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NATIONAL SECULAR SOCIETY
<(rota as a (Ota;
THE PART HE SHOULD TAKE,
ANB
THE PRINCIPLES WHICH SHOULD GUIDE HIM,
IN RELATION TO
POLITICS & SOCIAL LIFE.
BY THE
REV. W. H. BONNER,
OF LONDON,
ONE OF THE VICE-PBESIDENTS OF THE NATIONAL BEFOBM LEAGUE.
PRINTED BY BEQUEST.
“He hath showed thee, 0 man, what is good; and what doth Jehovah
require of thee, but to do justly, and to humble thyself to walk with thy God.”
Micah vii, 8 margin.
“ Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do
ye even so to them: for this is the law and the prophets.”
Matthew vii, 12.
“Shine ye as lights in the wobld I”
Philippians ii, 15 margin.
LONDON:
ELLIOT STOCK, 62, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C.
PLYMOUTH :
T. DOIDGE, UNION STREET ; COVE BROTHERS, TAVISTOCK STREET.
DEVONPORT : W. HUSBAND, FORE STREET.
��PREFACE.
The discourse now in the hands of the reader has been delivered as
a lecture in several places, and its publication has in many instances,,
and in the most urgent and flattering manner been requested. To
the kindness, however, of friends in Plymouth, especially of Mr..
Aiderman E. R. Brown, the author is indebted for its present issue..
Upon its delivery to a large meeting of the Plymouth Branch of the
Reform League in the Congregational Hall on Friday, March 22nd,.
the author was requested by a unanimous and an enthusiastic vote to
repeat it to a more numerous assembly. This request was complied
with on the following Thursday, March 28th, in the Mechanics^
Institute, when a large audience which included many of the promi
nent members of the various Christian churches in the town, listened.,
to it with marked attention. In connection with a vote of thanks to
the lecturer, a committee was appointed to superintend the printing
of it at the expense of subscribers for the purpose. As the result of
this arrangement the present edition has been passed through the
press.
Some introductory matter and occasionally a sentence,
not necessary in a tract, although in place in a lecture, have been
omitted. In the course of copying for the press it has been revised'
throughout and in a few instances, new matter has been introduced.
Substantially, however, both as to matter and spirit, it is the same as
delivered.
It may be well to observe, that the object of the author is not
to argue the divine origin of Christianity, nor the inspiration of the
scriptures. It is not his province in this little work, either directly
or indirectly, to attack those who are opposed to his most cherished
convictions on these points. His business, as indicated in the adver
tisement which announced the lecture, is to show “ the duty of
Christians in relation to politics and social life,” in order to induce them
to act out the principles which they receive as laid down by divine
authority. For this purpose he must of necessity argue the question
from a Christian stand-point. To earnest political reformers, what
ever their opinions of Christianity, it may be interesting to find that
�PREFACE
all who receive the bible as the word of God, are bound by its teach
ing to render their best help in promoting “ the rights of man ” as
laid down or involved in the programme of the Reform League. The
author, then, has been careful not to speak against anti-christians in
any respect, but to address Christians as such, in behalf of the moral
and political equality of our fellow men.
It may be necessary to add that the author alone is responsible for
the opinions herein stated and vindicated. It is true he is desirous to
promote the objects of the Great Reform League, but it is distinctly
understood, that neither the Council of that Body, nor any local
Branch thereof may be called to account for the line of argument he
follows, nor for the illustrations he employs. He represents the League
simply in respect of the end it aims to secure, and is left free to
argue the question in his own way and on his own responsibility. If
blame be incurred, he alone must bear it. This discourse, however,
is not confined to electoral reform; it embraces other matters than
those included in the prospectus of the Reform League. Should any
of the views he puts forth be unpalatable or startling to any one,
which he hopes will not be the case, he respectfully submits that no
one should be displeased by his honest exhibition of them. While he
pays due respect to the rights of others, he is entitled to state his own
belief, the result of enquiry and thought, as broadly and as clearly as
he can. He has a right to differ from his neighbor, when he does so
conscientiously, as clear as his neighbor’s right to differ from him.
He is a man in the midst of men; a Christian in the company of
Christians; a brother amongst brethren; a student in a numerous
class of students. No one wrongs another by honestly differing in
judgment; nor is any injury inflicted by a sober and consistent state
ment of the points on which they differ. The writer feels no anger
against any who approve not of what he advances, although he
regrets such disapproval, because persuaded that he is on the right
side. Let no person, then, be displeased with him, for he says nothing
but what he believes to be true and useful. “ Men are never so likely
to settle a question rightly, as when they discuss it freely” and
courteously. When opinion is founded in honest conviction and em
bodies a claim for right, its sober discussion cannot be harmful, nor
the result of such discussion doubtful. In printing, as in delivering,
the aim of the author is the advancement of truth, the benefit of
men, and the glory of “ the God of all the families of the earth.”
2, Abbey Terrace,
Platstow, London E.
Jfoy, 1867.
�THE CHRISTIAN AS A CITIZEN.
What is my duty as a professed disciple of Jesus Christ,
towards my fellow man individually, and my fellow men
collectively ? What does the Bible teach me and require of
me, if anything’, in relation to Society ? This is the ques
tion to be discussed ; and the bare statement of it, in my
opinion, bespeaks its importance. Let us calmly and care
fully consider it. I may not pretend to pursue it through
all its ramifications ; but if with some degree of lucidity I
show forth its prominent features, I shall be content.
This question concerns me as a man, a citizen, and a
minister of “ the doctrine of Christ.” “ I am a man,”—as
Terence, the Roman poet, once a slave, nobly said : “ I am
a man ; and whatever concerns humanity interests me.”
By the will of God I am a member of Society, and to what
ever tells, or may tell upon the body politic, it is my duty, as
it is the duty of every other citizen to give a proper amount
of attention. My Christianity lessens not, but heightens
and sanctifies my duty herein. I am not less a man and a
citizen because I, am a Christian, but the more. I must
“ let my light shine before men,” and throw the reflection
of Christian principle upon the doings and designs of neigh
bors and governors, that, elucidated by its beams, the
blackness of the evil may be made manifest, and the beauty
of the excellent sparkle in the eyes of those around me and
commend itself to their admiration and their love.
I sink not my manhood, nor my citizenship, in my minis
terial office. I am a teacher of Christianity, and therefore
it is not apart from my work, but a part of it, to show what
the Christian ought to be and do in this world, in order that
it may appear wherein his Christianity has “ the promise of
the life that now is.” I am in place, then, in preaching
�the word—though not in a technically sermonical form—
upon a point which involves the consistency of Christian,
professors and the welfare of society at large.
Obvious, however, as this is to me, I forget not that some
persons, and some whose character and attainments give
weight to their opinions, assert that Christians, and Christian
ministers in particular, should stand aloof from all questions of
this kind. I have heard it dogmatically insisted upon, even
by a body of pastors, that the duty of a Christian preacher
is confined to questions affecting man as a sinner and God
as a Savior ; or, in other words, to what is called “ preach
ing the gospel,” using this phrase in a technical sense, much
narrower in its range of discussion and application than the
scriptures exhibit it. The assertion, as intended by those
who make it, is fraught with absurdities. If this idea be
correct, then 1st A minister ought to preach, as some alas !
do, as if there were no such relationships as those of hus
band and wife, father and mother, brother and sister, master
and servant, king and subject, because they involve social
and political questions of the widest extent. 2ndly The
New Testament writers unpardonably exceeded their pro
vince, and were guilty of wrong in inculcating as duties
various dispositions and practices pertaining to social and
domestic life. Besides these, in the 3rd place, the guilt of
man as a sinner against God lies very much in the neglect
of his duties as a man, a neighbor, and a citizen. To vio
late the injunction, “ Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy
self,” whatever be the form of the violation, is to disregard
the command, “ Thou shalt love Jehovah thy God with all
thy heart and mind and strength.” Duties never clash.
The Gospel requires me to insist upon the duties of man
towards man as arising out of his duty towards God, and
as a part of that duty, not as being contrary thereto, nor as
dissociated therefrom. To be pleasing to God, a man’s
conduct must be socially and politically correct.
The crude assertion with which we are dealing, involves
what the assertors themselves are unprepared to admit,
either that Christianity supersedes my duties as a citizen, and
absolves me from all the claims of society; or, that the bible
is defective as the guide-book of daily life. If the Christian
�9
religion does not teach me how to act as a member of the
body politic, it is seriously at fault; if it does, it is my duty
to ascertain its teachings and to act them out. If Christians
should be inattentive to these things, it follows that those
men who are destitute of religion and those opposed to
its sanctions and claims, its principles and precepts, should
have the exclusive, the uncontrolled, and the unquestioned
management of our parochial, civic, and national affairs.
This conclusion carried out, would be followed by the saddest
results ; and Christians would have reason to bewail the
consequences first and most. If on the contrary, such
duties are either directly or indirectly marked out in the
sacred volume, then it is obviously the province of preachers
to be familiar with them, to expound and enforce them, and
personally to put them into practice. Otherwise we must
hold that God has required duties in His word, which are
unfit to be mentioned in the preaching of that word, and
upon which His gospel has no bearing.
It is contended that attention to such matters bewilders
the mind, and deadens the heart to superior things. This
is true of an immoderate attention to them, and in such
case only. In the same case, it is equally true of lawful
business and the pure relationships of life. Dr. Watts,
referring to intemperance of the affections, says :
“ Our dearest joys and nearest friends,
The partners of our blood,
How they divide our wavering mind,
And leave but half for God 1 ”
But how the Doctor would be astonished were this to be
adduced as an argument against the having of partners and
the love of kindred on the part of Christians and Christian
ministers ! To assert that a becoming heed to politics will
produce this effect, is to libel Christianity as inconsistent
with philanthropy and public justice, or as incompetent to
aid us in promoting the welfare of our country and our
kind.
As a notable instance of arguing against the use of a
thing from its abuse, and as a plain statement of the objec
tion we are meeting, I will read you a brief article from the
“ Remains of the late Dr. Nevins, of Baltimore, U.S.,”
edited by Rev. Dr. Winslow, of Clifton. (Page 278.)
�10
“ POLITICS AND RELIGION.”
“ There are scarcely any two things which coalesce with
so much difficulty as politics and religion. The man that
assiduously applies himself to the one, generally does it at
the sacrifice of the other. Meddle as little as possible with
politics, if you mean to have anything to do with religion.
Exercise your right of suffrage in behalf of the best men
that are presented for office, and if your fellow citizens select
you to serve them, serve them. This is the Christian’s
duty. But let him stop at this, and not covet office, or
court popularity. ‘ How can they believe who receive honor
one of another, and seek not the honor that cometh from
God only ? ’ The politician may sometimes ask with Pilate :
‘ What is truth ? —but like that unhappy victim of the
love of place and popularity, he will rarely wait for an an
swer, or repeat the question, but go out to parley with the
people and hear what they have to say.”
So far Dr. Nevins. What a strange confounding there is
in this, of a discreet with an excessive attention to politics I
Even theology is sometimes studied sinfully, because pur
sued to the neglect of health, resources, and family claims.
It is not unfrequent that decency is sacrificed in waiting
upon religious services, because in order to attend them,
household duties and the demands of business are not pro
perly observed. So the practice of singing, of instrumental
music, of painting, or of any other art, or the study of any
of the sciences may become a snare, and in such case be
inconsistent with religion. In like manner the study and
discussion of politics, if made the main employment of
thought and time, must disagree with piety. But the evil
is in the excess. “ If you mean to have anything to do
with religion, meddle as little as possible with politics ! ”
This utterance is twice a slander: it scandalizes the religion
of God and the duty of men. What ! “ Politics,” as some
one has correctly said, “ are the morals of a nation,” and
yet religion is unconcerned therein, and even nulified there
by ! Surely, never ! unless, indeed, it were that ungodly
religion so popular when Dr. Nevins thus wrote, in the
United States, and in Baltimore especially, which rivetted
accursed fetters upon the bodies and souls of four millions
of our fellow creatures ! “ The man who assiduously ap
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plies himself to the one, generally does so at the sacrifice of
the other ! ” Then alas for both of them ! But is this
true ? A sound and earnest politician, because he is so,
generally speaking, is but half a Christian, or no Christian
at all ? In other words, a sincere and lively Christian can
not continue to be such, but must sacrifice his religion, if e
seeks with any degree of zeal to promote the .g’°°d„ order
and prosperity of society ?
Yes, a “ sacrifice .^s
is ; but not religion sacrificed, it is a religious sacrifice,
“ an odour of a sweet smell, a sacrifice acceptable,
well-pleasing unto God.” The assertion as made by Dr.
Nevins—that usually an assiduous attention to great public
questions, on the part of a Christian, involves the surrender,
or renouncing of religion—is monstrous ! Judging’ by the
practice of this American Divine and that of his popular
brethren generally, one may hold fellowship with the. man
stealer and the slavedriver, without damage to our religion ;
but according to his teaching, one sacrifices religion if one
keeps the ritualism which God has chosen and is active in
the use of means “ to loose the bands of wickedness, to
undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free,
and break every yoke.” (Isa. lviii, 6.) This time-serving
Doctor of Divinity, too faithful a prototype of some others
in our own country, with marvellous inconsistency teaches
his disciple that it “ is the Christian’s duty ” to “ sacrifice
a brother Christian for his country’s weal by voting him
into a political office ! Did Clarkson, or Wilberforce, or
Dowell Buxton, or George Washington, or Joseph John
Gurney, or Thomas Spencer of Hinton Charterhouse, or
Benjamin Parsons of Ebley, or William Knibb, or Charles
Hindley, or Joseph Sturge, or John Burnett of Camberwell,
not to mention hosts besides of departed Christian worthies,
sacrifice religion by their “assiduous” application to politics ?
Who will venture to affirm that in the present British Par
lament, or American Congress, or in our National Reform
League, or in the National Reform Union, there are no
assiduous politicians who are also vigorous Christians ?
Who will deny that they are better politicians because of
their piety ? Who will impugn the godliness of the devout
Earl Roden, the active Earl Shaftesbury, the meek Lord
Teynham, the profound Edward Miall, the intrepid John
�12
Bright, the bountiful Sir Morton Beto, the unwavering Dr.
Thomas Price, the logical John Howard Hinton, the un
daunted Charles Stovel, the indomitable Henry Eichard, the
firm and cool-headed Edmond Beales, and many besides, both
known and unknown to fame, who take a lively interest in all
questions of political economy ? The union or separation of
church and state, prison-discipline, war and peace, slavery
and freedom, monopoly and free-trade, taxes on knowledge,
sanitary reform, colonial legislation, steam navigation, ocean
penny postage, railway communication, international treaties,
electoral reform, financial reform, and questions like these,
which affect the peace and happiness of mankind, may surely
be studied to advantage in the sunlight of gospel truth, and
in connection with hourly prayer. I see no more incompati
bility between religion and these matters than there is be
tween religion and parochial affairs, religion and housekeep
ing, or religion and shoemaking. The need of religion to
direct rightly in such matters, I deem to be obvious and
absolute. Spirituality of mind is not in any degree akin to
monkery, which would lead one into a hermitage or priory ;
it is not sanctimoniousness, fanaticism, etherialism, or vision
dealing ; for then of all that is valuable it would be a
mockery. Spirituality of mind attends to the duties of life,
including the claims of society, in the spirit of Jesus Christ,
and after his example and teaching. This is soberly and
always zealous for truth, righteousness, “ peace on earth,
good-will to man, and glory in the highest unto God,”
There are parties who attempt to deter, and to damage
whom they cannot deter, by the bugbear cry, “ A political
professor,” or, “ a political parson ! ” This subterfuge is
the offspring either of excuseless ignorance, or of loathsome
wickedness. A bad cause in its lack of argument, is used to
resort to some ad captandum outcry, some clap-trap cant,
which it is thought—and often too truly—will work upon the
ignorant, the unthinking, and the prejudiced. “ The church
is in danger ! ” “ No popery ! ” “ Political dissenters ! ”
“ Political parsons ! ” and “ Beware of infidels ! ” are some
of these political and fanatical scarecrows, When it is
wrong for a believer in Jesus to be a good husband, a good
parent, a good neighbor, a good citizen, and a good subject,
then it will be wrong in him to be familiar with and to avow
�13
>
the principles which God has laid down in order to make him
so. There is no more impropriety in a man, even a minister,
being a Christian politician, than there is in such an one
being a Christian prince, a Christian scholar, a Christian
philosopher, a Christian tradesman, a Christian mechanic, or a
Christian plowman. There are Christian politics as well as
unchristian and anti-christian politics, and Christians should
know the difference between them. Christianity commands
attention, practical attention to “whatsoever things are true,
whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just,
whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely,
whatsoever things are of good report,” to everything virtuous,
and to everything praiseworthy. (Phil. iv. 8, 9.) If this
requirement includes not such questions as affect the freedom
or fetters, the plenty or poverty, the health or sickness of
our own kind and our own kindred, then I can only say that
the inspired volume employs language in a loose and decep
tive manner. Of those politics only which accord with
Christianity, as expressed or implied in this and similar in
junctions, can Christians consistently approve ; and all such
politics they should invariably advocate and labor to carry
into effect. Give a country the things that are true, honest,
just, pure, lovely, and of good report, and the well-being of
that nation is complete. Everything which is not virtuous
and not praise-worthy ought to meet with the resolute and
untiring opposition of every Christian, even though he thereby
incur the stigma that selfish and designing men attach to the
charge of being political. Solomon says: (Prov. xxix, 17.)
“ The righteous considereth the cause of the poor.” Be it
observed that it is not only the case, or condition of the poor,
which engages the attention of the upright man; but their
“ cause ” also, their wrongs and injury, their rights and
interests, whatever occasions their poverty and suffering, and
the means whether legislative or pecuniary, whereby their
poverty may be removed. “ The righteous considereth,”
practically cares for “the cause of the poor; but the wicked
regardeth not to know it,” does not trouble himself about it.
According to this, it is the duty and the practice of every
good man, a part and proof of his uprightness, to interest
himself in whatever oppresses, depresses, or benefits the poor,
whether of a national, parochial, commercial, or domestic
�character; and it is a piece and proof of wickedness to be
indifferent to the same.
The talented, candid, and liberal Archbishop Whately
says : “ It is a Christian duty to do good to our fellow crea
tures ; and if so, it must be also a duty to study to the best
of our ability to understand in what their good consists, and
how it is to be promoted. To represent therefore any branch
of such study as inconsistent with Christianity, is to make
Christianity inconsistent with itself.” Dr. Adam Clark, in
his comment on Matt, xiv, 15, says ; “ The disciples of
Christ are solicitous for the people’s temporal as well as
spiritual welfare; and he is not worthy to be called a minis
ter of Christ, who does not endeavor to promote both to the
uttermost of his power.” John Angell James, in his Pastoral
Addresses says : “ A professor of religion has duties to dis
charge as a citizen as well as a Christian, since he is a member
of society at large, as well as of the church; and it is a
misguided sanctity, a spirit of fanaticism alone that attempts
to dissuade him from discharging the obligation he owes to
the community. But then, he should act as a Christian, at
the very time he is acting as a citizen. Instead of making
his religion political, he should make his politics religious.
* * * * * * Religion should induce a man to carry
his conscience with him, as a guide and protector, into all
the scenes and circumstances in which he is required to act
for his country ; and he should ever give his voice or his
vote, as he would do if he knew he was to be called to ac
count for the act the next moment at the bar of God.”
This reminds me of the command of the Lord Jesus :
(Matt, xxii, 21,) “ Render unto Csesar the things that are
Csesar’s, and unto God the things which are God’s.” I am
reminded also of the paraphrase of this command by the
Apostle Paul: (Rom, xiii. 7,) “ Render to all their dues
what they may justly demand; “ tribute to whom tribute is
due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to
whom honor.” In obedience to this “ law of Christ,” I must
ascertain what is due to Csesar, and what is due to God, and
must examine in the light of scripture, every proposal and
demand made by governments of every degree, in order to
know whether they harmonize, and guide my course accor
dingly. In other words, I must be a politician in order to be
>
�a consistent Christian ; for if Caesar claim “ the things that
are God’s” I must not comply therewith; and I must under
stand when he does not, that, within this limit, I may “ be
subject to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake.” In
further vindication of this duty, we might cite largely the
recorded utterances and deeds of the “ perfect and upright ”
patriarch of Uz ; of “ Moses the man of God ; ” of “ the
sweet singer of Israel; ” of “ the preacher, the son of David,
king of Jerusalem,” and wisest of men; and also of the
several prophets, who by divine authority denounced or en
couraged as the politics of the nations in their times were
just or unjust. Omitting these, we turn to the great apostle
of the Gentiles for a precedent and a precept in our favor.
For his example, we refer to Acts xxiii, 1, where we are in
formed that, standing before the Jewish Sanhedrim under a
false accusation, he earnestly gazed upon the august Council
and said: ‘•'Men, brethren, I have lived in all good conscience
before God unto this day.” The phrase “ I have lived ” is
(pepoliteumai) literally: “ I have performed my part as a
citizen; ” I have discharged my civil and political duties,
and claimed my rights as a “free-born” subject “in all good
conscience,” so that as a member of society I “ know no
guilt, grow pale for no offence.” His injunction is given in
his epistle to the Philippians (i, 27) : “ Only let your con
versation be as becometh the gospel of Christ; ” or, as it
may be rendered: “Only act the citizen,” (politeusthe) or
citizenize as becometh the gospel Christ.” In other words:
“ Be Christian politicians ”—take your share in the require
ments and responsibilities of society, “ as becometh saints.”
Carry out your Christian principles in all your sayings and
doings as members of the community. Sanctify your politics
by the righteousness of your aims and the purity of your
motives. Desire nothing, design nothing, do nothing, say
nothing as citizens, but what you may as Christians; and
neglect not to attend in that capacity to everything to which
your Christian principles are not opposed. In all matters
political, as in all other matters, be just, prudent, disin
terested, and philanthropic.
“ So will you best proclaim abroad
The honors of your Savior, God,”
It is argued that the forms of government in the days of
�16
the apostles, in the countries where Christian churches were
planted, were different from ours, and that neither the
.apostles, nor the converts interfered therewith. This objec
tion may seem worthy of an extended reply ; but we think
we can dispose of it with brevity. First. The difference
referred to is in favour both of our comfort and of our
argument. The form of government in this country being
popular and representative,—for even the crown and peers
are dependent upon the people—we are justly expected to
take our part, and so by favor of divine providence we have
opportunity to show that Christians can be good citizens
and the best politicians. Therefore, assuming the correct
ness of the objection, it is in my aid; for in carrying out
the principles of our national organization, Christians fail
of their duty if they fufil not their part as citizens. But,
secondly, we demur to the assertion, unsupported as it is by
proof, that Christians in apostolic times took no part in
political matters. It is true that the particular proceedings
of the primitive Christians in reference to local or passing
politics, are not stated ; but the silence does not prove in
action or indifference. Not a word is said about their par
ticular conduct in their own homes or in trade ; but we may
not thence infer that they did not eat, drink, treat their
children, buy, sell, and move amongst their neighbours much
as we do now. Silence is no proof in opposition to such
teaching on the part of Christ and His apostles as we have
already adduced. Be it not forgotten, there were amongst
them converts of high rank, wealth, and influence. There
was, for example, “ a man of Ethiopia, an eunuch,” or
groom of the chamber, “ of great authority under Candace,
queen of the Ethiopians, who had the charge of all her
treasure,” being, I presume, equal to the Premier of our
own beloved Queen, “ First Lord of the Treasury.” There
were likewise “ those of Ceesar’s household,” who held office
in “ Caesar’s Court.” These and others are referred to by
Paul, as the “ not many wise men after the flesh, not many
mighty, not many noble are called,” yet some such were con
verted to display the power and riches of that grace which is
“no respecter of persons.” It is highly improbable, to say the
least, that agreeably with their new character, these persons,
especially such as filled political offices, neglected to employ
�17
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their influence prudently, to hinder or modifythe wrong, and
to advance the right. To suppose them guilty of such ne
glect, is to write them down unworthy of the Christian name.
Then, let me ask, why did so many suffer imprisonment,
cruel mockings, scourgings, expulsion from home and coun
try, or even ignominious death in horrid forms ? To say the
least, they offered passive resistance to unjust politics, and
this is invariably found to be effective resistance. Beyond
doubt, however, in. accordance with the principles laid down
in the various parts of scripture which have been, or which
may be quoted, their direct, verbal testimony and practical
protest were faithfully given in favor of the 11 true, honest,
and just ” on the part of governments. Again : supposing
they were silent and abstained from all political action, it is
sufficient to say in answer to the inference deduced therefrom,
that the apostles planted a seedling, which immediately
struck root, and from that time grew until it expanded into a
great tree, even “ the tree of life,” whose very “ leaves are
for the healing of the nations.” In other words, involved in
the gospel, which is “ to heal diseases of the mind,” there
are principles—secondary matters, some would call them—
whose development has already produced, and must neces
sarily yet produce, mighty changes social and political, of
the happiest kind. This influence, which is distinct from
conversion to Christ and the inner life of godliness, we see
and realize in the diffusion of knowledge and the general
liberties of Europe ; the destruction of hoary and cunningly
ramified systems of idolatry; the decline of despotism ; the
extension of commerce and art throughout the world ; and
especially in the freedom, refinements, and popular power of
our own United Kingdom, of our national children, the colo
nies, and of our sturdy, self-willed, and touchy son Jonathan.
These improvements are unquestionably attributable to the
development of Christian truth, and can justly be ascribed to
no other cause. In confirmation of this, let us recollect the
evils which have been redressed, and the good done by christian activity in politics. The breaking up of the rotten
Borough system, the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts,
the destruction of the African slave trade, Catholic Emanci
pation, the liberation of eight hundred thousands of our
enslaved brothers in the West Indies, the opening of a free
course for Missionary exertions, the abolition of the Corn
�18
Laws and the commencement of Free Trade, the annihilation
of the East India Company and their gigantic system of
oppression, the establishment of the penny postage, and
many other measures, fraught with benefits to our country
and to the world, were greatly advanced by the zeal of
Christians, and I hesitate not to affirm, are entirely the results
of Christian teaching.
As to apostolic silence, it should be remembered that
nothing is said in the New Testament in ‘direct denunciation
of despotism, such as was then undermining the Roman em
pire ; of the soldierism or war-system, then closely inter
woven with idolatry; of polygamy, the fruitful parent of
wide-spread misery ; or of slavery, although generally prac
tised and intrinsically unjust and cruel. It was their mission
to “ save men’s lives,” and not recklessly to expose them to
wholesale butchery. But they taught such tenets and en
forced such practices, as inevitably sapped these and kindred
abominations from the roots upwards. Hence I am persuaded
that the outcry against Christians taking part in political
movements, is to be traced to the teachings of self-seeking
abettors of class legislation and tyranny. Men in the wrong
are ever afraid of the right, and therefore are opposed to the
activities of unfettered and purified minds. It is plain, then,
from all that has been advanced, that the question : “ Can
Christians consistently take part in politics ? ” should rather
be : “ Can Christians consistently neglect them ? ”
Before proceeding to the second branch of my subject, it
appears requisite to notice an objection too frequently urged,
that Christians may not be concerned in political agitation
because men of heterodox creed and infidels are prominently
engaged therein. I must say that I never hear this objection
without surprise. In my view it would be as becoming to
refuse to live in England because drunkards are found there
in, or to object to go to a public market because unbelievers
resort to it. Christians may not, of course, give countenance
to infidel notions or practices ; but it should not be forgotten
that infidels are not answerable to us for their opinions any
more than we are to them for ours, and also that they are
subjects of the government and payers of taxes equally with
ourselves, and entitled to the same rights as members of the
community that we are. Be it remembered too, that so far
as such men are zealous in opposing tyranny and seeking
�19
public rights, they are performing a duty to which every
Christian ought to attend. Even were there motives ques
tionable, their action in aiding a -moral agitation is commend
able ; and it were a pity if in this or in any other respect,
their conduct should be more accordant with Christian prin
ciple than that of Christians themselves. I would avail
myself thankfully of the aid of infidels and men of every
rank, color, and creed, in laboring for the removal of political
grievances and the promotion of parliamentary reform, just
as I should be glad of their help in extinguishing a burning
building, staying a plague, freeing a slave, or feeding the
hungry. To be consistent, those who urge this objection
ought to retire into a sectarian “ settlement,” or “ go out of
the world.” Christians and Christian ministers have not
scrupled to unite with men of every creed, infidels included,
in favor of Free Trade, and of the abolition of slavery, and
of other reforms also, all equally political, and involving
moral issues not more real or important than those the Re
form League would promote. Assuredly then, they may
with equal propriety, and for the sake of consistency they
should lend the weight of their influence, and give the bene
fit of their wealth and personal activity to a cause so sound
in its principle, and so important in its bearing upon the
interests of every class at home and abroad, both now and
throughout successive generations.
Having established the duty of Christians to be prudently
active in civil and social matters, I now invite attention to
the principles which the scriptures supply for their guidance
in discharging it. I am not to show what are the politics of
the bible, but what are the political principles it enunciates.
Politics, as I understand, are measures required, or supposed
to be required by existing circumstances, or expected events,
and therefore are continually changeable. Political princi
ples are tenets, or laws, according to which national affairs
should be conducted, or with the spirit of which the measures
of government, or public bodies should be embued. These
therefore are immutable. Political principles prescribe and
regulate politics. The politics set forth or alluded to in the
bible are happily abolished, or denounced, as opposed to
Christian principles, for I need scarcely remind you, these
were the economics of the Jews, Syrians, Persians, Greeks,
and other nations, all strangers to “ the true light which now
�20
shineth ’’ upon us. Proceed we, then, to ascertain what are
the principles laid down in holy writ, which should rule our
proceedings in social and national matters.
First.
The scriptures teach the
common origin and the
The Great Being out of
nothing, “ by the word of His power ” framed and fashioned
the universe, called forth the angelic hosts, the lights of the
firmament, the multitudes of the waters, the myriads of
beasts and reptiles, the teeming tribes of wing and song, and
all the varieties of the vegetable and mineral kingdoms;
and He also ordained the laws by which they are distributed,
harmonized, and made co-operative. This same Being
“ created man upon the earth,” and “ fixed the bounds ” of
human habitation. He controls the varied events and inci
dents of their several situations and histories. In His infi
nite wisdom, this almighty Parent of the race “ hath made of
one blood all the nations of men, for to dwell on all the face
of the earth.” (Acts xvii, 26.) Every man therefore is of
“ the blood royal,” being descended from “ the King of
Kings.” In His sight the entire race stand naturally,
socially, and morally upon a perfect equality. “ Have we
not all one Father ? hath not one God created us ? ” (Mala,
ii, 10.) “Did not He that made me in the womb, make
him”—my .manservant, my neighbor, though of a different
color of skin, located in a different clime, or placed in a
poorer condition ?—“ and did not one fashion us in the
womb ”—and assign to us those diversities of form and fea
ture, height and hue, which distinguish man from man, and
tribe from tribe ? (Job xxxi, 15.) Such are the language
and teaching of holy writ. It follows therefore, that naturally
one man is not more nor better than another; one is not
greater nor less. What you are, I am ; as I am so are ye.
Physical differences, mental diversities, official distinctions,
and pecuniary inequalities ever have existed, and I suppose
ever must exist in this world. But every man everywhere,
of every color, character, and condition, of every clime and
time, is equally a man—one of God’s offspring and care. A
monarch is not more a man for the sceptre he sways, than is
the laborer who wields the flail. It is not the fault of the
peasant that he was not born a prince ; it is not the praise
of the noble, that he is not a plebeian. These dissimilarities
are not matters of accident, but of design ; and they neither
essential equality of mankind.
�21
add. to the properties of manhood, nor detract therefrom.
God has appointed the lowliness of one and the loftiness . of
another, and both for the advantage of each. Both arise
out of our equality, and are necessary to its development.
The dependence of money npon labor, is equal to the depen
dence of labor upon money; and the indebtedness of mental
ability in one to physical strength in another, is as
great as that of bodily power to inventive genius. Plow
men are equal to physicians in value to the community ;
penmen are equal to printers-; and chimney sweepers are
equal to merchants.
“ The workshop must be crowded,
That the palace may be bright;
If the plowman did not plow,
The poet could not write,
Then let every toil be hallow’d,
That man performs for man,
And have its share of honor,
As part of one great plan.”
Accordingly, God “is no respecter of persons.” (Acts x, 34.)
“ He accepteth not the persons of princes ”—more than of
plowmen—“ nor regardeth the rich more than the poor ;
for they are all the work of His hands.” (Job xxxiv, 19.)
“ The rich and the poor ” of every land, “ meet together ”
on an equality as men, “ and Jehovah is the maker of them
all.” (Prov. xxii, 2.)
Secondly. The scriptures teach the brotherhood and
SOCIAL DEPENDENCY OF THE HUMAN RACE.
To show that in
respect of property and interest men are identified and
linked together, as well as to teach their consanguinity—
their oneness of origin and nature, and their consequent
duty to maintain a loving and peaceful intercourse, nations
are styled in the bible, “ the families of the earth,” and the
“ kindreds of the earth.”
“ God, ever working on a social plan,
By various ties attaches man to man:
He made at first, though free and unconfined,
One man the common parent of the kind,
That every tribe, though placed as He sees best,
Where seas or deserts part them from the rest,
Differing in language, manners, or in face,
May feel themselves allied to all the race."
(Cowper.)
“ God said unto ” the whole race in the persons of
first pair, “be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish
earth, and subdue it,”—not subdue one another, but
earth, “ and have dominion ”—not nation over nation,
the
the
the
nor
�22
tribe over tribe, nor white over black, but “ over the fish of
the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living
thing that creepeth upon the earth. And God said, behold
I have given you every herb bearing seed, which is upon
the face of all the earth, and every tree in the which is the
fruit of a tree yielding seed ; to you,” mankind, “ it shall be
for meat.” (Gen. i, 28, 29.) “ The profit of the earth,” or,
land “ is FOR all ; the king himself is served by the field,”
by agricultural labor. (Eccles, v, 9.) “ God that made the
world and all things * * * * giveth to all life and
breath and all things,” (Acts xviii, 24, 25) not that parties
large or small may appropriate to themselves alone the
advantages peculiar to their local positions ; but that all by
helping all may serve themselves.
“ ’Tis thus reciprocating each with each,
Alternately the nations learn and teach;
While Providence enjoins to every soul,
A union with the vast terraqueous whole.”
(Cowper.)
Thus we see that the great Parent hath equalized and
associated all intelligent creatures, making them in the
mass proprietors of the earth, and providing for them in
its productions a sufficiency for sustentation and enjoyment.
By His appointment, agriculture is the original source of
the supply of human needs. Out of agriculture, with the
increasing wants of multiplying and collected persons, arise
the arts and sciences, handicrafts and commerce, these being
but the means whereby the capabilities of the earth are
developed. He who ordained the source of supply, ap
pointed its course also. He has given to some a bent of
mind which leads them to “ till the ground,” and He
“ teaches them to discretion ” in so doing. (Isa. xxviii, 28.)
To others He has given artistic skill, or mental readiness
and energy, by which the productions of husbandry are
made available for the general good. “ The earth hath He
given to the children of men,” (Psa. cxv, 16) and intelli
gence hath He given to bring out its resources, mould its
productions, and guide to the enjoyment of the same.
This dispensation is accompanied by the repeated and rigid
command to “ do justly and love mercy,” and to deal every
man with every other man as a brother. (Zech, vii, 9, 10.
Malachi ii, 10.) The observance of this command is the
only pre-requisite to universal plenty and peace.
�23
e
>
Providence being the outworking of Divine purpose, is
the exponent of revelation. Hence, in accordance with the
teaching of scripture, we see plainly that fields and flocks,
mines and quarries, silver and gold, iron and brass, fruits
and herbs, are given to various portions of the common
family occupying different localities, that exchanging one
with another on equitable terms, all may be mutually benefitted. It is equally plain, that God hath filled the encir
cling oceans and opened the courses of flowing rivers, to
serve as highways and byeways whereby that fraternal
interchange may be facilitated. Trades and commerce,
then, are essential to husbandry, while husbandry is their
creator and life. Wheat and wool, hides and flax, cotton
and timber, and other agricultural produce we could not
consume in their native state. We must have millers,
dyers, tanners, spinners, weavers, sawyers, tailors, shoe
makers, toolmakers, miners, and other artizans and laborers
to give them shape, use, and value. Then we must have
collections of habitations, advised by the proximity of
materials, or of water-conveyance, that these several craftsmon may work into each others’ hands. As population
increases and productions multiply, ports must be opened,
ships built, sailors go out, penmen write, and merchants
transmit and import. Additions of mouths lead to the ex
tension of manufactures, of tillage, and of commerce, that
the said mouths may be filled. This superinduces improve
ments in tool-making and machinery, which are but
the application of skill for the easy and profitable working
up of raw materials, that with fair play, must add to the
comfort and credit of the toiling classes. Of course,
amongst the toilers are included mental workers as well as
manual workers ; for heads in many departments, are as
necessary and valuable as hands are in others. Govern
ments also there must be to attend to the common rights of
the communities they rule, or confusion and ruin must ensue.
Thus God has united the interests of men by the law, that
the requisites of life and comfort be furnished by agricul
ture, moulded by trade, and distributed by commerce.
“ How various nature ! Turgid grain
Here nodding, floats the golden plain;
There worms weave silken webs; here glowing vines
Lay forth their purple to the sun;
Beneath the soil kings’ harvests run;
And royal rev’nues ripen in the mines.
�24
What’s various nature ? Art divine,
Man’s soul to soften and refine.
Heaven different growths to different lands imparts,
That all may stand in need of all,
And interest draw around the ball,
A net to eateh and join all human hearts.
Thus has the great Creator’s pen,
His law supreme to mortal men,
In their necessities distinctly writ;
E’en appetite supplies the place
Of absent virtue, absent grace,
And human want performs for human wit.
So wrote the celebrated author of the “ Night Thoughts,”
in his poem entitled “ The Merchant,” more than two hun
dred years ago. A modern writer says :
“ To some we find
The plowman’s annual toil assign’d;
Some at the sounding anvil glow;
Some the swift-sliding shuttle throw;
Some, studious of the wind and tide,
From pole to pole our commerce guide;
While some of genius more refined,
With head and tongue assist mankind.
In every rank, or great or small,
’Tis industry supports us all.”
The scriptures prescribe philanthropy—the
Patriotism, the love of
country, in the sacred volume is not inculcated nor com
mended. It is at variance with every principle of the gos
pel and with its grand purpose, as it is equally with the
wording and spirit of the moral law. To this evil senti
ment slavery, monopoly, and war owe their origin, and from
it they draw their strength. It is a hollow-hearted, smooth
tongued plausibility, a moral deformity, and a foe to man
kind, although petted and pampered by a depraved philoso
phy and a deteriorated theology. Enthusiastic and un
wearied are its efforts to incite our selfishness, in opposition
to prudent and far-sighted self-love, and to win our esteem.
To this end it employs the blandishments of beauty, tips
the pencil of the artist, honeys the tongue of eloquence,
and strings the harp of poesy. But deceitful are the les
sons it gives, vicious the habits it forms, and enormous the
cost of its evil tuition.
Thirdly.
love of man—AS the duty of man.
“ Man tnrough all changes of revolving time,
Unchanging man, in every varying clime.
Deems his own land of every land the pride,
Beloved by heaven o’er all the world beside :
His home the spot of earth supremely blest,
A dearer, sweeter, spot than all the rest.”
In opposition to the Divine Being, this evil principle teaches
that we should not “ love our neighbor as ourselves,” but
*
�25
that we should regard the men of other climes and shades of
skin as our natural enemies, or as our natural inferiors, and
therefore it is our duty to protect ourselves against them,
and our right, if we have the might, to subdue them under
our control. Hence, as my favorite Cowper says :
Lands intersected by a narrow frith,
Abhor each other. Mountains interposed
Make enemies of nations who had else,
Like kindred drops, been mingled into one.”
Where is the line of demarcation between man and man ?
Are not all alike in nature, susceptibilities, liabilities, capa
bilities, and destinies ? Are they not in interest identified ?
Bless a part, you bless the whole ; curse some, you curse all.
As in the body physical, so in the body politic, “ whether one
member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one member
be honored, all the members rejoice with it?” (1 Cor. xii, 26.)
Weal and woe are reciprocal and diffusive. The employer is
benefitted as well as the employed; the strong is advanta
ged as well as the weak; the benefactor is blessed as well
as the recipient; the wronger is injured as well as the illtreated. Break a string of this instrument, and the jarring
which ensues destroys its music ; jerk a pebble into this lake,
and circular ripples will successively spread over its entire
surface and break upon its shore. Then what should, or what
can make men natural enemies, or natural inferiors, except
the unnatural proceedings or policy of some against others ?
Let those proceedings be discontinued, and that policy be
ehanged ; let right become the rule and love the temper, and
it will soon appear that such enmity, or inferiority, has no
existance in nature. The spirit of scripture-teaching on this
head is, the earth is every man’s country, and mankind are
every man’s countryman. In substance the injunction of the
bible is : “ Be. all for each and each for all.” The world is
evidently for the earth, and the earth for the world ; brother
ly love being the bond of union, and justice the ruler of ex
changes. As Mrs. Barbauld beautifully puts it, though in
another connection:
“ The well-taught philosophic mind,
To all compassion gives ;
Casts round the world an equal eye,
And feels for all that lives.”
Accordingly, “ England is my home, the earth is my coun
try,” is a worthy pass-word for true British Christians.
�“26
“ Where is the true man’s fatherland ?
Is it where he by chance is born ?
Doth not the yearning spirit scorn
In such scant borders to be spanned ?
<,
0 yes! his fatherland must be
As the blue heaven wide and free!
Where’er a single slave doth pine,
Where’er one man may help another,—
Thank God for such a birthright, brother,—
That spot of earth is thine and mine !
There is the true man’s birth-place grand,
His is a world-wide fatherland! ”
R. Lowell.)
I am aware that this tenet thus plainly put, may startle
many, and be accounted extravagant and preposterous. It has,
however, been a point to which I have given close attention
during a long course of years. My appeal is “ to the law
and the testimony.” If a single text of scripture, fairly in
terpreted, justifies the love of a class or tribe of men, or of
a country or nation, in contradistinction from the love of the
human race, I will promptly confess that in this particular I
have erred. I am not unmindful of the asseveration of the
Jews in Babylon, recorded in the 137th Psalm: “ If I forget
thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning.
If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof
of my mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy.”
This is the only text I remember to have heard adduced in
favor of patriotism, and the only one I can call to mind which
seems to favor it. A quotation more unfortunate for the pur
pose could scarcely be made. It gives the language of men
writhing under the iron roof of oppression. They were
degraded captives, forcibly driven from home, and treated
heartlessly in a strange land. No wonder that they longed
for the freedom and comforts of which they had been de
prived. The oppressed in every instance would prefer the
places where liberty had been realized and property posses
sed. Be it also noted, that their inheritance of Canaan was
a special one. Their land had been selected for them by
divine sovereignty, and given to them for a purpose chiefly
ecclesiastical and religious. Then, be it observed, their pre
ference was rather religious than local. It was not Palestine
so much as “ Jerusalem,” the site of their sacred temple and
centre of their devotions, the memory of which was so ar
dently cherished. Be it further remembered, that the aboli
tion of types, the destruction of Jerusalem, and dispersion of
the Jews, together with the teaching of Jesus to the Woman
of Samaria, (John iv, 20-24.) and the gospel commission,
�27
(Matt, xxviii, 19, 20; Mark xvi, 15, 16.) prove that Chris
tianity is adverse to the localizing of religion, or the conse
cration of particular spots, and to the exclusive or selfish love of
a country or tribe. The avowment in that text, therefore,
disagrees not with the love of mankind, as distinct from
patriotism. A solitary example, like the one therein presen
ted, unsupported by any precept or principle of scripture,
cannot have the force of law. I may prefer a particular
locality for residence without despising or disregarding the
inhabitants of other places. Indeed, many of the Jews and
their descendents, when received as citizens of Babylon, re
fused to return to their own land. Patriotism is sadly
propped if this be its only support in scripture.
It is pleasing to find the course of events to be in opposi
tion to obstinate nationalities. Emigration, proceeding on so
broad a scale as it has covered for many years past, will
largely aid in breaking the suicidal bond which has opposed
kingdom to kingdom. When the love of country harmonizes ,
with the love of our kind, or in synonomous terms, when
patriotism is absorbed in philanthropy, we walk by a right
rule. With an allowable attachment to friends and soil and
climate, let due regard be paid to the interests of all persons
dwelling in every land. Let men of every tribe and tongue
indulge freely in intercourse and barter upon equal terms, so
far as need requires or opportunity serves. Thus let the
whole family of man sit in loving brotherhood at the well
spread table of universal providence, and participate in the
bounteous gifts of their one, loving Father. All hail the day
when patriotism is thus swallowed up in philanthropy !
“ Then shall our ” international “peace flow as a river,” per
petually, calmly, and fructifyingly, “ and our righteousness
be as the sands of the sea,” a breakwater against the ruinous
encroachments of ambition and pride.
“ Our country is the wide, wide world!
At least it so should be,—
Where heaven’s blue banner is unfurl’d
Where groweth flower or tree;
In sunny clime, or snowy waste,
On fettered land or free;
Despite the claims of clan or caste,
Ous Countby it should be.
Fourthly. The scriptures recognize the equal rights of
and impose upon them equal and appropriate duties.
This has been involved in points already advanced, but for
the sake of emphasis, we give it distinct prominence.
men
�“ Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men ” near
or remote, exalted or debased, “ should do unto you, do ye
even so unto them : for this is the law and the prophets,”—
the sum and substance of all divine injunctions and all divine
revelations, all that is obligatory upon man in his social, na
tional, and international standing. Such is the command of
Christ, as given in Matthew 7th chapter 12th verse. The
apostle James says : (ii, 8, 9) “If ye fulfil the royal law>
according to the scripture, thou shalt love thy neighbor as
thyself, ye no well : ” this is doing good or justly. “ But
if ye have respect to persons ”—to the rich more than the
poor, the educated more than the untaught, the English more
than the Hindoo, the Turk more than the Russian, the French
more than the South Sea Islander, the white-skinned more
than the black—“ ye commit sin : ” pray, mark this : “ ye
commit sin and are convinced,” or more accurately reading it,
“ convicted by the law as transgressors.” The apostle com
mands that while we “ fear God and honor the king ”—or,
ruling power, we “ honor ” or “ esteem all men,” and regard
all alike as one with ourselves in nature and interests, rights
and duties. Am I a magistrate ? Then, whatever be the
grade of my magistracy, whether supreme or subordinate, I
must remember that God hath said : “ He that ruleth over
men must be just, ruling in the fear of God-;” must be “ a
man of truth, hating covetousness;” and must “ not respect
the person of the poor, nor honor the person of the mighty ;
but in righteousness judge his neighbour.” (2 Sam. xxiii, 5.
Exo. xviii, 21. Rev. xix, 15.) Am I an employer ? Then
I am required to let justice and equality regulate my deal
ings with my neighbors who are in my service, “ knowing
that I also have a Master in heaven.” (Colos. iv, 1.) Am I
a parent ? Then I must “ not provoke my children,” or
harass them by harshness or severity, “ lest they be discou
raged.” (Colos. iii, 21.) Am I a citizen ? Then I must
“ submit to every ordinance of man ”—of the community of
which I am a member, providing it militates against no divine
requirement, “for the Lord’s sake : whether unto the king as
supreme, or unto governors as unto them who are deputed by
him, for the punishment of evil doers and the praise of them
that do well.” (1 Pet. ii, 13, 14.) Am I in the employ of
another ? Then I must “ obey in all things ” pertaining to
my office, “not with eye-service after the manner of men-
�29
pleasers, but with good will doing service, as to the' Lord,
and not to men ” only. (Ephes, vi, 6, 7.) Am I a child ?
Then whatever my age and whatever the station or condition
of my parents, I must “ honor my father and my mother,
and obey them,” or either of them, “ for this is right.”
(Ephes, vi, 6, 7.) So the wife must “ submit to her own
husband ” in loving adherence, and “ the husband love his
wife as his own body.” (Ephes, v, 22-25.) In like manner,
all men who claim to be Christians, are required to “ be of
one mind ” in these and such like matters, “ having compas
sion one of another, to love as brethren, be pitiful, be cour
teous, not rendering evil for evil, or railing for railing, but
contrariwise blessing.” Eor he that “ loves life and would
see good days, let him refrain his tongue from evil, and his
lips that they speak no guile : let him depart from evil and
do good; let him seek peace and pursue it.” (1 Pet. iii, 8-11.)
In this way the scriptures require us to cherish the recollec
tion of our mutual dependence, to exercise sympathy one
with another, to be invariably honest, just, forbearing and
forgiving, and to abstain from retaliation or revenge. Hence
no man and no body of men have right or authority to tyranize over or oppress any other man, or any number of other
men, in any manner or measure, by law, or on the plea of
expediency, or on the ground of superior might, intellect, or
education, or under any name or pretence whatever. As a
man and a fellow creature I am a member of society, and as
such I claim as my right, whatever my neighbor should
claim as his right. Of such right I may not be deprived,
unless by my own invasion of the rights of others, or by
mental imbecility, my right is forfeited. What is my duty
to my neighbor, is my neighbor’s duty to me. My rights
are the duties of society towards me : my duties are the
rights of society at my hand. Thus rights and duties co
exist, and involve each other. If one man may claim free
dom as a birthright, so may I, and so may every man all the
earth over. The liberty of one may not infringe upon the
liberty of another. If any one may claim protection, every
one may equally do the same. One man’s wrong cannot be
another man’s right ; and whatever is. morally improper,
cannot be politically good. Therefore let each be protected
from each, and all from all.
These things being so, we arrive at a proper conclusion
�30
respecting the source and intention of social government.
Authority can be invested in some, only by consent of the
community, in whatever form this consent be expressed, and
should be exercised to secure to all men impartially, freedom
of thought and speech, freedom of trade and commerce,
freedom of knowledge, freedom of conscience and religion,
in one word, the utmost latitude of individual freedom com
patible with the equal freedom of every other person. A
self-elected government is a usurpation, which has no cl aim
upon the respect or submission of the community. Tyranny
should be peaceably resisted, because it is a denial of this
freedom ; licentiousness should be repressed, because it is an
invasion of it. Magistracy, from the throne downwards, is
appointed “ for a terror to evil-doers —to restrain ill-dis
posed persons from invading the rights of their neighbors,
and so to become “the praise of them that do well.” When
it becomes the terror of the virtuous and the boast of the
vicious, or in other words, when it disagrees with the teach
ing of the bible, it sins. In so far as it is sinful, it should
be discountenanced in a moral way only, not resisted by
physical force. At once then, we see the duty of cheerful
submission to rightful authority in all civil matters. Loyal
ty to “the powers that be” demands opposition, becomingly
expressed, to the powers that ought not to be. In order
that righteousness and peace may abound in our nation and
age, we must reprehend the unrighteousnesses which prevail
and generate war. That we ourselves may enjoy and se
cure to others also, the sweets of liberty, we must denounce
that which violates it, and advocate that which would pro
mote it. On this subject, I may only refer without quota
tion, to the following passages as affording a specimen of
New Testament teaching : Rom. xiii, 1-7. 1 Tim. ii, 1-4.
Titus iii, 1, 2. Matt, xxii, 21. 1 Peter iii, 13, 14. Col. ii,
20-22. Acts iv, 19 ; v, 29 ; xvi, 85-39 ; xxii, 25-30.
Fifthly.
The scriptures teach that evil
is visited upon
ALL DENIALS OR INFRINGEMENTS OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL RIGH'JS.
“ The wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all un
godliness and unrighteousness of men.” (see Rom. i, 18.
Job xxii, 5-7. Amos viii, 4-8. Isa. Iviii, 3-7. James v, 1-4.
Psalm lxxxii, 1-4. Prov. xxiv. 11, 12 ; xxi, 13.) The
scriptures throughout teach that the divine displeasure is
�31
manifested against all that is wrong in the dealings of men
with men in every relation and of whatever form. “ The
wrath of God ” is not always revealed in the shape of pesti
lence, famine or earthquake, or any other extraordinary
calamity. The direct and obvious results of the evil done
are ordinarily the judgments of Jehovah upon the same.
When governments err, punishment comes in the form of
insubordination and civil disquietude. When nations are
unjust, war—unreasoning, brutal, and ruinous war, is the rod
of correction. Domestic brawls, disease, and want are the
avengers, when families, or members of families do ill.
When wrongs between employers and employed are perpe
trated, discontent, thefts, strikes, riots, drunkenness, or
bankruptcies are the sword forged by those wrongs and
turned by justice into the avengers thereof. In one word,
sin is punished by sin, for wrong originates wrong and
arouses the evil passions of its victims in opposition to it.
What is wrong in men’s manner of resisting wrong, pro
vokes fresh wrongs in retaliation. The result of these per
petual cycles of evil, but for the checks put upon them by
God’s over-ruling providence, would be a fearful exemplifi
cation of Cicero’s aphorism : “ man is a wolf to man ” ; for
the race would be self-destroyed. Solomon says : “ He that
withholdeth the corn ”—to raise the price unnaturally, es
pecially in a time of scarcity—“ the people shall curse him,”
not by Divine approval, but of their own depraved anger.
Here is one sin in punishment of another. Thus “ evil
shall slay the wicked ; ” and thus “ the wicked is snared in
the work of his own hands.” In accordance with this prin
ciple, we trace to bad legislation many of the offences which
fill our prisons, add to our local and national taxation, and
disgrace our country, Poaching and smuggling, with all
the evils attendant and consequent thereupon, are the pro
geny and the punishment of our indirect taxation, and of
our accursed game laws. So we trace to the giving of votes
to property instead of persons the bribery, treating, intimi
dation, coercion, drunkenness, brawling, fighting, breaking
of promises, party-spirit, rancorous feelings, dissensions,
and other improprieties attendant upon our corporate and
parliamentary elections. Retribution certainly follows upon
every evil done, and takes its character from the nature of
the wrong it punishes. (See Jer. iii, 17-19 J
�32
Having shown the duty of Christians to be active and
chri^tian-like citizens, and having indicated the great prin
ciples by which all civic and national proposals should be
tested, and all social procedures regulated, it remains that
a few inferences be suggested. This must be done with the
utmost brevity.
Is it not evident that class legislation is misTried by the teaching of scripture, our pre
sent system of elections is obviously unsound. To prefer
money to men, or in other words, to place the worth of a
man in his material property, is iniquitous. According to
“ the royal law ” I may not reject or slight a man because
he is poor, nor esteem a man merely because of his wealth.
First.
LEGISLATION ?
“The rank is but the guinea’s stamp,
The man’s the gold for all that.”
Not premises nor possessions of any description or amount,
but persons in their own right, should elect our repre
sentatives, parochial, corporate, and parliamentary. All
who 'are taxed, if not under punishment for crime, should
vote irrespective of the ’amounts they pay.
Indeed
the right to vote precedes the duty to pay, for rates and
taxes, whether local or parliamentary, can only be levied by
votes. No man and no body of men, according to the prin
ciples we- have been considering, may take money from
another however humble in condition without asking him
for it, either in person, or through some one he has appoin
ted to act for him. To do otherwise is to be guilty of rob
bery, even if under the guise of law. The poor laboring
man has in fact, although not in form, as much at stake in
the country as the wealthiest. The toiling classes are un
questionably the sinews of the kingdom, and they feel most
severely any derangement in its economy. To claim the
power to impose laws and payments upon your neighbor or
a number of your neighbors, under the pretence of paying
a higher house-rent, or a larger amount as poor rates, while
every such neighbor pays in other forms and in proportion
to his income no less, it may be, more than you, is not to
do unto your neighbor as you have a reasonable ground to
expect him to do unto you.
Should it be said, “ the masses are not fit to vote ; they
would misuse the right,” I must regret my want of space
�33
fully to meet the assertion. I might ask: First, By what right do the
present minorities claim to vote in distinction from the rest of the tax
paying population? And Secondly, wherein lies their peculiar fitness
for the franchise ? Is it in their truckling to landlord influence, or in
their wholesale dealing in bribes, as parliamentary committees are ever
and anon bringing to light? The scenes witnessed at every election
sufficiently indicate the need of improvement. Passing from this, I would
remind you that in every case justice is the wisest and safest policy.
Give a man his right and you fit him for its use.
Bondage of every
kind debases, freedom always elevates. Let the law of right regulate
our representative system, and certainly no upright man would desire a re
turn to our present partial, bungling arrangements, or wish to substitute
any form of crooked, crafty policy. Meet men in the spirit of justice
and brotherly kindness, repose confidence in them, and you will evoke
gratitude, respect, and confidence in return. Give them their admitted
right, remembering that they will not use it as a class, in opposition to
any other class as such; but as men amongst men, who differ in judg
ment one from another, and think they have different interests.
We
plead for the right, irrespective of the way in which it may be used.
In examining the matter, we beg you to con over the ^principles
already laid down, and what they involve.
Every man is equal in
nature, and equally a member of the community in the midst of which
by divine providence he is placed. Every man, not a criminal, is equal
in value to the community, although that value may differ widely in
outward form. Every man has a stake in the country, is interested in
its condition, and affected by its legislation: the poor man especially so.
Every man is equally responsible to God as a member of the community.
Therefore, every man is equal in his claims upon the State—equal in
rights.
All that pertains to this law of justice is just. A right to an end,
includes a right to the means whereby that end may be attained. My
right to a vote as an equal member of society, involves my right to be
perfectly free in recording that vote, and. therefore my right to be
protected from intimidation, coercion, or bribery. The ballot, or secret
voting, is .the only means whereby every voter can be placed upon an
equal footing at the polling booth, and therefore it is the voter’s right.
The noble John Bright has said: “I dread to think of the conse
quences of a wide extension of the suffrage in the manufacturing dis
tricts,”—and so with equal force he might have said of our agricultural
districts—“ should it be obtained without the ballot.
It will tempt
employers of labor to a hateful tyranny, and it will doom multitudes
of the employed, I fear, to a not less hateful condition of political
degradation.”
In order to make votes equal in value, and give a fair representa
tion according to population, it is absolutely necessary to abolish the
present ridiculous distinctions between voters in counties and boroughs,
and divide the country’ into equal electoral districts, after the manner
of our poor-law unions. Tho whole community being thus impartially
represented, would have inducement beyond precedent in our history,
to industry, contentment, and mutual good-will.
The.Reform League, then, I would urge every Christian to join,
becausq it is opposed to class-legislation, and proposes by the employ
ment of moral means only, to do justice to the entire manhood of the
country, irrespective of parties, and to the extinction of prejudices and
opposing interests.
Secondly. In the light of the principles enunciated, let us examine
into Indirect Taxation.
Since our common Father bestows His in
�34
numerable and unmeasured bounties upon mankind by a wise distribu
tion, for the sake of securing an ^equitable interchange; and bestows
them as freely as the winds blow, as the rains fall, as the sun shines,
as the oceans roll, as the earth’s surface vegetates, and as human
mind thinks;—is it proper for man, in order to gain any selfish end,
to restrict their use by mischievous imposts, falsely called “ duties ” or
“ dues? ”
Should any taxes be imposed upon goods used in trade and
commerce?
Should not industry in all its branches and forms be ab
solutely free?
is not any restriction thereupon unjust, injurious, and
foolish ? Do not such restrictions place difficulties in the way of honest
enterprise ? Do they not add to the natural market value of the goods,
not only the amount of the tax imposed, but interest also upon the
prepayment of such tax by merchants, and wholesale dealers?
Were
not the fifty millions of pounds, more or less, paid last year (1865-66)
into the Exchequer as Customs, Excise, and Stamps duties, so much
capital withdrawn from trade and commerce?
Are not these imposts
a producing cause of smuggling, unhealthy competition, adulteration,
slop-work, and other vices?
Is it right so to arrange these imposts
as to with-hold from the toilers the best of the fruits upon which their
labor and skill have been expended?
The divine law is: “the hus
bandman laboring first must be partaker of the fruits.” (2 Tim. ii, 6.)
But in our country in consequence of our iniquitous laws, the hus
bandman is dragging on a wretched existence, notorious for privations
which would be disgraceful to a land far inferior to ours.
“ Who
planteth a vineyard, and eateth not the fruit thereof?”
The English
gardener!
“ Who feedeth a flock, and eateth not of the milk of the
flock? ”
The English shepherd and farm-laborer, who see the flesh
meat sold off the farm at too high a price for them to buy, and the
milk given to the pigs or sent to distant towns out of their reach. “ He
that ploweth should plow in hope; and he that thresheth in hope,
should be partaker of the hope”; (1 Cor. ix, 7, 10) but in Christian
England as with false boast it is called, through our system of aristo
cratic taxation it may not be as God would have it.
One sows and
another reaps; one builds and another inhabits; one weaves and ano
ther wears the garment; one pays the taxes which another votes, and
pays the voter’s taxes a well as his own.
These things ought not so
to be. Evidently, the necessary expenses of the State should be equit
ably charged upon the male members of the State personally and
directly,—a small sum being required annually from every adult,
as a tax for personal protection, and then a scale of charges upon real
property, exempting what is necessary fcr actual support, but ascending
in amount according as the total of income increases. In this way, the
burden would be lightened to the poor and would bear most heavily
upon those best able to sustain it,—while trade and commerce would
be absolutely free—customs, excise, and stamps being swept away. To
tax even the soup of the pauper, and the dumpling of the plowman is
abominable.
To throw the heaviest proportion of the awfully extrava
gant expenses of our nation upon the poorest and most hard-worked of
the community, as we do by taxing goods and especially as in some in
stances the raw material, is a crying iniquity. No one can reconcile with
scripture teaching our practice of making the day-laborer pay at the rate
of twopence in the shilling, or more, out of his miserable pittance for
taxes or taxation purposes, while the rich landowner, pays at the rate of a
few pence in the pound of his immense income.
Thirdly. Do not the principles in question instruct us as to the true
NATURE OF THE RELATION BETWEEN THE EMPLOYER AND THE EMPLOYED ?
Every man, as we have seen, is every other man’s brother; and obviously
�35
every man who labors in the pay of another, is in partnership with his em
ployer, since the money and mind of the one and the strength and the skill
of the other, are united for the benefit of both The brothership and the
partnership should be borne in mind on both sides, and should rule their
engagements and dealings one with another. No man should be regarded
as the mere drudge of another, and as being sufficiently recompensed for
toil that occupies his thoughts and time, and exhausts his energies, if paid
the lowest pittance that circumstances may enable the employer to force
upon him. Justice and equality should regulate all such relations and
transactions, agreeably with the injunctions of scripture. Then oppressions
and strikes would be unknown; bankruptcies on the one side, and the
shirking of labor on the other would be greatly diminished, if not wholly
superseded; and the pleasure of making happy, the purest pleasure on
earth, would be largely realised.
Fourthly. Can War be reconciled with thb principles of
Scripture? “ Thou shalt love thy neighbor,” thy fellow creature, who
ever and wherever he be, “as thou lovest” or ought to love “thyself.” If any one
has wronged thee, “ say not I will do so to him as he hath done to me; I will render
to the man according to his work.” (Prov. xxiv, 29 ) “ It hath been said, thou shait
love thy neighbor and hate thine enemy. But I say unto you,” is the language of
the great Lawgiver of the Christian church, “love your enemies” and all you deem
to be so, for they are your neighbors still, be they Hindoos, Chinese, Burmese, Rus
sians, or Frenchmen; do not shoot your enemies, but love them, pray for such as
shamefully ill-treat and defraud you; do not burn down their dwellings, lay waste
their fields, dishonor their women, and triumph in the sufferings you inflict. Do
them no harm either by word or deed, nor attempt to treat them as in your decided
judgment they deserve. This applies to all enemies, real or suspected,'one or mul
titudes, obscure or famous, public or private, isolated or organized. . “ Recompense
to no one” and to no number of ones, “ evil for evil.” “ Avenge not yourselves ”—
exact not justice for yourselves—“but rather give place unto wrath,” submit to in
justice inflicted by anger, malice, envy, or pride : “for it is written vengeance’’—the
exaction of justice—“is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord.” “Be not conquered by
evil, but conquer by returning good for evil.” (Matt, v, 38-48. Luke vi, 27-38. Rom.
xii, 14, 17-21.) Such is the teaching of Christ, and whatsoever is more or other than
this ‘‘ cometh of evil," issuing from the lusts of depraved humanity.
“ If religion we profess, love to man must be our aim ;
Then true peace will soon progress, and our brethren we reclaim.
Haste the glorious, happy time, dimly seen by prophets past,
Peace and love through every clime, e’en while earth itself shall last!
Fifthly. Let us study the principles enunciated in their bearing upon
Freedom of Conscience ! It is evident that truth is not authorized to
punish error, and that error has no right to persecute truth. Let no man step into
the province of God, and judge his brother in things pertaining to conscience.
“Let Casar’s dues be ever paid to Caesar and his throne, but consciences and
souls were made to be the Lordls alone.”
Sixthly. How plainly and fully the Bible is the People’s Book !
No other book in existence claiming to be of universal authority may compare with,
it in this respect. No other is so decidedly the poor man’s friend. No other can b«
so safe p counsellor. Let every working man who reads these pages, ponder the
principles that have been advanced—and much more to the same effect may be ad
duced did space permit—and he will see, if he has doubted before, that every wrong
done to the laborer of any grade, is reproved and denounced in the sacred volume.
Yet it is not the book of a class—of any class whatever. It is for the millions all
the earth over. Every right for every man by it is claimed, but claimed by way of
enjoining appropriate duties upon men of every class and in every relation. Did
everyman perform his duties, every man would enjoy his rights; for as we have al
ready seen, my rights are the duties of another or of others towards me, and my
duties involve the rights of those with whom I have to do. Be this book, then,
•our “ choBen heritage,"
“ Our guide to everlasting life,
Through all this gloomy vale.”
�36
In conclusion. To all my Christian readers I would say, be not party politicians.
Be not tories, whigs, liberal conservatives, radicals, nor chartists, as such; be not
Derbyites, Busselites, nor Gladstonians; but be Christian Citizens. Let your
Christianity rule your politics. Follow any man so far as his leadings consist with
true, Christian principle; and sanction no measure -which disagrees therewith. “ Bight is right.” “ Honesty is the best policy.”
“ God speed the year of jubilee
The wide world o’er !
When from their galling chains set free,
The oppress’d shall vilely bend the knee,
And wear the yoke of tyranny,
Like brutes, no more :—
That year will come, and freedom’s reign
To man his plundered rights again
Restore.
“ God speed the day when human blood
Shall cease to flow !
In every clime be understood
The claims of human brotherhood,
And each return for evil, good—
Not blow for blow :—
That day will come, all feuds to end,
And change into a faithful friend
Each foe.
“ God speed the hour, the glorious hour,
When none on earth
Shall exercise a lordly power,
Nor in a tyrant’s presence cower,
But all to manhood’s stature tower,
By equal birth!—
That hour will come, to each, to all,
And from his prison-house the thrall
Go forth.
“ Until that time, or death arrive,
With head, and heart, and hand I’ll strive
To break the rod, and rend the gyve,—
The spoiler of his prey deprive,—
So witness heaven!
And never from my chosen post,
Whate’er the peril or the cost,
Be driven.”
(W, Lloyd Garrison.J
1
Not®.—Since this lecture has been in the hands of the printer, the proceedings of
parliament upon the reform question have been of a singular character, without prece
dent, it is supposed, in the history of English legislation. By a succession of extraordi
nary concessions, the government under the parliamentary leadership of Mr. Disraeli,
have promoted a measure of a far more liberal character than the so-called “ Liberal
Party ” in the House were prepared to propose. This has been done in opposition
to their known principles, obyiously for the sake of pay and patronage.. It is esti
mated that if this bill become law the voters throughout the kingdom will be about
doubled. But supposing the total number should exceed two millions and a half, we
shall still have upwards of three millions of adult male taxpayers treated as un
worthy to vote away their own money. Denied the protection of the ballot, the poor
voter will be at the rilercy of landlords, employers, and customers, and consequently
a fearful increase of intimidation, bribery, drunkenness, and pfpmise-breaking. may
be expected. Neither in its principle nor its provisions Jis this bill in harmony with
the maxims of law or the principles of scripture. Therefore the work of the Reform
League, whose sturdy agitation has extorted this measure from the place-loving
party in power, is by no means accomplished. They must persist and prosper.
�ERRATA.
Cover and"title-page. After the word .ivsily in the liyst rest
of scripture, add the words,
to lore mercy. Micah vii,
should be, Micah vi.
,
Page. 11 line 17 from top, instead of our religion, read, ones
piety.
Page 36 line 4 from bottom, instead of harmony, read harmony.
�
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Victorian Blogging
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Conway Hall Ethical Society
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The Christian as a citizen : the part he should take, and the principles which should guide him, in relation to political & social life
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Bonner, W.H.
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Place of publication: London; Plymouth
Collation: 36 p. ; 18 cm.
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Elliot Stock
T. Doidge
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[1867]
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N078
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Christianity
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Christianity and Politics
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