly connected as the bourgeois economists assert? We can hardly believe that the fatter capital becomes, the more will its slave be pampered. The bourgeoisie is too much enlightened, and keeps its accounts much too carefully, to care for that privilege of the feudal nobility, the ostentation of splendour in its retinue. The very conditions of bourgeois existence compel it to keep careful accounts. We must therefore enquire more closely into the effect which the increase of productive capital has upon wages. �12 With the general increase of the productive capital of a bourgeois society a manifold accumulation of labour-force takes place. The capitalists increase in number and in power. The increase in the number of capitalists increases the competition between capitalists. Their increased power gives them the means of leading into the industrial battle-field mightier armies of labourers furnished with gigantic implements of war. The one capitalist can only succeed in driving the other off the field and taking possession of his capital by selling his wares at a cheaper rate. In order to sell more cheaply without ruining himself, he must produce more cheaply, that is, he must heighten as much as possible the productiveness of labour, But the most effective way of making labour more productive is by means of a more complete division of labour, or by the more extended use and continual improve­ ment of machinery. The more numerous the departments into which labour is divided, and the more gigantic the scale in which machinery is introduced, in so much the greater proportion does the cost of production decline, and so much the more fruitful is the labour. Thus arises a manifold rivalry among capitalists with the object of increasing the subdivision of labour and machinery, and keeping up the utmost possible progressive rate of exploitation. Now if by means of a greater subdivision of labour, by the employment and improvement of new machines, or by the more skilful and profitable use of the forces of nature, a capitalist has discovered the means of producing a larger amount of commodities than his competitors with the same amount of labour ; whether it be stored-up labour or direct—if he can, for instance, spin a com­ plete yard of cotton in the same time that his competitors take to spin half-ayard—how will this capitalist proceed to act ? He might go on selling half-a-yard at its former market price.; but that would not have the effect of driving his opponents out.of the field and increasing his own sale. But the need of increasing his sale has increased in the same pro­ portion as his production. The more effective and more expensive means of pro­ duction which he has called into existence enable him, of course, to sell his wares cheaper, but they also compel him to sell more wares and to secure a much larger market for them. Our capitalist will therefore proceed to sell his half-ayard of cotton cheaper than his competitors. The capitalist will not, however, sell his complete yard so cheaply as his competitors sell the half, although its entire production does not cost him more than the production of half costs the others. For in that case he would gain nothing, but would only get back the cost of its productioa. The contingent increase in his receipts would result from his having set in motion a larger capital, but not from having made his capital more profitable than that of the others. Besides he gains the end he is aiming at, if he prices his goods a slight percentage lower than his competitors. He drives them off the field, and wrests from them at any rate a portion of their sale, if only he undersells them. And finally we must remember that the price current always stands either above or below the cost of production, according as the sale of a commodity is transacted at a favourable or unfavourable period of business. According as the.market price of a yard of cloth is above or below its former cost of production, the percentage will alter in which the capitalist who has employed the new and profitable means of production exceeds in its sale the actual cost of its production to him. . . . But our capitalist does not find his privilege very lasting. Other rival capitalists introduce with more or less rapidity the same machines and the same subdivision of labour; and this introduction becomes general, until the price of the yard of cloth is reduced not only below its old, but below its new cost of production. . . . , Thus the capitalists find themselves relatively m the same position in which they stood before the introduction, of the new means of production ; and if they are by these means enabled to offer twice the product for the same price, they now find themselves compelled to offer the doubled amount for less than the old price. From the standpoint of these new means of production the old game begins anew There is greater subdivision of labour, more machinery, and a more rapid progress in the exploitation of both. Whereupon competition brings about the same reaction against this result. . Thus we see how the manner and means of production are . continually renewed and revolutionised ; and how the division of labour necessarily brings in its train a greater division of labour ; the introduction of machinery, a still larger introduction; and the rapidity of progress in the efficiency of labour, a still greater rapidity of progress. �I3 'Khat is the law which continually drives bourgeois paaduction out of its old track, and compels capital to intensify the productive powers of labour for the very reason that it has already intensified them—the law that allows it no rest, but for ever whispers in its ear the words, “ Quick March ! ” This is no other law than that which, cancelling the priodical fluctuations of business, necessarily identifies the price of a commodity with its cost of pro­ duction. However powerful are the means of production which a particular capitalist may bring into the field, competition will make their adoption general; and the moment it becomes general, the sole result of the greater fruitfulness of his capital is that he must now for the same price offer ten, twenty, a hundred times as much as before. But as he must dispose of perhaps a thousand times as much, in order to outweigh the decrease in the selling price by the larger pro­ portion of products sold; since a larger sale has now become necessary, not only to gain a large profit, but also to replace the cost of production ; and the implements of production, as we have seen get more expensive ; and since this larger sale has become a vital question, not only for him, but also for his rivals, the old strife continues with all the greater violence, in proportion as the pre­ viously discovered means of production are more fruitful. Thus the subdivision of labour and the employment of new machinery, take a fresh start, and proceed with still greater rapidity. And thus, whatever be the power of the means or production employed, competition does its best to rob capital of the golden fruit which it produces, by reducing the price of commodities to their cost of production ; and as fast as their production is cheapened, compelling by a despotic law the larger supply of cheaper products to be offered at the former price. Thus the capitalist will have won nothing by his exertions beyond the obligation to produce faster than before, and an enhancement of the difficulty of employing his capital to advantage. While competition continually persecutes him with its law of the cost of pro­ duction, and turns against himself every weapon which he forges against his rivals, the capitalist continually tries, to cheat competition by incessantly intro­ ducing further division of labour, and replacing the old machines by new ones, which, though more expensive, produce more cheaply ; instead of waiting till competition has rendered them obsolete. Let us now look at this feverish agitation as it affects the market of the whole world, and we shall understand how the increase, accumulation, and concentra­ tion of capital bring in their train an uninterrupted and extreme subdivision of labour, always advancing with gigantic strides of progress, and a continual em­ ployment of new machinery together with improvement of the old. But how do these circumstances, inseparable as they are from the increase of productive capital, affect the determination of the amount of wages ? The greater division of labour enables one labourer to do the work of five, ten, twenty : it therefore multiplies the competition among labourers five, ten or twenty times. The labourers do not only compete when one sells himself cheaper than another ; they also compete when one does the work of five, ten, or twenty ; and the division of labour which capital introduces and continually in­ creases, compels the labourers to enter into this kind of competition with one another. . . . . Further \ in the same proportion in which the division of labour is increased) the labour itself is simplified. The special skill of the labourer becomes worthless. It is changed into a monotonous and uniform power production, which can give play neither to bodily nor to intellectual elasticity. Its labour becomes acccessible to everybody. Competitors therefore throng into it from all sides; and besides we must remember that the more simple and easily learnt the labour is, and the less it costs a man to make himself master of it, so much the lower must its wages sink ; since they are determined, like the price of every other commodity, by its cost of production. Therefore exactly as the labour becomes more unsatisfactory and unpleasant,, in that verv proportion competition iucreases and wages decline. The labourer does his best to maintain the rate of his wages by performing more labour, whether by working for a greater number of hours, or by working harder in the same-time. Thus, driven by necessity, he himself increases the evil ot the subdivision of labour. So the result is this : the more he labours, the less reward he receives for it; and that for this simple reason—that he competes against his. fellow-workmen, and thus compels them to compete against him, and to offer their labour on as wretched conditions as he does; and that he thus in the last result competes against himself as a member of the working class. �*4 Machinery has th^same effect, but in a much greater degree. It supplants skilled labourers by unskilled, men by women, adults by children ; where it is newly introduced, it throws the hand-labourers upon the streets in crowds ; and where it is perfected or replaced by later improvements and more inventions, dis­ cards them by slightly slower degrees. We have sketched above in hasty outlines the industrial war of capitalists with one another; and this war has this pecu­ liarity, that its battles are won less by means of enlisting than of discharging its industrial recruits, The generals or capitalists vie with one another as to who can dis­ pense with the greatest number of his soldiers. The economists repeatedly assure us that the labourers who are rendered superfluous by the machines find new branches of employment. They have not the hardihood directly to assert that the labourers who are discharged enter upon the new branches of labour. The facts cry out too loud against such a lie as this. They only declare that for other divisions of the labouring class, as for instance, for the rising generation of labourers who were just ready to enter upon the defunct branch of industry, new means of employ­ ment will open out. Of course that is a great satisfaction for the dismissed labourers. The worshipful capitalists will not find their fresh supply of exploit­ able flesh and blood run short, and will let the dead bury their dead. This is indeed a consolation with which the bourgeois comfort themselves rather than the labourers. If the whole class of wage-labourers were annihilated by the machines, how shocking that would be for capital, which without wage-labour ceases to act as capital at all. But let us suppose that those who are directly driven out of their employment by machinery, and also all those of the rising generation who were expecting employment in the same line, find some new employment. Does any one imagine that this will be as highly paid as that which they have lost ? Such an idea would be in direct contradiction to all the laws of economy. We have already seen that the modern form of industry always tends to the displacement of the more complex and the higher kinds of employment, by those which are more simple and subordinate. How then could a crowd of labourers, who are thrown out of one branch of industry by machinery, find refuge in another, without having to content them­ selves with a lower position and worse pay ? The labourers who are employed in the manufacture of machinery itself have been instanced as an exception. As soon as a desire arises and a demand begins in an industry for more machinery, it is said that there must necessarily be an increase in the number of machines, and therefore in the manufacture of machines, and therefore in the employment of labourers in this manufacture; and the labourers who are employed in this branch of industry will be skilled, and indeed even educated labourers. Ever since the year 1840 this contention, which even before that time was only half true, has lost all its specious colour. For the machines which are em­ ployed in the manufacture of machinery have been quite as numerous as those used in the manufacture of cotton ; and the labourers who are employed in pro­ ducing machines, instead of being highly educated, have only been able toplay the part of utterly unskilled machines themselves. But in the place of the man who has been dismissed by the machine perhaps three children and one woman are employed to work it, And was it not neces­ sary before that the man’s wages should suffice for the support of his wife and his children ? Was not the minimum of wages necessarily sufficient for the maintenance and propagation of the race of labourers ? There is no difference, except that now the lives of four times as many labourers as before are used up in order to secure the support of one labourer’s family. To repeat our deductions; the faster productive capital increases, the more does the division of labour and the employment of machinery extend. The more the division of labour and the employment of machinery extend, so much the more does competition increase among the labourers, and so much the more do their average wages dwindle. And, besides, the labouring class is recruited from the higher strata of society ; or else there falls headlong into it a crowd of small manufacturers and small proprietors, who thenceforth have nothing better to do than to stretch out their arms by the side of those of the labourers. And thus the forest of arms outstretched by those who are entreating for work becomes ever denser and the arms themselves grow ever leaner. That the small manufacturer cannot survive in a contest, whose first condi­ tion is production on a continually increasing scale, that is, that he cannot be at once both a large and a small manufacturer, is self-evident. �* That the interest on capital declines in the same promotion as the amount of capital increases and extends, and that therefore the small capitalist can no longer live on bis interest, but must join th# ranks of the workers andjincrease the number oftfce proletariat,—all this requires no further exemplificatlpn. Finally, in the projWtion in which the capitalists are compelledby the causes here sketched out to exploit on an even increasing scale yet more giga^ftic means of production, and with that object to set in motion all the iMfrisprin^s of credit, in the same proportion is there an increase of those earthquakes wherein the business world can only secure its own existence by the sajMyficaof ap portion of its wealth, its products, and even its powers of production to the gods of the world below—in a word, crises increase. They become at once more frequent and more violent; because in the same proportion in which the amount of production, and therefore the demand for an extension of the market, increases, the market of the world continually contracts, and ever fewer markets remain to be exploited; since every previous crisis has added to the commerce of the world a market which was not known before, or had before been only superficially ex­ ploited by commerce. But capital not only lives upon labour. Like a lord, at once distinguished and barbarous, it drags with it to the grave the corpses of its slaves and whole hecatombs of labourers who perish in the crisis. Thus we see that if capital increases fast, competition among the labourers increases still faster, that is, the means of employment and subsistence decline in proportion at a Stillmore rapid rate; and yet, none the less the most fortunate conditions for wage labour lie in the speedy increase of capital All who are interested, in these sub­ jects should, read. THE FOLLOWING PUBLICATIONS OF THE MODERN PRESS, 13, Paternoster Row, London, E.C. Which will be sent post free at the published prices on receipt of an order amounting to one shilling or more. (The Publications of the Modern Press can be obtained from W. L. Rosenberg, 261, East Tenth Street, New York City.) Socialism made Plain. The social and political manifesto of the Social-Democratic Federation issued in June 1883 ; with “The Unemployed,” a Manifesto issued after the “ Riots in the West End” on 8th February, 1886. Sixty-first thousand. Crown 8-vo., paper cover, price id. “JUSTICE,” the Organ of the Social Democracy. Every Saturday, one penny. Socialist Rhymes from Justice. By J. L. Joynes. Reprinted chiefly Demy 8-vo., price id. Summary of the Principles of Socialism. By H. M. Hyndman and William Morris. Second edition, 64-pp. crown 8-vo., in wrapper designed by Wm. Morris, price 4d. This gives an account of the growth of capitalist production, and concludes with a statement of the demands of English Socialists for the immediate future. Herbert Spencer on Socialism. By Frank Fairman. 16-pp. crown 8-vo., price id. The Working Man’s Programme (Arbeiter Pro­ gramme By Ferdinand Lassalle. Translated from the German by Edward Peters. Crown 8-vo., paper cover, price 6d. �The Robbery of the Poor. Demy o^vo., paper c@ver, price 6d. By w. H. P. Campbell. The Appeal to the Young. By Prince Peter Kropdtkin. Translated from the French by H. M. Hyndman and reprinte^,from Justice. Royal 8-vo., 16-pp. Price one penny. Th# mSSk eloquent and noble appeal to the generous emotions ever penned by a scientific m^n. _ Its author has just suffered five years imprisonment at the hands of the Fngnch Republic for advocating the cause of the workers Opening Address to the Trade Union Congress at Southport, September, 1885. Delivered by T. R. Threlfall. Royal 8-vo., 16-pp. Price one penny. An able address from a representative working man on political and social topics. By Edward Carpenter.—Social Progress and Indi­ vidual Effort ; Desirable Mansions ; and Co-operative Production. One penny each. John E. Williams, and the Early History of THE SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC FEDERATION. trait. Price one penny. With Por­ The Man with the Red Flag : Being John Burns’ Speech at the Old Bailey, when tried for Seditious Conspiracy, on April 9th, 1886. (From the Verbatim Notes of the official short­ hand reporter.) With Portrait. Price threepence. Socialism and Slavery. By H. M. Hyndman. (In reply to Mr. Herbert Spencer’s article on the “ The Coming Slavery.” New Edition. 16 pp. Royal 8-vo., price one penny. The Socialist Catechism. By J. L. Joynes. Reprinted with additions from Justice. Demy 8-vo., price id. 15th thousand. The Emigration Fraud Exposed. By H. What an Eight Hours Bill Means. By T. Mann M. Hyndman. With a Portrait of the Author. Reprinted by per­ mission from the Nineteenth Century for February, 1885. Crown 8-vo., price one penny. (Amalgamated Engineers). New edition with portrait. Thousand. Price one penny. Sixth Socialism versus Smithism: An open letter from H. M. Hyndman to Samuel Smith, M.P. for Liverpool. 8-vo. Cheaper edition, price id. Socialism and the Worker. By F. A. Crown Sorge. Price id. An explanation in the simplest language of tne main idea of Socialism. The Chicago Riots and the Class War in the United States. By H. M. Hyndman. Reprinted from Times, Jnne, 1886. Price one penny. �* ■ 11 4 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Victorian Blogging Description An account of the resource A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library &amp; Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. 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Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Marx, Karl [1818-1883] Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Modern Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1886 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context G2454 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Joynes, J.L. (James Leigh) (tr) Subject The topic of the resource Socialism Labour Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (Wage-labour and capital), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Capitalism Karl Marx Marxian Economics Marxism Wages Working Classes https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/e7df283594c9e0e5cf1f865607bdb89d.pdf?Expires=1782345600&Signature=Pis0LCKA-hu1ZSSpWUH-uXAXQNAHmMGPrbHUdDKZoFuMAeB25P60oab5xPgbP4NcXaT4kLIC23Clbe-CUJwDAGbiZkKi-da47d1svLUJTlZynTgR73jpvU5z-vDzDVMx4IcM5TrAbQhrpJN4lBOpiArnCU7QFa01OlwyrfRUA4cd5DK9RyCzb2tXdFybHQap7dahRjiJQHDPS7W8SROnrx7sjZcMgkUBuWPzq0cKMKtYD-NWmGZ0kDXriR659rLiPbJRlNqqZQ4NEy6Qiovq%7ETEyI47gTGFMfEE%7EUkRDXLBVZuCs-uzJaEllDqCyirUOzBQ%7E2EvpK16t0X5GWEt68A__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM bed438547928007284547ead365188b0 PDF Text Text ONE T347 PENNY. THE EMIGRATION FRAUD A REPLY TO LORD BRABAZON. By H. M. HYNDMAN. Reprinted, by permission from the “Nineteenth Century.-’ MODERN PRESS, 13, Paternoster Row, London, E.C. �0 K I | r« 'gTh-<Z\' »<!(.[ < H r.> 'mA tv, i >r! ' -■ i �THE EMIGRATION FRAUD EXPOSED. T T is natural that at a time when there is serious depression in nearly every one of our great industries, from agriculture downwards, many remedies should be proposed for the unemployed labour and “over-population ’’which appa­ rently exists in Great Britain. Nor is there any remedy which is, at first sight, so simple and yet so satisfactory as Emigra tion. That if there are too many people in these islands they should go away of their own accord, or be helped away, to other regions where vast tracts of land lie uncultivated, seems no doubt a reasonable proposal. No one, I feel sure, would dispute that, granted the assumption involved in the “ if,” it would be the duty of the community at large to help those o the population who are in excess to reach countries where they could subsist by their labour, provided they could not get there without such aid. Nor could it, I think, be denied that emigration, conducted under the control of the people of England and the inhabitants of our Colonies jointly, would be better managed than any happy-go-lucky exodus, similar to that which we have so far favoured. There is nothing in the nature of the case, certainly, to deter men and women from going to our colonies situated in a temperate climate or to America; and millions who have emigrated have found happy homes and reared healthy families at the cost of rea­ �4 sonable labour, though things are not now as they were. All that need be stipulated for before the State is called in to direct or to aid such emigration is, that it should be clearly shown that there is not plenty of room for the people here; and that circumstances in the country to which they would betake themselves are such at the time as to warrant their going or being sent. This, I venture to think, is as complete an acceptance of the position taken by Lord Brabazon on State-Directed Emigration as he himself could desire. It is satisfactory, therefore, to find that I can fully agree with Lord Brabazon’s statements concerning the present condition of large number of the workers in London and our other great industrial centres. For instance, when Lord Brabazon speaks of “ the fearful competition existing in the centres of industry which compels large classes of honest, sober, hardworking men and women to lead such a bitter struggle for mere existence that the acquisition of the actual necessaries of daily life is suffi­ cient to engross their fullest energies and which leaves them without the least margin of time or strength for making any provision against the advent of disease and old age, much less for the accumulation of capital ”—when Lord Brabazon writes thus, I say, he but repeats what a “ visionary revolu­ tionist ” like myself has been urging for years past. So again I can heartily agree with what he so forcibly adds : “ Whether there is or is not a demand for the State direction of emigra­ tion, of this I am confident, that means must be found, and that quickly, to put an end to the fearful struggle for life which is to be met with in the east and south of London, and in most of our large towns. The disease has got beyond the power of private efforts and has assumed proportions too gigantic to be dealt with by any power short of a Govern­ ment or a powerful municipality. Starving men are not to be argued with ”—this seems to me altogether excellent. . , . �5 " Whether the Government like it or not, they will have to take into their serious consideration how best to relieve this deplorable congestion of population in our large towns.” There is indeed “ a social malady which, if allowed to con­ tinue unchecked, must inevitably end in some fatal national catastrophe.” Lord Brabazon is also quite right in stating that the Democratic Federation did its best, and with very great success, to meet and controvert his special remedy for this state of things, and I have every reason to believe will continue to do so. The difference between us therefore is narrowed to two points. First, whether there is really any over-population. Lord Brabazon says there is. I say, in spite of appearances, that there is not. Secondly, assuming the over-population to exist, whether the time is favourable for exporting the people. Lord Brabazon says it is. I, again, say it is not. On this second point, however, I shall not touch, for if I prove my position on the first it will be un­ necessary to go further; and, besides, recent reports of the state of the labouring population in Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, to say nothing of the United States, are cer­ tainly all against sending out more emigrants. Before dealing with the main question, I would just add that we Socialists do not wish to keep the people in wretched­ ness in this country in order that we may have them at hand to make a revolution with, as Lord Brabazon, rather unreasonably it seems to me, suggests. We are no be­ lievers in a revolution of starvelings. At the very time when the Democratic Federation challenged State-directed and State-aided emigration, we issued a series of practical proposals for home colonisation and municipal em­ ployment, which are perfectly sound as far as they go, and would relieve the present distress at once, much more effectually than the removal of a few th ousand families could relieve it. These proposals Lord Brabazon has. I �0 know, seen. The £10,000,000 which was wasted on the war in Egypt would have far more than carried out the whole plan. That we are revolutionists I am quite ready to admit; whether we are visionary remains to be seen. At any rate, the peer and the revolutionists are both agreed that the present condition of things cannot go on without leading to “ some fatal national catastrophe.” Now for the “ over-population ” and Lord Brabazon's State-directed remedy for it. To begin with, as it seems to me, Lord Brabazon proves a little too much. He says that the “ increase of population outstrips the increase of the demand for labour,” and goes on to argue as follow : “ Every ten years between three and four million more mouths have to obtain food in this country; and inasmuch as the soil of England is not elastic and cannot be made to produce a greatly increased quantity of food ; as England cannot at this moment supply all her sons with an adequate meal a day ; and as she already has to import half the food which she consumes—the problem how we are to feed our surplus population is one which is serious now, will annually increase in seriousness, and unless solved within a very few years by some statemanlike measure of relief to population, will not be long in settling itself, in a very unpleasant way for some of us, if we decline to grapple with it whilst it is still capable of easy solution.” Now this argu­ ment, if pressed to its logical conclusion, surely means that one half our present population ought to emigrate. Lord Brabazon does not mean that, I know, yet that is the fair deduction from such a statement. But Mr. Samuel Smith says, and Lord Brabazon fathers his statement, that no changes in the land laws could do mors’ than put four million additional people into agricultural employment. Do Lord Brabazon and Mr. Smith know what that admission involves ? The total number of people now in agricultural employment �7 in England and Wales amounts to but 1,300,000 all told. What an enormous increase of produce, then, would the four million additional labourers bring about! It is the opinion of some of the most skilled agriculturists in the kingdom that under proper conditions this country might easily produce its whole food supply or its agricultural equivalent. We ought not to forget that our whole system is one gigantic machine of waste, and that, for example, whilst we import every year a large amount of artificial manures, we sweep down into the rivers and sea, in the form of sewage, at least £30,000,000 to £40,000,000 worth of manure of the very best description. What vast changes the proper use of that would effect! Yet a really scientific arrangement is almost imposs­ ible in our existing large cities. With proper application of machinery, careful dairy and poultry farming, and entire change of our method of dealing with human manure, it is almost impossible to say what might not be done with our lands, if at the same time the present wretched system of landowning were done away with, and one substituted in the interest of the whole community. None of those who have most earnestly opposed State-directed emigration are in favour of cutting up the land among the 35,000,000 of people. They do urge, however, that it should be used for the advantage of the whole people collectively and not for the gain of a class. Lord Brabazon does not dispute that some increase might be obtained ; his friend Mr. Samuel Smith virtually admits that an enormous increase might be obtained ; others say that our agricultural produce might be profitaby doubled. Let us begin colonisation at home, then, and try emigration afterwards. But we are now dependent on foreign sources for half our food supply, which we obtain partly in return for goods exported and partly in payment of interest on capital lent. To devote more, labour to raising food than we can get it for �8 by devoting less labour to producing other commodities which we could then exchange for food, is clearly bad policy, so long as we command the sea and can carry on such exchange. It is not the amount of food which can be grown in these islands that limits population, or what Lord Brabazon calls the “ supply and demand of labour,” in Great Britain. That depends upon the state of the world-market for goods, and the profit which has been made by the capitalist class under the present conditions of productions. Thus there is “ over­ population,” and thousands of men are out of work, all along the Clyde to-day ; but about two years ago there were not hands enough to do the business which flowed into the ship­ yards, and mere boys not out of their apprenticeship were coming from other centres to earn 32s. a week as rivetters. Is this sort of “ boom ” and depression with its accompany­ ing periods of over-work, followed by slack time and “ over­ population,” due merely to the natural increase of our people ? Assuredly not. There is some other cause at work to make useful labourers useless within a period of a few months. But I deny the actual over-population, so far as labourers are concerned, altogether. Never assuredly was the power of man over nature so great asit is to-day. Neverin the history of the human race was so much wealth raised with so little labour. Relatively fewer hands are employed in the iron, coal, cotton, wool, and other industries than was the case a few years ago; yet a much greater quantity of wealth is pro­ duced. A few’ figures will make this quite clear. Thus in the coal industry 538,829 persons employed in mining and handling coal above and below ground in the year 1874 ex­ tracted 140,713,832 tons of coal. In the year 1883, 514,933 persons produced 163,737,327 tons, an increase of over 23,000,000 tons, though 24,000 fewer persons were em­ ployed. In 1874 the miners won 261 tons of coal per head; in 1880, 334 tons a head ; yet in the latter year 53,896 �9 of them were out of work—became over-population, that is. In the working of iron and steel 360,356 persons were em­ ployed in 1872, and produced and used 6,741,929 tons of pigiron; in 1883,361,343 persons were so employed, and they produced 8,490,224 tons, or an increase of 1,750,000 tons for virtually the same number employed 1 In the cotton and flax industry 570,000 persons used 1,266,100,000 pounds of cotton in 1874; while in 1883 but 586,470 persons used 1,510,600,900 pounds; In every case a trifling increase or decrease of persons employed contemporaneously with a great increase in production. It is the same in every depart­ ment. The numbers employed in agriculture in England and Wales have fallen from 2,010,454 in 1861, to 1,383,184 m 1881, ■of whom but 800,000 are classed as agricultural labourers. Bear in mind that all this while population has been in­ creasing at the rate of 10 per cent, in every ten years ; so that the numbers of actual workers remain stationary or decrease, while the whole population increases. If greater and greater wealth is being continuously produced with the same number or a less number of hands, surely Lord Brabazon’s argu­ ments leak water at every seam. The over-population arises, then, not from a decrease in the powers of production, but from their increase. Improved machinery gives greater wealth to the employing class but renders employment for the workers more uncertain, substituting in many departments women’s and children’s low-priced labour for that of men; and brings about the periods of universal crisis &?ch as that we are now suffering from—over-production, over-population, and the rest of it—more often, and renders them more severe. Has Lord Brabazon looked at the figures of the last census? The population of England and Wales is close upon 26,000,000. out of these, 14,786,000 are classed as “ indefinite and un­ productive;” and this although there are 1,800,000 of the domestic class included in the other n,ooo,ooo! Surely the �IO over-population in Great Britain, then, consists of a great portion of these 14,780,000—for even the commercial and professional classes are included in the other 11,000,000— and not the unemployed portion of the 7,000,000 or 8,000,000. of actual producers about whom Lord Brabazon speaks. Why the 1,800.000 domestic class alone—what can we think of that vast array of useless persons eating their heads oft and producing nothing? It is not the “ indefinite and un­ productive ” 14,780,000, nor even the domestic servants, however, who are thrown out starving on the streets in bad times. No, it is for the most part the artisans and labourers, who make the wealth these people enjoy, that thus suffer. Take it from another point of view. Mr. Mundella assures us triumphantly that the returns to income-tax have increased from £578,000,000 to £601,000,000 during even these years of depression. Mr. Mulhall tells us that the total income of the country is close upon £1,300,000,000. Mr. Giffen informs us that between 1865 and 1875 the capital of this country in­ creased £2,400,000,000 or 40 per cent. That is, the actual savings did so, after the population had spent its income in the usual way. Thus capital value during that period, according to the head of the Statistical Department of the Board of Trade, who certainly is no friend of the workers, increased at four times the rate of the increase of population. What becomes of over-population here ? Again, out of that income of £1,300,000,000 how much do the producing classes get ? I say £300,000,000 or less. The highest estimate I have ever seen is £500,000,000. It strikes me, then, that a rather more equitable distribution of the results of labour is what we need, even without making preparation for greater production on on the land or elsewhere, before we begin to talk of over­ population in any sense. For, be it remembered, Lord Brabazon expressly says that he and his friends do not intend to ship off the ‘ 2,000,000 �11 to 3,000,000 pauperised and degraded people ’ who, according to Mr. Samuel Smith (whose figures Lord Brabazon quotes), are constantly a tax on the community. Not at all. These we are to have ever with us. But let Lord Brabazon speak for himself on this point. “ And here it would be well to make it clearly understood that we ... do not propose that Her Majesty’s Government should transfer the idle, the vicious, the ne’er-do-weel, or the pauper from the slums of London, &c.” Oh, dear, no; that would never do. It is the able, sober, useful labourers who want work but cannot get it, the men who are eager to get away and work for their wives and families but cannot, the very flower of our producing class, that Lord Brabazon proposes to transport for us. And these are the over-population ; while the classes which live in luxury on other men’s labour are, I suppose, essential to the well-being of the State—the very pillars of the Empire. How many families of labourers would the £35,000,000 taken in rent by 8,000 families keep in comfort in return for really useful work ? How many hundred millions sterling do the capitalist class take in interest and profit ? Surely a few questions like these ought to show Lord Brabazon the folly of his over-population theory. Or, if not, take France. That is a country with a stationary or even a decreasing population; and France is on the whole a wealthy country too. Yet at this moment there is over­ population, fearful over-population, in Paris, Lyons, and Marseilles, Rouen, Roubaix, and St. Etienne, even worse than there is in London, Liverpool, and Glasgow, Newcastle, Sunderland, Sheffield, &c. How does Lord Brabazon account for that ? Would he recommend emigration as a panacea to the hardworking, thrifty, temperate, Malthusian Frenchman ? Clearly not ; it would be too absurd. Thus we have worse over-population in France at the present time than we have in England, and horrible misery for the �12 producing classes there as here though the one country has a stationary and the other an increasing population. Manifestly there is something more in this than Lord Brabazon thinks. If we emigrated 5,000,000 persons from England to-morrow, and continued our present system of capitalist production for profit, individual exchange, private! property, and so forth, we should equally have over-popula­ tion of the producing class at the next period of industrial crisis. “ It is indeed lamentable to consider how many mil­ lions of pounds have been squandered,” as Lord Brazabon truly says, “ in the maintenance of able-bodied men and women in our workhouses.” It is still more lamentable to consider how many hundreds of millions of pounds have been squandered, and are now being squandered, in the mainten ance of able-bodied men and women in utter idleness and degrading luxury from their cradles to their graves. But it is nothing short of infamous that the whole system of production for profit throughout the civilised world, as well as in England, should be based upon the misery and degradation of the labouring class, that they should have no control over the exchange of the wealth which they produce, and that when the greed of the capitalist and the cupidity of the landlord bring about a period of glut and crisis they should be turned out workless i»pon the streets, treated as over-population, and then State-aided to the Colonies, there to be fleeced by the same classes in 'other ways. * Neither America nor our Colonies offer the openings that they did. There, as here, the landowner and the capitalist crush the mere wage­ labourers, and regard them in times of depression as over­ population, and treat them accordingly. There is plenty for all in this England of ours—plenty of * Out of a total realised national wealth estimated by Mr. Mul­ hall at /8,000,000,000 in round figures, 222,500 families, sayi,200,000 persons out of 30,000 000. own nearly £6,000,000,000. �food, plenty of raiment, plenty of everything that goes to make up a healthy and happy life. At this very time, the power of man over nature, the capacity to produce more and more wealth with a less and less expenditure of labour, is growing every day. Every improvement in machinery, every advance in chemistry, every development in electricity, means that all mankind could gain greater wealth and greater leisure at the same time. In agriculture, as in other departments, the advance in science, the application of machinery, is now almost as rapid as it has long been in manufacture. Yet the workers alone do not benefit by this. They work, it is true, in social union for social purposes, but their product, when finished, escapes from them into the hands of others; they are forced to compete against one another for a bare sub­ sistence wage : the very improved machines they make and use hurry on the period of hard times and over-population for them; if they are not employed at a profit they are not employed at alland all the while they see those who work not at all, or very little, living in excessive luxury at the cost of their degradation. Under any rational system of produc­ tion, under any regulated system of collective exchange, they —ay and all of us—could enjoy a standard of comfort and a wholesome, happy, leisurely, yet active life, such as has never been known on the planet. Yet we are told it is utopian and visionary to urge that the workers should turn the machines which they make, the land which they till, the commodities they produce, to the advantage of the whole community. I say, finally, then, that emigration is not even a palliative under present conditions; that it is harmful to the country, and that there is enough and to spare for all here at home. But I, too, look with sadness to the immediate future. For when a man like Lord Brabazon, who obviously feels for the needy and sympathises with the oppressed, can look at our anarchical society only from the point of view of his own class �*4 interests, and is led astray by the fallacies of huckster eco­ nomy, I despair of a peaceful solution to the inevitable class struggle even in England ; and I fear that we must pass through the fiery furnace of “ some fatal national catastrophe ” to the goal of full economical freedom and organised work for all. �SOCIALIST LITERATURE. The following works are strongly recommended to all who wish to understand the Social-Democratic movement in England. Orders, accompanied by stamps, sent to THE MODERN PRESS, 13, Paternoster Row, London, E.C., will be executed by return of post. Parcels to the value of One Shilling and upwards sent post free. “JUSTICE,” the Organ of the Social Democracy. Every Saturday, One Penny. A genuine working class paper, held by working class men as trustees, edited by an “unskilled labourer,’’ independent of advertisements, and written gratuitously by working men. Established January, 1884. Socialism Made Plain. The social and political manifesto of the Social-Democratic Federation, issued in June, 1883 : with “The Unemployed,” a Manifesto issued after the “ Riots in the West End ” on 8th February, 1886. Seventy-first thousand. Crown 8-vo., paper cover, price id. The Socialist Catechism. By J. L. Joynes. Reprinted with additions from Justice. Price One Penny. Twentieth thousand. Royal 8-vo., Socialist theories stated, and the vulgar objections to them refuted in the form of question and answer. The Appeal to the Young. By Prince Peter Kropotkin. Translated from the French by H. M. Hyndman, and reprinted from Justice. Royal 8-vo., 16-pp. Price One Penny. Tenth thousand. The most eloquent and noble appeal to the generous emotions ever pen­ ned by a scientific man. Its author has just suffered five years imprison­ ment at the hands of the French Republic for advocating the cause of the workers. Socialism and the Worker. By F. A. Sorge. Price One Penny. An explanation in the simplest language of the main idea of Socialism. Wage-Labour and Capital. By Karl Marx. Translated by J. L. Joynes and reprinted from Justice. New and cheaper edition, Royal 8-vo., Price One Penny. This is the only work of the great Socialist thinker which has been translated into English, and relentlessly criticises capitalist production. �Socialism and Slavery. By H. M. Hyndman. (In reply to Mr. Herbert Spencer’s Article on “ The Coming Slavery). New Edition. 16-pp., Royal 8-vo. Price One Penny. A convincing argument against the laissez faire philosophy. What an Eight Hour Bill Means. By T. Mann, (Amalgamated Engineers). New edition with portrait. Price One Penny. Ninth thousand. John Williams and the History of the Social-Democratic Federation. 8-vo., Price One Penny. With Portrait. Royal The Chicago Riots and the Class War in the United States. By H. M. Hyndman. from Time, June, 1886. Price One Penny. Reprinted A sketch of the rise of capitalist monopolies, and a demonstration of the inadequacy of mere political democracy to remedy their results. The Facts about the Unemployed. of the Middle Class. Royal 8-vo. By One Price One Penny. An appeal and a warning issued in October, 1886, showing the causes of the present distress, how they can be removed, what steps have already been taken, and what are the consequences of continued indifference to hunger and despair. International Trade Union Congress, held at Paris, August, 1886. Report by Adolphe Smith, Official Interpreter to the Congress. 24-pp., Royal 8-vo. Price Three-Halfpence. The Man with the Red Flag. Being John Bnrns’ Speech at the Old Bailey, when tried for Seditious Conspiracy, on April 9th, 1886. (From the Verbatim Notes of the official shorthand reporter). With Portrait. Price 3d. By EDWARD” CARPENTER, M.A., Author of “Towards Democracy,” “ Modern Science,” &c„ &c. Social Progress and Individual Effort. An answer to the questions, how far man is conditioned by his material circumstances, and how far he is their master. Desirable Mansions. A criticism of the ineptitude of the conventional life of the well-to-do. Co-operative Production. A lecture on the profit sharing system of Leclaire of Paris. Price One Penny each. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Victorian Blogging Description An account of the resource A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library &amp; Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Conway Hall Library & Archives Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Conway Hall Ethical Society Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Pamphlet Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The emigration fraud : a reply to Lord Brabazon Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hyndman, Henry Mayers [1842-1921] Description An account of the resource Place of publication: London Collation: 14, [2] p. : ill. (port.) ; 19 cm. Notes: Date of publication from KVK. Reprinted with permission from the "Nineteenth Century". Publisher's list on two unnumbered pages at the end. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Modern Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource [1886?] Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context T397 Subject The topic of the resource Migration Social problems Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /><br /><span>This work (The emigration fraud : a reply to Lord Brabazon), identified by </span><span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk">Humanist Library and Archives</a></span><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Immigration Population Social conditions Socialism Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Victorian Blogging Description An account of the resource A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library &amp; Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Conway Hall Library & Archives Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Conway Hall Ethical Society Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Pamphlet Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Socialism and slavery, being an answer to Mr. Herbert Spencer's attack on the Social-Democratic Federation in the Contemporary Review, April 1884, under the title "The Coming Slavery" Description An account of the resource Edition: 2nd ed. Place of publication: London Collation: 12, [2] p. : ill. (front. port.) ; 23 cm. Notes: Publisher's list of books on socialism and handbills on unnumbered pages at the end. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hyndman, H. M. (Henry Mayers) [1842-1921.] Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Modern Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1884 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context G4977 Subject The topic of the resource Socialism Slavery Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (Socialism and slavery, being an answer to Mr. Herbert Spencer's attack on the Social-Democratic Federation in the Contemporary Review, April 1884, under the title "The Coming Slavery"), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Slavery Socialism Spencer Herbert https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/28a01b9a8c58a74a237258bbe9d3e3a8.pdf?Expires=1782345600&Signature=aOlbHCGRlhVpz2MqLuZNXE2SIoF2WccEyPXbT9WOyKkn3QZJhqUcykRJJPtf3BKMsayoPcBqbb8cCdCzz0-OUb7b1AJxj08xmwUkElfV9YkUQvdhUNdPuI9ClXYOujuJ6p05k%7E1n4ngwEAeReusfxruZKoRX-6mWYxocFTyB445ah7zPy4N30vjLabq9EQNWD0sodeH4ISCZvwC0smE3i6MlOKEr5o0wgyN-tB0ppYlzarWPLhieoHen360hkshEr1fxykhqmvyg8fgJ6NF8zBBdr5iJMec4avVVuzAnfReoIqMDYJemyEBrrylLnBB8On7buarQuvK9fxTJd59kGA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 8d87645b9f7c154eeb20194318a338d2 PDF Text Text WITH SOME COMMENTS ON THE ARMY ENLISTMENT FRAUD. By GEORGE BATEMAN, Late 2nd. 23rd. (Royal Welsh Fusiliers,) With an Introduction by H. H. CHAMPION, Late Royal Artillery. LONDON: THE MODERN PRESS, 13, Paternoster Row, E.C Anp W. L. ROSENBERG, 261, East Tenth Street, NEW YORK CITY. 1887. �YMflA 3HT ? X XX x.VJL JL A X -w • <r!//.H) .11 .h HDHOMO yS -v 5\ srtnl • .oil jfjboijfil H£ fUi/f ’tsW\VsK \n\jofl siv)A / t f 1 �PREFACE The account, which appears in the following pages, of the circum­ stances which go so far to make the life of a private soldier unbearable agrees with my experience gained during four years as a commissioned officer in the army. The fault, to my mind, rests chiefly with the system of appointing the superior officers. Choosing the profession of arms because it confers a certain amount of social distinction and necessitates very little work, as a rule they know little or nothing of the men they command, and confer promotion or inflict punishment on the advice of the non-commissioned officers who save them trouble. “ Discipline must be maintained,” impartial enquiry is tedious and difficult, and it is so much easier to take the word of the sergeant or corporal than to sift the matter to the bottom. Consequently much gross injustice goes on. I know of one instance when in India some hundreds of high caste natives were enlisted, as they sincerely believed, to become cavalry soldiers. They found to their dismay that instead of this they were to act as mule drivers. They protested and finally mutinied when unable to obtain redress, and as many as half-a-dozen a day for days together were flogged for disobeying orders in consequence. When the mule battery, with which they were compelled to serve, on its way to the front reached the district from which these men had been recruited, they deserted in shoals. A similar result is sure to follow whenever men who know they are treated unfairly see an opportunity of revenging themselves on their oppressors. It is one of the “ facts not generally known ” that the Reform Bill of 1832 would not have been passed, had not a confidential circular sent to all commanding officers in England been answered to the effect that, if the Bill were refused, and the people then rose as they threatened to do, in that case it would be impossible to count on the soldiers to obey orders in repressing disturbances. The certainty that they would put their duty as citizens before their duty as soldiers saved our country at that time from all the horrors of civil war. Is it not at least as likely that on a definite social, and not merely political issue, the sympathies -of the troops with the people may do England as great a service in the future ? It is not possible to reform our military system so as to ensure the comfort and content of the private soldier. Of this I am glad for I feel certain that it can only be rendered useful for honest purposes and impo­ tent for evil, by converting it from a mercenary to a real volunteer system. When we have no standing army, and every citizen who votes for war knows that he will have to take his share of danger and hardship we shall have no more of these piratical expeditions against weaker.nations, while England will be infinitely more able to speak to her enemies in the gate, should they ever pick an unjust quarrel with her. Till that day it is better for all that our army which, small though it be, is a standing menace to the liberties of those who exercise no power in the State, should be inefficient, disorganised, and discontented—as it certainly is. H. H. Champion. �SOCIALISM AND SOLDIERING. N a panic born of cowardice, and consciousness of wrong done to the mass of the people, Sir Charles Warren and those who employ him to protect the property they and their forefathers have wrung from the present and past generations of workers, applied to the military authorities on two recent occasions for troops to “assist in maintaining order” at the Lord Mayor’s Show, and the pro­ posed counter demonstration of the unemployed and suffering; and at another meeting called in Trafalgar Square by the Social-Democratic Federation, on November 21st, 1886, for the purpose of demanding from the Tory Government relief works and reduction of the hours of labour, to enable the starving workers to earn sufficient to feed them­ selves and their families. Although the troops were brought from Windsor and elsewhere on the first occasion, in consequence of a letter sent by the Socialist party exposing the authorities to the jeers of the whole world, it was thought better at the last moment to countermand the order for the attendance of troops on the 21st inst., and although our comrades in red and blue were deprived of their holiday in many instances and strictly forbidden to attend our meeting, they were not exposed a second time to the sneers of the assembled multitude, many of whom, on Lord Mayor’s Show day, very foolishly exhibited considerable ill-will towards the men who were but acting under compulsion, and much against their own inclination. But sufficient has been : aid and done by the robbing classes and their Christian (?) servant, Sii Charles Warren, to show that, if conflict between the workers of Great Britain, and their comrades in the Army and Police, is avoided in the near future, it will not be because the “ respectable classes” are loth to use physical force to suppress any attempt on the part of the wealth-producers to come by their own ; but because of other influences which are at work, causing both constables and redcoats to ask themselves whether, after all, they have anything to gain by the continuance in power of the useless classes. That these influences are. at work, and that they are beginning to be felt by our soldiers, is a fact known to many of our comrades, and we propose in the following narrative of the everyday life of a man in the army, to show that from the moment when he joins the Depot of his regiment, he is a more or less discontented man, and a fit subject for revolutionary propaganda to take bold of. “ One Volunteer is worth twenty Pressed Men,’ Is a motto that holds good in the case of an army as well as in many other instances, and it is often boasted that ours is a volunteer system of enlistment, and, so far, superior to that of Germany and other neighbour­ ing countries. Like the “ freedom of contract” theory, this statement �5 has one grain of truth to a whole bushel of (to put it mildly) sheer nonsense. How far it is truth may be judged from the fact, that of seven men spoken to when met accidentally in the street, everyone had entered the service because “ he was hard up.” And so far from men entering the army from any foolish notion of loyalty or patriotism, a great pro­ portion of them would gladly leave the “ honourable profession ” of a soldier, and take their place among the “ degraded ” toilers of our civil­ isation, could they but get discharged by any other means than purchase or “discharge with ignominy,” with its accompanyment of 2 years impri­ sonment. To talk of men as volunteer soldiers when they have been compelled to enlist by the semi-starvation and suffering of civilian life, is as incorrect as speaking of the “gift” made by the traveller in the olden days when met by some half dozen highwaymen armed with pistols, who, with more determination than divine right, insisted on the surrender of his “ money or his life.” Our soldiers then commence their service not as men who have chosen their professions, but as men forced into an irksome position by their bad circumstances of life—as men who have already been wronged by Society, and thus have a debt to pay. Having made up his mind to try and get a living as a soldier, our recruit attends before a doctor, after passing through the disgusting pre­ liminary of a bath in the same tank in which some twenty or thirty more have “ washed ” before him. After being weighed, hopping about on one leg, and going through a very disagreeable examination (which is of such a character as to try a sensitive man exceedingly) he is either passed or rejected. If the former is the case he is sent off in due course to the head recruiting station of the regiment to which he is posted. And now commences the making of a discontented fighting machine. From the moment he arrives at his Depot he finds that he has been Enlisted by Fraud and Wilful Misrepresentation, and that henceforth he is a mere machine, expected to obey any orders which may be given him without questioning, to submit to any amount of degradation and insult, and in fact to sell his manhood with his civilian clothes, and become part of the great army of “ Christian England,” to assassinate men with whom he has no quarrel, to protect those who are crushing his father and brother, and, should occasion arise, to shoot at a mass of people, among whom is mother, sweetheart, sister or friend. For such self-sacrifice as this, in return for such complete self-abne­ gation, there must surely be corresponding rewards or benefits. So thinks the intending soldier, and for the purpose of discovering what these are he commences to study a very attractive looking bill, issued by Her Majesty’s ministers, and headed, “ Advantages of the Army.” Pro­ minent among these advantages is seen the statement that the soldier receives “ Free Kit,” “ Free Rations,” and pay to commence with at is. id. per day, and comparing this regular supply of the necessaries of life with his miserable condition as an unemployed workman, the balance seems in favour of the red coat and the necesaries of life, as against his present light pockets and liberty. But the Will-o-th’-Wisp is no harder to catch than these advantages are to obtain. Arrived at the Depot the recruit receives orders to parade at the Quartermaster’s Stores, where he has given to him His “Free Kit,” consisting of two shirts, three pairs of socks, one pair of serge trousers, �6 0 I n i one pair of cloth trousers, one cap or shako, or whatever may be the headgear in use in his regiment, one serge frock, two pairs of boots, a hold-all complete containing small necessaries. Fitting on his new cloth­ ing our embryo Commander in Chief finds that all his clothing requires alterations, and he is told to parade at the tailor’s shop, where the alterations necessary are noted—and made if the recruit is enough a man of the world to understand the use of “palm oil.” This issue of clothing with a further supply of trousers, serges, and boots, at very long inter­ vals, completes the “ Free Kit ” promised by the “Fly-papers” (so-called because they are spread to catch the unwary by their promises of good things to come) issued by the government. The future, as Charles Bradlaugh used to say when he was an atheist, is left to take care of itself. Thus we find a very considerable outlay necessary before the “ Free Kit ” is completed. From, his own pocket the deluded recruit finds he has got to provide a duplicate hold-all with necessaries, as the one issued to him must be kept clean and spotless for “ Kit inspection,” as woe betide the unlucky wight whose spoon is not polished like bur­ nished silver, or whose knife and fork show signs of having been used, although the inspection takes place at the meal time when the things are wanted in use. Meals over he starts to work to clean his accoutrements, but finds to his dismay that he wants polishing paste, oxalic acid, pouch blacking, pipeclay, sponge, soap, white and coloured rags, “ Cleaning­ trap bag,” and a thousand other articles of kit which are not included in the “ Free ” issue. To complete his dismay he learns in the course of conversation that any shirts he may require to replace those worn out will have to be purchased out of his own pocket. The same rule applies with regard to socks, towels, braces, caps, small articles, such as razors, knives, etc., etc., so that, as a matter of fact, our young soldier finds that so far from getting his kit free he has continually to apply to the colour­ sergeant of his company for “ necessaries ” for which he has the pleasure of paying. Another evil from which he finds constant inconvenience and expense is the exceedingly slovenly and careless work put into the clothing by those who make them up. . The work, thanks partly to the strain in every stitch while the man is doing “ extension motions ” and “ setting-up drill ” generally, is continually giving way, and it is not at all unusual to see the men coming from drill of that description (which includes throwing the arms back violently, swinging them round and round, and bending over until the fingers touch the toes, keeping the legs quite straight) with jackets open under the arms, and trousers hardly capable of covering the man’s nakedness. Doubtless the new order to the police, which is to the effect that they are to go through these drills, is as embarrassing to them as to their red-coated brothers, and it certainly borders on the ridiculous to see a constable who has not been able to see below the fourth button of his tunic for some years trying his best to “ get right down ” in order to touch his toes. Another reason, doubtless, for the tendency to give way observed in the sewing of government clothing, is that much of it is done on the sweating system, in which the hands employed get such wretched wages that they cannot possibly put in decent work if they are to live honestly, and are to be able to remain outside the ranks of the 80,000 or 100,000 victims of capitalism who infest our streets and minister to the lusts of our spiritual pastors and masters. In this, as in very many other cases, our present wretched system of society brings its own Nemesis. But turning from this, our soldier at once comes in contact with i �7 another evidence of the fraud and misrepresentation which have been used to induce him to join the service. One of the first bugle calls which the new recruit learns is the “ Grand Charge,” or meal bugle, and hearing the call which announces the meal hour, he takes his place with his comrades, and for the first time comes face to face with His “ Free Rations.” Sitting down to breakfast, he finds provided for him by government nothing whatever but a pound of dry bread (not always of the best) and water ad lib. This will hardly be credited by the civilian, but can easily be verified by a few enquiries addressed to any soldier casually met in the street. But says our reader, “ I myself have seen the soldier with tea, coffee, or cocoa for his breakfast, and also with some little relish such as fish, corned beef, or at any rate a little butter.” Quite true, friend; and had you been by his side a minute after his dismissal from the early parade, you would also have seen him at the canteen buying those little delicacies, or at the barrack room door cheapening fish or some other relish with a native from the town. And had you been present with the orderly man or the cook of the company the day before you would have seen them drawing the material with which to give taste to the warm water which alone is supplied by government for its soldiers to drink. But making the best of the job, he sets to work and very soon demolishes what is set before him, in blissful ignorance of the fact that the bread he has found insufficient to satisfy an appetite of the finest possible quality, even for the time being is supposed by the Government who have been mean enough to trick him, to serve him for breakfast, dinner, tea, and supper. Dinner time having arrived, he is introduced to the second portion of the “ Free Ration ” fraud, inasmuch as govern­ ment sets before him for his meal nothing whatever but a very meagre portion of some substance, which in life probably had more acquaintance with London cabs than country cowsheds, but which is popularly supposed to be three-quarters of a pound of meat, the bone of which is limited to two ounces. Again appearances (to the looker-on) are in favour of the authorities, as a fair portion of potatoes is placed on top of the meat, and sometimes even a basin of soup placed by the side. But these favourable evidences are somewhat discounted when he learns in answer to his enquiries that not only the potatoes but the soup and even the salt, pepper, and any other seasoning in use are all provided out of a common fund called the “ Grocery Book,” and are paid for in equal proportions by the whole company. Tea time arriving, our young hero finds that Her Majesty’s Government have thought two meals (save the mark) per day sufficient for a healthy growing lad, and have made no provision for satisfying his hunger from i p.m. until 7.45 the next day, thus giving the stomach nearly 19 hours in which to digest the abundant feast which has been provided. Thus we find the powers that be, with unexampled meanness taking advantage of the wretched and semi­ starving condition of the victims of society to entice them by lying promises and statements which are known full well to be untrue, to enter into an engagement • to serve “ Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen, her heirs, and successors.” The “ Free Ration ” statement is a gross fraud, inasmuch as the total allowance made by the official regulations is one pound of bread and three-quarters of a pound of meat per man per day, not more than enough for the morning meal when it is re­ membered that the man has been up two hours or more and has done a good sharp hour’s exercise in the shape of drill. That the food is �8 miserably insufficient is proved by the one fact that nearly every “ duty man (that is men who have no employment as servant, groom, or otherwise) buys at least one pound of bread per day, besides cheese or other food, so long as he has money to do so. For some short period of his service the writer was engaged as kitchen man at the officer’s mess, and it may relieve the consciences of those gentlemen whose luxurious dinners he was allowed to assist in preparing to know that during the time m which he was so engaged he found many opportunities of ministering to the temporal wants of his comrades by the assistance of their superfluities. They may be surprised to hear, too, that even the coarse palates and vitiated tastes of their humble companions in arms could appreciate the beauties of codfish and oyster sauce, and that even the raw oysters did just as good a service when consumed by “ yours truly as when put into their sauce. It may also open their eyes and the eyes of civilian readers not a little when we tell them that so insuf­ ficient and poor is the food supplied to the “ defenders of the country ” that when sent on “ fatigue ” to assist in cleaning at the officers’ mess their first duty was invariably to search for any scraps of cold meat or sh, or in fact anything eatable, which might have been rejected by their more dainty officers at dinner overnight. The coffee-pot was always a first object of interest, and there was generally a sharp competition for the honour of cleaning the “ ante-room ” in which it was possible they might find some half-consumed cigar or forgotten tobacco pouch. ShocKing! says my middle-class reader. Yes, dear friends, very shocking ; and these are the men whose hearts are so full of love and gratitude to you and your class that they are going, at your bidding, to use their cold steel and leaden bullets against the men from whose ranks they are drawn, to whose ranks they must return, and among whom are all those towards whom they feel the love of the son for the mother, the lover for the sweetheart, the man for his mate with whom he went to school, by whose side he toiled, with whom he fought side by side in their common quarrels, and who is to him as a dear brother. Are you sure, my wealthy, idle friend, that these men will act as your blind unthinking tools in crushing out the aspirations of their comrades, their brothers, their class ? Do you feel quite satisfied that they will never think, and that, if they think, they will not act on their convictions ? Sufficient has been already said to show that the soldier's life is not so bright as it might be, but the greater part has yet to be told. The tale of the petty tyranny, the crushing degrading insults, and the heart­ breaking impossibility of doing right, and giving satisfaction. And besides all this we have yet to examine the next count in the indictment, the deceiving promise of One Shilling and a penny per day as his pay. Reading the announcement of the rate of pay, coupled as it is with the statement that he shall have “Free Rations” and “Free Kit,” it is impossible to come to any other conclusion than that the pay becomes pocket money to be expended in the purchase of any little •comfort or luxury which may conduce to the happiness of our friend Tommy Atkins. Looking at the announcement as it stands one naturally supposes that the man can go to the pay table at the end of the week, and draw seven shillings and sevenpence as his pay. Any such notion is soon knocked out of his head, and he finds that in point number three those who are responsible for the issue of the “ Fly papers ” have made filse statements to him, and have deceived him, and he is made Stillmore morose, discontented, and unlikely to make a good soldier. The first two �9 deductions made are 3d. per day for “ messing” and a halfpenny per day for washing. Now what is this messing ? Simply a compulsory payment by the soldier which goes to buy potatoes, coffee, flour, pepper, salt, etc., in fact to provide him with a large portion of what should be provided free in fulfilment of the promise that he should have free rations. Another deduction is for “ barrack damages,” which varies from 4d. to 6d. per month per man, and which goes (in whole or in part) to repair damages and replace losses (real and imaginary) which may have taken place during the month. Again we have a stoppage of the subscription to the Library and another for haircutting; add to this the replacing of worn out clothing, the repairing of the same, and repairing of boots ; the purchase of various materials for cleaning accoutrements, etc. ; the repairing of any accidental injury to arms, and a hundred and one other matters, and it will readily be seen that the statement that a soldier gets one shilling and a penny a day is a deliberate misstatement made in order to get the men to join. In closing this part of my subject I may say that referring to my account book I find three months in which I “ signed accounts” in debt, instead of having money to come. But now I come to matters which, as affecting the general contentment and happiness of our soldiers, are of still greater importance. And first among these I shall place the system of Petty Tyranny on the part of Non-Commissioned Officers. What this means to the men will be seen in the number of habitual bad characters, the number of men “ discharged with ignominy,” and the extraordinary number of desertions in a year. The promotion of men from the ranks seems to be arranged on the principle most likely to cause discontent, and least likely to ensure the good conduct, efficiency, and soldier-like behaviour of the men. And the bad effects of the present injudicious promotions of extremely young and unqualified men, to the rank of Non-Commissioned Officer, will readily be seen by my readers, when they hear that a man who has only joined the service three months, and has received his first step in promotion—being appointed lance-cor­ poral—is absolutely and completely the master of every man who is still a private, and has it in his power to make a man’s life most miserable, or, on the contrary, very happy, in proportion as he himself may be in a good or bad temper. By “ Queen’s Regulations ” it takes a man two years of absolutely irreproachable service to get his good conduct stripes, for which he gets one penny per day extra ; it takes him four years more (or six years altogether) to get his second stripe, for which he gets another penny per day; twelve years to get three stripes ; eighteen years to get four stripes ; and twenty-one years of absolutely perfect soldiering to get five stripes—the highest possible. Now suppose a man to have served without a single regimental entry for eighteen years, and by so doing to have won the four good conduct stripes. On a certain occasion a young jack-in-office, who has just got his lance stripe, comes into the barrack room, and full of his new authority warns our old soldier for a certain “ fatigue ” duty. Knowing that he is not first on the duty “roster” for fatigue our friend with the good conduct stripes ventures to expos­ tulate with him, and to refer him to the “roster.” The pride of our eighteen-year-old three-month’s-service youngster is in arms directly, and without taking the trouble to ascertain whether the man is right or not, he puts him between a file of men, and confines him to the guard room, with the charge against him of refusing to obey the orders of the Acting Orderly Sergeant. On going to the orderly-room in the morning the veteran’s explanation is met with the parrot-cry “ no-excuse,” and �IO probably finds himself with enough punishment against him to take off his arm the whole of the stripes it has cost him eighteen years good soldiering to obtain. And thus a good soldier is turned into a discontented, disheartened men, who will sit and brood over the hardship of his case until fresh provocation being offered, he strikes the man who has degraded him, and finds himself sentenced to two years imprisonment and to be discharged with ignominy. In this case the Government would save a pension (and thus help to show a good budget), and would turn loose to prey upon society a man whose every particle of self-respect has been crushed out of him merely by the tyranny of some boyish non­ commissioned officer, who had been promoted before he knew his duty. But this is an extreme case ! ’ says the reader. Granted ; but it may be the case of every man who enters the service—it is a possibility which may occur to each. And although this may be an infrequent case, it is not so with the continual bullying, the degrading and insulting language and the monotonous punishment drill which is the lot of nearly every man in the service. I am under the difficulty in explaining this that I cannot put on paper the filthy expressions which are not uncommonly used by the drill instructors to the men in their squads. But anyone who may desire to know the truth of these statements has only to go to a place like the Citadel barracks at Plymouth, and there from the ram­ parts watch the recruits at drill between the hours of two and three in the afternoon. On one occasion in those very barracks, I was one of a squad under a man named Harvey. The drill was between seven and eight one morning, and because the squad could not please this man, (whose principal qualifications were his power to yell, and his unlimited capacity for swearing and bullying) he gave the word to fix bayonets, charge bayonets, and then to double, and he kept the men so long at this very distressing drill, that several of the squad dropped their rifles from sheer inability to hold them any longer, while others fell out unable to keep it up. “ But why not appeal ? ” Simply because it would be no good, and would only bring down the wrath of every Non-Commissioned officer in the regiment on the head of “ the fellow who lagged.” The non-commissioned officer’s best chance of getiing on is to show his smartness, and regimentallism, which is best done by “ wheeling ” men before the officers for frivolous crimes, and not allowing those under him a moment’s rest, or time for recreation. It is an old saying that if a man goes in for promotion “ he must be ready to ‘shop’ (or make prisoner) his own brother.” But the curse of authority, unfortunately, is not confined to the NonCommissioned Officers. It is often said that our army is not what it used to be, and that were we to be engaged in an European war, we should not find the same dogged never-know-when-thev’re-beaten sort of pluck which characterised our men in the past. If that be so, the blame for such a lamentable state of affairs would be found to lie very much with Bad Commissioned Officers. As I write my mind goes back to the year 1881, and I see again a regiment which has been complimented by General Napier at Gibraltar on its smart soldier-like behaviour. Stationed at Plymouth the “ Goats ” were mounting the main guard. The smartest and best men had been picked for this guard by the Orderly Sergeants (as was the invariable rule) because it was one on which they came under the notice of the General commanding the whole of the Western Division (at that time Major General Pakenham). Formed up for inspection by the Adjutant, “ clean, smart, and fit for anything,” instead of being sent off to their �II duty with a cheering word of advice, that worthy spent some twenty minutes in fault-finding, then told the men they were “beastly dirty,” and finished up by declaring that if they did^not turn out smarter he would “ make their lives a burden to them ! ” On another occasion (I think in August 1881) the regiment was on Commanding Officer’s parade in full marching order, which means something like 60 pounds weight to be carried. So extremely hot had been the season that all parades were ordered to be stopped at Aidershot between io a.m. and 4 p.m. Not­ withstanding this intense heat the men were kept in marching order, and drilled from 10-30 a.m. until 1-15 p.m., the morning’s drill including skirmishing, and doubling. Although this drill was not finished until after 1 p.m. some of the men who had made mistakes had to parade again at 2, thus allowing only three quarters of an hour to clean their accoutre­ ments and have dinner. So bad did the treatment become at this time that the discontent of the men found vent in a long letter by the author of this pamphlet, and another by a Corporal who afterwards deserted, both of which the Editor of the Western Morning News, an influential Plymouth daily, inserted in his columns, although by so doing he ran considerable risk. It may be objected that these cases concern only one regiment, but I reply that the broad facts contained in this pamphlet are in a greater or less degree (according to the officers) descriptions of the soldier’s every-day life all through the service. True it is that all officers, or all non-commissioned officers are not bad; and I would here bear testimony to the exceedingly good character borne by one officer especially, Mr. C. A. Boughton Knight, among the men of his company. But in his particular regiment he was an exception. When he ex­ changed into the Scots Guards, there was hardly a dry eye in the com­ pany as they said good-bye to the man who had treated them as fellow men and thus won their respect and (laugh if you will) their heartfelt love. Such men as he are the salt of the service who keep the men just below the point of insubordination. But bad as is the treatment of soldiers at home it is sometimes even worse when on foreign or active service, and if a soldier is treated in such a way at home as to make him disgusted and discontented, he sees such sights and receives such examples of neglect while abroad that at times it is hard to keep his indignation within bounds. Not only does he find that he is ordered to risk his life in such brutal struggles and butchery as those of Ashantee, Zululand, Afghanistan, Egypt, and Burmah, but he soon understands that even while doing his duty there are some around him whose sole employment consists of Robbing the sick and wounded. One instance, vouched for by one who saw the exposure, will suffice to show to what an abominable extent this sort of thing is carried. Charitable ladies and gentlemen in England, who interested themselves in our soldiers in Egypt, sent out for the use of the sick and wTounded several cases of oranges and other “ medical comforts.” Oranges were a very great luxury in that hot climate, and the civilian storekeepers who supplied such things from tents to those who could afford to purchase, used to retail them at about fourpence each. One old Maltese especially did a very good business, and on one occasion some of our navvies who were engaged in building the railway determined to see if they could not steal some of the old gentleman’s stock. The oranges were kept in boxes which were stacked at the back of the tent, and for their purpose the navvies attacked the back, and having loosened the tent they began to raise the canvas for the purpose of extracting some of �12 the coveted fruit. What was their surprise and disgust on discovering marked on every one of the boxes the following words: “ For the sick and wounded in Egypt ” ! Whose was the fault I know not, but there is the fact. The oranges sent for the sick had been disposed of to the Maltese who was selling them at fourpence each, while our brave fellows were in hospital with parched tongues and throats. We also know, though in very small part, of the sufferings of our men who are away fighting the Burmese in order to open fresh markets for the shoddy goods of the manufacturing community of which John Bright is a member. News has just come to hand that In Burmah men are dying like rotten sheep, the totals so far ascertained showing fatalities 372, only 23 of which are from wounds in action, the remaining 349 being from disease. Besides this we have invalided home 575 of all ranks, a very large proportion of whom are probably cases which will always leave the seeds of disease behind, which will sooner or later carry off other victims to the mad effort to obtain new markets. If ever the real history of our wars of conquest and aggrandizement is written by a competent pen, it will form a record of crime and suffering which will have no equal in modern times. Another section of our forces is engaged in a still more disgraceful work. The men who enlisted to protect this country against her foes are to-day found Executing “ sentences of death ” in Ireland ; English workmen fighting their Irish brothers, and thus assisting in collecting the rents of men who rob the English and Irish democracies, and who use the money thus stolen to debauch the wives and prostitute the daughters of their victims. But in the fraternising of the Marines at Skye with the Crofters whom they were sent to coerce, and in the rumbling of discontent which was recently heard among the troops engaged in Ireland, the watchful ear recognises the commencement of the strike of our troops against the degrading work to which they are being put; and one begins again to hope that our men will shortly realise that though they may wear red coats, the battle of the Irish peasants is their battle, and that they will refuse to prostitute their strength in the effort to crush a people “ rightly struggling to be free.” The men who are now fighting under the same flags which cheered on those who fought for the relief of the oppressed, will, looking on those flags, remember that their duty is to be ever found on the side of right. “ Obedience is the first duty of a soldier,” is the motto in the soldier’s book : yes, obedience to the call of right, obedience to the call of justice; obedience when appealed to on behalf of the suffering and oppressed ; but not obedience to the call of peers who evict women in the pangs of labour, and who spend the money wrung from the suffering Irish in debauchery in the brothels of Chelsea and Pimlico. Soldiers, do your duty ; but first be sure what your duty is. The above are but a few of the incidents which make a soldier’s life unhappy, and make the men discontented, miserable, and fit subjects for the truths of Socialism to make an impression upon. But the tale of petty spite and tyranny, of injustice and fraud, of drill never-ending and punishment undeserved might be prolonged until it would fill a book of several hundred pages. But why go on ? Enough has been said to answer my purpose,—to show to those who oppress the soldiers as they oppress the workers how weak is the force they threaten to use to �B prevent the class to which our soldiers belong from making an attempt to free themselves from their slavery. Think a moment, my middle-class readers, do you not think the men whom you call your army will some day refuse to prostitute their strength to fight against father or brother, mother or sister. Do you imagine that at your bidding these men will fire into the ranks of men and women with whom they have eaten and drunk ? Will they not remember that among those men, are their brothers; that the people on whom they are told to charge are the people among whom they will take their place when they leave the army, only a few years or may be months hence ? Are you not a little rash in supposing that these men whom your government has defrauded, whom the officers drawn from your class have embittered against themselves and you, will never remember that if they refuse to fight for you (and instead of doing so go and join their brothers who are struggling for freedom for soldiers as well as civilians, police as well as citizens, sailors as well as all others drawn from the working classes) you are absolutely powerless and at the mercy of those against whom you fight. Your short service system is filling the ranks of the army with thinking men, men who have already heard the truths of Socialism, and by discharging the men at the end of three or seven years you are giving us trained and discontented men, and are hastening the time when Socialists and Soldiers will shake hands and unite in bringing about by their unity in peace or war (as you of the middle and upper classes shall decide) the happier and better time when all shall labour usefully, and not too long, and when each shall have the full value of his toil. Soldiers and policemen, sailors and marines, all classes are beginning to understand that Social-Democrats are fighting a just battle. That our cause is a strong one because based upon the eternal foundation of truth and justice. That our cause is their cause because we are struggling on behalf of their dear ones, and are doing our honest best to make it possible for al! men to live decent happy lives as the return for their useful labour. You of the class who live without labour, on the labour of others, you are the only people who will not shortly be convinced of the justice of our cause. Your army, your police have but to announce their determination not to use their strength against us, and you cannot by any possibility force them to do so. Why should they ? They soon will be found in the ranks of the unemployed—we are to-day fighting the battle on behalf of those who have no work. Every man in army or police has suffered from the system which makes one man to live in luxury at the expense of the misery of the many,—against that system we alone are battling. Pause while there is time; think is it not the cause of humanity, justice and right which we are struggling for? Is there any other hope of ridding society of the jails full of what might have been the brightest manhood of our country ? Is there any other means by which you can bring back to their place as honest citizens the 80,000 women of this great London, who have found it impossible to live by honest toil ? Is there any other way by which you can give comfort to the children of the unemployed workmen of to-day? If this be the only way—whether you be wealthy or poor, soldiers, police, or what not —if you be men, take your place, and accept your share of the necessary burden, in the struggle for that cause which will bring in peace, happiness, and comfort, and which will build up a new society which shall be based upon the universal brotherhood of man, and whose motto shall be “ Each for all, and all for each.” �i4 And, after all, what is this great mass of evil against which we are told the forces of the army and police are to be used ? What is this terrible thing Social-Democracy? How many know, bow many have sought to know the truth as between Socialism and Capitalism ? It is so easy to condemn a thing—a man—a system as criminal, but it is so wearisome to argue out fairly and honestly a somewhat difficult problem, especially when it is quite possible the real solution when found may tell against oneself, one’s own pet theories, one’s own comfort, one’s own idle luxurious life. Who are the men whom we see branded as mischievous agitators, stirrers up of class hatred, and disturbers of the “harmonious relations between labour and capital?” Simply, in the majority of cases, men who have lived and suffered among the “ masses,” who have felt the terrible grinding of the heel of capitalism as it crushes out of their lives all that makes life bright, and happy, and worth living. Simply men who have stood, without the power to shed the tears which would have given relief, by the side of the little plain coffin containing all that is left of the little one who used to make home happy, even when stomachs were empty and the body shivered for want of the clothes which had been parted with for food, and who have cursed with bitterest curses the cruel selfishness of the system which has slowly and surely murdered the darling of their life. Who are they ? Men who have seen the infant sucking the empty breast while the mother’s eyes have appealed to them for the food they could not give. Who have seen their, sisters damned in this world, and—if we are to believe those who call themselves our spiritual pastors and masters—damned in the world to come. Who are they ? The brothers of the men forced into the criminal classes, the fathers of sons compelled to thieve to live ! These are the men against whom you who are not with us are fighting. Are they dangerous ? It is you—whether workman or idler—who are propping up the system which causes suffering and degradation, it is you who make them so. Are they madmen ? It is you, middle-class man, aristocrat,, it is you who have made them mad by the hellish cruelty of your oppression, by the degradation of their womanhood, and it is against you—if they be mad, their madness will turn and avenge itself. But they are not mad. They are those who, taught by men from your class but not of it, have determined that come what may, whether by peace or war, through weal or through woe, they are going on with the struggle for liberty, for life, for happiness. These are the men against whom you must fight, or with whom you must unite in the struggle. Fanatics if you will; violent if you like ; but fanatics in their confidence in the justice of their cause, and violent only in their hatred of seeing what they believe to be truth crushed down by your blind folly. What are they striving for ? Do they seek fame? No, or they would sell their voice or pen to a party as the Broadhursts, the Howells, and the Cremers ha.ve done in the past I Do they seek riches ? No, for every one of them in a greater or lesser degree is giving of his small earnings to help in his cause ! .For what then are they spending their lives ? For the hope of better things in the future ; for the hope of gaining for themselves and those who suffer with them some of the glorious possibilities of life ; for the hope of lighting up with joy the thousands of lives which to-day are full of dark dangerous despair. For this hope they strive ; for this hope they �15 fight on ; for this hope they will be found struggling though all the powers of earth are fighting against them ; for this hope they will sacrifice all that makes life happy; and by their striving, their fighting, their struggling, and their sacrifice they will assuredly conquer. IS THE BATTLE WORTH FlGHTING ? To you of the classes who never labour, but who are living upon the labour of others, what will a victory mean? Think just a moment! You can but gain a continuance of your present aimless existence, your life of hypocrisy, hollowness, rottenness, of which, even now, when you are honest enough to think seriously, you are sometimes.ashamed; especially when you remember how mean, how contemptible, is your life if you are living—not on your own labour, for you do none—but on the labour of your fellow men and women. And what does a continuance of this throat-cutting system mean to the great mass of the men and women of the world. It means continuous toil, continuous misery and suffering, continuous degradation, for you cannot point to a remedy, or even to anything like a sufficient palliative, outside of that proposed by the Socialists whom you despise. It means to the “people” lives of dull grinding poverty, without education, without pleasure, and, worst of all, without hope ! Do you who read- this belong to the middle class, the wealthy class ? I ask you are you prepared to use your energies, your strength, your skill to gain a victory, to support a system, which will condemn your fellow men and women to such a life as this. Men of your class in other countries have sacrificed everything for this cause, and men like Peter Krapotkine, men like Stepniak, appeal to you to give up your mean despicable existence and take your share in the fight, success in which means happiness for so many. Nor is your own country without noble examples for you ; think then whether you can resist the appeal of thousands of blighted lives, thousands of weak voiced children, who cry to you to help them to live as decent men and women a life of happiness and peace. Is it such a crime to ask that men should enjoy the fruits of their own toil ? Is it so great a wrong to forbid a man, a class, to take that which belongs to another without returning him a full equivalent. If a member of a family will not work, what is the result ? That family turns the lazy one into the streets to starve—until he works. And if labour applied to nature is alone the source of wealth how comes it that the idle classes, who do no useful work, are found in possession of the wealth produced by industrious toilers ? How comes it that those who produce so much enjoy so little ? Answer truly, and the confession must come, that it is because labour is robbed of that which it produces ; because those who toil not steal from those who labour. Call it profit, call it interest, call it rent, and.it remains, notwithstanding all your arguments, robbery, because no equivalent is returned to those from whom it is taken and to whom it belongs. We seek but Justice and Fair Play. We ask not for that which is another’s, but simply the right to labour usefully, and to enjoy the fruits of our labour. How can this be secured ? A man wishes to apply his labour to nature—in order to be able to live he must do so, but he finds himself prevented because the implements of production, and even the gifts of nature, are controlled by someone else, who refuses him access to them unless he will allow him a large share of the produce of his labour. What then ? Since it is absolutely necessary that labour and nature should come together, the barrier between them �i6 —private ownership—must be removed, and the people—the Statemust assume the position of its own trustee. Surely our position is reasonable. If the welfare of the great mass of the people demands self-sacrifice on the part of the few, the sacrifice must be made. If the life of ease, and luxury, and idleness of the wealthy classes can only be maintained at the expense of the unhappiness and robbery of the poor, then they must give up their luxury and ease, and raise themselves to the position of honest useful toilers, taking their part in the battle of life, and cheered by the knowledge that they are helping to give better,’ brighter, and happier lives, to those who have suffered so much in the past. Do any want an ideal for which to strive ? we put before you the highest possible ideal—the greatest possible happiness and culture of the human race. Does anyone want to spend his life in practical efforts to raise up his down-trodden fellows ? We show you a certain path to success. Search it, try it, examine it honestlyj; forget that it is called Socialism, and see only if it be right, if it be just, if it be good. And if so, if you see no other way out of the difficulty, take your place—whether you be workman or middle-class, aristocrat or beggar, in the forefront of the battle ; and with perfect freedom as your motto, with hearts filled with hope, with hand clasped in hand and shoulder to shoulder, fight with all your strength—not the battle of the bondholders, not the fight of the usurers—but the battle of the workers of all nations, the battle of SocialDemocracy, and you will thus be hastening the time when the peoples of the world will stand side by side, without strife, without quarrelling, happy, contented, free. Note to Second Edition.—Since the first edition was issued, an appeal has been made to various sections of the community for funds with which to erect the “ Imperial Institute,” in commemoration of Her Majesty’s fifty years’ reign. Among others, the men of the Army and Navy, and even the inmates of Chelsea Hospital have had issued to them what is tantamount to an order to contribute of their small means to this object. Refuse they dare not, and thus they are to be robbed still further. Why not appeal to the widows and children of men killed in action, and to the young women who have been forced on the streets because their fathers have “ died for their country? ” It is to be hoped that men in all the services will resolutely refuse to contribute to such an object as this, while their fellows, their women­ folk, and their children perish for want of bread. Many letters from Non-Commissioned Officers and privates have been received, corroborating the statements contained in this pamphlet, and the author will be glad to correspond (in confidence) with any who can further expose the frauds, deceptions, and tyranny practised upon the rank and file either of the Army or Navy. All communications should be addressed to George Bateman, care of the Publishers. [Those who wish to know move about Socialism should send to the\ Modern Press for a list of pamphlets on the subject. On receipt of One Shilling a dozen different pamphlets will be sent post-free.] � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Victorian Blogging Description An account of the resource A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library &amp; Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Conway Hall Library & Archives Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Conway Hall Ethical Society Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Pamphlet Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Socialism and soldiering; with some comments on the army enlistment fraud Description An account of the resource Edition: 2nd. ed. Place of publication: London Collation: 16 p. : ill. (front. port.) ; 23 cm. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bateman, George Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Modern Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1887 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context G4978 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Champion, H.H. Subject The topic of the resource Socialism Military Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (Socialism and soldiering; with some comments on the army enlistment fraud), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Armed forces Armed forces;Enlistment Socialism https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/18cc653202e396e9ab0c2ae58ac2a2df.pdf?Expires=1782345600&Signature=Fv%7E2yeav%7ENxErLUsRgmAF37tgn2FrJElR7VTqhoxP7A08VuZQ5Tt3UUWOZh0aWIN%7EMa8RC-8i9SUy17wVIkPJ3909GiLAmWg3wv1oVEH-IiOCblLUpSDVcYM8JNZkpzbJ5mnx8dSPGQ5DM7sf4TyhO23xHnAAbhopp2S%7EAF%7El-wFVhD5hR0KPRkdmxX3KEjvvmJzqJELk9qziXKjpKOl-O3SeshvZYcePI8%7EMRcdhrJxC9fTzfBrRfbBdwB8tsjHr60oBoCZvJoJS8HuRoVaCTXtER1DVmwCoO3fbJ5LlsnEANHffI7Qw0PTZ2DOPRP%7E6AXJ3wQHBO--nOGy7IUkMg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 2c361b8eb3f816d215a18de092e14318 PDF Text Text A '■ , . . ■ \ SUMMARY OF THE PRINCIPLES OF SOCIALISM Written for the Democratic Federation, BY H» M, Hyndman and William Morris, LONDON! THE MODERN 13 AND 14, PRESS, PATERNOSTER 1884. ROW, E.C. ��A SUMMARY OF THE PRINCIPLES OF SOCIALISM. O OCIALISM, as a social and political system, depends altogether upon the history of mankind for a record of its growth in the past, and bases its future upon a knowledge of that history in so far as it can be accura­ tely traced up to the present time. The groundwork of the whole theory is, that from the earliest period of their existence human beings have been guided by the power they possessed over the forces of nature to supply the wants arising as individual members of any society. Thus Socialism rests upon political economy in its widest sense—that is, upon the manner in which wealth is produced and distributed by those who form part of society at a given time. Slavery, for instance, arose when men had reached such a point in the progress of the race that each labourer could produce by his work for a day, a week, a month, or a year more than was needed to keep him in health during that period. Then captives in war, instead of being killed, were enslaved, and the fruits of their labour, over and above their necesssary food, were taken by the conquering tribe; for though slavery arose in the nomadic state the �earliest form of co-operation and ownership was by a tribe; and in the tribal relations common property was the rule alike in the soil and in the produce of labour. As this common property broke up owing to the pro­ gress of the economical forms, the growth of exchange, the superiority of individuals or families in war or in the chase, classes or castes were gradually formed, resting in the first instance upon a necessary division of labour, though often existing, as in village communities, where a modified form of common property was still the rule. Thence,again,institutions developed through custom and law; religion sanctifying what had previously been found to be on the whole necessary or expedient. These institutions, though arising from the material power of man over nature, had in turn a great influence upon the manner in which that power was used, and appeared as the conservative side of human development con­ flicting with the progressive or revolutionary side, which necessarily follows upon the improvement and adaptation of the methods of producing food and wealth. From this essential and constant antagonism arises the conflict between classes in every civilisation of which we have any knowledge; and upon the struggles due to this conflict all progress has hitherto depended. A slight consideration will serve to show that this is the true explanation of the growth of mankind. The first object of every animal, man included, is to feed itself and its offspring ; and man began in the nomadic state by feeding upon fruits and berries. That the growth from the early brutish habits upwards to the taming of beasts and ordered agriculture was the process, not of thousands but of millions of years, is �5 now admitted by all scientific writers on the records of primeval man. But the need for food was followed by the need for clothing, for warmth, for shelter; and each of these wants corresponded in turn with changing forms of social life as they were gratified. The whole, in fact, moved in one piece as the economical forms developed : the nomadic life of the woods and plains ; the common property of the tribe or clan scanty and insufficient; the more confined area of operations as agriculture became an increasing business; the struggle with neigh­ bouring tribes about rights of pasture or to obtain coveted spoils; the earlier or later introduction of slavery in place of wholesale slaughter of captives; the develop­ ment of division of labour and exchange slowly break­ ing up the common property ; the institution of private property in land, rendered necessary by the simul­ taneous improvements in agriculture; the increase of individual wealth, as cultivation and division of labour progressed on a larger scale, due to money­ usury and slave-ownership ; the construction of classes representing divergent interests; the struggle between the various classes and those above them; the enormous development of the slave class and the poorer citizens in Greece and still more in Rome; the gradual forma­ tion of customs, laws, religions growing out of these ever-changing, ever-progressing, economical forms; the constant appeals of the privileged orders to these cus­ toms, laws, and religious doctrines as the wisdom of the past not to be rudely shaken by the new-fangled, subversive theories of revolutionists, who were them­ selves but the unconscious exponents of such inevitable modifications — a careful study of each link in the �6 chain of this long development, will show clearly how man in society has been the result of ages on ages of slow growth, in which the individual is lost in utter insignificance, and special inventions such as fire, the wheel, the mining, smelting, and working of metals, become manifestly but the inevitable results of the social state which produces them. Leaving on one side the civilisations of Egypt and Eastern Asia, important as they are to a knowledge of our social growth—for only seventy generations of thirty years each take us back to a period when Britain was practically unknown, and Roman civilisation was in its infancy—it is sufficient to deal briefly with the decay of the Roman Empire, the feudal institutions which sprang up on its overthrow, and, more in detail, with the special circumstances which have influenced the progress of the people of Western Europe to the existing capitalist rule. The fact that the ancient civilisations of Greece and Rome were supported by open and acknowledged slavery of the mass of the producing class, renders all comparison of democracy, in the modern sense, with the so-called democracies of Greek or Roman society utterly futile. The economical and social conditions are entirely different. Those Greek republics, which have so often been the theme for adulation on the part of democratic orators, poets, and artists, were themselves but close oligarchies; and the slave-class below was the basis of the whole super-structure alike at Athens, Corinth, and Sparta. The very numbers of the slaves show how completely the social arrangement was accepted as inevitable ; for at Athens there were at least 120,000 slaves’ to 20,000 �7 citizens, while at Corinth the slaves at one period numbered 460,000. Moreover, economical causes hav­ ing produced slavery, force was long little needed to maintain the supremacy of the upper classes, who could carry on their own warfare among themselves almost undisturbed by fears of a slave revolt. In Rome the same forms appeared in rather different clothing, though in both the slaves were often learned, highlytrained men, widely different from the ignorant human machines whom we are accustomed to associate in our minds with the word slaves. In Rome, the insurrections of the slaves were more numerous and more formidable than in Greece. But, in this case, too, the conflicts between the various sections of the privileged classes were almost undisturbed, if we except the great insur­ rection of Spartacus, by the efforts at enfranchisement on the part of the slaves, who rarely timed their risings well and were massacred wholesale in Italy and Sicily at comparatively little cost of life to their masters. Early in the record the slave-industry, controlled by the powerful landlord-capitalists of Rome and the other great cities of the Empire, began to crush out and even to enslave the small freeholders who had arisen on the break up of the tribes, or who belonged to conquered nations. Their independent work, with a few slaves around them, could make no head against the enormous production for gain which their large competitors carried on. The Licinian Law, and the agitations of the Gracchi were meant to protect the vigorous yeomen from forcible and still more from economical expropriation. But the movement was too strong to be resisted. Large pro­ perties grew steadily larger, and these great farms �8 ruined not only Italy but other portions of the empire. The soil, though rich, was exhausted in the course of generations by ceaseless over-cropping for profit alone; the slave class of the country supported a useless and very numerous slave class in the towns ; and the con­ dition of the poor, free, Roman citizen became so bad that economically it could scarcely be worse. Thus, the prosperity of the whole empire was steadily sapped, and some regions have scarcely recovered the process unto this day. The Eastern Provinces, which had a history of their own even throughout the period of Roman domination, suffered less than the rest, whilst they provided the great proprietors of the metro­ polis with their luxuries, and thus regained in part by commerce what they lost by tribute. The whole system of production and exchange was such that mercenary armies were needed to replace the old independent military service. Rome followed in the path of Carthage. Slowly the economical forms changed, and afterwards the social and political. From what seemed to contemporary observers the most dangerous or most worthless portions of the exist­ ing civilisation, a new life arose and progress followed. Out of the rottenness of the Roman Empire of the West, the slaves within and the barbarians from with­ out formed the nucleus of another society. The spread of a new revolutionary Asiatic creed, with a higher morality than the popular forms of Paganism, was accompanied throughout the empire by a rising spirit among the slave class which provided its earliest converts, and the barbarian invaders, driven onwards probably by the exhaustion of their own sources of food supply found �that the inhabitants of the territories they overran almost welcomed them. The downfall of the Roman Empire of the West was, in short, due to the necessary growth of fresh forces below, which took the place of worn-out forms that hampered the advance. Thenceforward slavery in its old form faded into modern serfdom; and Catholicism, true to its origin, strove to uproot both, whilst maintaining an equality of conditions at the start within its own body. Organised Christianity exercised, in some sense, as a religion, the power which had belonged to Rome as a centre of empire. In Western Europe, through the long period of the so-called dark ages—so hard to under­ stand even by the full light of modern scientific research—new methods of production and exchange were taking the place of the old, new relations were being established between men as individuals, and men as classes. The decay of the Roman roads shut off the new communities to a great extent from one another, as the disbandment of the legions loosened the bonds of authority; a new art and a new literature grew up in each country, founded doubtless on the old, but fresh and vigorous indeed compared with the bastard work of servile copyists, which well reflected the degradation of Greek as well as of Roman civilisation; new laws and new customs necessarily grew out of the changed con­ ditions, notwithstanding the partial influence of the Roman codes. Above all there was the new religion, which, rising triumphant over the old pagan creeds, had nevertheless adopted, perforce, the old pagan ceremo­ nial and the old pagan festivities; in the same way that the serfs and domestic retainers, though holding �far different relations to their superiors from those of the slaves to their masters, still used the agricultural implements and handled almost the same primitive machines as the slave class, who were, so to say, their economical ancestors. Instead of the combined landlord and capitalist con­ trolling tens, hundreds, or thousands of toilers on his estate through a bailiff, we have the disruption again of village communities of free men—traces of which can be found in all European countries to this day—develop­ ing into a system of serfdom where the serfs were bound to the soil, but bound also by direct personal relations to their masters. So, too, as these changes acted and reacted new class-struggles took the place of the old. Oppressors and oppressed, dominant and servile, lord and burgher, master and craftsman, seigneur and serf, stood in antagonism, as mankind were feeling their way to a wider economical development. Centuries of dis­ integration and reconstruction were needed to bring forth the complete feudal system ; and the earliest development of modern trade and commerce took place on the shores of that great inland sea which for ages was the cradle of western civilisation. Venice, Genoa, Pisa, followed in the footsteps of Tyre, Corinth, and Carthage. Rome, instead of being the metropolis of a great empire, became the head-quarters of a religious organisation which exercised an influence that reached the uttermost parts of the western world. That the influence of the Catholic Church was, in the main, used in the interest of the people against the dominant classes can scarcely now be disputed ; nor that the equality of conditions to start with in the �II organisation itself was one of the great causes of its extraordinary success throughout the so-called dark ages. Catholicism, in its best period, raised one continuous protest against serfdom and usury, as early Christianity, in its best form, had denounced slavery and usury too. But the economical tendencies were too strong for any. protest to be much regarded at first. Divison of labour,, and the structure of society thence resulting, at a time. when the powers of man over nature were still limited, gave power and importance to the warrior caste and the priestly caste over the mere hinds and handicrafts­ men. Yet, even in the earliest period of feudalism, the risings of the trading class, and with them at times the peasants and artizans, against the nobles and territorial clergy, were neither few nor far between. The engage­ ment of the knight and his retainers to defend the agriculturists, handicraftsmen, and traders who clustered round the fortress of which he was the lord, led to demands on his side which the burghers and their people resented. In Italy, in Germany, in France, and in England, the great nobles and their feudatories were in time confronted by municipalities with privileges granted in return for services rendered, and the great cities of Flanders and Western Germany almost rivalled the Italian Republics in the influence they manifested of town over country which then first began to be felt in its modern form. The definite struggle between the nobility and the bourgeoisie, therefore, took shape at the same time, though assuming different aspects, in different countries. On, the other hand, the unorganised risings of the peasantry, such as the Peasants’ War in England, the �12 great insurrections of the J acquerie in France, and of the serfs in Germany, were the attempts of the proletariat of the middle-ages to obtain some improvement in their lot apart from the traders, whose position was of course very different. The serf of the middle-ages shows but as a sorry figure, indeed, in all countries, as compared with that splendid chivalry, whose resplendent armour and noble individual prowess have been the theme of so much glorification. Yet, for centuries, these despised churls provided in the form of food and wares, furnished by the number of days’ work due to their lord for nothing, the means of providing all the magnificence which decked out the baron, the abbot, and the fair ladies of the court. Everywhere, however, at the height of the feudal domination, the handicraftsman, more especially at the later period which preceded its disruption, was a free man. The contrast between the position of such a man or the yeoman, and the villeins, was most striking in every respect. The latter were mere chattels: the former were independent men; more independent perhaps in England than the people as a body have ever been economically, socially, and politically, at any other period of our history. For in England—and this it is which renders our own country the most fitting field for the study of modern development — the enfranchisement of the peasantry and their settlement upon the land as free yeomen, took place at a much earlier date than in any other nation. These yeomen were in fact the main­ stay of England for several hundred years, and their influence can be traced in our national history long before the enfranchisement of the serfs as a body. The �great risings, however, of the fourteenth century, secured for the mass of our people that freedom and well-being which made common Englishmen for at least two centuries the envy of Europe. Serfdom was almost entirely done away, men were masters of them­ selves, their land, and their labour. Labourers and craftsmen were alike well-paid, well-fed people, who were not only in possession of the land which they might occupy and till, but were also entitled to rights of pasturage over large tracts of common land, since robbed from their descendants by the meanness of an usurping class who made laws in their own favour to sanctify pillage. England, far more densely peopled at that time than is generally supposed, was in fact inhabited by perhaps the most vigorous, freedom-loving set of men the world ever saw, who, having shaken themselves free from the slavery of the feudal system, were still untrammelled by the worse slavery of commercialism and capital. The economical forms, the methods of production, were the direct cause of this universal well-being and sturdy independence. Instead of men working under the con­ trol of the landlord or the landlord-capitalist as slaves or serfs for the sake of wealth and profit for their owners, the yeomen were owners themselves of their own means of production, and produced for the use of the family, only paying a portion of such production as tithes, or dues, or taxes. Rent, in the sense of a com­ petition price paid for the occupation of land, was at this period almost unknown'in Northern and Western Europe as well as in these islands. Production therefore being carried on for use, though �i4 i only in primitive fashion with small implements adapted to individual handling, most of the products being consumed or worked up into rude manufactures on the farm itself, only the superfluity after the yeoman and his family were well-fed and well-clothed came into exchange. And this exchange itself, like the production, was carried on by the individual. Craftsmen were economically as independent as the yeomen and free-labourers, though laws were early made (happily for many generations without effect) to limit their powers of combination, and to keep down the rates of wages which either they or the agricultural labourers could command. They also were in control of their means of production, and what they made was the result of their own labour on raw materials, which they in turn exchanged for other goods made by men as free as themselves, or were paid for by the lord or the abbot. Still the relations were in the main personal, and not pecuniary, still a man who earned wages for a day was by no means forced to compete with his neighbour for hire by an employer as a wage-earner all his life through. The trade guilds which in the first instance were thoroughly democratic in their constitution, protected the craftsmen against unregulated competition, or from the attempt to oppress them in any way. Moreover, as it was easy then for a labourer to obtain a patch of land, and to remove himself wholly or in part from the .wage-earners, so a journeyman apprentice starting in life as a mere worker could and generally did attain to the dignity of a master craftsman in mature age. The amount of capital to be amassed ere a man could work for himself was so small that no serious barrier was �placed between the journeyman and independence; besides, the arrangements of the guilds were such that wherever a craftsmen wandered he was received as a brother of his particular craft. Although also the rest of Europe was behind England in the settlement of the people on the soil, the craft-guilds were even more important in the Low Countries and part of Germany in the Middle Ages than in England. Thus it should appear that in the record of the feudal development the period reached in each country when the peasant was a free man working for himself upon the land, and the craftsman was likewise a free man master of his own means of production represents the time of greatest individual prosperity for the people. England, where this independence was on the whole earliest developed, presented on this very account a marked contrast to France where the risings of the Jacquerie had not resulted so well for the people as our Own peasant insurrections. In Germany and Italy the rural population was much behind the townspeople though in Spain, the early communal forms being there retained, the peasants were better off. The really important point is that, under such conditions of pro­ duction as those described, where the means of pro­ duction are at the disposal of the individual, who also controls the exchange of the superfluity, perfect economical freedom, as well as political freedom or freedom before the law, is possible and indeed cannot be avoided. Men then had something worth fighting for at home and abroad, and were quite ready to spend theii" own blood and their own money in fighting for a cause which they held to be their own. Vicarious sacrifice of the �i6 lives of mercenary troops and posterity’s money was nowise to their minds; they took note that such methods of warfare were at once cowardly and mean. The Church as a collective body supplemented the needs of this thoroughly individualist society. The services rendered by the monasteries, priories, and nunneries to the people in the shape of constant em­ ployment on their estates, of almsgiving, maintenance of hospitals, schools, inns, maintenance of roads, have been systematically depreciated by middle-class historians; but these semi-socialist bodies were of the highest value in the economy of the middle-ages, more especially in England, and the lands which they held were used and their revenues applied in such manner that during their most flourishing period the noblest institutions were kept up by their aid. Permanent pauperism was un­ known, and vagrancy was charitably restrained so long as these institutions were in existence. The services rendered by them in the direction of art and letters it is needless to recount. But at the risk of being compelled to repeat later what is urged here, it is well to consider at this point the effect which the full development of the individual man and his power over his own tools, materials, and the objects he worked upon, had upon art. The ordinary opinion seems to be that art is bred and sus­ tained by the luxury resulting from the present state of society, with its monstrous contrasts of riches and poverty. A very brief survey will be enough to show the falsity of this notion. The slave-served society of the classical peoples intellectual and highly-refined but simple in life, and free, in Greece at any rate, from what �*7 is now called luxury, looked upon art as a necessity, and found no serious obstacle in the way of surrounding the daily life of man with beauty. The rigid caste system of the feudal hierarchy kept up the most vio­ lent arbitrary distinctions between classes, but had no temptation to extend those distinctions to the minds and imaginations of men, and no means whereby it could do so. Thus the artificer was left free to express, ac­ cording to his capacity, the ideas which he shared with the noble, developing as a class a hereditary skill and dexterity in the handling of the simple tools of the time. Under the craft-gilds of the latter middle-ages the industrial arts were divided rigidly into corporations, but inside those corporations division of labour was yet in its infancy; so that each fully instructed crafts­ man was master of his own handicraft, and was by all surrounding circumstances encouraged to be an artist whose labour could not be wholly irksome to him. By this means the taste and knowledge of what art was then possible were spread widely among the people and became instinctive in them, so that all manufactured articles as it were grew beautiful in the unobtrusive and effortless way that the works of nature grow. The result of five centuries of this popular art is obvious in the outburst of splendid genius which lit up the days of the Italian Renaissance: the strange rapidity with which that splendour faded as commercialism advanced is proof enough that this great period of art was born not of dawning commercialism but of the freedom of the intelligence of labour from the crushing weight of the competition market, a freedom which it enjoyed throughout the middle-ages. G �i8 The exquisite armour of the knights , their swords and lances of perfect temper, the splendid and often humorous decorations of the stone and wood-work in the cathedrals, churches and abbeys, the illuminations of the missals, the paintings of the time, the manner in which beautiful designs and tracery nestled even in places where it might be thought that the human eye could rarely or never reach, nay, even such frag­ ments of ordinary domestic furniture and utensils as have been preserved, all show that the art of the middle Ages, like the art of Greece, was something loved and cherished and made perfect for its own sake, that beauty welled up unbidden from the spontaneous flow of the ideas of the time. But just at this period of the fullest individual perfection the necessities of com­ petition, arising out of economical changes in the conditions of labour which have yet to be traced, gradually turned the workman from the mediaeval artist­ craftsman into the mere artisan of the capitalist sys­ tem, and almost entirely destroyed the attractiveness of his labour ; so that when about the end of the 17th century the work-shop system of labour which had pushed out the gild system was struggling to perfect its speciality, the division of labour namely, wherein the unit of labour is not a single workman but a group, it found the romance, the soul, both of the higher and the decorative arts, gone though the commonplace or body of them still existed. How then was the artist-craftsman thus turned into a mere artisan ? How did the competition arise in such shape that not free rivalry in the creation of beauty but fierce antagonism in the greed for gain became the rule of �19 production ? Once more the economical forms changed and destruction of the old society was the inevitable result. As the feudal system was introduced into different European countries at different periods, as again the gradual conversion of serfs into free yeomen and lifeholders was by no means simultaneous in every nation, as further the formation of the craft-gilds varied, so the decay and final disruption of the feudal system took place at widely separated periods of time. In England the end of the wars of the Roses saw the commencement of this rapid disintegration. During those wars the barons had largely increased the numbers of their retainers, and had thus impoverished them­ selves ; the people as a whole standing aloof from the bootless and bloody Civil War between the houses of York and Lancaster. Many of the ancient nobility were utterly exterminated in the course of the struggle ; and the successors to their estates, when peace was finally proclaimed on the accession of Henry VII., carried on a process, which had begun even earlier, of turning out their now useless retainers to shift for themselves. These people formed the first set of vagrants and wandering bands, who without house, home, land or any recognised position in, or claim upon society, roamed through the country in search of labour and food. The monasteries, however, were still in full organisation and provided to a large extent for these wanderers. But at the same time pressure was brought to bear upon the innumerable small farmers and yeomen, common land was ruthlessly enclosed, and the nobles 51 / �20 adopted every conceivable device to enrich themselves at the expense of those who had a better title to the land than they had. Hence more vagrants, more homeless and a manifest decay in the real strength of the kingdom. Here again the reasons of the change were economical. The nobles wanted money to pay the debts which they had incurred during the wars, and also to maintain themselves at Court which they now more regularly frequented; just at this time too the Flanders market afforded a most profitable outlet for wool. Hence it was advantageous for the land­ holders in every way to remove men and substitute sheep ; since pasture farming, needed fewer hands than arable and sheep paid better than human beings. This process of expropriation therefore' went relentlessly on during the whole of the latter part of the sixteenth century in spite of numerous statutes against such action and the never-ceasing protests of men like More, Latimer, &c., against the mischief that was being done. Thus by degrees a landless class was being formed with no property beyond the bare force of labour in. their bodies; and these people were slowly driven into the towns where they formed the germ of our modern city proletariat. The breakdown of the feudal system led in almost every country to the establishment of a despotism, and England formed no exception to the rule. . Henry VIII. and Thomas Cromwell answer closely enough . to Louis XIII. and Richelieu. It was the object of king and minister alike that the crown should be . supreme, and to a large extent they succeeded in attaining it: though Cromwell, less dexterous than the �31 French minister, lost his own head after having removed the heads of so many others. But the Reformation and the consequent downfal of the monas­ teries were the most important events in English history between the Peasant’s War and the great industrial revolution at the end of the eighteenth century. The Reformation in Germany was as far from being a movement of the people as it was in England; in France also the Protestants were as little representative of peasantry as the Catholic nobles. Luther himself, that fierce champion of individualism, was a bitter opponent of the peasants in their risings against the nobles. In fact the Reformation every­ where, though partly directed against undoubted abuses in the church, was a thorough middle-class movement representing fully middle-class aspirations for individual aggrandisement here and hereafter. . In England the king was shrewd enough to put him­ self at its head knowing that more solid gain was to be had by the plunder of the church than by maintaining a resolute attitude as Defender of a Faith that gave him nothing and took much. Thus the monasteries were destroyed, and the king was enabled to reconcile the barons to this pillage by giving them a good share of the plunder of the lands of the church and the people. Nearly one-half of the land of England, which had up to this time been used to a large extent for public purposes, now became the property of a number of nobles and courtiers who recognised little or no duty of trusteeship, and who even allowed the public roads which the monks had kept up to go to ruin, as they suffered the magnificent abbeys to decay or be turned �22 into quarries for building materials. Henceforth the people of England had no hold upon their own land; and all the duties which the monks and nuns had filled in the economy of the middle-ages fell into abeyance and were left unperformed. As to the inhabitants of the monasteries, the monks and nuns, friars and sisters who were turned out of their houses, they joined the army of miserable vagrants now yearly increasing on the public highways. With no means of earning a liveli­ hood, they and the discharged retainers, the expropri­ ated yeomen and the discharged hinds, were a neverceasing source of annoyance to the classes which had driven them out to starve ; whilst the very abolition of the monasteries, which intensified the mischief, deprived these poor people of their last hope of succour. Such was the pressure on the peasantry, owing to the enclosures, the robberies of commons, and the seizure of the Church Lands, that m spite of the infamous atrocities wreaked upon all disturbers of order and upon the wretched vagrants themselves, who were hanged and disembowelled, tortured and flogged in batches, there were a whole series of insurrections after the sup­ pression of the monasteries, some of which were supported by the well-to-do, and even, as in the case of the insurrec­ tion of the Northern Earls, by the nobles themselves. The new system of production for profit and constant competition for wages, involving though it did progress, in the sense of producing more wealth with fewer hands, by the division of labour and co-operation, was thus not introduced without a frightful and bloody class struggle on the part of the people to maintain their old individual independence. The risings were put down �23 with frightful cruelty, however, and the laws against vagrants who were forced to wander by the changed conditions of agriculture, were harsher than ever under the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the monarch whose reign is supposed to embrace the most glorious period of English history. It is worthy of remark also that during the whole Of the sixteenth century the attempts made to stop the uprooting of the people from the soil by law were absolutely unavailing. The class now gaining power in the country, namely the landlords with bailiffs, and the large farmers, who both regarded the land only as a means of making gain, rode rough­ shod over the enactments of Parliament in favour of the poor; though they took care to give full force to all those which tended in any way to strengthen their own power. The same with the rising bourgeoisie, who rapidly gained influence under Elizabeth, and used it as far as possible to remove those restrictions upon usury, and laws in favour of the labourers, which in the middle-age polity had balanced the futile statutes against combination. By the end of the sixteenth •century consequently all was ready in our country for the gradual formation of a competitive wage-slave class divorced from the soil and deprived of the means of production, which class must therefore be in a growing •degree at the mercy of the classes that possessed the land and the capital. The increasing amount of capital also needed for success in business as the markets grew, and the town supplied not only the country but foreign lands, gradually broke down the democratic constitution of / �24 the trade-gilds. It was no longer a matter of course for a capable apprentice and journeyman to become in due time master of the craft. On the contrary, the minority, the capitalist masters, exercised increasing authority within the gild and turned its machinery to the disadvantage of the poorer members. Thus, between the landless proletariat, which was being created by social and economical oppression, and the landlords letting land for money-rentals in place of the old feudal services due to the nobles, the middle or capitalist class, the bourgeoisie, was growing up, whose bitter antagonism to the landlords has been carried on, as the necessary result of economical progress, even to our own day. Farmers who farmed for profit, and. merchants and manufacturers who employed their men to gain a profit from their competitive labour, quite replaced the simpler economy of the middle ages, when nearly all were farming or producing for direct use. During this period of fearful suffering for the mass of the people, when the foundations of our modern capitalist society were laid, the greatest and most sudden development of commerce ever seen on the planet took place, and international production and exchange gradually overshadowed the old national markets and methods of working up home products. The discovery of America and of the new route round the Cape to India and China, the conquest of Mexico and Peru, the conquest of Asia Minor by the Ottoman Turks, all took place within two generations. A new world of adventure, a new world of thought, were opened up before mankind. A flood of the precious �25 metals was poured into Europe from America giving in many ways increased power to the trading and profit­ making class, and increasing the accumulation of capital. The spoils of Mexico and Peru, the wealth ol. all kinds gained by commerce, forced on the develop­ ment at headlong speed. Spain was ruined by the very circumstances which gave her strength. The Italian cities lost their commercial supremacy from this time forward, owing in part to the decay of Asia Minor and the breakdown of the overland connection . with the East, following upon the Turkish rule, and partly to the change in the relative importance of the trade to America and the West Indies. In consequence England, France, Spain, Portugal, and the Low Countries became the chief competitors for the com­ merce of the world, Venice lending her spare capital to the Dutch at good rates of interest, thus encouraging the very competition that must eventually ruin her. Hence arose the commercial wars and commercial rivalries of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in which Spain at the first had every apparent advan­ tage. Meanwhile in England feudalism had been com­ pletely destroyed as a system, and commercialism was being substituted. Keeping pace with the change in ■ the forms of production, progress in all directions helped on the new development. The spread of printing destroyed the monopoly of letters which had been enjoyed by the clergy and the learned of high' rank ; the application of gunpowder to war rendered the common man-at-arms the superior of the most gorgeously equipped knight. Thus the increase of t- �26 general knowledge sapped superstition, and the musket swept away the last relics of warrior chivalry. As the markets expanded also, the results of these great changes in every direction became more and more apparent. The miserable state of the internal com­ munications forced Englishmen more and more into foreign commerce, which was rendered exceptionally profitable, not only by the discovery of new markets that gave great returns to the trader, but also by the useful adjuncts of piracy and slavery. To keep pace with this growth of commerce wider organisation of labour was needed, and, therefore, as already stated, the group of workmen toiling under the superintendence of the master, with a more and more regulated division of labour, supplanted the old handi­ craft. Workshops grew larger and larger, small factories were formed in certain trades. The workmen ceased to own any portion of their own product: that, as a whole, went into the hand of the employer who paid for a part of its value in wages ; in the same way the agri­ cultural labourer ceased to have any interest in the crops which he raised: they, too belonged to the far­ mer, subject to a deduction, for rent to the landlord; and the labourer also received a part of the value of his labour in wages. Production had become or was rapidly becoming social: appropriation and exchange remained under the control of the individual. During the whole of the seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth century this process went on. Organised handicraft, factory industry, and house industry, were still to be seen together. A good many yeomen remained in some districts, but they were becom- �ing continually less numerous; though the agricul­ tural regions were still much more populous than the towns, and so remained until the end of the eighteenth century. On every side commerce was the one prevail­ ing object, and to that all was subordinated. Religion naturally adapted itself to the tone of the time; and the Protestantism of England became what it has ever since remained—essentially a creed for the successful trafficker in wares or in souls. All through Europe the system of to-day in credit, competition, and national rivalry was practically established, and the era of foreign conquest and colonial empire began. But still the conflict of the middle-class against the king and the landed aristocracy loomed ahead. Wise sovereigns had shown true policy in yielding to and even in fostering the grow­ ing power. Others, perhaps more upright but certainly less dexterous, precipitated the struggle. In England it first took shape in serious organised warfare. The bloody civil war of the seventeenth century was clearly a, struggle between the ideas of divine right and land­ owner supremacy on the one side, against the sanctity of profit and freedom for the middle-class on the other. The economical victory already gained in the counting­ house was but confirmed in the field; and the reign of Cromwell served as an introduction to the thorough middle-class rule of William III. From this time forward the question was merely how long it would take for the middle-class to establish in outward seeming that supremacy which, in regard to production, they had already to a large extent secured. Their power was still somewhat �28 hampered by the relics of the old middle-age restrictions even after the accession Of William ol Orange and the House of Brunswick had virtually pro­ claimed that capitalism, with its debt funded for payment by posterity, its standing mercenary army, and its worldwide international production and exchange, had become master of the economical, and, in the strict sense, social field. But division of labour was carried farther and farther, trade and commerce developed exceedingly, the settlements in America and the factories in India helped on the growth, until in the eighteenth century, the period had manifestly arrived fpr yet another development which would enable the productive forces to supply the ever-growing market. Prior to this new manifestation of the powers of man over nature and of the method in which, under such social conditions, as now existed, these powers were turned to the sole advantage of a class, the condition of the English worker was better than it had been at any period since the fifteenth century. His wages both in town and country bore a higher ratio to the cost of living than at any intermediate time. Agriculture had recovered in some degree from the depression of the. sixteenth century, owing to the demand for cereals in the growing comercial cities; and the artisan, under the.? division of labour and the group system of factory pro-, due <. ion, was in a more favourable position than he had been when home competition was more severe and foreign markets were less open. In France, on the contrary, the peasantry had not gained ground against the barons to nearly the same, extent, nor were the bourgeoisie nearly so advanced in �29 their political struggle as the corresponding classes in England. Though the serfs had to some degree been settled upon the land, the oppression of the nobles and the pressure of taxation, owing to the wars of Louis XIV., ground down the poor to a level wholly unknown on this side of the Channel. Moreover, the rush of speculation and commercialism produced a far more rapid and complete deterioration of the character of the whole upper classes in Paris, and in France generally, than it did in London and England. ' Thus at the end of the eighteenth century France was fully prepared for a political and social, England was more ready for an industrial, revolution. The ideas of the time were much the same in both countries ; but whereas our middle-class had taken order with their king and his aristocrats in the seventeenth century, and capital had secured its firm foothold at that time alike in town and country, France had yet to pass through a whole series of events parallel to what had already taken place here generations before. The English Revolution, the American War of Independence, stirring the minds of the middle-class and the people, the utter degradation of the French nobility by the scenes in the Rue Quincampoix occasioned by their endeavours to make gain out of Law’s Mississippi scheme and similar ventures, the destruction of faith in the prevailing religion among the educated by Voltaire and Rousseau, and the Encyclopae­ dists, the prevailing misery among the entire population, which was totally disregarded by the nobles and the court, were factors that all tended relentlessly to a political overthrow. . . ’ . The change in the conditions of the time had not �30 been recognised. Those economical and social dis­ placements which had already prepared the revolution in the body of society had passed unheeded; and thus the French Revolution, which was clearly predicted by a few careful observers, came upon the world at large as a surprise. It was a rising against a tyranny alike corrupt, mean, and obsolete. Its influence spread rapidly at first and, coming after the noble American Declaration of Independence, produced a great effect in every European country, not least in England. That glorious struggle for Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, which began in 1789, that temporary alliance of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, though it gave rise to some splendid episodes for the people, ended in victory for the bourgeoisie alone. The really great names of the French revo­ lution have, of course, been honoured by middle­ class abuse. Napoleon, the hero of reaction, used the enthusiasm born of revolution to spread his self­ seeking imperialism through Europe, and enabled reactionists in other countries to pose as the champions of national freedom. The effect of the great revolutionary war upon Eng­ land, and the increased power which the long conflict placed in the hands of the aristocratic and capitalist classes, was most disastrous from every point of view. Political progress was thrown back nearly a century, social reforms were indefinitely postponed, and the new industrial forces went almost without heed or pro­ test into the hands of the profit-making class. And these industrial forces were of a magnitude, and pro­ duced effects the like of which had never been seen in �3i the world before. As the great geographical and mer­ cantile discoveries at the end of the sixteenth century, with the rapid development of shipping, ended by giving England the control of commerce ; so the great inventions at the end of the eighteenth century resulted in giving this country the lead in industry. But the effect upon the people was terrible almost from the beginning. At first a few benefited by the increased powers of production alike in labouring on the land and with respect to working up raw materials.; and the initial steps were taken towards the formation of an aristocracy of labour to protect, by means of secret societies, the interests of the skilled artisans. But the power of machinery soon broke down these earlier combinations. The cottage industry was ere long completely de­ stroyed. In every branch of trade the development became so extraordinary that nothing but a constant supply of fresh hands to work the machines, and in turn an improvement of machines to restrain the demands of the hands could keep pace with the growing markets opened by the increasing cheapness of production. Competition took another great stride in advance. Poor Irishmen, driven from their own country by land­ lord rascality and oppression, came in to compete at the lowest standard of life with the already impoverished Englishmen. Towns grew in magnitude with amazing rapidity as steam and greater knowledge of the use of water power increased the size of the factories and the number of, men, women, and children who could work under the control of one employer. From being an agricultural country England in the course of fifty or sixty years became essentially a country of great. �32 cities with a proletariat under the control of the capitalist class in a worse condition (this all official reports show) than any slave class of ancient times had ever lived in. For ere long the capitalist class, now almost at the height of its economical power, had swept away entirely the restrictions imposed by the middle-age polity. Freedom of contract between the pauper and the plutocrat, unrestrained competition between men and women in order that they might be able to get enough out of the product of their labour merely to keep body and soul together, wholesale slaughter of children by overwork and insufficient nourishment in unhealthy, overheated factories and ill-ventilated mines—the whole system was based upon never-ending oppression of the most horrible kind. Wages fell in proportion to the cost of living at the very time when enormous fortunes were being accumulated in the cotton, wool, silk, iron, and other industries. Women and children were brought in to reduce the wages of their own fathers and brothers by competing for under-pay. The legislature, under the direct control of the classes interested in maintaining this atrocious slavery under the guise of freedom, refused at first even to bring in laws to prevent babes from three to nine years of age from being worked fourteen,fifteen, sixteen hours a day. Capital had full swing in every direction and ground down the body of the people into a hopeless degradation from which they have never yet emerged. Risings there were from time to time in the earlier part of this century against this fearful oppression brought about by sheer greed for gain. But they were all unsuc­ cessful, and not until the half of the century had passed �33 away were any effective laws enacted, at the instance of such men as Robert Owen, to check the capitalist class in their furious haste to be rich at the expense of the men, women, and children, whom they robbed wholesale of their labour and ruined in their health. For now man was slave to the machine, no longer a free agent in any sense. Division of labour in the workshop faded into the great factory industry ; and machines, as they were introduced, served not to benefit the community and lessen the amount of labour needed to produce wealth but absolutely to increase the hours of labour, to degrade the workers more and more, and, by frequently throwing hands out into street, gradually to form a fringe of labour, ever on the verge of pauperism—ready to take the lowest wages, even when an impetus to trade rendered the capitalist class anxious for more hands. This introduction of machinery, this complete domination of the capitalist class and sweeping expropriation of the labour of the workers, piled up the wealth for the few which enabled us to come out triumphant from the great war. But whence came the wealth thus accumulated by the few out of the labour of others—by the capitalist farmers in the country, by the capitalist factory owners and loiterers in the towns ? Out of the excessive labour of the workers who were hopelessly divorced from the means of production, and were compelled to sell their labour-force to the capitalist for the lowest subsistence wages. The economical law of such competition among the workers as that which has gone on in England since the end of the eighteenth century, is admitted by the capitalists, and their fuglemen, the D �political economists, themselves. The one object of production being production for profit, the capitalist of course buys the labour-force which the needy worker is driven to sell at the lowest possible price in wages. This price, it is now agreed, corresponds on the average to the social needs represented by the standard of life in the class to which the seller of the labour-force belongs. At times the wages may, and do, fall far below this level of necessary subsistence, at other times combination among the workers, or a period of exceptionally prosperous trade, may temporarily raise them above this level. But the tendency is always as stated ; nor does the existence of an aristocracy of labour modify the truth of the proposition. But when the capitalist, whether a farmer or a factory-lord, has bought the destitute worker’s labour-force on the market, he does so with the intention of applying it to the growing of his crops, or to the manufacture of the raw materials which he has purchased at their market value. Labour-force embodied in commodities, the cost of production or re-production, that is, of articlesreckoned useful in the social conditions of the time, is the basis and measure of their average exchange-value when brought forward for exchange. In the first two or three hours of the day’s work, however, the labouring class whose labour-force is thus purchased, refund to the em­ ploying class the full value ofthe wages which they receive in return for the whole day’s work. But the entire product of the day’s work, or the week’s work, or the month’s work, or the year’s work, is at the control of the capitalist who thus appropriates two-thirds or three quarters of the labourers’ work without paying for it. �35 In the factory, that is to say, and to an ever increas­ ing degree on the farm, the labourers work as a portion of an association ; their labour is socialised in the highest degree. But both their products and the exchange of their products are at the disposal of individuals who compete with one another for gain above, as the workers compete against one another for bare subsistence below. Here then are the two main features of our modern system of production for profit. First. The labourers on the average replace the value of their wages for the capitalist class in the first few hours of their day’s work ; the exchange value of the goods produced in the remaining hours of the day’s work constitutes so much embodied labour which is unpaid; and this unpaid labour so embodied in articles of utility, the capitalist class, the factory owners, the farmers, the bankers, the brokers, the shopkeepers, and their hangers-on the landlords, divide among themselves in the shape of profits, interests, discounts, commissions, rent, &c. Second. The other feature is the antagonism between the socialised method of production and the individualised system of exchange. This brings about unmitigated anarchy in the shape of a world-wide crisis every ten years, which throws labourers out of work when they are as anxious to toil for subsistence as ever they were; and piles up quantities of goods which these very labourers are eager to buy, but which owing to the crisis they cannot earn the means of purchasing, because the capitalist class will not employ them unless a profit is to be made, and this profit is rendered impossible by the very glut of the goods. Such crises �3^ have now occurred every ten years since 1825, and owing to these, men and women have been continually thrown out of work and flung into misery from no fault whatever of their own. The introduction of fresh machines is similarly against workers, tending as it does to increased uncertainty of employment and to reduce skilled workers to a lower class. Thus the tendency is to produce not merely a destitute proletariat forced to remain as a class wage-slaves to their m isters, body-slaves to the machine, their life long; but also a fringe of labour employed at scant wages in “ good times,” thrown into pauperism and starvation in bad. Hence freedom of contract between those who have no means of production, and those who have a monoply of them, simply involves the most terrible economical tyranny the world has yet seen : the surplus value provided under this illusory freedom out of unpaid labour enables the idle classes and their dependants to live in luxury at the expense of persistent overwork and misery for the producers themselves. Thus individual exchange uncontrolled by thought of collective advantage brings about fearful anarchy in every direction, which is a satire indeed upon the middle-class cuckoo cry of “order, order.” Children are ill-nurtured and underfed, women are worked to within a few hours of pregnancy, the condi­ tions of existence for the mass of the people are such that health, happiness, and morality are impossible, and still the capitalist class and their champions, the political economists, tell us that such is the inevitable outcome of our mock civilisation. Nor is there any real standard of honour among the competitors for wealth themselves. �37 Having robbed the labourers wholesale of their labour, they proceed to rob one another by underselling, adulter­ ation and fraud. As a general result of the system mere pecuniary relations are paramount. How to make money is the be-all and end-all of this ruinous system of com­ petitive production for profit. Love, honour, ability, beauty, all are in the market—going, going, going, gone 1 knocked down to the highest bidder. Art! that necessarily fades under such conditions ; and machine-work, literally and figuratively, is the pro­ duct of the time. This has been gradually brought about through the operation of the economical forms whose development has been briefly traced. Throughout the 18th century the idea that the making of goods is the end and aim of manufacture still struggled, with ever-increasing feebleness, against the real view of capitalism, that manufacture has no essential aim save profit for the capitalist-class, and mere occu­ pation for the workman: occupation, that is, daily leisureless labour with no pretence to attractiveness in it, rewarded by a livelihood whose standard is forced down by competition, to the lowest point which will be endured without active discontent. This view is accepted as a matter past discussion by the fully-developed capitalism of the 19th century which has in its turn supplanted the workshop, with its groups of workmen each skilled in a narrow round of labour, by the factory with its machines tended by women and children or by a mere labourer of whom neither skill nor intelligence is necessarily required. This system withits unavoidable consequence that the greater and (commercially) more important part of the wares it �38 produces are made for the consumption of poor and degraded people without leisure or taste wherewith to discern beauty, without money or labour to pay for excellence of workmanship—this system makes labour so repulsive and burdensome that art, in the long run, is impossible under it. Instead of the pleasant, intellectual, fruitful labour of the middle-ages, we have the barren, hideous drudgery of the factory and the cotton-mill. While it lasts all the ordinary surround­ ings of life must of necessity be ugly and brutal, and ’ what of art is left for a time, depending as it does, not on ' its own life, but on the memory of past days of glory " and beauty, must be produced by men of exceptional ' gifts, living isolated amidst the ugliness and brutality of ' their own time and protesting against the spirit of their own age. Thus the capitalist system threatens to dry up the very springs of all art, that is, of the external beauty of life, and to reduce the world to a state of barbarism. The proletariat, however, as already remarked, were not crushed into this helplessness in England without having struggled against the meanest tyranny that ever oppressed them. From the end of the last century, when Trade Societies were established throughout the king­ dom, vainly endeavouring to make head against the steadily growing power of capital, the working classes kept up an increasing agitation in favour of a more reasonable lot for themselves and their children. Another serious class fight had begun. What the workers saw was this: — that the introduction of machinery, though it might give wealth to the capitalist class and to the country at large, brought with it for them �39 ^starvation and intolerable misery, owing to the displace­ ment of the old methods and the competition of the labour of women and children with that of grown men. During the first three-quarters of the eighteenth cen­ tury also the people, as we have seen, were on the whole better off, their wages would buy them more and better food and raiment than for two centuries before. Con­ sequently the pressure being sudden was more severely felt and more vigorously resisted than it is to-day. The 'workers saw that the unregulated introduction of machines meant for them ruin; as Sir James Steuart, the famous economist, plainly stated it must, ten years before the publication of “The Wealth of Nations.” They, therefore, in the first place attacked the machines themselves ; and bands of workpeople under the name of Luddites destroyed machinery in many industrial centres, with the impression that thus they were striking heavy blows at the real enemy. As a matter of course their adversaries were not the inert machines, which "only produced more wealth at the cost of less and less expenditure of human labour, but the class appropria­ tion of these improvements which gave to the labourers, owing to competition among themselves for employment, a less and less proportionate share of the wealth created. For the cheapening of the products did not benefit the workers as a class. It only enabled them to take a lower average wage in times of pressure without ab­ solute starvation; whilst the uncertainty arising from constant improvements and the competition of their own families rendered their position even worse than the mere amount of wages for long hours and excessive �40 overwork would betoken. Thus the very circumstances which should have bettered their condition and rendered their life more easy, actually pressed them down to a K ,< lower standard of existence. Not until 1802 was any step taken to recognise even that children were overworked, and the Act then passed was wholly abortive. In 1814 the capitalist class even succeeded in removing the last vestige of the old restrictions notwithstanding the overwhelming array of petitions from the workers against any such action. At this time it must be remembered that all combina­ tions among the workers to raise wages, or to strike for any reason whatsoever, were illegal. Soon afterwards the great war came to an end which had so much strengthened the power of the landowners, farmers and capitalists, at the expense of the people; and with its termination, and the consequent collapse of the fic­ titious prosperity created for certain classes, came a period of even greater pressure upon the people. From 1817 to 1848 was therefore one of almost continuous turmoil. The middle-class were striving to secure their complete control over the House of Commons by a limited extension of the suffrage, and a disfranchise­ ment of rotten boroughs; the wage-earners were combining in all directions to obtain the suffrage for their class, but also to relieve themselves from the hideous economical injustice they suffered under. Riots in the towns and rick-burnings in the country were frequent. The time of the fiercest struggle was shortly after the enaction of the Reform Bill of 1832. Then the effect of the New Poor Law, the constant immigration from �41 Ireland owing to economical causes due to landlord oppression, and the continuous operation of capitalism, produced such distress that from 1835 to 1842 the country was described by a careful foreign observer as in a state of permanent revolt. Now it was that a portion of the middle-class made common caus with the workers in their agitation; that the Trade Unionists free to com­ bine since 1824, acted in concert to a great extent with the rank and file of labourers; and that utopian Socialism, in the shape of schemes for the nationalisa­ tion of the land, inherited from Spence and others, as well as Robert Owen’s plans of co-operation, began to be recognised as a definite school. The Trade Unionists at this time were the advanced guard of the working class party ; and although, early in the day, the sense of superiority to the unskilled workers began to show itself among the members, much of the success which was obtained could never have been got without their aid. Thus the gradual enaction and enforcement of Factory Acts, in favour of the restriction of the labour of women and children within more reasonable limits as to the number of hours worked, the rights of free meeting and a free press, were obtained owing in large part to the steady organised support given by the Trade Unionists to these mea­ sures. In the chartist agitation also which was a decided movement of the proletariat against the landlord and capitalist class many Trade Unionists took an active share, as also in the serious risings which occurred in Wales, Manchester, Birmingham, Nottingham and elsewhere. But for the counter-agitation got up by the capitalists �42 in favour of Free Trade in corn it is even possible that the Chartists and Socialists together might have ■achieved, at any rate, a temporary success for the cause of the people. As it was the Corn Law League drawing the people off on a false scent—for all can see nowadays that cheap food meant little more than increased profits for the capitalist class—the leaders were left almost without followers; and though in 1848 the renewed stir on the Continent of Europe gave the workers in this country every encouragement and an exceptional opportunity, they failed to resuscitate the energetic movement of 1842. In fact almost the only great result of all the long series of agitations for the benefit of the workers was the final settlement and consolidation in 1852 of the Factory Act of 1847. ' . But 1848 on the Continent of Europe was a far more important date than in England. Then first, it may be said, since Babceufs conspiracy in 1796,—for the Days of July ” in 1830 in Paris or the outbreak at Lyons in 1834.were comparatively trifling—did the pro­ letariat again show that it had interests which were not pnly not in accord with, but diametrically hostile to the interests of the middle class. All over Europe scientific, as distinguished from mere utopian, Socialism now began to be felt beneath the efforts for national independence. The famous Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels which first formulated in a distinct shape the great truth of the inevitable Struggle of classes so long as classes exist, the agitations of Blanqui and the theories of Louis Blanc, Ledru Rollin, &c., all pointed to an international combination of ' the workers in the interests of the labouring class �43 which should have a far wider, nobler and more beneficial influence than endeavours, however glorious, for mere national independence. It was Socialism as an organised force based upon the sure ground of science and political economy which frightened the statesmen of all countries far more than any idea of mere national movements in which class gradations Would still be maintained. The time was not yet. The middle class triumphed not only in England but in every European country, the thousands who fell fighting for the people in Paris died vainly for the time, and the bourgeoisie gladly supported order ” under President, King, or Emperor, which ensured the butchery of the champions of the proletariat and made them certain of the continuance of the universal reign of production for profit and the conse­ quent wage-slavery of the mass of the producers in all lands. From 1848 onwards, however, Socialism itself, international, organised Socialism, has been a moral, intellectual and physical force to be counted with in all the councils of Europe. Thenceforward the leaders of ■the proletariat of the world could feel assured that when the time was ripe for action they had an unshakable scientific foundation on which to build, to which indeed each year has added another layer of solid theory and fact combined. England, unfortunately, the country where the struggle between the workers and the capitalists first took an organised and manifest shape, now, to all appearance, fell behind. The working classes of England, owing to the enormous expansion of foreign markets, to the fact that this country was the first in the field with improved �44 , .’* K machinery and highly socialised factories, to the earlier development of railways here than elsewhere, to the Free Trade Policy which kept the necessary standard of life cheap, to emigration which took off the more energetic political leaders of the people and afforded a further out­ let for goods, to the stagnation of the Trade Unions which, when they had got what the higher grade of workers needed most, cared little or nothing for the welfare of the other classes of labour—the workers of England, we say, fell behind in their efforts for the enfranchisement of their class and have been content since 1848 with that moderation in their requirements and that bated breath method of urging their simplest demands which naturally find favour with their Capi­ talist masters. During the thirty-five years which have passed, how­ ever, since 1848, wealth in England has increased far beyond all previous computation or imagination. From all quarters of the globe the profits ofthe world-market have been poured into the lap of our merchants and Capitalists. The landlords also , have gained in rents, but in a very trifling degree compared with the gain ofthe trading class. The income tax returns alone show that the increase in assessable incomes has been from ^275,000,000 in 1848 to nearly £600,000,000 in 1882. The total of realised wealth seems incredible, being given, by an official statist, at over £8,500,000,000. In every direction this expansion of wealth is to be observed. The rich quarters of our cities have spread beyond all bounds ; numerous and populous lounger towns have sprung up around our coasts, where the indolent wealthy may conveniently kill time in healthy uselessness; the standard of living among �the middle-class is so high that their chief diseases arise from gluttony or drink. Yet at this very time official returns prove conclusively that vast masses of our countrymen are living on the very verge of starvation ; that much of the factory popu­ lation is undergoing steady physical deterioration ; that the agricultural labourers rarely get enough food to keep them clear of diseases arising from insufficient nourish­ ment ; while such is the housing of the wage-earners in our great cities and in our country districts that even the leading partisans of our political factions at length have awakened to the fact that civilisation for the poor has been impossible for nearly two generations under these conditions, and that some steps ought really to be taken to remedy so monstrous an evil. Drink, debauchery, vice, crime inevitably arise under such conditions. For indigestion arising from bad food, cold arising from insuf­ ficient firing,depression arising from unhealthy air and lack of amusement, necessarily drive the poor to the public­ house ; while even the sober have had, too often, no edu­ cation which should fit them for the full enjoyment of life. And drunken and sober, virtuous and vicious—if they can be called vicious who are steeped in immorality from their very babyhood—are all subject to never-ceasing uncertainty of earning a livelihood, due to the constant introduction of fresh machines over which they have no control, or to the great commercial crises which come more frequently and last for a longer time at each recur­ rence. There is therefore complete anarchy of life and anarchy of production around us. Order exists, morality exists, comfort, happiness, education, as a whole, exist only for the class which has the means of production, at �46 the expense of the class which supplies the labour-force that produces wealth. The total income of the country is ^1,300,000,000 ; of this the producers receive ^300,000,000 in wages ; and of these wages they pay back one-fifth to one-third to the landlord and capitalist class in rent, apart from the amount they refund in profits on retail and adulterated goods. The producers live on the average one-half the number of years the comfortable classes live. The total amount of property owned by 220,000 families is nearly /’6,ooo,ooo,oou, whilst millions are living on insufficient food and 4,500,000 persons receive charitable relief in England and Wales alone, in one shape or another, during the course of the year. The land of England is practically owned by 30,000 people against 30,000,000 and 8,000 landowners in Great Britain and Ireland receive no less than ^"35,000,000 a year in rents. Such plain facts as these are sufficient of themselves to show the anarchy of what we call civilisation. There have been no fewer than six commercial crises since the beginning of the century to crush the workers, not count­ ing the Lancashire cotton famine due to the American Civil War. Meanwhile commercial war—competition in cheapness, that is, adulteration to make great profits, and attacks upon helpless people to open up new markets—has been going on all round. Yet in the face of all this a certain school still contend that thei e is no class robbery; that there should be no class antagonism; that the blessings of peace and eternal money-getting for all would be ever with us if only our people—our producing people—would cease to have any families at all. What is it produces value ?—labour �applied to natural objects. What is it produces sur­ plus value, and thus provides profit, interest, rent, commissions, &c.—labour applied to natural objects under the control of the capitalist class who take all the value produced less the mere average subsistence wages of the labourer. Yet to provide more wealth we are to cut off the supply of labour by breeding no labourers. This foolish Malthusian craze is itself bred of our anarchical competitive system; and those who are smitten with it cannot see that the power of man over nature is such that, if his labour were properly organised, he would produce in food or its equivalent at least four times more than the amount of wealth which he would require, if he lived in absolute comfort, provided he worked only six hours a day. Were machinery properly applied, far less than two hours labour a day for each male above twenty-one would suffice for all to live in comfort, if none lived in excessive luxury on the labour of others. As it is, about one-fourth of our adult population are engaged in actual useful production, often with inferior machinery, yet the total income is £1,300 ,000,000 a year. That the power of man over nature increases in a far more rapid ratio in all progressive societies than the increase of population ; that the well-to-do—such as all would be in an organised Socialist community—breed, slowly, the poor fast; that the supposed law of dimin­ ishing returns to capital (which means in one shape and another labour) expended on the soil is demonstrably false ; that England alone could profitably produce food enough to feed its present population, the return increasing with each improvement in agriculture ; that �48 North America by itself would still export enormous quantities of food after all its inhabitants were well fed even if it had 800,000,000 inhabitants: these are facts and estimates of the very highest agricultural and economical authorities which ought finally to dispose of the so-called Malthusian theory, even if the supposed necessity of fictitiously limiting the number of producers were not on the face of it an absurdity where idlers who eat enormously and produce not at all form the majority ofthe population. From 1848 to 1864 there was little sign of Socialist movement of an international character, and although Lassalle’s vigorous agitation in Germany which began in 1862 produced a great effect in that country no serious attempt was made to organise a general com­ bination of Socialists until two years later. In November 1864 a meeting was held in London which laid the foundation of the International Working Men’s Association. Karl Marx was the brain of the move­ ment which soon spread to every civilised country and occasioned grave uneasiness to the courts and cabinets of Europe. The International in effect proclaimed the “ Solidarity ” of interest between the workers of all nations, and called upon them to unite in order to obtain control of the means of production, including the land, in every country; its leaders declared also that the war between classes in each state was the real matter of importance to the labouring class, which every where suffered from the oppression of the classes above; that therefore they should sink national differences in a great international struggle for the emancipation of the �49 workers. These ideas obtained more ready acceptance in Germany than elsewhere as might have been expected from the superior education of the German working classes and from the fact that the heads of the movement were Germans; but up to the date of the declaration of war between France and Germany the International bid fair to become a most important body, and to combine the proletariat in a really formid­ able movement all over Europe. When the war was over Paris found that though she had got rid of the Emperor with his gang of profession­ al gamblers and prostitutes, France was to be handed to the exploitation of a reactionist Republic. The Parisians, therefore, resenting this mean substitution, made an attempt to secure perfect commercial indepen­ dence before admitting the troops from without. The movement was at first necessarily in middle-class hands, and the Socialists of Paris were warned by the leaders of the International that as a simultaneous rising in Berlin, Vienna, Madrid, &c., had been impossible to arrange, failure was certain. The French Socialists were incensed at this prediction and set to work to discredit its authors. But, when the Commune had once been set on foot, it soon became clear that Paris was destined to be the scene of another bloody but again for the time, fruitless campaign of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. Yet the champions of that class alone showed unfaltering resolution and dauntless courage in the face of danger and in the face of death. Paris was to a large extent injured by the attacks of the troops, and partly by the action of the beaten forces of the insurgents ; but the horrors of the cold-blooded E �So massacre which followed, the infamous misdeeds of the Versailles troops, with such monsters as Gallifet at their head, and the fearful scenes on the plain of Satory have effaced almost all memory of the errors of the vanquished. Once more “ order *’ rose in place of the best government for the many that Paris had ever seen. Throughout the world to-day the remembrance of that fearful struggle and defeat strengthens the determination of the real leaders of the proletariat revolution. From that date forward organised Socialism has made way against many difficulties, the apathy of Englishmen having largely contributed to check any real re-commencement of the international movement. But of late years a change has taken place and the rapidly growing influence of the Democratic Federation shows that an avowed Socialist propaganda of an international character has at last taken root in this country. What we have to face now is a bitter class antagon­ ism between the classes who own the means of production which they use to enslave their fellows to those means of production and the labourers who are thus economically and socially enslaved. With these labourers must be numbered a large portion of the lowest middle-class who practically depend upon and are a portion of the proletariat, certain of the intellectual proletariat, clerks, &c., who are learning how they are being exploited themselves by their employers, and the domestic servants, whose servile, degraded position will be felt more and more as education spreads. Here is the last class antagonism, which indeed is world-wide— the antagonism between the slaves of the machine, the �mere social engines for producing surplus value and contributing to luxury, against the capitalist class and their hangers-on, the landlords. All other antagonisms,, complicated as they were, have now faded into this one simple unmistakeable hostility of clearly defined inimical interests between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. Proletariat production—capitalist appropriation: workers make—traders take. Socialised production ; individual exchange. Work in concert: exchange at war. Supremacy of town: subservience of country. Overcrowded cities: empty fields. Such are the briefest possible statements of the economical and social forms which result in our present anarchy, not for one class alone, though that suffers far the most, but for all. And the system as a whole, is now world-wide,, though in different shapes. Capital dominates the planet, acts irrespective of all nationalities, grabs itsprofits irrespective of all creeds and conditions: capital is international, unsectarian, destitute of regard, for humanity or religion. The proletariat must learn from the system which they have to overthrow to be equally indifferent to class, creed or colour, religion or nationality, so long as the individuals sink their personal objects in a resolute endeavour against the common enemy. Unite ! for this we educate, to this, end we agitate, to achieve a certain victory for all we organise. Unite ! Unite ! Unite ! But we are all only working in a great economical movement, which we can help in some degree to advance or retard, but which will proceed whatever we do to push on or to hinder. The very conditions o£ �52 production are bringing about changes in spite of the efforts of the capitalist class themselves. It has been found necessary to use the power of the State more and more to check the unbridled greed of the classes who confiscate labour. Even the middle-class debating club at Westminster, which passes muster as the English House of Commons, has found itself compelled by the exigencies of the case to interpose between the employers and their wage-slaves, between the Irish landlords and their serfs, between adulterating poisoners and their victims. The domain of laissez-faire, the hideous realm of mis-rule, has been invaded year by year by the State, controlled though it is by the oppressing classes, because some steps were absolutely essential to save the mass of the population from utter physical, moral and intellectual deteroriation. Education Acts, Irish Land Acts, Employers’ Liability Acts, Factory Acts, Artisans’ Dwellings Acts, these and others, are direct evidence of the tendency to limit that unrestrained free contract so dear to the capitalist slave-driver of modern times. They are but half-way measures at best. What more could they be when enacted, administered and applied by the very classes which, according to the debased estimate of the aims and pleasures of life commonly held among those classes themselves, have most to lose by a thorough reorganisation ? But their very appearance •on the Statute Book proves that the era of middle class rule, and the period of working class apathy are alike coming to an end. The fear of pressure from without of a threatening kind leads the luxurious classes to try to negotiate. Bankrupt of ideas, destitute of principles, their one �53 endeavour is to compromise on favourable terms. But for us no compromise is possible which shall carry with it the continuance of the present misery. Yet again we see the power of the State extending. It organises as well as orders, developes as well as restrains. This too in despite of huckster economy and huckster economists, whose principal professors are forced to eat their own words as administrators and to stultify their teaching as thinkers by sheer pressure of the course of events. At this hour the State is by far the largest employer of labour in the kingdom. The Post Office, the Telegraphs, the Parcels Post, the State Banks, the Arsenals, the Dockyards, the Clothing Establishments, the Army and Navy, are all managed by the State, and administered by State officials, who organise the labour below. The objection to the system is not inefficiency nor even extravagance, but the fact that those who labour are brought into competition with the lowest wages outside; and that the profits of their production or distribution are used by the State to reduce the taxation which has to be paid by the middle class. But in this direction lies the best prospect for reform and re-organisation without bloodshed. The Railways, the Shipping Companies, the great Machine Factories, are even now ready to be handled by the State through their present officials, but under the direct control of the producing class (which will comprise the whole community) and without the endeavour to exact a profit at the expense of the overwork of the em­ ployes as is at present the case. Shareholders and factory lords have no more power, as assuredly they �54 have no more right, than landlords to keep back that organisation of the labour of all, for the benefit of all, which is the only possible outlet from our pre­ sent anarchical system of production for profit and never-ending round of commercial crises, due to the revolt of the socialised method of production against the individualised form of exchange. When a glut of goods exists on one hand, and men ■eager for those goods and anxious to work stand idle and foodless on the other, when these two factors of well-being cannot be brought together because of the necessity to produce for profit which the very glut itself prevents, surely anarchy in production and exchange has been driven to the last ditch of absurdity. When hundreds of thousands of children are brought into the world under such conditions that good food, good health, good education, are for them impossible, the essential foundations though all three are of true morality and sound citizenship in later life, surely here too the anarchy in our commonest social relations is clearly manifested. When also we look around at the complete divison between classes, their utter ignorance of what one another think and feel, the incapacity of men and women of different classes to sit comfortably at the same meal table, though of the same race, language and creed, here, even apart from the necessary antagonism of economical interests, the social anarchy which the middle-classes call order once more stares us in the face. After these instances of disintegration and disorder, the ugliness, waste, and adulteration seem comparatively trifling. Yet so long as competitive commerce and �55 production for profit continue, based upon wage­ slavery below, no change for the better can be wrought. As capitalism saps :all healthy social relations and reduces even the closest connection between the sexes to a mere question of bargain and sale, so it threatens to destroy the springs of all art, that is of the external beauty of life, and to reduce the world to a state of barbarism ; a threat which can only be met by the demands of social order for the com­ munising of exchange and the means of production, so that labour may be freed from the merely useless toil in which it is to a large extent at present employed, so that while machinery is used for performing labour repulsive to men, the intelligence of the workmen may be made available for the higher needs of the community, so that the greater and better part of productive labour may become a voluntary, reasonable and pleasureable exercise of the human faculties, instead of a compulsory, degrading and unhappy struggle for existence, human in nothing save its suffering, the tragedy of the battle against starvation. How then would individuality, that unceasing cry of the bore and the dullard, be stunted by a system which should leave full play to the highest faculties of every man in return for trifling, pleasant social labour, nay, which should develope those facul­ ties for all classes far more than they are developed to-day ? Under such a system, where mankind collectively controlled their means of production, with •machinery ever improving by the genius of their fellows, but used for instead of against the mass of the human race, men would at length be really free in every sense �56 economical, social, and political, save that they would no longer possess the freedom to enslave and embrute their fellow men. Individuality is crushed to­ day in every direction. The poor slave to the machine, the overworked hind or domestic drudge have no time for individuality, no strength left for their own education or development. Under our present system there is no individuality for the mass of mankind. For re-construction and re-organisation, therefore, we Socialists continually strive, looking to the completest physical, moral and intellectual development of every human being as the highest form of the social state, as the best and truest happiness for every individual and for every class, where, as none need overwork, so none shall be able to force others to work for their profit. And this is Utopian ! Nay; it was utopian perhaps, when the powers of man over nature were trifling compared with what they are to-day, and mere division of labour almost necessarily involved the formation of castes and classes. But now steam, electricity, the forces growing daily under our hand, render equality a necessity unless barbarism and bootless destruction are to come upon us in our very midst. For as ideas grow, as education spreads, so does the knowledge of how to turn the increasing powers of devastation to account increase among the needy and the oppressed. Gunpowder helped to sweep away feudalism with all its beauty and all its chivalry, when new forms arose from the decay of the old; now far stronger explosives are arrayed against capitalism; while the ideas of the time are as rife with revolution as they were when feudalism fell. To avoid alike the crushing anarchy of to-day and the �57 fierce anarchy of to-morrow, we strive to help forward the workers to the control of the State, as the only means whereby such hideous trouble can be avoided, and production and exchange can be organised for the benefit of the country at large. Thus, therefore, we propose that all should have the vote ; not that the vote will free them from economical oppression, but because in this way alone is a peaceable issue possible for the possessing classes. It is better for them to yield to the vote of organised numbers than to the victory of even organised force. What then are our objects at this hour ? Some of them we have already stated. We can but point the road that we believe will be travelled in the near future. To assert definitely that this or that step must be taken at any given time would be directly contrary to our general principles, which depend for their full develop­ ment upon the reasoning action ot the class still to be set free. Forms of government, political devices, party arrangements, the devious tricks of faction, we contemn as useless or denounce as harmful. The only end to be sought in the organisation and representation of the people is the domination by the people of all social forces now and in the future. We claim then the land for the people, that the soil of our country with whatever is useful or beautiful in or upon it, should no longer be held by a small minority for their aggrandise­ ment and greed, but that it should be owned by all for all collectively, to be occupied, cultivated, enjoyed, mined or built over as the majority of the people shall see fit to ordain. That the economical forms are not yet fully ready for the completest development of agricul- �58 rural management is no reason why a handful of persons should draw vast revenues from a monopoly fraudulently seized from their countrymen ; still less why the land in towns, and the minerals below the land in country should be held for the benefit of the few. But Socialists have no factious prejudices, and are influenced by no jealousies of a clique. We call there­ fore also for the immediate management and ownership of the railways by the State, so that the inland communications of the country may be under the control of the people at large, and carried on for their benefit, regard being had to the full remuneration of the labour of all who are engaged in the work of transport. Here is no difficulty beyond the prejudice born of a flagitious monopoly, wrongfully granted by the landlord and capitalist House of Commons in favour of the capitalist class. Labour made the railways, and living labour is confiscated daily to pay interest to the labour of the dead. It would be far better and easier for the State as the organised representative of a thorough democratic community to manage the railways through the present paid officials than to leave them under the control of a coterie of political and social adventurers, who use their railways to serve their politics, and their politics to serve their railways. As with railways so with shipping. There the whole economical forms are ready, in the same way, for immediate management by the State, and the transfer, could be arranged almost without a hitch. With mines, factories, and workshops more direct interest by the workers engaged in them would be needed, but as education extends, and the habit of economical collective �59 freedom grows, it will be as easy for the labourers to choose their own superintendents, and apply the best machinery, as it is for the capitalist to choose and use them to-day. The inventor, the organiser, the manager are not the people who sweep off the bulk of the surplus value made by labour as it is, but the idle, useless capitalists who sit at home and appropriate other men’s work by means of social conventions which they them­ selves have formulated, and they themselves give effect to by force of law. Similarly the handling of money and credit must neces­ sarily be carried on in future for the advantage of the com­ munity at large. National banks, national credit establish­ ments, State and Communal centres of distribution for the purchase and exchange of goods will supplant and take over the huge enterprises for the gain of a class which now exercise such enormous influence, and accu­ mulate such vast profits under protection of the middle-class State. As production is inevitably social, exchange must be social too. Simply as a steppingstone to the attainment of this State organisation of production and exchange do we advocate the heaviest cumulative taxation rising upon all incomes derived from trade or business, as well as upon those drawn from the land. Only by collective superintendence of production and exchange, only by the scientific organi­ sation of labour at home and supply of markets abroad, can our present anarchy be put an end to, and a better system be allowed to grow up. Removal and recon­ struction must go on together, and at the same time. The very existence and increase of Companies, the very development of State management now going on, point out �II 6o ' clearly the lines of necessary progress: with the com­ plete organisation of democracy the State, in its present meaning of class predominance, necessarily disappears. But this is confiscation. Far from it, it is restitution. Those who cry for compensation for past robbery, and shriek confiscation because the right to rob in future is challenged, should bear in mind that the men and women whom we would compensate are those who are now stumbling half-clothed and half-fed from a pauper cradle to a pauper grave, in order that capitalists and landlords may live in luxury and excess. The dead have passed beyond compensation : it will be well if the living do not call for vengeance on their behalf. Our first principle as Socialists is that all should be well-fed, wellhoused, well-educated. For this object we urge forward the Revolution which our enemies hysterically shriek at, and frantically try to dam back. But we mean wrong to none. Rather would we claim the aid of such of the luxurious classes as are willing, so long as they have still enough and to spare, to forego the frightful privilege of feeding fat upon the wretchedness of others. Good housing for all cannot be got if greed is to organise the new arrangements: good food and physical, mental, and moral education for all classes cannot be obtained if factitious superiority and harmful social distinctions are to be kept up. Therefore, we say once more this is a class war ; we know it; we are preparing for it; we rejoice at its near approach. We mean to break down competition, and to substitute universal organisation and co-operation. There lie around us the necessary methods: they need but to be applied. But there are many difficulties and �6i dangers, the power of wealth is great, the unscrupulous­ ness of property knows no bounds ? We are well aware of this : we see and do not shrink from the inevitable struggle. But the numbers over against us, the hosts who may be bribed to fight for their oppressors, even to their own hurt; there are thousands, perhaps millions, of such men ? There are. We know that too. But in a cause like ours, we refuse to recognise difficulties, with such misery around us we cannot stop to calculate forces, with such a future before us we will never count heads. The Revolution is prepared in the womb of society, it needs but one strenous and organised effort to manifest the new period in legal and acknowledged shape to the world. To attempt to return to the old forms of individual production, would be at the same reactionary and anarchical. We cannot, if we would, so put back the hands upon the dial of human development. It is nowise desirable we should. The increased power of man over nature is gained by co-operation, by social machinery, by associated labour, by skilfully concerted work. This has been due to countless ages of growth and develop­ ment, involving often the most horrible oppression, but ever producing more wealth with less labour. We inherit the results of this long martyrdom of man to the forms of production and exchange. It is for us to take hold of and use these improvements for the enfranchisement of the people, and for the establish­ ment of happiness and organised contentment for man­ kind. We in England have arrived at the completest economical development. Our example therefore, will guide and encourage the world. All over the planet the �62 same ideas are abroad. In Germany, France, Scandi­ navia, Russia, Italy, Spain, far away in the ancient empires of Asia, as well as in America, and the other flourishing Colonies of our days, the labourers stretch out their hands to one another for help, co-operation and encouragement in the struggle which manifestly draws near. Confident in their cause the Socialists alone of modern parties can march steadily forward in inter­ national comity, to the assurance of victory for all. Thus then, based upon science and political economy, rejoicing in the beauty of an enfranchised art, with our social creed as our only religion—the scientific organi­ sation of labour, and the universal brotherhood of man we appeal to men and women of all classes, all creeds and all nationalities to join us in the struggle wherein none can fail, to prepare for themselves, and for their children a nobler, higher lot than has hitherto been theirs, and to pass on to countless generations that joy, that beauty and that perfect contentment which can arise from true Socialism alone. Signed the Executive Committee of the Democratic Federation. Herbert Burrows. R. D. Butler. H. H. Champion, Hon. Secretary. W. J. Clark, Lecture Secretary. H. A. Fuller. H. M. Hyndman, Chairman. J. L. JOYNES. Tom. S. Lemon. James Macdonald. William Morris, Hon. Treasurer James F. Murray. H. Quelch. A. Scheu. Helen Taylor. John E. Williams. �THE MODERN PRESS. 16 pp., Crown 8-vo., in wrapper. SOCIALISM versus SMITHISM, An open letter from H. M. Hyndman to Samuel Smith, M. P. for Liverpool. PRICE TWOPENCE. *** A reply to an attack by Mr. Smith on “ Socialism made "Plain,” the manifesto issued by the Democratic Federation.. THE NEW BOOK OF KINGS, By j. Morrison Davidson. Price 6d. Henry George says:—" It would be a great thing if it could be scattered broadcast over England by hundreds of thousands.” “ Vivacious and trenchant. . . . Is calculated to open the eyes of people who now worship monarchy as a fetish."—London Echo. Monthly, Price One Shilling “TO-DAY,” THE SOCIALIST MAGAZINE. Amongst the Contributors are H. M. HYNDMAN, STEPNIAK, WILLIAM MORRIS, W. HARRISON RILEY, ELEANOR MARX, EDWARD CARPENTER, MICHAEL DAVITT, E. B. AVELING, PAUL LAFARGUE, VERA SASSULITCH, E. BELFORT BAX, REV. S. D. HEADLAM, J. L. JOYNES, WILLIAM ARCHER, Win. LIEBKNECHT, &c., &c. THE ADVENTURES OF A TOURIST IN IRELAND. By J. L. Joynes. Second Edition. (Reduced to) Is. SOCIALISM AND SLAVERY, A Reply to Mr. Herbert Spencer’s Article on “The Coming Slavery,” by H. M. Hyndman. Price 6d. 13 and 14, Paternoster Row, London, E.C. �THE MODERN PRESS. NOW READY. PRICE SIXPENCE. The Working Man’s Programme, (A RBEITER-PROGRA MM} By FERDINAND LASSALLE, Translated hy EDWARD PETERS (late of the Madras Civil Service) THE COMING FREEDOM, A Reply to Mr. Herbert Spencer ON THE COMING SLAVERY. “Out of thine own mouth will I condemn thee.” PRICE ONE PENNY. HYMNS OF PROGRESS, SPECIALLY COMPILED FOR THE PROGRESSIVE ASSOCIATION. A Collection of Songs not directly founded on theological conceptions, nor directly antagonistic thereto, but dealing solely with the largest and simplest aspects of human life, human love, and human Dope. _ _______ Price Twopence. Cloth Fourpenee. Demy, 8-vo., in wrapper, One Shilling. THE ROBBERY OF THE POOR, By W. H. P. Campbell, The writer shows in this pamphlet the justice of the attack of the Socialists on private property and vindicates the right to “ expropriate the expropriators.” 13 and 14, Paternoster Row, London, E.C. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Victorian Blogging Description An account of the resource A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library &amp; Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Conway Hall Library & Archives Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Conway Hall Ethical Society Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Pamphlet Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A summary of the principles of socialism: written for the Democratic Federation Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hyndman, Henry Mayers [1842-1921] Morris, William Description An account of the resource Place of publication: London Collation: 62, [2] p. ; 19 cm. Notes: Publisher's advertisements on unnumbered pages at the end. Written for the Democratic Federation. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Modern Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1884 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context T463 Subject The topic of the resource Socialism Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /><br /><span>This work (A summary of the principles of socialism: written for the Democratic Federation), identified by </span><span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk">Humanist Library and Archives</a></span><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Socialism Socialism-Europe Socialism-Great Britain William Morris https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/75c19e51d9dbbf987030514dd5ddec2c.pdf?Expires=1782345600&Signature=LoYrQrDIxbY-Lvz0OY3m43whXfte%7EFf5SOJzkUVLJF9ocImyS1jaMEZE%7EK-ls3MhoTm801a2u06m%7E-sOfnsVZOStHGfmklb298zAxm9QLtl-ZdOyxgLyJcf3GCKBvIuI1-u8TOw4Jryc%7EaIxDzrPGYmm0r1o%7EEaDaEELCSynmltfDy1tFba0eFrALWqn8m%7E1WmMo2GkEMXIKVw5whypP8Zz67yiVgbRjOOQxpEb5u9Sg6LyGbGFJntBxXDAqnywvj704WvrP17uVIhuqN9rYNIzhxWlWGp3eMF6sPqKpfwi6CF92qPC21mt7nc9307NCCZL4Qc00zCXCn6oes7kBwA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM a0bb954f46e15c4b342aae9119b92f31 PDF Text Text Price One Penny. THE GENESIS OF CAPITAL. * TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH OF GABRIEL BY DEVILLE, B. J. London : THE MODERN PRESS, 13, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C. 1887. ��THE GENESIS OF CAPITAL. APITAL, considered in its evolution, from its origin to the destined disappearance that the actual conditions of its existence show to be imminent, will be the subject of this series. Just as nothing remained for chemists since the time of Lavoisier, but ‘to teach that water was formed by the combination of hydrogen and oxygen, so my only aim will be to interpret faithfully the work of the great writer whose profound insight into economic facts first enabled us to understand them clearly. The glory of having discovered the origin and growth of capital, with the elements of which it is composed, is due to Karl Marx. Now that, thanks to him, we possess the method of analysis, every one may assure himself of the correctness of his deductions, just as every one may verify the composition of water. Being a correct description of the exact truth, the ideas of Marx, as will be quickly seen, may be easily grasped by every reader, Therefore when we see a theory of his described as “ that old story of Marx,” without the shadow of argument, or even with the announcement that none will be given—and reason good !—we are pretty sure to be dealing with a blockhead, whose silly and feeble hostility merits nothing more, under the circumstances, than a scornful shrug of the shoulders. In stating that my analysis will tally with that of Marx, I know that I lay myself open to the regular charge brought against Socialists by bourgeois journalists, the crime of always repeating the same thing ; but what of that ? We must continue to maintain that two and two make four, and we are unable to transfer the heart to the right side of the body, even to please these gentlemen’s whim for change. Anyhow, if it be true that we seldom change our theories, still less do our adversaries vary their method of attack. Can anything be more monotonous than their milk-and-water criticism of us ? It is like the refrain of a wearisome song repeated over and over again. Whenever a Socialist speaks or agitates they instantly seize the opportunity of reiterating the complaint that he has been attacking that “ infamous capital.” They have found nothing else to say : and this is never varied. I beg their pardon though ; I am wrong : some put “ infamous capital ” in italics, others in inverted commas, but that is the only differ­ ence ; their imagination has gone no further. �4 It is not as if the epithet gave a correct impression of the attitude of Socialists towards capital; unfortunately it does not even do that. The expression is not only absent from the Socialist vocabulary, but, more­ over, being of bourgeois invention, both in substance and in form, it misrepresents the attitude which it pretends to portray. It misrepresents it by assuming that Socialists criticise the present state of things from a sentimental standpoint, whereas they stand exclusively on scientific ground. For from the scientific point of view the attitude of goodness or badness, infamy or merit, is due either to our personal material circumstances, or to the particular bent of our character; that is a sufficient criterion for judging the individual; in fact we have only to deal with economic states, evolved according to laws which we have to determine. If strict obedience to the laws of the physiology of the human frame could lead, by suppressing morbid conditions, to the disappearance of pain, which is the consequence of these conditions, without the feeling of pain having been taken into consideration in the study of physiology, we shall see that in the same way, a complete conformity to the economic laws of the social organism, would result in social health, which would put an end to the sufferings and injustice which are unquestionably crushing the masses to-day, without allowing the burning reality of this last fact to influence the march of events. Therefore our aim thould be to arrive at a knowledge of economic laws. It will suffice us to know these laws, but we must know them thoroughly. Nor does thorough knowledge of these laws—that is to say, of the relations existing between things, and resulting from their nature—con­ sist in confining ourselves to analysing isolated facts, without taking into account their mutual connection, their constant relation to their surroundings, and the endless modifications necessarily resulting there­ from : in confining ourselves to the study of things separately, and in a state of rest, though everything in the universe is always in motion. And what does movement mean but change ? This, however, is what economists do. According to them, there have been economic states which were artificial and temporal, but that at present existing is natural and eternal; in this economists imitate theo­ logians, in whose eyes their particular theory is always of divine origin, while rival religions are merely of human invention. The means of production and subsistence which embody to-day the idea of capital are continually confounded by economists with their material substance; it is as if they maintained that a negro is naturally a slave. A negro is a negro; it is only in certain definite social conditions that he becomes a slave. A spinning machine is a spinning machine; it only becomes capital under fixed social conditions. The idea of capital is not a natural idea, but purely social; far from being eternal, the capitalist system is only a phase of economic movement. After demonstrating that it has not always existed, I shall show that it is the necessary result of certain historical events. The “ Genesis of Capital ” shall be the title of this first treatise. With all economists alike, as the “Dictionary of Political Economy ” declares, “ the idea of reproduction is firmly allied with that of capital by common consent the term “ capital ” does not only imply “ acquired wealth,” but essentially wealth endowed with the “ faculty of repro­ duction.” Value, “which multiplies continually,” as the economist �5 Sismondi says; “ the insatiable greed for gain,” according to one of the shining lights of bourgeois economy, MacCulloch ; gain for the sake of gain ; realized gain producing more; this is what is generally implied by capital. Therefore the products of labour, as funds which may be used in industrial employment, owing to this single fact, under the present normal conditions increase periodically by a certain sum. From this sum, from this profit, the landlord draws his means of consumption; if he does not consume all, that which he does not consume is used in its turn in industrial employment, and in its turn preserves its character by giving interest; the excess of income over consumption becoming the source of profit. This produce of labour, these funds, in virtue of this power of renewing themselves, have the character of capital. On the contrary the produce of labour which could not be used in industrial enterprise, which, though suitable for consumption, would remain idle if not consumed, would not have this character. This being admitted, we read the following remarks in the “ Dictionary of Political Economy,” already quoted:—“ There is no difference of opinion, among economists, concerning the necessity of capital as auxiliary to labour. From Adam Smith to Rossi, all agree on this point, that, without the assistance of capital in the work of production, man can do nothing. . . . Capital is the companion, the necessary auxiliary to labour, so much so, that we may safely say that without capital there is no labour. This is true, even with regard to the savage state, as has always been recognised, where man never hunts without bow and arrow, or some similar implement.” Here, then, we have before us two opinions on which, as their diction­ ary declares, all economists agree: one explains what is understood by capital, the other proves the existence of capital ever since the savage state, and also in that state itself. Socialists admit the first of these, but they deny that this thing, described by everybody in the same way, makes its appearance “ in the work of production ” before modern times, and they deny it on the grounds of its own specific character. As we have had the savage and his bow given us as an example, let us examine the bow of the savage. Here is an implement of labour which helps its owner to support himself, to gain his living ; but the quality of capital is missing; the wealth of the savage, viz., the means of sub­ sistence acquired by his bow, being devoid of all reproductive properties; he can kill as much game as he pleases, but its excess will only serve to give him indigestion. But further. Let us imagine a Pangloss of political economy, possessed of a bow, entering into communication with a savage in a forest near that country of Eldorado, visited by Candi le, where the pebbles are gold. It is very probable that the savage would consent to give gold to possess the bow. Furnished with this gold, under whose worshipped form capital first presents itself, our economist will shortly see the necessity of social surroundings other than those of the savage, in order that the result of his exchange may act as capital, and become productive. And, if he cannot escape from the economic con­ ditions of the savage, he will not be long regretting his bargain ; for under these conditions a bow enables him, at least, to try to get some­ thing to eat, whereas gold is useless. From the savage state let us pass to ancient communities, before slavery had become an organised method of production. Founded on �6 common property, these communities consumed the provisions produced by their labour, and this produce, divided among their members, was e nough for all. But even when they exchanged products with the neighbouring communities, this exchange, which only played an inferior part in their economy, had simply the satisfaction of their needs in view. Neither their products nor their means of labour or subsistence, ever appear as begetters of interest ; so that here again the character of capital is missing. The producing power of man was originally very small. So long as he could not produce more than enough for his needs, one half of society could not live on the labour of the other half, and slavery could not be­ come established. How could a man work gratuitously for others, when he could barely procure his own means of subsistence ? Under pre ssure of physical wants, man’s faculties slowly developed. As the result of such development labour acquired a productiveness, owing to which it was able to provide for everyone over and above the simple necessaries of life : and, since that time, a certain number have been able to live on the labour of others. As soon as it became possible for a privileged class to exist, a possibility depending from the first upon the productiveness of labour, this class began to organise itself—and this always by force— as for instance after a war or a conquest, or the forceable subjection of one colony by another, and with the increase of productiveness this class has increased. It is because slavery depends, to a certain extent, on the productiveness of labour, that we meet with it only in southern regions, while it loses its importance as we approach the north, where it only appears, when it appears at all, in a modified form ; for this productive­ ness depends, more especially in the earliest stage of civilisation, upon natural conditions, the fertility of the soil, the profusion of the means of subsistence, etc., and all the surroundings of the labourer; and the north being less well endowed in these respects than the south, slaves produce less and cost more to keep. In the work of production, under the slave-owning system, we see the implements of labour, and the means of consumption and of enjoyment, but no capital. The aim of production was the satisfaction of wants: this satisfac­ tion was secured to the master by the absolute possession of slaves, whom he employed according to their number and the resources at his com­ mand, in cultivating the ground, or, it may be, in working mines, and in various domestic services. What he gained from the labour of his slaves, he consumed by living more or less grandly, more or less luxuriously; but this wealth, which was fitted to be an abundant source of enjoyment, was nothing else ; it could be consumed, but it had no inherent power of increase ; therefore it was not capital. This holds good, too, in cases relatively less frequent, where the master made his slaves work to sell the produce. Instead of being directly manufactured, his objects of consumption were produced in the shape of flutes, let us say, which were exchanged for other objects of con­ sumption, or for money, the means of procuring these objects. In one way or another it was in the means of consumption and enjoyment that the fruits of production were used. Under the Roman empire, which embraced the world one may say. a system of production existed differing from the preceding system based on slavery. The central authority absorbed nearly everything, con­ fiscating private fortunes, monopolising implements of labour, directing �7 trades, regulating all kinds of labour. %In this instance of administrative communism, where the labourer was drilled into brigades, it is evident that there could have been no room for the capitalist, but only for officers. At the same time various causes combined to diminish slavery. Experi ence having proved that the slave who had the opportunity of saving money with the hope of freeing himself by means of a third person, who should first buy him, and to whom he should pay back the purchase price, worked better, and produced more, the masters’ own interests led them to facilitate this saving of money, which became a kind of patrimony for the slave. In this way masters profited by the increased pro­ ductiveness of labour, and by the purchase price which they received. Enfranchisement of slaves also became more common. On another side the laws relating to the distribution of provisions rather encouraged such enfranchisements, the masters having thus discovered a means of obtaining part of the provisions accorded by these laws to freed slaves; and we must not forget that the latter continued to be bound to their patrons for certain services. In the country, in order to stimulate production and to satisfy the exigencies of • the exchequer, the profits of agriculture contributed to turn the slaves into settlers, who cultivated the soil and paid a certain rent. These settlers, neither free men nor slaves, but between the two, were not allowed to leave the settlement. At length invasions of bar­ baric tribes, by encouraging the revolt and escape of slaves, and by making the security of proprietors doubtful, made this transformation general. The masters found it to their advantage to parcel out their ground to their slaves, who were turned into settlers, or serfs, performing certain prescribed duties. We can now realise the absurdity of those who persist in maintaining that the abolition of slavery is due to Christianity. It is due to eco­ nomic causes which have gradually led to its disappearance, and re­ placed it by serfdom. Neither religion nor fraternity have had anything to do with it. In the middle ages, when serfdom prevailed, we find all social rela­ tions based on a system of personal dependence, in virtue of which men stood in various degrees of bondage to other men, with different obligations to perform, particular duties and services. Beside the serfs of the glebe, who represented part of the property, the cultivation of the lands of the lord of the manor was secured by the corvee of beasts and men, to which the peasants were bound for a variable number of days. As for industrial labour, it was accomplished by artisan serfs. There was no kind of service that serfs, peasants, or liege men of the town were not obliged to render to the lord of the manor, who would not be satisfied with any special duty incumbent on one or more inhabitants of the domain under his sovereignty. The master could lead an enjoyable life, thanks to all the things provided for him, and all the services rendered; but there was not a trace of capital here, all these means of enjoyment which he could consume at pleasure being incapable of multiplying themselves. Not being content with burdening the town artisans with taxes of all kinds for their own profit, the barons and their retainers had a habit of taking things out of the shops whenever they liked. Constant pillaging went on. Tired of useless complaints, the victims formed a kind of �s Bi I mutual help society against these robberies. Whenever the men from the castle entered any shop, all the townsmen following the same trade were bound by an oath to lend their aid. Constant struggles resulted, till at last the different trade corporations of a town united for defence. Owing to this steady resistance, the towns ceased to be attacked. These energetic risings of the people, occasionally crowned with success, and the interests of the lords of the soil, led them gradually to agree to barter for sums of money all their rights and claims. This money, spent in means of enjoyment, could not by any means fructify “ in the work of production,” or become, in a word, capital; there was no possibility of- investment of this kind. The forming of trades into corporations, at first with a view to mutual protection, had led to practices, customs, and statutes, which, collected and codified, became the substance of royal ordinances, and thus pro­ duced the laws of corporations. These had their limitations, and de­ tailed directions of methods to be used, and rules to be followed; they fixed salaries, and prices, and conditions of apprenticeship ; regulated the quality of products, etc., and all this under severe penalties, which even went so far as the amputation of a hand. Every master—who was one because his father was one before him ; or because he had fulfilled the various rules laid down by the statutes in order to become one ; or, lastly, because he had bought his freedom— every master was one of a privileged class : it was in virtue of a special prerogative that he followed his trade, that he was enabled to produce. But though he was thus privileged, masters of others trades enjoyed similar privileges, whence the impossibility for a master to enlarge his production by joining another branch of industry to his own, however alike the two might be. Again, in his own particular trade he found himself confronted with masters having exactly the same prerogatives as himself; thus each master was prevented from employing more than a certain number of hands. How, then, could the result of production be made to fructify ? Supposing one master to gain more than the others, he could not use his surplus money in producing more for himself, because he could not increase the number of his hands: for the same reason, that which he could not do himself he could not do through the agency of another. It was impossible to increase a sum by investing it in any other master’s concern, simply because the same limitation of employed producers, and, consequently, of manufactured products, existed for all. So, then, production in the middle ages did not allow wealth to multiply itself in any way, to become capital. In that sphere of production, money, excellent for supplying comforts, did not increase if not con­ sumed, it was heaped up in view of future consumption, whence the custom of treasuries so frequent at that time. From this investigation it becomes sufficiently evident that that which is, according to all economists, the specific form of capital, did not appear “ in the work of production ” before the modern era. That which they all agree to be the characteristic of capital is the “ power of reproducing,” and I think I have just shown that this reproductive power is not met with in the pro­ duction of the savage state, nor in that of early communities, neither in the production of early ages by means of slavery, nor in that of the middle ages by means of serfdom ; it is, therefore, a peculiar feature of the production of to-day, contrary to the opinion, always unanimous, of �9 economists who, in their universal love of harmony, would do well to harmonise their own contradictory doctrines. The quotation given above from the “ Dictionary of Political Economy,” which sums up the general opinion oi economists, only con­ sidered capital employed (this is the exact expression) “ in the work of production : ;t in my criticism I have done the same, for studying capital in the sphere of production is the same thing as studying it in its funda­ mental form, production being the source of all wealth. Capitalist production dates from the sixteenth century. In conse­ quence of historical changes which I shall speak of presently, production, as it was carried on in the traditional small work-shop of the master of the corporation, could no longer suffice to keep pace with the growing demands of a daily expanding market, this work-shop must be enlarged; and this enlarging of the corporate work-shop is the starting point of capitalist production. As the result of circumstances which abolished the Feudal system, the system of capitalist production follows as an his­ torical sequence in the development of productive forces. That it might become established, it was indispensable to have at the outset an accumulation of wealth. To develope production it was necessary to have the means for developing it. The masters of corporations certainly might have followed the course of events, and become capitalists, only the general poverty of their means did not allow of their keeeping up at all with the requirements of the new market. But there were two forms of capital which could not be used, which appeared under the most varied economic systems, and which before the modern epoch alone represented capital, being the only forms in which, before this epoch, wealth could increase. I mean commercial capital and loan capital. Although they appear in history before the fundanhental form of capital, yet these two forms are derived forms of capital. This, at first sight, may appear strange; and, in order that it ma4 be clearly understood, I will give an example. Let us imagine a peasant family cultivating For themselves their bit of ground, gaining their livelihood by their labour. We have here neither capital nor capitalist: the means of labour for this family are only the means of using their productive activity in view of the satisfaction of their personal wants. But some useful article! they do not produce, and must therefore buy, and in some cases they need advances, and they borrow. They sell some of their products towards purchasing, and pay­ ing their debts. Their production has only one aim, that of satisfying their wants, and these are satisfied whether directly by their own produce, or indirectly by the help of part of their produce exchanged for money, which to them is simply a means of buying useful articles. So capital in its fundamental form, capital in production, does not exist here. But the merchant to whom the peasant producer went, the lender with whom he had transactions, will make the money received from him fructify, and will turn it into capital. We see then how commercial capital and loan capital may be derived from a production where the form of capital has not yet appeared. Not to leave this brief survey of the origin of capital too incomplete, I shall point out the principal phases of the evolution of its first forms from the time, when, amassed by the meads of commerce and usury, it helped the birth of capitalist production. When capital is studied historically from its first appearance, it is �IO always in the shape of money that we first see it arise ; and this pheno­ menon is equally observable to-day ; at least, it is in this shape that every new form of capital appears in the market. When it first appears on the scene at its source of production, where it is exchanged as the direct pro­ duct of labour for some other product, money represents in the hands of its possessors the price of an article sold; they must have sold to possess the money ; so there must have been circulation of merchandise. Circulation of merchandise is the starting point of capital. Certain historical conditions are necessary in order that the produce of labour may be transformed into merchandise, and that production may be carried on, not with a view to consumption or use, but to exchange. With members of primitive communities their products were not mer­ chandise, for, though they were divided amongst themsqlves, still there was no exchange. Exchange began in the relations of one community with another. Different communities found in their own particular cen­ tre different means of production and subsistence, whence the difference in their conditions of life, and in their produce ; and the intercourse established between the communities led to the exchange of their mutual products. The foreign articles acquired by exchange, at first accidentally, ended by becoming necessary ; the exchange was repeated, and the habit became a regular custom ; certain things were produced solely with a view to exchange, and things which, in dealings of the community with outsiders, had acquired the character of merchandise, kept this character in dealings of the community with one another. The number of products which were capable of exchange slowly in­ creased. To measure their respective quantities, the two forms of merchandise to be exchanged were referred to a third. The form of the standard of value, represented by this third merchandise, vanished with , the social circumstances which produced it; and thus, sometimes one commodity was used, sometimes another, until, when trade had reached a certain point, one especial species of merchandise was used, and this became money. From this time commerce grew. It was especially maritime commerce that produced accumulation of wealth in ancient times; this commerce was centred in certain towns favoured by their geographical position, to which they were indebted for monopolies which brought them wealth, and thus enabled them to increase their traffic. I will give as an example the far-famed commercial city of ancient times, Tyre, called the queen of the seas. Her shores abounded in those shells from which the best purple was prepared, and we know the estimation attached to purple by the ancients. Owing to this natural monopoly riches flowed into Tyre ; and this enabled her to multiply her maritime and commercial transac­ tions, to found prosperous colonies, and to fetch from a distance the coveted products of foreign lands, the sale of which, thus becoming also her exclusive privilege, contributed still more to her wealth. All that the masters drew from the labour of their slaves was, as we have seen, the means of consumption and enjoyment; but a good many of them, after having consumed all the profits of this labour, borrowed, to indulge their expensive tastes and extravagant habits, and so swelled the fortuues of traffickers in merchandise and gold. As a witness to this fact that the ancients borrowed with a view to consumption I may quote Plutarch : “ If people would content themselves with what was necessary, there would be no more usurers than there are centaurs.” �11 I should add that in Rome owing to peculiar circumstances the chief reason for loans was to obtain necessaries. The citizens were soldiers ; in times of war the lands of the rich continued to be cultivated by their slaves, while the poor man was obliged to leave his field untilled. The campaign over, patricians holding commissions in the army came back loaded with the spoils of the conquered, which they had bestowed upon themselves, to find their lands well cultivated, and in full bearing ; the plebeian found his piece of ground lying waste and useless ; and ruined in this way through military service, he was forced to borrow in order to live, and be able to begin cultivating over again. These debts became so heavy that insurrections followed, and struggles constantly renewed between creditors and debtors. In the early part of the middle ages, after the incursions of tribes out of Central Asia and Germany, production was very limited, the business of transporting small amounts of products was perilous owing to the difficulty of communication, aggravated by constant plunder. Each district organised itself as much as possible for the production of its own necessaries, and exchange was only carried on in a narrow circle. To effect exchanges with outsiders certain centres were chosen, whither the people repaired in numbers at fixed periods; this was the origin of fairs, sprung from the material conditions of life at that time. By degrees came intervals of peace in the life of these war-like people ; conflicts became less frequent, without ceasing altogether, and disorder no longer reigned supreme. Unoccupied in their domains during these intervals of relative calm, the cavaliers devoted themselves to all kinds of warlike games, jousts, and tournaments. Every one wished to excel in them ; luxury in armour, jewels, texture, etc., grew; wants multiplied ; town industries were developed ; with this larger pro­ duction commerce widened, and its progress reacted on production, and hastened its development. At the fall of the Roman Empire the results of the ancient order of things were found to survive most successfully in Italy. She inherited the legacy of the old civilisations; and having been longer trained in their customs, she retained their memory the longest. Her products felt the effects of this; they were better, and in consequence more in demand ; they were exported by way of the sea more safely than by the land, which was infested with pillaging armies ; thus her commerce enriched chiefly her towns in the Mediterranean, whose maritime situa­ tion was the reason that permanent fairs were held there. The begin­ nings of social revival also first appeared in these towns. Pisa, Naples, Amalfi, formed free communities when the rest of Europe was under the yoke of tyranny, and during the darkest years of the middle ages their vessels furrowed all seas, owing chiefly to the compass, which, though it had been discovered some time, was not in general use in Europe till this period. Other cities followed in their footsteps. Venice and Genoa also enriched themselves by conveying pilgrims and crusaders. While the crusaders relieved the country of a large number of robbers and highwaymen, they helped to free the cities, the communities, and the serfs by means of financial operations, the barons turning everything into money and pledging even their estates to procure the funds indis­ pensable to these distant expeditions. On the other hand they brought these rude nobles into contact with Eastern manners, and refined their taste, they brought back notions of niceness, ignored till then, and ideas �12 of costly elegance. On their return thej’’ were more than ever dependent on the Italian cities, whose ships went to fetch from Egyptian ports and from the shores of the Black Sea, spices, perfumes, gems, costly stuffs, and all the merchandise in fashion in the Levant. Money—money which their commerce rapidly increased—flowed into those cities which united industrial supremacy with their commercial and maritime power. To the enormous gains of their world-wide commerce, their chief merchants and bankers added the profits of usury, they lent to the kings of Europe ; by means of their wealth they reigned in the retirement of their counting-houses ; from one of these merchant families two sons were raised to the Papacy, Leo X. and Clement VIE, and two daughters became Queens of France, Catherine and Marie de Medicis. Among the causes of this extraordinary accumulation of capital in Italy we must mention the Papacy, which by its fraudulent trade in indulgences and dispensations, and by its Peter’s Pence procured an * enormous revenue. And what helps to support the economic materialism of Marx, and shows that the material conditions of life are the cause of the different social phenomena, is the fact that this prosperity of Italy! gave birth to the Renaissance of art, and its imperishable chefs d’auvre. In the midst of this magnificence intellectual power ripened into wonderful perfection. But this prosperity excited envy ; her riches and the enjoyments of life which they allowed, made Italy a tempting prey, upon which the Euro­ pean monarchies threw themselves in their passion for wealth. Nevertheless it was not these political events that deprived Italy of her capitalist supremacy, however important may have been their con­ sequences. The taking of Constantinople by the Turks, in 1453, dealt a terrible blow to the dominion of Venice, at that time the first commercial city of Italy, and indeed of the world. Italy retired from the Bosphorus to the Adriatic, and her downfall, which was signified by this retreat, was to be completed by the two great discoveries at the end of the 15th century. By doubling the Cape of Gtood Hope in 1497 Vasco di Gama opened a new way to commerce; and in 1492 and 1498 Christopher Columbus gave it a new world; but Italy found herself thenceforth out of the run of fortune. The centre of activity was changed, and passed from the towns on the Mediterranean to the towns of the Atlantic. The new openings in the East and in America, the forming of colonies and the increase of merchandise gave considerable scope to commerce and navigation. Fresh opportunities of exchange were the result, which led on the one hand to the depreciation of the land revenues of the nobles, andon the other increased the wealth of the bourgeoisie ; the commercial and industrial class, the bourgeois element, became more and more developed, at the expense of the old Feudal system which it replaced. The nobles on their side hurried on this work of dissolution. They had * “Peter’s Pence ” was a tax levied on all families possessed of thirty pence yearly rent in land, out of which they paid one penny, and was so called because paid on the feast of St. Peter. It was claimed by the Popes as a tribute from England, and regu­ larly collected till suppressed by Henry VIII. It had been originally presented for the endowment of an English College in Rome. f But compare page 17 of the “ Summary of the Principles of Socialism,” by H. M. Hyndman and William Morris.—Ed. �*3 begun to pledge their estates at the time of the crusades, and their un­ bridled love of luxury, fine horses, splendid armour, sumptuous houses, brilliant fetes, and amusements of all kinds, led them to continue this sys­ tem, and they cared less and less to liberate their pledged property ; while usury was carried on at their expense by Jews and Lombards, under the form of pawnbroking and mortgaging. In short from the 14th century they gradually alienated their estates, and at length the extensive im­ portation of precious metals from America depreciated still more landed fortunes, and contributed to the ruin of the feudal debtor, whose political power declined as the economic basis which had supported it became •feebler, for it was based upon landed property, involving personal rela­ tions of domination and dependence. We must not forget that the use of gunpowder and firearms had dealt a serious blow to the feudal system by taking away its social function. Supported by his serfs and liege men, the noble fought to defend them against the extortions of strangers ; with the invention of artillery the cavaliers cased in iron ceased to be a necessary rampart; the art of war changed, and consequently the corporation of the nobility lost its useful­ ness, and its ancient power was undermined. All discoveries, all changes, which involved expansion of the market and lessening the costs of transport, immeasurably accelerated produc­ tion. Production must be increased to keep pace with growing wants, and from this increase, occasioned by the creation of the market of the two worlds in the 16th century, dates the history of capitalist production, of which only the first faint beginnings had been traced in some of the Italian towns. But that production might increase, pecuniary means were necessary ; and the feudal constitution of the country, and the corporate regime of the towns were opposed to the transformation of capital in money form, amassed by the twofold practice of commerce and usury, into industrial capital. These barriers, becoming less solid with the relaxation of feudal ties, caused by the phenomena shortly stated above, yielded in many points to the force of necessity. Kings multiplied pretexts, not altogether disinterestedly J for the creation of masters in the corporations; they granted privileges to individuals for the purchase and sale of certain products; they suppressed various charges which burdened commerce, etc., and thus surmounted the obstacles which the organisation of craft-guilds held out to the extension of production. It was in this way that commercial capital and capital by usury were developed, and in this way they prepared the way for the capitalist era, properly speaking. To wind up my sketch of the evo­ lution of these two forms of capital, I must add a few words. Commercial and maritime supremacy passed at first from Italy to Portugal, to whom the way to India, discovered by Vasco di Gama, promised splendid possessions in Africa, and still more in Asia. Portu­ gal overflowed with riches, but it was quickly supplanted by Spain, to whom Christopher Columbus had given America; in 1580, Portugal became a province of Spain. In revolt against Philip II, who had crowned himself king of Portugal, the Dutch established themselves with complete success upon the ruins of the power of the Portuguese and Spaniards. These had founded their dominion upon conquest: Holland was the first nation which developed industrial capital simultaneously with commerce and navigation, and she became the most opulent power of the world. �14 When William III, Prince of Orange, was raised to the throne of England in 1689, the Dutch nation with its capital and its men turned towards this last country, and economic supremacy passed with them to England who has since retained it. The United States of America imagine they will subordinate her to the office to which she has subordinated Holland, of being simply the distributor of American products; whether they will succeed or not the future will show. We have now examined the growth of capital in its fundamental form, and the growth of bourgeois industrialism, which necessarily arose in the historical evolution, in order to develope the means of production, and adapt them to the supply of a larger market: for the small work-shop of the master of the corporation had to be enlarged, and at first the difference was merely in quantity. We have seen whence came the funds indis­ pensable to this enlargement, but other conditions were necessary, before the larger work-shops could be used : for besides the means of labour, labourers must be forthcoming. I shall examine in my next sketch, the historical movement which changed the immediate producers into the proletariat, I shall then touch on the different phases of capitalist pro­ duction, co-operation, social machinery, and associated labour; and I shall thus arrive at the present time, where the forces of production are tending to destroy the economic conditions which produced them. Once more, after studying the creation of the class destined to carry into effect the means of operation of which I have traced the origin, I shall take our method of production from the point where I leave it to­ day, at its birth. I shall trace it in its evolution, prove that it is approaching its dissolution, and show, by means of the very symptoms which foretells its end, that its dissolution will evolve the constitutive elements of a superior social organisation, where the means of produc­ tion, being socialised, will no longer be clothed in this form of capital, which they began to assume#nearly 400 years ago. The continual change in the development of productive forces necessarily brings with it modifications in the relations of production, that is to say, in the manner of living; and the social relations depend­ ing upon this must, evidently, be transformed that they may be adapted to the changes in the relations of production : they are, consequently, bound to change at the same time as the change in the productive forces. Socialisation of the means of production, collective appropriation, which is the basis of our theory, presents itself therefore, not as the original conception of brains impassioned for justice, but as the scientific definition of the end towards which economic phenomena are taking us whether we will or no. x\s long as the state of the powers of production was such that the material conditions demanded by the new society had not yet appeared, those whose dream has been to remedy the misery of the lower classes have been reduced to extemporising systems, and have fallen into utopianism ; but the producing forces of to-day have attained a develop­ ment which substitutes for the generous but unscientific speculations 01 the mind, the study of the changes in progress and the relations which depend upon them. Collective superintendence of production and ex­ change, formerly the ideal of certain brains, an institution with no foundation, is at present an historical necessity, material facts tending inevitably towards its realisation. Between the social conditions reserved for us by its realisation, and �i5 the actual conditions of to-day, there stands nothing but the denseness of bourgeois stupidity; the obstacle is enormous I admit, but it is not insurmountable. Were the bourgeois class aware of their true interests, they would facilitate a transformation, by retarding which they are ruining their own supports, and exhausting, as Marx has it, the two sources from which all wealth springs, the soil and the labourer. Ifi this the bourgeois class resemble the animal mentioned by our great prose writer, Gustave Flaubert, in his “Temptation of St. Anthony,” which was so supremely stupid, that it devoured its own paws without being aware of it. I • I'm .beeoqx5 srfT 9 ' .T /flI rl .A ansoNl I .'•I /fl adj ni ifi W easlO •up >1 ,di'n 1 bi » 4 taeoTgTO-.) >iiW �Socialism and Soldiering ; with some comments on the Army Enlistment Fraud. By George Bateman (Late 23rd Regi­ ment), with Portrait. With an introduction by H. H. Champion (Late Royal Artillery). Price One Penny. The Working Man’s Programme (Arbeiter Pro- gramm). By Ferdinand Lassalle. Translated from the German by Edward Peters. Crown 8-vo., paper cover, price 6d. The Robbery of the Poor. By W. H. P. Campbell. Demy 8-vo., paper cover, price 6d. The Appeal to the Young. By Prince Peter Kropotkin. Translated from the French by H. M. Hyndman and reprinted from Justice. Royal 8-vo., 16-pp. Price one penny. The most eloquent and noble appeal to the generous emotions ever penned by a scientific man. Its author has just suffered five years’ imprisonment at rhe hands of the French Republic for advocating the cause of the workers Wage-Labour and Capital. From the German of Karl Marx translated by J. L. Joynes and reprinted from Justice. New and cheaper edition, Royal 8-vo., price id. By Edward Carpenter—Social Progress and Indi­ The Man with the Red Flag I Being John Burns’ vidual Effort; Desirable Mansions; and Co-operative Production. One penny each. Speech at the Old Bailey, when tried for Seditious Conspiracy, on April 9th, 1886. (From the Verbatim Notes of the official short­ hand reporter.) With Portrait. Price threepence. The Socialist Catechism. with additions from Justice. By J. L. Joynes. Reprinted Demy 8-vo., price id. 20th thousand. Socialism and Slavery. By H. M. Hyndman. (In reply to Mr. Herbert Spencer’s article on “ The Coming Slavery.”) New Edition, with portrait. 16 pp. Royal 8-vo., price one penny. The Fmigration Fraud Exposed. By What an Eight Hours Bill Means. By T. Mann H. M. Hyndman. With a Portrait of the Author. Reprinted by per­ mission from the Nineteenth Century for February, 1885. Crown 8-vo., price one penny. (Amalgamated Engineers). New edition with portrait. Thousand. Price one penny. Socialism and the Worker. Price id. By F. A. Sixth Sorge. An explanation in the simplest language of tne main idea of Socialism. The Chicago Riots and the Class War in the United States. By H. M. Hyndman. Reprinted from Time, June, 1886. Price one penny. International Trade Union Congress, held at August, 1886. Report by Adolphe Smith. Price Three-Halfpence. Paris, 24-pp., Royal 8-vo. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Victorian Blogging Description An account of the resource A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library &amp; Archives. 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Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Pamphlet Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The genesis of capital Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Deville, Gabriel [Writer on Political Economy.] Description An account of the resource Place of publication: London Collation: 15, [1] p. ; 23 cm. Notes: Publisher's list on unnumbered page at the end. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Modern Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1887 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context G4971 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource J., B (tr) Subject The topic of the resource Capitalism Socialism Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (The genesis of capital), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Capitalism Socialism