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                    <text>N -2-1'3

NATIONAL SECULAR SOCI «TY

Atheism

AND

A Reply

SUICIDE.

to

ALFRED TENNYSON, Poet Laureate.
BY

G-. W. FOOTE.
------- ♦-------

Mr. Tennyson has written some fine poetry in his old age,
and he has also written a good deal of trash. Most of the
latter has appeared in the hospitable columns of the Nine­
teenth Century. Mr. James Knowles, the editor of that
magazine, is an excellent man of business and knows what
takes with the British public. He is fully aware that Mr.
Tennyson is the popular poet of the day, and with com­
mendable sagacity, he not only accepts the poet-laureate’s
verses whenever he can get them, but always prints them in
the largest type. Mr. Tennyson opened the first number
of his magazine with a weak sonnet, in which men like Pro­
fessor Clifford were alluded to as seekers of hope “ in sunless
gulfs of doubt.” That little germ has developed into the
longer poem on “Despair” that appears in the current
number of the Nineteenth Century.
The critics have lauded this poem. Nothing else could be
expected of them. Mr. Tennyson is the popular poet, the
household poet, the Christian poet, and scarcely a critic dares
give him aught but unstinted praise. The ordinary gentle­
men of the press write to order; they describe Mr. Tenny­
son’s poetry as they describe Mr. Irving’s acting; they are
fettered by great, and especially by fashionable reputations ;
and when the publi? has settled who are its favorites they
never resist its verdict but simply flow with the stream. In
the course of time there grows up a sanctified cant of
criticism. If you are rash enough to doubt the favorite’s
greatness, you are looked upon as a common-place person
incapable of appreciating genius. If you object to the
popular poet’s intellectual ideas, you are rebuked for not
seeing that he is divinely inspired. Yet it is surely indis­
putable that ideas are large or small, true or false, whether
they are expressed in verse or in prose. When poets con­
descend to argue they must be held amenable to the laws of
reason. The right divine of kings to govern wrong is an
exploded idea, and the right divine of poets to reason wrong
should share the same fate.

�2
Mr. Tennyson’s poem is not too intelligible, and with a
proper appreciation of this he has told the gist of the story
in a kind of “ argument.”
“ A man and his wife having lost faith in a God, and hope of a
life to come, and being utterly miserable in this, resolved to end
themselves by drowning. The woman is drowned, but the man
is rescued by a minister of the sect he had abandoned.”
Now Mr. Tennyson has not worked fairly on these lines.
The question “ Does Atheism, as such, incline men to self­
destruction ?” is not touched. The Atheist husband of
“ Despair” loses more than belief in God and hope of a life
to come. His wife suffers from a malady only curable, if at
all, by the surgeon’s knife. His eldest son has forged his
name and ruined him, while it is hinted that another son has
sunk to a still worse depth of vice. And he describes him­
self as “ a life without sun, without health, without hope,
without any delight.” All this is very inartistic. An
Atheist under such a burden of trouble might commit suicide
just as a Christian might. Dr. Newman well says that by
a judicious selection of facts you may prove anything, and
Mr. Tennyson has judiciously selected his facts. He could
not kill his hero with Atheism, and so he brings in bad
health, a diseased wife, cruel and criminal children, and a
ruined home. Any one of these might prompt to suicide,
without the introduction of Atheism at all.
Mr. Tennyson’s lack of art in this poem goes still farther.
He makes the husband and wife drown themselves theatri­
cally. They walk out into the breakers near a lighthouse.
This is mere melodrama. Why did they not take poison
and die in each other’s arms ? The only answer is that Mr.
Tennyson wanted to use that lighthouse, and as he could not
bring the lighthouse to them he took them to the lighthouse.
He wished to make the husband think to himself as he
looked at its rolling eyes—
“Does it matter how many they saved? We are all of us
wreck’d at last.”
This is an old trick of Mr. Tennyson’s. He is always
making his wonderful and vivid perceptions of external
nature compensate for his lack of spiritual insight and
power.
The melodrama of “ Despair ” is continued to the end.
The wife is successfully drowned as she was not required
any further in the poem, but the husband is rescued by (of
all men in the world!) the minister of the chapel he had

�3
forsaken. He loaths and despises this preacher, yet he tells
him all his domestic secrets and reveals to him all his
motives. Nay more, he wastes a great of denunciation on
his rescuer, and vehemently protests his intention to do for
himself despite his watcher’s “lynx-eyes.” Why all this
pother? Earnest suicides are usually reserved and very
rarely make a noise. Why not hold his tongue and quietly
seize the first opportunity ? But Mr. Tennyson’s heroes are
generally infirm of purpose. He can make his characters
talk, but he cannot make them act.
Another defect of Mr. Tennyson’s heroes is their abnormal
self-consciousness. The hero of “ Maud ” rants about him­
self until we begin to hope that the Crimea will really
settle him. The hero of “ Locksley Hall” is a selfish cad
who poses through every line of faultless eloquence, until at
last we suspect that “ cousin Amy ” has not met the worst
fate which could befall her. And the hero of “ Despair ”
is little better. After powerfully describing the walk with
his wife to the breaker’s edge of foam, he says that they
kissed and bade each other eternal farewell. There he
should have stopped. But he must go on with—
“ Never a cry so desolate, not since the world began!
Never a kiss so sad, no, not since the coming of man ! ”

This little speculation could not be verified or disproved. It
is one which selfish people usually entertain. They nearly
always think their own sorrows the greatest the world ever
saw. Fortunately, although it may be news to Mr. Tenny­
son, all Atheists are not of that kind. Some of them, at
least, are capable of the heroic joys of life, and of con­
suming their personal sorrows in the fire of enthusiasm for
lofty and unselfish aims.
Mr. Tennyson should remember the sad end of Brutus in
“Julius Caesar.” Perhaps he does, for some of his language
seems borrowed from it. Brutus has lost what he most
values. His country’s liberties, for which he has fought
and sacrificed all, are lost, and his noble wife has killed her­
self in a frenzy of grief. He kills himself too rather than
witness the dishonor of Rome and minister to the usurper’s
pride. But he does not pule and whine. He also bids his
dearest left adieu—
“ For ever, and for ever, farewell, Cassius !
If we do meet again, why, we shall smile;
If not, why then, this parting was well made.”
And Cassius replies in the same magnanimous vein. There

�4
is a large and noble spirit which can face even suicide with
dignity and without repining.
So infected with selfishness is Mr. Tennyson’s Atheist
that he doubts the utility of virtue—
“ Does it matter so much whether crown’d for a virtue, or
hang’d for a crime ? ”

Yes, it does matter; or why does he cry out against his
son’s wickedness ? If the young man’s crime “ killed his
mother almost,” other people’s crime injures mankind, and
that is its condemnation. The real Atheist has his moral
creed founded on fact instead of fancy, and therefore, when
things go wrong with him, he does not rail against virtue.
He knows it to be good in the long run to the human family
whatever may be his own fate.
The hero of “Despair” had evidently been a Calvinist.
He reminds the minister of his having “ bawled the dark
side of his faith, and a God of eternal rage.” And he
exclaims—
“What! I should call on that Infinite Love that has served us
so well ?
Infinite wickedness rather that made everlasting Hell,
Made us, foreknew us, foredoom’d us, and does what he will
with his own;
Better our dead brute mother who never has heard us groan !
Hell? if the souls of men were immortal, as men have been
told,
The lecher would cleave to his lusts, and the miser would yearn
for his gold,
And so there were Hell for ever! but were there a God as you
say,
His Love would have power over Hell till it utterly vanish’d
away.”
Now Calvinism is certainly not the creed any man could
regret to find untrue. And to our mind a man who could
live for years in the belief that the evils of this life are
ordained by God, and will be followed by an ordained hell
in the next life, is not likely to destroy himself when he finds
that the universe has no jailer and that all the evils of this
life end with it.
The man and his wife turn from the “ dark fatalist
creed ” to the growing dawn
“ When the light of a Sun that was coming would scatter the
ghosts of the Past,
And the cramping creeds that had madden’d the peoples would
vanish at last.”

�5
But when the dawn comes, they find that they have “ past
from a cheerless night to the glare of a drearier day.”
They are without a real God, for what deity remains is only
a cloud of smoke instead of a pillar of fire. Darwinism
they find to be very cold comfort, and they wail over them­
selves as “poor orphans of nothing,” which is a comical
phrase, and one which we defy Mr. Tennyson or anybody
else to explain. If the Poet Laureate thinks that Darwinian
Atheists go about bemoaning themselves as poor orphans, he
is very much mistaken. He had better study them a little
before writing about them again. They are quite content
to remain without a celestial father. Earthly parents are
enough for them, earthly brothers and sisters, earthly wives,
and earthly friends. And most of them deem the grasp of
a father’s hand, and the loving smile on a mother’s face,
worth more than all the heavenly parentage they are satisfied
to lack.
Mr. Tennyson’s husband and wife, being utterly forlorn,
resolve to drown themselves, and the husband gives their
justication:—
“ Why should we bear with an hour of torture, a moment of
pain
If every man die for ever, if all his griefs are in vain,
And the homeless planet at length will be wheel’d thro’ the
silence of space,
Motherless evermore of an ever-vanishing race,
When the worm shall have writhed its last, and its last brother­
worm will have fled
From the dead fossil skull that is left in the rocks of an earth
that is dead ? ”
Now all this will no doubt happen. Many millions of years
hence this world will be used-up like the moon; and there­
fore, according to Mr. Tennyson’s argument, we should
commit suicide rather than put up with the toothache. It
will be all the same in the end. True ; but it is a long
while to the end. And people who act on Mr. Tennyson’s
principle must either forget this, or they must resemble the
man who refused to eat his dinner unless he had the
guarantee of a good dinner for ever and ever, with a dessert
by way of Amen.
Elsewhere they express pity for others as well as for them­
selves—
“ Pity for all that aches in the grasp of an idiot power,
And pity for our own selves on an earth that bore not a flower;
Pity for all that suffers on land or in air, or the deep,
And pity for our own selves till we long’d for eternal sleep.”

�6
Mr. Tennyson may well make his Atheist husband say “ for
we leaned to the darker side.” This is an earth without a
flower! In every sense it is untrue. There are flowers of
beauty in the natural world, and flowers of greater beauty
in the human garden, despite the weeds. This suicidal pair
are fond of what Mr. Tennyson has himself called “the
falsehood of extremes.”
Sincere pessimists do not advocate suicide. Schopenhauer
himself condemns it as a superlative act of egoism. If here
and there a pessimist destroys himself, how can that make
things better for the masses who are governed by instinct
and not by metaphysics ? Mr. Tennyson does not see that
the most confirmed pessimist may, like George Eliot, believe
in Meliorism ; that is, not in perfection, but in improvement.
Nature, we may be sure, will never produce a race of beings
with a general taste for suicide; and it is therefore the duty
of those who deplore the ineradicable evils of life, to stay
with their brethren and to do their share towards improving
the common lot. If they cannot really make life happier,
they may at least make it less miserable, which is very much
the same thing.
Has Mr. Tennyson been reading that grand and powerful
poem of Mr. James Thomson’s, and is “ Despair ” the result?
If so, it is a poor outcome of such a majestic influence.
Mr. Tennyson has misread that great poem. Its author has
his joyous as well as his sombre moods, and he has himself
indicated that it does not cover the whole truth. Pessimists,
too, are not so stupid as to think that the extinction of a
few philosophers will affect the general life, or that a
universal principle of metaphysics can determine an isolated
case. They know also that philosophy will never resist
Nature or turn her set course. They see that she is enor­
mously fecund, and is able to spawn forth life enough to
outlast all opposition, with enough instinct of self-preserva­
tion to defy all the hostility of sages. And it is a note­
worthy fact that the chief pessimists of our century have
not courted death themselves except in verse. Schopen­
hauer lived to seventy-two ; Hartmann is one of the happiest
men in Germany; Leopardi died of disease ; and the author
of “The City of Dreadful Night’’has not yet committed
suicide and probably never will. It is one thing to believe
that, considered universally, life is a mistake, and quite
another thing to cut one’s own throat. The utmost that
even Schopenhauer suggested in the way of carrying out his
principles, was that when the human race had become far

�7
more intellectual and moral, and far less volitional and
egoistic, it would cease to propagate itself and so reaeh.
Nirvana. Whoever expects that to happen has a very farreaching faith. If the sky falls we shall of course catch
larks, but when will it fall ?
Atheists, however, are not necessarily pessimists, and in
fact few of them are so. Most of them believe that a large
portion of the world’s evil is removable, being merely the
result of ignorance and superstition. Mr. Tennyson might
have seen from Shelley’s writings that an Athest may
cherish the noblest hopes of progress. Perhaps he would
reply that Shelley was not an Atheist, but few will agree
with him who have read the original editions of that glorious
poet and the very emphatic statements of his friend Trelawny.
Does Atheism prompt men to suicide ? That is the
question. Mr. Tennyson appears to think that if it does
not it should. We cannot, however, argue against a mere
dictum. The question is one of fact, and the best way to
answer it is to appeal to statistics. Atheists do not seem
prone to suicide. So far as we know no prominent Atheist
has taken his own life during the whole of this century.
But let us go farther. There has recently been published
an erudite work * on “ Suicide, Ancient and Modern,” by
A. Legoyt, of Paris. He has given official tables of the
reasons assigned for suicides in most of the countries of
Europe; and although religious mania is among these
causes, Atheism is not. This dreadful incitement to self
destruction has not yet found its way into the officia
statistics even of Germany or of France, where Atheist
abound I
Suicides have largely increased during the last twenty
years. In England, for instance, while from 1865 to 1876
the population increased 14-6 per cent., suicides increased
27T per cent. In France, Prussia, Austria, Russia, Swit­
zerland and Belgium the increase is still more alarming.
But during the same period lunacy has wonderfully in­
creased ; and the truth is that both are caused by the everincreasing velocity and complexity of modern life, which
makes greater demands on our cerebral power than we are
able to answer. By-and-bye this will rectify itself through
* Ze /Swicicfe, Ancien et Moderne. Etude Historique, Philosophique
Morale et Statistique. Par A. Lïgott. Paris : A. Drouin.

�8
natural selection, but for the present our brains are not
strong enough for their sudden access of work. Hence the
increase of nervous derangement, lunacy, and suicide.
But it may be urged that religion keeps down the number
of suicides which would be still more plentiful without it.
That, however, is a mere matter of opinion, which can
hardly be verified or disproved. Religion does not restrain
those who do commit suicide, and that fact outweighs all
the fine talk about its virtue in other cases.
Some Christian apologists have made much capital out of
George Jacob Holyoake’s meditation on suicide in Gloucester
jail, when he was imprisoned for “ blasphemy,” or in other
words, for having opinions of his own on the subject of
religion. Mr. Holyoake’s mental torture was great. His wife
was in want, and his favorite daughter died while he was in
prison. Fearing that his reason might forsake him, and
being resolved that the Christian bigotry which had made
him suffer should never reduce him to an object of its derision,
he prepared the means of ending his life if the worst should
happen. “ See,” say these charitable Christians, “ what a
feeble support Atheism is in the hour of need! Nothing
but belief in Christ can enable us to bear the troubles of life.”
But our answer is that Mr. Holyoake did not commit suicide
after all; while, on the other hand, if we may judge by our
own notes during the past six months, one parson cuts his
throat, or hangs, or drowns, or poisons himself, on an
average every month.
Recurring finally to Mr. Tennyson, we say that his poem
is a failure. He does not understand Atheism, and he fails
to appreciate either its meaning or its hope. We trust that
he will afflict us with no more poetical abortions like this,
but give us only the proper fruit of his genius, and leave
the task of holding up Atheists as a frightful example to
the small fry of the pulpit and the religious press.

November 14iA, 1881.

PRICE ONE PENNY.

London : Fbeethought Publishing Company, 28, Stonecutter Street,
Farringdon Street, E.C.

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                    <text>VICTORIES OF SCIENCE
IN ITS

WARFARE WITH SUPERSTITION.
•

’ *

DELIVERED BEFORE THE

SUNDAY LECTURE

SOCIETY,

ON

SUNDAY AFTERNOON, 20th FEBRUARY, 1881,
2U■

BY

A. ELLEY

FINCH.
j'lwdu* 1
i-niiHfirhi

-sawi)

PUBLISHED BY THE SUNDAY LECTURE SOCIETY.

1881..

PRICE THREEPENCE.

�SUNDAY LECTURE SOCIETY,
To provide for the delivery on Sundays in the Metropolis, and to
encourage the delivery elsewhere, of Lectures on Science, —physical,
intellectual, and moral,—History, Literature, and Art; especially
in their bearing upon the improvement and social well-being of
mankind.

PRESIDENT.
W. B. Carpenter, Esq., C.B., LL.D., M.D., F.R.S., &amp;c.

VICE-PRESIDENTS.
Professor Alexander
Bain.
Charles
Darwin, Esq.,
F.R.S., F.L.S.
Edward Frankland, Esq.,
D.C.L., Ph.D., F.R.S.
James Heywood, Esq., F.R.S.,
F.S.A.
Ser Arthur
Hobhouse,
K.C.S.I.

Thomas Henry Huxley,
Esq., LL.D., F.R.S., F.L.S.
Benjamin Ward Richard­
son, Esq., M.D., F.R.S.
Herbert Spencer, Esq.
W. Spottiswoode,
Esq.,
LL.D., Pres.R.S.
John Tyndall, Esq., LL.D.,
F.R.S.

THE SOCIETY’S LECTURES
ABE DELIVERED AT

ST.. GEORGE’S HALL, LANGHAM PLACE,
On SUNDAY Afternoons, at FOUR o’clock precisely.
(Annually—from November to May.)
Twenty-Four Lectures (in three series) ending 25th April,
1881, will be given.
Members’ £1 subscription entitles them to an annual ticket, trans­
ferable (and admitting to the reserved seats), and to eight single
resOrved-seat tickets, available for. any lecture.
Tickets for each series (one for each lecture) as below,—
•
To the Shilling Reserved Seats —5s. 6d.
To the Sixpenny Seats—2s., being at the rate of Threepence
each lecture.
For tickets, and for list of the Lectures published by the Society,
apply (by letter) to the Hon. Treasurer, Wm. Henry Domville,
Esq., 15, Gloucester Crescent, Hyde Park, W.
Payment at the door:—One Shilling (Reserved Seats);—Six­
pence
and One Penny. . .

�The Society’s Lectures by the same Author,
now printed, are—on

,

“ Erasmus ; his Life, Works, and Influence upon the Spirit of
the Reformation.” (Price 3d., or post free 3|d.)

“ Civilization : a Sketch of its Rise and Progress, its Modem
Safe-guards, and Future Prospects.” (Price 3d., or post
free 3jd.)
“The Influence of Astronomical Discovery in the
Development of the Human Mind.” (Price 3d., or post
free 3^d.)
“The Principles of Political Economy; their Scientific
Basis, and Practical application to Social Well-being.”
(Price 3d., or post free 3£d.)

“The English Free-thinkers of the Eighteenth Cen­
tury.” (Price 3d., or post free 3jd.)

“The Science
. free 3 jd.)

of

Life worth Living.” (Price 3d., or post

“ The Inductive Philosophy : including a Parallel between
Lord Bacon and A. Comte as Philosophers.” With Notes
and Authorities, (pp. 100, cloth 8vo., price 5s., or post
free 5s. 3d.)
“ The Pursuit of Truth : as Exemplified in the Principles of
Evidence—Theological, Scientific, and Judicial.” With Notes
and Authorities, (pp. 106, cloth 8vo., price 5s., or post
free 5s. 3d.)
.
• .

’9 f

Can be obtained (on remittance by letter of postage stamps or
order) of the Hon. Treasurer, Wm. Henry Domville, Esq., 15,
Gloucester Crescent, Hyde Park, W., or at the Hall on the days
of Lecture; or of Mr. John Bumpus, 158, Oxford Street, W.

�SYLLABUS.
Vast number, variety, and vacillation of Religious Beliefs, pre­
sented to us by the history of the Human Race.
Distribution amongst mankind of the eight great Theologies
(book-religions) of the present day, viz., Zoroastrianism—
Brahmanism—Buddhism—Confucianism —Tao-ism—Mosaism—
Christianism—Mahommedanism.
No generally acknowledged standard of Theological truth,
and why.
Theology explained as a human (logical) system, based upon
the blending of Religion with Superstition.
Religion as defined by Herbert Spencer, the late Lord Amberley,
and Dr. James Martineau.
Superstition defined as credulity concerning manifestations
of the Supernatural inconsistent with the experienced order and
veracity of Reason and Nature.
Science explained as generalized human knowledge of Natural
Phenomena.
The criticism of Science purifies Theology by purging it of
Superstitions, thereby compelling it to undergo transmutations
corresponding to the progress of human intelligence.
Illustrations from the conflict of Science with the following
Superstitions:—
1. The relative magnitude, flat form, and immobility of the
Earth. (Conflict with Astronomical Science.)
2. The six days creation of the world 6,000 years ago.
(Conflict with Geological Science.)
3. The government of human life by Special Providence.
(Conflict with Physical Science.)
4. The Theological theory of disease, involving miracle-cure,
relic-cure, prayer-cure, &amp;c. (Cwflict with Sanitary
Science.)
5. Anthropomorphic conceptions of the Nature, Attributes,
and Will of Deity. (Conflict with Mental and Mol'd
Science.)
Probability that popular Theologies are still saturated with
Superstitions (e.g., belief in the objective efficacy of sacerdotal
supplications, humiliations, and asceticisms, supernatural revela­
tions, and exclusive salvations) which the expansion of Science
must eventually explode.
Summary of evils of life inflicted by Superstition, and ameli­
orations of human well-being achieved by Science, showing that
the increase of Health, Happiness, and the Moral Virtues is
coincident with the decline of Superstition and the advancement
of Science.
The debt Religion owes to Science.

�THE VICTORIES OF SCIENCE
IN ITS

WARFARE WITH SUPERSTITION.
HE modern student 'of Universal History, seeking

T to enlarge and generalize his conception of human
nature by the contemplation of the life of man in almost
every discovered clime, and throughout the ages of
recorded time, finds himself at the confluence of the
greatest number of streams of knowledge that have ever
been found flowing and converging together; greatly
embarrassed therefore, not to say overwhelmed, by the
multiplicity and diversity of his materials. .
Even limiting his research to that emotional and
imaginative yet transcendently interesting aspect of the
human mind presented by religious phenomena, he
quickly discovers that he is surrounded by a vast number,
variety, and almost incessant fluctuation of Beliefs con­
cerning the supernatural, that have everywhere been
found more or less prevailing from the earliest dawn of
authentic history.
On the one hand, it is remarkable that no people, or
trace of a people, has hitherto been discovered absolutely
destitute of some of the ultimate elements or sentiments
of Beligion, Travellers and thinkers entertaining diverse
views on historical, political, and social questions, who
have made the early history of man, or his most savage
condition subjects of careful study, are really agreed on
this fundamental point.
On the other hand, the most civilized and polished
nations on the fa,ce of the globe have exhibited, and still

�6

The Victories of Science in its

exhibit almost endless differences, divisions, and distinc­
tions in their theological creeds, rites, and ceremonies.
The time now at our disposal would not suffice for
the slightest allusion to the numerous Religions or
Mythologies of even the chief Nations of the ancient
world. Babylonians, Assyrians, Phoenicians, Egyptians,
Arabians (before conversion), Greeks, Romans, various
Teuton, Celtic, and Sclavonic Nations, the Astecs of
Mexico, the Incas of Peru—all having their indigenous
and various ways of regarding and. worshipping the
supernatural—must now be passed by, in order that I
may concentrate some general observations, suggested by
so endless a variety of supernatural beliefs, upon those
great Theologies or book-religions which constitute the
religious faiths of the present inhabitants of our globe—
viz.—(taking them in the order of their antiquity)—
Zoroastrianism, with its sacred Zend-Avesta, the religion
of the Parsees, descendants of the ancient Persians—
Brahmanism and Buddhism, with their sacred Vedas and
Tripitaka, the chief religions of the inhabitants of the
great Indian Peninsula.— Confucianism and Tao-ism
with their sacred books of Kings and Tad-te-King, the
religions of the Chinese — Mosaism with the Hebrew
Scriptures, the religion of the Jews—Christianity with
the New Testament, the religion of modem Europeans
and Americans—and Mahommedanism, with its sacred
volume the Koran, the religion of the Turks and
Arabians, and other considerable peoples in Asia.
The numbers of the respective members of these
several faiths, as given in Johnston’s Physical Atlas,
may be summed up thus—assuming the entire population
of the earth at 1,000 millions, the Christians constitute
340 millions, the Buddhists 300 millions, the Brahmins
130 millions, the Mahommedans 124 millions, the Jews
6 millions, and all other religions 100 millions. A some­

�Warfare' with Superstition.

7

what different proportion is cited by Professor Max
Muller from the geography of Berghaus; where the
Buddhists are stated to constitute 31 per cent, of the
entire population of the globe, the Christians 30 per
cent., the Mahommedans 15 per cent., the Brahmins
13 per cent, the Jews a fraction of 3, and all other
religions 8 per cent. These different estimates call of
course be only roughly approximate, but either is
sufficiently near for illustrating our present purpose.
If we looked somewhat closer we should find that
these several religious faiths are mostly subdivided in­
ternally into numerous conflicting sects. Christianity,
the religion of the most intellectual and cultured peoples
in existence, is almost infinitely so divided. In Pro­
fessor Schaff’s comprehensive and learned work upon
‘ The Creeds of Christendom ’ we are furnished with the
literal texts of nearly 100 distinct creeds, confessions,
articles and formularies of faith of the almost endless
denominations among which dogmatic Christianity has
now become dispersed.
i“
When the mind is thus brought into the simultaneous
presence of the irreconcilable dogmas of the numerous
and conflicting theological faiths, all devoutly believed
in by their respective worshippers, it is difficult to
conceive how any one of them can be considered as
constituting a supernatural universal scheme necessary
for the Salvation of Mankind, seeing th^it it has not,
after upwards of 1,800 years, been believed in, or even
sb much as heard of by more than about a third part
of the great human race.
In view of such manifold differences of theological
belief as a simple comparison of creeds discloses, it is
almost obvious to observe that there can be no generally
acknowledged standard or infallible test of theological
truth. To use the words of a late accomplished historian—-

�8

The Victories of Science in its

Henry Thomas Buckle—“ Theological systems are sub­
jects upon which different persons and different nations,
equally honest, equally enlightened, and equally com­
petent, have entertained and still entertain the most
different opinions, which they advocate with the greatest
confidence, and support by arguments perfectly satis­
factory to themselves, but contemptuously rejected by
their opponents.”
It is so very difficult to place oneself at the point of
view of any religion save our own that we invariably
hear with amazement the arguments or evidence adduced
by the advocates of other religions. Dr. Sprenger, in
the course of a theological discussion, was seriously
asked by a Mussulman how he could possibly disbelieve
the religion of Islam, seeing that Mahomet’s name was
written on the gates of Paradise I and Dr. Morell, in his
thoughtful work on “ The Philosophy of Religion,” relates
the following authentic incident. A distinguished friend
of his in the East had been arguing for some time with
a Mahommedan upon the evidences of Christianity, and
apparently with some success. At length the Mahom­
medan, who had been listening attentively, exclaimed—
“ I tell you what it is, Rajah. You Franks are very clever
people; God has given you the power to make ships and
houses and penknives, and to do a great many wonderful
things, but he has granted to us what he has denied to
you—the knowledge of the true Religion.”
The philosopher, though he is confident that all theo­
logical systems cannot be wholly true, yet feels that in
the search after truth it must be possible, however
difficult, to arrive at some explanation that may seem
to reconcile the existence of so many divergent faiths;
and if we look a little carefully into the constituents
of theology we may I think discover a clue to the desired
solution. Now we find on examination of any theology

�Warfare with Superstition.

9

or book-religion that it essentially consists of a body of
connected propositions, logically deduced by the human
mind from certain assumed to be inspired writings.
So long then as to err is human, and man remains
short of being infallible, it is clear that such a system of
knowledge must contain some amount of error, and we
may therefore assert with tolerable accuracy, that every
theology the world has seen will be found on analysis to
be compounded of two elements—viz., a germ or sub­
stratum of probable truth, and a superstructure or ad­
mixture of positive error. The substratum of truth must
ultimately be the same in all theologies, but their several
superstructures of error will be found to vary; partly in
accordance with difference of climate and other geogra­
phical circumstances ; partly on account of the differing
race or genius of the peoples, and their stage of civilization,
amongst whom the various theologies have respectively
arisen, or by whom they have since been adopted; and
partly from the dissimilar mental idiosyncracies of their
respective founders or principal expositors.
For the purpose of our argument this afternoon, we
may conveniently designate the substratum of truth as
Religion, and the superstructure of error as Superstition.
Now, keeping this simple distinction clearly in view, we
shall find that notwithstanding the abuse and vituperation
which the Religious World (as it is phrased), have so
incessantly heaped upon Science and its professors, men
of science, whose noble purpose ever is simply to arrive
at truth, and who, for that end, would impress on us the
duty of enquiry, and the folly of credulity, have in reality
never attacked Religion at all, but that in their discoveries
and contentions for the purpose of enabling truth to pre­
vail, they have only been attacking or unmasking the
falsehood and error that are ever found lurking in the
guise of Superstition. Superstition—that incubus upon

�IO

The Victories of Science in its

the human mind, whose malediction was so eloquently
pronounced by Buckle, who declared that against the
vitality of that dark and ill-omened principle there was
only one weapon, and that weapon was Science.
I will now define more exactly what we should under­
stand by the terms Religion and Superstition, in connection
with the present discourse.
Religion, whatever other quality we claim for it, must
certainly be regarded as true. Its intellectual meaning
then must be strictly limited to assertions that cannot be
contradicted by the discoveries of Science now or hereafter,
or by the truly religious assumption of any theology
whatever; for religious and scientific truth must ever be
one. In reference to this its fundamental requisite, we
find that Religion has been defined by many thoughtful
minds. Thus, our profound philosopher Herbert Spencer
has described it as “ our consciousness of an Inscrutable
Power or Cause manifested to us through all phenomena,
but whose nature transcends intuition, and is beyond
imagination.” The late lamented Lord Amberley, in his
exhaustive “ Analysis of Religious Belief,” describes Re­
ligion as ‘ an abstract indefinable pervading sentiment
corresponding to the relation subsisting between the
hyperphysical (or supernatural) power in the Universe,
and the hyperphysical entity in Man.” Dr. James
Martineau, one of the most highly cultured and liberalminded of our theologians, has defined or distinguished
Religion and Science thus—“Science discloses the method
of the World, Religion its cause, and there is no conflict
between them, except when either forgets its ignorance of
what the other alone can know.”
Dr. Martineau however does not leave his definition
there. He boldly ventures into the region of assumptions,
and affirms “that the universe which includes us and folds
us round is the life-dwelling of an Eternal Mind ; that the

�Warfare with Superstition.

•

11

world of our abode is the scene of a moral government
incipient but not yet complete; and that the upper zones
of human affection above the clouds of self and passion
raise us into the sphere of a Divine Communion.” These
three assumptions he considers to be independent of any
possible result of the natural sciences.
Now let us turn to the consideration of what we are
to understand by the term Superstition. Here we have
to deal with something that should be regarded as the
opposite of Religion, for it is something, which taking its
rise from the faculty of fear or dread of the unknown,
imaginatively figures to itself the features of some super­
natural or super-human power which is manifested in
ways that are inconsistent with our knowledge of the
established order of nature and the veracity of human
reason; based as such knowledge is on the verified dis­
coveries of science and on the uniformity and analogy of
invariable human experience. Superstition then is that
which assumes thus to know and to describe the super­
natural. But what, we may ask, is the supernatural ?
It was well argued by the sublime philosopher Spinoza
(whose noble moral life, and subtle thoughts have lately
been so powerfully portrayed by the pen of our good
friend and lecturer Frederick Pollock) that “ we cannot
pretend to determine the boundary between the natural
and the supernatural until the whole of nature shall be
open to our knowledge,” and the late Oxford professor,
Baden Powell, in his striking Essay on the Order of
Nature has remarked, and in approval of this acute
observation of Spinoza, that the supernatural can really
never be a matter of science or knowledge at all, for
the moment it is brought within the cognizance of
reason it ceases to be supernatural; and he affirms that
all assumed knowledge of the supernatural is the off-

�12

.

The Victones of Science in its

spring of ignorance, and the parent of superstition and
idolatry.
Now let us briefly consider what, in connection with
our subject, we should understand by the term Science.
Science you know does not pretend to deal with the
supernatural. Its views and its researches are limited
entirely to Nature. The natural phenomena, matter,
force, and energy are its sources of knowledge, whilst
its organon of induction, or methods of investigation
subordinate the suggestions of the imagination and the
emotions to the dictates of Beason and the evidence
of Nature — Science then simply signifies methodized
or reasoned knowledge of the experienced course of
Nature, i.e. those invariable co-existences and successions
of phenomena — which the human mind discovers by
accurate observation and reflection, and then generalizes
as laws of Nature or unalterable rules constituting the
actual or ultimate government of the course of our
lives. In an abstract sense these laws, being inferences
drawn by the human mind from the observed uniformity
of Nature, may be said to possess in themselves no
governing power ; and that the force we seem to observe
in natural law may in reality be a force behind Nature.
This criticism many of you may remember was most
ably and lucidly submitted to us by our respected Presi­
dent Dr. Carpenter in the opening lecture of this year.
But the practical danger of pressing this metaphysical
assumption of some recondite force, of which Science
knows and can know nothing, appears to be this, that it
has a manifest tendency to cause us to retrogade from
Science back to Superstition, for the mystery it involves
inevitably allures the mind to disregard the clearly
observed Law, and to make its appeal to the force or
power assumed to exist behind the law.

�Warfare with Superstition.

13

Now, so far as scientific knowledge extends, the exis­
tence of any such force has nowhere been proved.
Natural law is apparently universal and ultimate. “ The
growing belief” observes Herbert Spencer “in the uni­
versality of law is so conspicuous to cultivated minds as
scarcely to need illustration, but,” (he shrewdly adds,)
“ Though the fact is sufficiently familiar, the philosophy
of the fact is not so.” “ A natural philosopher,” (says
Professor Jowett) “ capable of seeing creation with a real
scientific insight, would behold the reign of law every­
where ; one and continuous in all the different spheres
of knowledge, in all the different realms of Nature,
throughout all time, and over all space.” “ And,” (says
Dr. Carpenter, referring for instance to the law of gravi­
tation) “ we feel an assurance of its truth which nothing
save a complete revolution in the world of matter or in
the world of mind can ever shake.”
Although then the inference which the mind draws
from observing the uniformity of Nature is, at the out­
set, simply a scientific assumption, similar to the meta­
physical assumption of a force existing behind Nature,
yet the substantial difference between the two is really
this—that whilst the metaphysical assumption ever
remains an assumption, the scientific assumption becomes
verified as true through the evidence of universal
experience.
Such undoubtedly are the conclusions of science, and
if they cannot be disproved I submit to you, not specu­
latively, but as an important practical matter, that we
should be counselled to regulate our lives in obedience to,
or conformity with the discovered and verified Law of
Nature, and not in reference to some unknown force
assumed to exist behind Nature.
If now we turn and limit our attention to the more
recent history of European Communities we find that

�14

The Victories of Science in its

their advance in civilization, that is in material and
social comfort, and in the conveniences and even neces­
saries of civilized life, has progressed in a remarkable
manner parallel with the development of Science. There
is scarcely an improvement in real life that is not strictly
traceable to scientific discovery or invention, and all
such discovery and invention being the result of the
exercise of natural human sagacity is, by its very nature,
antagonistic to Superstition; and the process of continu­
ally ascertaining and applying the natural law, by which
the events of life on earth are found to be really regu­
lated, has the necessary gradual effect of purifying
theology, so far. as it superstitiously attributes such
events to the immediate action of supernatural causes,
and thereby of compelling theology to undergo interpre­
tations and modifications corresponding more or less
closely, to the continual progress of human intelligence.
We shall I think meet with ample evidence of this
progressive change in theological beliefs if we examine,
by way of illustration, some few of the more con­
spicuous examples of that ceaseless conflict which Science,
since the establishment of Christianity in Europe, has
ever had to wage with superstition, and where it has
come into collision with the prevailing theological dogmas
of the day.
The first of these memorable contests which I will
mention relates to the supposed magnitude, immobility,
and flat form of the Earth. At the time when this con­
flict seriously arose (about the beginning of the 16th
century), the Bible was universally believed to be an
inspired supernatural authority for every matter asserted
or treated of within its various pages, and its true
interpretation in any ambiguous matter to have been
authoritatively declared in the dogmas decreed by suc­
cessive Councils of the Church, or in the commentaries

�Warfare with Superstition.

15

of a succession of personages of extraordinary learning
and sanctity termed the Fathers, and it was not only
thought to be utterly fallacious but to be awfully wicked
for anyone to set up an opinion adverse to so revered a
weight of authority as the Bible, Councils, and Fathers
combined was held to be.
Amongst other matters of fact, believed to have been
thereby decided as infallibly true, were the size and
shape of the Earth. It was declared to be the largest
Or chief body in the Universe, and in form or shape to
be a flat plane—and relatively immoveable—and that the
sun, moon, and stars all moved round it; and every
attempt to show, from observation of Nature or calcula­
tions of the reason based on such observation, that these
views were physically untrue was met for a long time
with simple scorn and derision : which only became con­
verted into the actual persecution of Science and its
professors when so large an amount of evidence to the
contrary had been collected, and marshalled in such a
way as to produce a profound impression upon the lay
intelligence of the age, and when therefore the scientific
views could no longer be safely ignored by ecclesiastical
power.
This evidence I can only glance at, and indeed we are
all now of course more or less familiar with it. For
instance, the voyages of those adventurous navigators
Columbus and Vasco de Gama in the years 1492—97,
and of Magellan in the year 1519, who had amongst them
actually sailed round the earth, proving to demonstration
by this astonishing achievment that it was of definite and
comparatively small size, and not in form a flat plane, but
a circular or globular body. Then the startling astro­
nomical researches of Copernicus, Tycho Brahe, and
Kepler, had resulted in demonstrating the Earth’s motion
round the Sun. That it was the Sun that was stationary

�16

The Victories of Science in its

and not the Earth: and then Galileo who, supplementing
previous discoveries by his own, and by the aid of the
telescope, then recently invented, verified, visually as well
as mathematically, the great outline of our Solar System
in a manner that utterly contradicted and indeed outraged
all that men had been taught to believe, and did then
verily believe, on the faith of scriptural and patristic
authority.
The discoveries resulting from the invention of the
telescope were indeed simply astounding, and they exer­
cised such a withering influence upon the prevailing
orthodox theories that many of the theologians refused
even to look through the telescope, being afraid to behold
the heavenly phenomena then revealed for the first time
to mortal eyes. A most amusing letter on the subject
from Galileo to Kepler, written in the year 1609 has
been preserved: “Oh, my dear Kepler,” he writes, “how
I wish we could have one hearty laugh together. Here,
at Padua, is the professor of Philosophy, whom I have
repeatedly requested to look at the moon and planets
through my glass, pertinaciously refusing to do so.
Why are you not here ? What laughter we should have
at this glorious folly, and to hear the professor labouring
before the Grand Duke with logical arguments, as with
magical incantations, to charm the new planets out of the
sky! ”
Now Galileo, you remember, was accused of having
attacked Religion; he was prosecuted accordingly, and,
though the consummate audacity of the infallible Roman
Church has since been equal to the denial of its com­
plicity in his condemnation—he was summoned before
the tribunal of the Holy Inquisition, the grand ecclesi­
astical Court of the time, and he was made, as you know,
to recant all his scientific convictions. We have the
exact words of his recantation, and they sre still worthy

�Warfare with Superstition.

17

of being repeated. Galileo was compelled to declare—
first, bis proposition, “that the Sun is the Centre of the
World and immovable from its place,” is absurd, philo­
sophically false, and formally heretical, because it is
expressly contrary to Holy Scripture. Secondly, his
proposition, “ that the Earth is not the Centre of the
World nor immovable, but that it moves, and also with a
diurnal motion,” is absurd, philosophically false, and
theologically considered, erroneous in faith.
Now it should be observed that the Cardinal Inquisi­
tors who sentenced Galileo were amongst the most
enlightened ecclesiastics of their age; they were not bad
men, they acted conscientiously according to their light,
and their views were in harmony with the generally
accepted religious knowledge and sentiments of the
time.
The case therefore was one in which it was solemnly
adjudged by theologians that Science had attacked and
was in conflict with Religion. We, living now, know
perfectly well that it was nothing of the sort—that it
was Science in possession of the truth, sapping the
superstitions that formed the superstructure of the theo­
logical system of the day; and now every Schoolboy is
taught that Galileo’s recanted propositions are matters of
verified astronomical science, and therefore cannot be
contradictory to, but must be in harmony with, real re­
ligious truth. Thus the discoveries and reasoning of these
astronomers and their illustrious successors Newton,
Laplace, Herschel, and divers others, constitute the
first complete victory achieved by Science over Super­
stition.
I need not stop to dilate upon the deep importance to
our thoughts and lives of the transcendent truths dis­
covered by Astronomers, having given a summary of the
subject in a lecture delivered here four years ago, and

�18

The Victories of Science in its

still in print, “ On the Influence of Astronomical discovery
“ in the development of the human Mind.”

We will now turn to a second illustration of the main
argument of the present lecture. Until quite recently,
almost within the memory of living men, we were sup­
posed to possess in the Bible a supernatural revelation of
the Creation of the World, and the time when and the
manner in which it took place. There are ecclesiastical
commentaries on the book of Genesis which undertake to
inform the reader by means of biblical interpretation the
exact month and day of the week when this stupendous
event occurred. Generally however, what is known as
Archbishop Ussher’s chronology was believed as a part of
religious faith, and that system of dates placed the Crea­
tion as occurring precisely 4004 years before the birth of
Christ; and the authority of other books of the Penta­
teuch is explicit and confirmatory of the Creation having
been accomplished in six days, and according to the
method described in the opening chapters of Genesis.
We read therein, amongst other amazing assertions,
that God rested on the seventh day, and we, or those to
whom these writings are assumed to have been addressed,
are commanded to keep the seventh day holy on that
account, and there can be no doubt of belief in these
narrative and injunction being considered as an essen­
tial part of religious faith. Indeed the wearying gloom
and austerity in which the religious world still struggle
to retain our Sunday are strictly traceable to credulity
in the superstition in question.
Now, the science of Geology, which, as most of you
know, consists primarily of an actual examination of the
Earth’s crust or surface and strata beneath for the pur­
pose of ascertaining what they may teach concerning the
Earth’s age and history, establishes the existence of a
multiplicity of facts which are utterly contradictory to

�Warfare with Superstition.

19

and subversive of^-first, the alleged creation of the Earth
only some 6,000 years ago, and secondly, of its present
order of inhabitants, vegetable, animal, and human,
having then been brought into existence in the course
of the six days mentioned in the Book of Genesis, and
in the order of succession therein particularised. How
thoroughly irreconcileable with the Biblical account of
the Creation are the scientific conclusions of Geology
will sufficiently appear from the consideration of, amongst
others, the two following well-established geological con­
clusions :—Evidence has been obtained in Egypt of the
existence of inhabitants to some extent civilized in that
country 13,000 years ago, and geologists of eminence,
however differing on the details of their science are
agreed that the present condition of the rocks over and
near to which flow the Falls of Niagara evidencing the
recession of the falls from Queenstown to their present
site, has been occasioned by the continuous action of
water throughout a period of 30,000 years—and the
most trustworthy and recent geological authorities, such as
Lyell, Croll, Darwin, Haeckel, Boyd-Dawkins, and Geikie
concur in considering that the antiquity of man is to be
reckoned not by tens of thousands, but by hundreds of
thousands of years !
But I need not occupy your time by considerations
showing how utterly fallacious were the religious notions
on the subject derived simply from the study of the
Scriptures—their fallacy is now on all hands conceded.
I may quote as recent theological authority for our
present scientific views the statement of the Bev. Bobert
Main, Badcliffe observer in the University of Oxford:—
“ Some school books,” he remarks, “ still teach to the
ignorant that the Earth is only 6,000 years old, and that
all things were created in six days—No well educated
person of the present day shares in the delusion. What-

�20

The Victories of Science in its

ever the meaning of the six days, ending with the seventh
day’s mystical and symbolical rest, indisputably we
cannot accept them in their literal meaning, they as
plainly do not denote the order of succession of all the
individual creations.” And Dr. James Martineau has
declared emphatically “ that the whole history of the'
genesis of things Religion must now unconditionally
surrender to Science.”
Well, but there is hardly any class of scientific men
who have been more vehemently denounced for attacking
religion than the geologists. The great argument used
to discredit their researches was the old cry that their
conclusions contradicted Scripture, and accordingly
volumes upon volumes have been published all composed
on the same argumentative basis, viz., That what contra­
dicts Scripture cannot be true—an argument as some
of you may have heard, as old at least as the time of
Galileo. “If nature contradicts Scripture” (said the
schoolmen to Galileo), “ Nature must be mistaken, for
we know that the Scriptures are true! ”
And now how does the case stand as regards our
illustration. Geological science being true could not
have been attacking religion, but only those parts of the
theological system which had been constructed from the
superstitions of the day, and thus it has come to pass
that, through the discoveries of the geologists, a second
great victory has been achieved by Science in its warfare
with Superstition.
A third illustration I will refer to relates to the super­
stition which I have mentioned in the syllabus of the
Lecture as belief in the government of human life by
special Providence;—the question being whether the
affairs of life are carried on subject to incessant super­
natural intervention, or Whether they take place through
the operation of constant invariable natural law.

�Warfare with Superstition.

21

Previously to the rise of the physical Sciences, especially
Astronomy and Geology, the almost universal belief of
Christian Europe was that every significant act #nd
occurrence of life was the direct result of the exercise of
the providence of God, or the power of the Devil. Not
only was this conclusion directly deducible from the
literal interpretation of the language of the Bible, but,
it being the manifest interest of a priesthood, (whose
aim is ever to stand between the prayer of the Votary
and the providential act,) to encourage this belief, books
of devotion are composed by them based upon this idea,
in which instructions are given to enable the worshipper
to beseech the Almighty in a becoming manner for
almost every conceivable thing the circumstances of his
life may for the time being seem to require.
The church of England book of Common Prayer com­
piled more than three centuries ago, that is long before
the Physical Sciences had been popularly heard of in this
Country, need only to be opened at random to confirm
what I am now submitting to you. But the progress
of Science has proved beyond rational doubt, that those
circumstances of our lives which were theologically re­
ferred to as direct Providential or Satanic interventions,
the inflictions, chastisement, temptations, judgments, or
whatever other sacerdotal phrases are employed to define
supposed manifestations of supernatural Will, are the
result of the operation of natural Law, that is, they are
the direct consequences of the disregard of SQme natural
law which might have been observed and obeyed by the
sagacious use of man’s natural and moral intelligence.
So now, in reference, for example, to the cause and cure
of sickness, our attention is being most usefully drawn
away by Science from miserably moping over manuals
of devotion to the exhilirating study of handy books on
the laws of health—and thus it is, in the words of

�22

The Victories of Science in its

Professor Huxley, that “ Science is teaching the World
that the ultimate Court of Appeal is observation and
experiment, and not theological authority, she is teaching
us to estimate the value of evidence, she is creating a
firm and living faith in the existence of immutable moral
and physical laws, perfect obedience to which is the
highest possible aim of an intelligent being.”
No one then who has impartially watched the course
and improvement of human life, since we have come
to study and to treat its healthy physical and moral exis­
tence as immediately dependent upon the observance
of natural law, can doubt that the illustration we are
considering constitutes another most important triumph
of Science over Superstition.
Connected with the last illustration, or rather a con­
tinuation of it, is what we may not inaptly term the
theological theory of disease—viz. the notion that diseases,
and epidemics especially, were punishments or judgments
inflicted by the hand of the Almighty for some individual
or national sins, and that they are to be cured sometimes
by a miracle, sometimes by devotion to the shrine or relics
of a Saint, and sometimes by simple prayer addressed to
the Supreme. All these various ways and practices of
appealing for relief to supernatural power were until
quite recent times devoutly believed in throughout almost
the whole of Europe, and were supposed to form essential
parts of religious faith.
Even now in visiting Boman Catholic Churches, espe­
cially on the Continent, you cannot fail to observe the
number of Votive offerings that are fixed or suspended
round the shrine and image of a favorite Saint by those
who believe that they have recovered from diseases or
misfortunes through the intervention of the Saint in
answer to the invocations of the patient. This practice,
(like the Ritualistic lighting of candles on the Altars of

�Warfare with Superstition,

23

Churches in the day time,) has been copied from the ser­
vice of the Temples of the Pagan religions which prevailed
in Ancient Rome at the time of the establishment of
Christianity in the reign of the Emperor Constantine.
Well therefore asks the astute Middleton, in his instruc­
tive “Letter from Rome,”—“ what is all this but a revival
of the old impostures, with no other difference, than what
the Pagan priests ascribed to the imaginary help of their
Deities, the Romish priests as foolishly impute to the
favor of their Saints.” Of course it has been the policy
of the Church to discourage the physician and his science.
He interfered too much with the gifts to and profits of
the shrines.
At one time it was a constant practice on the breaking
out of an epidemic to carry the relics of the Patron Saint
of the locality round the infected districts to drive the
disease away. The superstitious belief we are considering
had become so extravagant, and the practice in connection
with it had obtained a height so ludicrous, that no longer
ago than the end of the last century, the clergy in Spain
induced the people to believe that a pestilence then raging
was caused by their allowing the performance of so un­
godly an entertainment as the opera, and it is a fact
that the opera had actually on that account to be put a
stop to 1
Although sanitary science has now in this country com­
pletely triumphed over the Superstition in question, yet
owing to our still continued narrow theological teaching
very lamentable occurrences are occasionally seen to
happen. For instance, it is still taught at those strong­
holds of sacredotalism, our two great Universities, that
the Bible is in every part of it supernaturally inspired
truth. Mr. Burgon, recently one of the select preachers
at Oxford, in a work addressed to the junior members of
the University, thus expressed himself:—“ The Bible is

�24

The Victories of Science in its

none other than the Voice of Him that sitteth upon the
Throne. Every book of it, every chapter of it, every
verse of it, every word of it, every syllable of it, every
letter of it, is the direct utterance of the Most High.
The Bible is none other than the Word of God—not
some part of it more some part of it less, but all alike the
utterance of Him who sitteth upon the Throne—absolute,
faultlegs, unerring, supreme ! ” We cannot wonder then
that there should be persons who repose faith in its verbal
teaching as applicable at the present time, and who seek
to derive benefit from strictly and literally following its
plainly expressed precepts. One of the apparently plainest
of its injunctions is contained in the general Epistle of
St. James the 5th chap, and the 14th and 15th verses.
“ Is any sick among you ?, Let him call for the elders of
the Church, and let them pray over him anointing him
with oil in the name of the Lord. And the prayer of faith
shall save the sick, and the Lord shall raise him up.”
A religious sect known as the Peculiar People rigidly
follow this injunction in cases of sickness, and it is not so
long since we were scandalized by the spectacle of a cri­
minal prosecution, on account of the death of a child
whose parents had treated it biblically and not medically,
and the Magistrate, (Bible and University theological
teaching non obstante,) found the Parents to have been
guilty of culpable neglect for relying on the Bible, with­
out calling in medical assistance, and punished them
accordingly.
This case strikingly illustrates the spirit of our age,
showing as it does that secular teaching is in point of
intelligence very far in advance of theological teaching ;
yet it is impossible not to feel commiseration for the
unfortunate people who are so drugged with dognfa that
their religious beliefs actually become conducive to the
deaths of their own offspring, and who are only roused

�Warfare with Superstition.

25

out of their superstitions by finding them thus rudely
shocked by the judgment and penal sentence of the law.
With this exception we in England may be said to
have entirely freed ourselves from the folly of this
branch of superstition, unless it may be thought still to
linger at Guy’s Hospital, where, as we have lately seen,
praying nurses are placed in authority over scientific
physicians !
The only further illustration I will now give you has
reference to those anthropomorphic conceptions of Deity
which have more or less disfigured all the theological
systems of the world,.and until recently characterised
our own conception of the God of Christianity, who is
of course the historical continuation of the Jehovah of
the Hebrew Scriptures ; for, though the Deity of the
New Testament has attributes somewhat different from
those of Jehovah (to which I shall presently refer), He is
evidently the same God throughout.
It might not be easy, it would indeed be impracticable
within the time now at our disposal, to exhibit the
successive steps which have resulted in generally endow­
ing the foremost minds of our generation with that
correct and exalted standard of morality or moral sense
by which our social actions, opinions, and beliefs are
righteously judged in the last resort, and whereby the
practice of life has become so mild and humane and
unselfish compared with that of our ancestors, or other
semi-barbarous peoples.
One great effort to improve the morality of Princes
and Rulers stands out conspicuous—I mean the great
work of Hugo Grotius published at Paris in the year
1625 and entitled, “ Three books concerning the Rights
of War and Peacea work whose main objects were,
First—To induce nations to abstain as far as possible
from resorting to the dreadful ordeal of war. and to

�26

The Victories of Science in its

cultivate that noble ideal of the lovers of mankind—a
perpetual peace. To recognise the sovereignty of the
moral or social law, and to submit their quarrels and
conflicting claims to be judged at the bar of conscience.
To this end to establish Courts of Conciliation, and
agree to settle international disputes by arbitration.
Secondly—when that could not be done, or war avoided,
to conduct their warfare with as generous a humanity as
possible. And thirdly—To treat prisoners of war with the
clemency due to them as human beings and brothers, and
not with the relentless cruelties that were then habitu­
ally practised towards those unfortunate persons.
The chief contents of Grotius’ grand work consist of
discussions historical and moral enlivened and embel­
lished with abundant and interesting citations from the
most celebrated authors of classical and sacred antiquity
—poets, orators, historians, philosophers, and sages of
all times and nations are, with the very splendour of
learning, laid under contributions for the purpose of
supporting, by their conspiring sentiments and reason­
ings, the benevolent objects of the good and great
Grotius ; showing in short the unanimity of the higher
order of minds of the whole human race on the great
rules of duty, and the fundamental principles of morals.
If we, studying the lofty argument of Grotius at the
present day,’ can hardly fail to find our views of virtue
and humanity expanded and inspired by so impressive a
display of the principles it expounds, we can easily be­
lieve what is related of it when first published—viz. that
it at once fascinated all the sovereigns and ministers and
great men of the time ; that the king of Sweden,
Gustavus Adolphus carried it about with him and kept
it under his pillow ; that a professorship was founded to
teach and diffuse its doctrines ; and that it was translated
(from its original latin) into most modern languages.

�Warfare with Superstition.

27

There has been of course, since the time of the illustri­
ous Grrotius, a succession of similar though lesser lights,
whom I will not now stop to name, all exhibiting and
enforcing his humane and philanthropic views.
Another cause operating in the same direction has
been the gradual improvement in the nature and number
of criminal punishments. The penal codes of all Euro­
pean nations during the times of theological ascendency
were painfully disfigured by the practice of judicial torture
and arbitrary imprisonments, and the cruel and vindictive
punishments inflicted upon criminals. Bearing in mind
too how large an extent the moral sense or conscience of
a community is a reflection of its legal system, the pre­
sent mitigated severity and graduated scale of punish­
ments, more or less proportioned to the nature and
gravity of the offence, and to the frailty of and tempta­
tion besetting the offender, must have materially assisted
in maturing and refining the public moral sentiment.
A similar effect is also observable as proceeding from
the more civilized character of our popular amusements
—bear baiting, bull baiting, badger baiting, dog fighting,
cock fighting and shying, and other cruel and depraving
sports have now almost ceased amongst us, and if we
desire an example to show the connection between such
barbarous cruelties and the influence of Superstition, we
need only turn our gaze towards Spain, where we see the
most brutalizing of sports—bull-fighting—is still the
principle pastime of the most superstitious people on the
face of Europe.
Now that the cause of our advance in intelligence and
morality, and of our more earnest love of toleration and
truth, has' been scientific or secular, and not theological,
seems plain from the fact that it has resulted in causing
us to view with a sentiment akin to horror, some of the
anthropomorphic attributes and commands of Deity that

�28

The Victories of Science in its

we find recorded in the books of the Bible, and which
previously to the scientific culture and elevation of our
moral sense were generally acquiesced in quite as a matter
of course; were to be believed (suggested an eminent
theologian, the late Dean Mansel,) as God’s temporary
suspensions of the laws of moral obligation, or moral
miracles ! Thus, in the old Testament the Almighty is
represented as walking on the Earth, eating with Abra­
ham, wrestling with Jacob, appearing in a visible form to
Moses, .tempting men, and speaking with human speech.
Then the shocking stories related, such as the Divine
sanction of the frightful massacres of the Canaanites and
Levites, with the ruthless slaughter of women and childred, the divine patronage of the odious Jacob—and
numerous instances of extraordinary cruelties ascribed
to Jehovah in the books of the Pentateuch, making him
out to be a man of war, cruel, capricious, revengeful,
and not to be trusted.
In the New Testament indeed we find an improved
character of the Deity, and one in many important aspects
widely different. There is however attributed to the God
of the New Testament what, if rigorously balanced against
the failings ascribed to Jehovah, must be considered to
outweigh them all; viz., the eternity of punishment which
he will inflict in a future life. No efforts of the disci­
plined human reason, which is guided by the conscious­
ness of right, can discover any justification for the creation
of beings whose lives are to terminate in endless torment.
The enlightened intellectual and moral capacity of civil­
ized man rejects the idea of eternal punishment as utterly
revolting to its sense of justice, mercy, and charity,, and
any attempt to realise ‘ in the unpolluted temple of the
mind ’ an enormity so awful causes it to recoil from its
imputed author, who (as is alleged) could create the human
race with the infallible foreknowledge, and therefore

�Warfare with Superstition.

29

with the intention, that the majority, or even some were
eventually to be consigned to the horrible and everlasting
torture of Hell-fire I
From the slight review we have now taken of the influ­
ence of Science upon Superstition, and the modifications
that religious creeds have thereby undergone, we may feel
assured that the process is not yet ended, and that popu­
lar theologies are still disfigured by superstitions which
expanding science will explode. Such for instance prob­
ably, as belief in the objective efficacy of the supplications,
humiliations, fastings, and other asceticisms prescribed by
preistcraft, and not improbably, I venture to think, our
beliefs in supernatural revelations and exclusive salva­
tions.
We now know through the Science of Geology, whose
connected sequence of events was so admirably summar­
ised by Professor Ramsay, in his Presidential address last
year to the British Association for the advancement of
Science, that in the physical government of the world,
throughout the long ages whose history is embraced by
this marvellous science, all progress has been continuous
and orderly, not varying in kind and intensity from that
of which we now have experience, is indeed the effect of
causes still in full operation, that is, without cataclysms
or catastrophes of any kind. Reasoning by analogy we
should say that if such has been the course of the mate­
rial world the course of the spiritual world (the sphere
of religious development) has most probably been similar,
and that if there has been no physical cataclysm in the
one world, neither has there been a spiritual cataclysm
in the other, such as a sudden supernatural revelation
accompanied by miracles would undoubtedly be, but that
throughout the ages all spiritual enlightenment has pro­
gressed by the same means and in the same manner as at
the present moment.

�30

The Victories of Science in its

Probably therefore it may come to be generally believed
that the only real revelation is in Science, which, as Herbert
Spencer observes, is a continuous disclosure, through the
intelligence with which we are endowed, of the established
order of the Universe.
If time permitted me now to enter upon a catalogue
of the evil effects wrought by Superstition, that is false
demoralising beliefs relating to the supernatural, we
should find that there is scarcely a single one of the great
miseries of life that is not distinctly traceable to this,
cause. I will only now recall to your mind the horrors
of the Crusades, the numerous religious wars, the Spanish
Inquisition, the persecutions, burnings, martyrdoms,
massacres, and other hideous atrocities that for ages
formed part of the very staple of European history, and
which directly arose out of the superstitious beliefs en­
gendered by their dogmatic Theology, which, in its merci­
less endeavours to crush freedom of thought and speech,
has impelled man to inflict upon his fellow-man every
species of cruelty and calamity that bigotted and intoler­
ant fanaticism could devise.
Now one of the habits engendered by superstitious
belief is of course a tendency to assume that everything
happens through the interposition of providence, and.
must accordingly be right however unscrutable; and,,
however disastrous, yet sent for some good purpose and
to chasten or to benefit us somehow and eventually.
Of course such a tendency operates mischievously by its
withdrawing our minds and energies and precious time
from the search in this world for those natural causes of
misery which when discovered show that it is remediable
by scientific effort, in other words, that it is to be alleviated
by the application of our natural intelligence, and not by
our taking refuge in that sanctuary of Superstition (pro­
fanely called) the Will of God.

�Warfare with Superstition*

31

To enumerate the ameliorations of human well-being
that have been achieved through the exercise of man’s
natural intelligence would be a theme almost exhaustless.
In reference to these I will now confine myself to
merely quoting to you the striking summing-up by
Macaulay in his brilliant Essay on Lord Bacon, of the
utilitarian result of the development of scientific method,
so luminously expounded to his contemporaries, and
impressed upon his posterity by the genius of the great
English Philosopher, who enunciated the fruitful axiom
that true philosophy, whatever its theory, is practically
the application of the discoveries and methods of the
sciences to the regulation of the affairs and conduct of
our lives
“ Ask a follower of Bacon what Science has effected for man-&gt;
kind and his answer is ready. It has lengthened life; it has
mitigated pain; it has extinguished diseases; it has increased
the fertility of the soil; it has given new securities to the
mariner; it has furnished new arms to the warrior; it has
spanned great rivers with bridges of form unknown to our
fathers; it has guided the thunderbolt innocuously from heaven
•to earth ; it has lighted up the night with the splendour of the
day; it has extended the range of the human vision; it has
multiplied the power of the human muscles; it has accelerated
motion; it has annihilated distance; it has facilitated inter­
course, correspondence, all friendly offices, all dispatch of
business; it has enabled man to descend to the depths of the
sea, to soar into the air, to penetrate securely into the noxious
recesses of the earth; to traverse the land in carriages which
whirl along without horses, and the ocean in ships which run
ten knots an hour against the wind. These are but a part of its
fruits, and of its first fruits—for Science never rests, its law is
progress.”

But in truth every page of the history of civilization
shows us that improvement in the health, the happiness,
and the virtue of mankind has taken place entirely
through the intellectual and moral progress resulting
from the teaching of Science. You will find the un­
answerable details of this history very clearly exhibited
in Dr. Draper’s remarkable work on “ The intellectual
development of Europe,” and also in its condensed and

�32 Victories of Science in its Warfare with Superstition.

lucid summary, published under the title of ‘ The Con­
flict between Religion and Science.’ An unhappy
misnomer this title, however, if the argument of my
lecture be a sound one, viz., That it is not Religion that
Science has attacked or come into conflict with—but
only the superstitions of the hour, that were ignorantly
and erroneously supposed to form parts of Religion, and
that were 1 intent on offering to the Author of Truth
the unclean sacrifice of a lie.’ Now, in exposing and
stamping out Superstition and that old theological spirit
which has brought so much misery upon the world,
Science has actually rendered the most vital service to
Religion; for the true beliefs which Science has thus
compelled Theology to adopt are far more really reli­
gious than the superstitious beliefs which Science has
from time to time forced Theology to surrender.
Let us rejoice, in the cause of Humanity, that such
has been the case, and moreover that this purifying
process is yet proceeding, and that Science, whose coura­
geous career has hitherto been unstained by cruelty,
oppression, or crime, will, in her warfare with Supersti­
tion, still continue marching on to Victories alike
beneficent and bloodless; for
Science is a child as yet,
And her power and scope shall grow,
And her triumphs in the future
Shall diminish toil and woe.

Kenny &amp; Co., Printers, 25, Camden Road, N.W.

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                    <text>CHRISTIANITY.
THIRD PART.

MONASTICISM AND SCHOLASTICISM: INVENTIONS AND
DISCOVERIES; FAITHAND SCIENCE; HEBRAISM
AND HELLENISM.
BEING

lecture
DELIVERED BEFORE THE

SUNDAY LECTURE SOCIETY,
ST. GEORGE’S IIALL, LANGHAM PLACE,
ON

SUNDAY, 20th NOVEMBER, 1881,
BY

Dr. G. G. ZERFFI, F.R.S.L., F.R.Hist.S.

Honljon:
PUBLISHED BY THE SUNDAY LECTURE SOCIETY.
1881.
PRICE THREEPENCE.

�SYLLABUS.

Influence of Heathenism on Christianity.
Monks and Monasteries; Cloisters and Nuns.

The Crusades. East and West.
Gregory VII. Church and State.

The Popes and the German Emperors. Conflict between the Static and
Dynamic Forces working in Humanity.
Roger Bacon and Thomas Aquinas.

Demonology and Angelology.

Occam—Inventions and Discoveries.
The Reformation, an apparently retrograde movement.

The Conflict between Hebraism and Hellenism an undoubtedly progres­
sive movement.

Conspiracies against the rights of Humanity. The Inquisition.

The Dawn of Modern Thought.

Francis Lord Bacon, Newton, Spinoza, Leibnitz, Kant, and the Hierarchy.
Spiritual Despotism and Intellectual Democracy.

�CHRISTIANITY.
------------ 4------------

III.

Monasticism and Scholasticism.

and Science.

Inventions and Discoveries.

Faith

Hebraism and Hellenism.

N tracing step by step, and date by date, the historical evolu­

tion of Christianity, we are
by the gradual, everIincreasing influence of Heathenismstrucka religion which in its pure
on
origin made the most determined opposition to all outward ritual
and idolatrous ceremonial. Christianity was to have redeemed
man’s higher spiritual nature from all fetters of dogmatism and
theological obscurantism.
The “ word” as the most important living manifestation of the
divine Spirit in love, wisdom, and truth, engendering pure thoughts,
pure words, and pure actions, had been already with the ancient
Persians the primitive force, spreading spiritual enlightenment all
over the world. Its symbol was the Sun.
The “ word,” as. the condensation of God’s breath, was with the
Indians the very foundation of their religious development. The
“word”—or God—the universal “neuter,” the “Thad,” the im­
personal, became Creator, Preserver and Transformer, as the three
cosmical forces working in one.—Ideas which may be expressed in
words, preserved in traditions or writings, and transformed, con­
tinually producing new ideas and words, were with the Indians
the elements of progressive culture. With the Egyptians Toth, or
Hermes, the “ Logos,” the “ word ” in its spiritual sense, was the
life-giver, the founder of all wisdom and truth. With the Greeks
the myth, that Pallas-Athene, provided with helmet, spear and
shield, had sprung from the head of Zeus, meant symbolically that
the “ word,” clad in wisdom, justice, and truth, was the most inlportant embodiment of the divine Spirit. Pythagoras (569 b.c.),
initiated at Thebes into the mysteries of the Egyptian priests (after
this distinction had been refused to him at Heliopolis and Mem­

�4

Christianity.

phis), brought thence the knowledge of the “ Logos ” (the word),
as the first vivification of the divine Spirit, without which the very
notion of the Deity would be impossible. Plato (380 B.o.) learnt in
Egypt that the voSs (Spirit) can only become reality through the
X&amp;yos (the word), and he proclaimed that God was the word—the
beginning of all things —that He was goodness. Plato, therefore,
opposed the ancient notion that God could be passionate, envious,
or jealous, or that evil could have originated with Him. Intellect
was with Plato productive (creative), indivisible, and all-pervading.
No thoughts could come to reality without “ words.”—The word,
with Plato, was God, in the sense of the Egyptians, and “ God
was in the beginning the word, and the word was with God, and
the word was God,” and was adopted in the spirit of Plato by the
later Christians.
*
According to Philo (a contemporary of Christ), the Jews be­
lieved God to be enthroned in eternal perfection and wisdom
in Heaven, rewarding the good and the virtuous. All other divine
deeds were done by different spirits (messengers)—especially the
judging and punishing of the wicked. God did not judge, but a
Being standing next to Him—the divine “ Logos ”—the “ word ”
(reason, intellect, understanding,) performed that function. The
Logos was with Philo the invisible, bodiless spiritual essence of all
things visible; it was no person, nothing tangible or expanded,
but the purest manifestation of mind, the principal element of all
ideas, the life of life, the eye of eyes, the primitive conception of
the universe. The “ Logos ” was omniscient, it was past, present,
and future; it was the Alpha and the Omega of all things ; it was
imperishable, eternal, passionless, and infallible. God was its father,
Sophia (wisdom) its mother. It was the splendour, reflection, and
essence of God. It was God’s angel and messenger. God’s ser­
vant and mediator. The “ word ” had created the world, and
given laws and order. The “word” was the supreme judge be­
tween God and man, mortality and immortality, the spiritual and
the material; it was the light of God and of the world ; the ruler
and guide of all things created, and all creatures. The “ Logos ”
was the first-born “ Son of God.” All these notions were applied
tQ Christ, though they are distinctly found in the mysteries, and
* See—Plato: Phsedrus, Theaetetus, Sophist, &amp;c. C. S. Henry, D.D.
*“ An Epitome of the History of Philosophy,” London: Longman and Co.,
1849.—Dr. Kostlin, “ Theologische Jahrbiicher,” 1851.—Dr. Zeller, “Theol.
Jahrb.,” 1841.—Ackermann, “ Das Christliche in Plato,” 1835.

�Christianity.

5

philosophical systems of the Heathens and Jews. So far as the
spiritual essence of all this metaphysical symbolism is concerned,
it was unquestionably correct to have ascribed it to Christ, for we
&lt; may trace to him and his pure, unalloyed teachings, the principle
of the Logos as universal love and brotherhood.
But historical Christianity, as it evolved itself in time and space,
did not maintain this spiritual broadness, this homogeneous foun­
dation, which could have turned humanity into one great brother­
hood. It is a fact, an incontestable historical fact, that nearly all
the more highly developed religious systems of humanity had at
first monotheism for their basis. This, however, did not long satisfy
the craving of the masses for emotional excitement. The Fathers
“ majorum gentium” were followed by Fathers “ minorum gen­
tium.” The unity of the Deity was divided into three persons.
A disguised Polytheism was slowly, but surely, introduced through
the worship of various angels and saints—opposed by correspond­
ing demons and wicked spirits. The Heathens, with their poetical
impersonations of the forces and phenomena of nature, were
abhorred and cursed, and yet their polytheistic mode of thinking
and worshipping was adopted. Up to the year 60 a.d. the Chris­
tians had to observe the diet of the Jews, and to practise circum­
cision.
The use of holy water was ordered by the Christians 120 a.d.,
in conformity with the Persians, Egyptians, Jews, Greeks, and
Romans, who looked upon water as the mysterious life-giving ele­
ment. According to the Indian sacred writings, “ When the world
was still buried in the night of chaos, water existed, veiling as the
breath of the Divinity the unshapen earth.” According to the
G-enesis of Manti, “ Water separated heaven and earth.” “ Water
was the essence of life, when the earth was still barren and uninha­
bited.” The efficacy of water was recognised thousands of years ago
by the lawgivers of India and their Brahmans; the Persians intro­
duced baptism, the Egyptians hallowed it; the Jews had it; the
Essenes considered it an essential act, symbolic of the purification
from all worldliness, and the Greeks practised it in their Orphic
mysteries. We trace the rites of baptism over the Atlantic Ocean,
and find that they were observed by the Aztecs in America. Water
was considered all over the world the “ fountain of regeneration,”
“ the symbol of life.” “ Man must be born anew of water.”
Through water the Heathens of old, and the Christians of a later’
period, were to enter into rpligious communities. “ Water mysti­

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cally washed away the sins of the world, water made ns twice-born,
and admitted us into the state of chosen Brahmans.”
In order to detach Christianity from Judaism, the celebration
of the Sunday, instead of the Sabbath, was decreed in the second
century, after Christ himself had opposed the rigid observance of
that day with all his power. At the same period (150 a.d.) the
worship of Christ as God was instituted. Not in the sense of the
“Logos,”but in the sense of the worship of the visible ancient
Heathen Gods. His form, as the good shepherd, was carved and
painted, he was represented on the Cross, with a drooping head, a
picture of suffering and misery. The bright, the glorious Redeemer
of humanity, the incarnation of love, was not shown with a beam­
ing countenance, rejoicing that he had fulfilled his destiny—but '
heart-broken, and writhing in the agony of death, though death
could not exist for a God !
By degrees the Apostles and Saints received body and form,
and the worship of images was introduced 350 A.n. The old
Boman household gods were exchanged for images of the saints.
The “ Lararium,” a recess for the tutelary god in every Pagan
house, became an “ Oratorio.” Cybele, the mother of the heathen
gods, had her substitute in Mary, the mother of Christ. The
Christian images began to weep, to perspire, and to wink, just as
the miraculous images of the Heathens had done, like Apollo at
Cumae, and Juno at Lanuvium. The images of Christ,—the
Virgin and some saints were dressed, decorated with jewels, and
carried about in processions, in the same way as the heathen images
had been treated in India, Egypt, Greece, and Borne. This led to
a schism in the church. Some Christians, strengthened in their
abhorrence of these idolatrous practices by the purer monotheistic
Jews and Arabs, by Greek and Boman philosophers, considered
that the teachings of Christ were being defiled, and the first
“ iconoclasts ” began to rage against customs and ceremonies which
they held were opposed to the fundamental principles of Christ­
ianity. We trace the same iconoclastic spirit in the Netherlandish
image-breakers and the Puritans of England, as the survival of a
tendency which manifested itself during the earliest times of
Christianity.
The establishment of monks and monasteries, of cloisters and
nuns, followed next, in imitation of Indian Vanaprasthas (inhabi­
tants of woods, deserts and caves), Sunnyasis, Yogis, or Bisbis,
who for the greater glory of God were. capable of standing on one

�Christianity.

7

leg for twelve years, or holding up their clasped hands until their
nails grew through their flesh. Like Egyptian and Buddhistic
fanatics who thought idle contemplation far more meritorious
than useful activity, monks and nuns began to take possession of
Christianity. They indulged in peculiar hoods, beards, caps, and
dresses; affected sombre colours in combination with white and
brown, or red and blue; some wore shoes, others had none; some
neglected personal cleanliness, others did not comb or trim their
beards, or cut their hair ; others made themselves a crown of
thorns of their hair by shaving the top of the head; some wore
iron girdles studded with nails round their waists on the bare
skin. Some lived on locusts, others on dry bread; others again, as
the “ Boskoi ” (grazing monks), on grass. Some lived alone in caves
and huts. Claudius Rutilius Numantianus (in the 5th cent, a.d.),
gives a description of the island of “ Capreria,” in his “ Itinerarium,” which runs thus: “ The whole island is filled, or rather
defiled by men who fly from the light. They call themselves
Monks or Solitaries, because they choose to live without any
witnesses of their actions. They fear the gifts of fortune, from
the apprehension of losing them, and, lest they should be miserable,
they embrace a life of voluntary wretchedness.” The sensible
Roman writer then exclaims: “ How absurd is this choice! how
perverse their understanding! to dread evils without being able to
support the blessings of the human condition. Either this melan­
choly madness is the effect of disease, or else the consciousness of
guilt urges these unhappy men to exercise on their own bodies
the tortures which are inflicted on fugitive slaves by the hand of
justice.”
The glorious teachings of Christ were turned more and more
into a gloomy ritual, deadening common sense and destroying the
reasoning faculty in those who did not shrink from allowing
superstitious frenzy to become master of their better understanding.
There is no delusion which these men and women did not turn
into an act of pious worship. “ Stylytes ” and “ Sancti Columnares ” began to abound. In imitation of their founder, Simeon,
a Syrian, these saints used to stand on pillars 40 feet high, and
there pray, in opposition to Christ’s distinct condemnation of
those hypocrites “ who pray standing in the synagogues, and
standing in the corners of streets that they may be seen.” “ When
thou pravest,” said Christ, “Enter into thy closet, and when thou
hast shut thy door pray to thy Father which is in secret.” Osten­

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tation, pride, and boastfulness were fostered, instead of a correct
understanding of true Christianity, and this form of Fanaticism
produced, as all action does, a strong reaction. The Shemitic
spirit of the East revolted against this terrible mixture of a pure
monotheism with the most complicated and mystic polytheism,
and as I had the pleasure of showing in my lecture “ On the
Eastern Question,” delivered on the 25th of March, 1877, Mahomet
rose, and East and West were rent asunder, until “Blood and
Iron,” nearly 200 years later, gave another form to Christianity.
Whilst the establishment of monks and nuns was a silent, con­
templative delusion, the crusades were a noisy and raving madness,
and as all raving, howling, screaming madness is to some extent
contagious, the whole of Europe was drawn into its vortex, and
millions of otherwise peaceful and sober-minded men were driven
to certain death on the distant battlefields of Asia and Africa.
This astonishing commotion had, however, a most salutary effect
on the culture and further development of Humanity. Europe
got rid of the noisy, fighting, drinking knights, and the temporal
possessions of the killed fell into the hands of the Church, or were
acquired by toiling, working, trading towns-men. What had been
till then, without real discipline and cohesion, received a firm and
undisputed organization. It is true that before this happened
Christianity had to undergo considerable changes. In 325 the
Duality of the Godhead in the Father and the Son was established,
and in 348 the monastic life was decreed to be sacred. Nothing
was then easier than to become a saint, it was only necessary to
retire from the world and do nothing; but at a later period
canonization became a rather expensive distinction. In 381 the
doctrine of the Trinity of the Godhead was decreed, and ten years
later, in 391, the Latin mass was introduced, in order to separate
the praying priests from the people who spoke different languages.
Up to 433 the worship of the Virgin Mary, in imitation of the
Egyptian Virgin and Goddess Isis with her son Horus, had been
optional; it now became essential, and the double nature of Christ,
as God and Man, was made an indisputable article of faith. In
533 the belief in the double nature of Christ was advanced to an
indispensable dogma, necessary for our salvation. In imitation of
Indian, Persian, and Egyptian customs, extreme unction was intro­
duced as a means of entering heaven.
Festive days in imitation of Indians, Persians, Egyptians, Phoe­
nicians, Phrygians, Jews, Greeks, and Bomans were established.

�Christianity.

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The Purification, Annunciation, Assumption, &amp;c. of the Virgin
Mary became holy days. In imitation of the heathen ceremonies
in honour of Vesta, the Church ordained a corresponding festival.
Asses were walked in procession, decorated with flowers and leaves.
Prophets, Sybils, and Balaam himself were represented on such
occasions. A Virgin and a child were seated on a donkey, and
led by the motley crowd into one of the Churches. High Mass
was said, and priest and people brayed, instead of chanting “ Amen.”
Sometimes the revellers had the churches to themselves, like the
Babylonians when worshiping Mylitta (the Goddess of Love), once
a year, or like the Greeks and Bomans, when worshipping the God
of Wine, Dyonisius or Bacchus. The Christians on such occasions
dressed themselves as Satyrs or wild beasts, they celebrated a
burlesque mass of their own composition, consumed fat bacon, and
played at dice on the altar. A pope or abbot of fools was chosen.
This custom still survives in Mayence and Cologne, where the
feasts of Pools, “ the feriae stultorum ” of the Pagans are celebrated.
The Carnival, followed by fasting, was instituted in imitation of the
Saturnalia and Lupercalia of the Bomans. Prom the Indian
Brahmans, Buddhists, and Egyptians the doctrine of purgatory was
borrowed, and became from 593 one of the most profitable sources
for enriching the Papal exchequer. It was, however, also instru­
mental, after more than 900 years, in breaking up a system built
on the distorted teachings of Christ. In 653 East and West
separated doctrinally, the Clergy in the East not acknowledging the
likeness and equality of the Eather and Son, but asserting that the
Son though like, was not equal to the Pather. The West, on the
other hand, insisted on the likeness and equality of the Pather and
the Son. In the year 750, as another means to enrich the Church
and priesthood, Masses for departed Souls were ordered to be said.
How vast the spread of idolatry and superstition amongst Christ­
ians must have been, may best be judged from the decision of the
Synod, held at Prankfort in 794, which forbade the offering of
prayers to Saints. Like the Indians, Egyptians, Greeks, and
Bomans, the Christians had their patron Saints. God, the Logos
and his incarnation Christ were forgotten and ignored, but the
worship of Saints and relics was introduced, altogether changing
the sublime character of Christianity, whose founder had discarded
all outward formal observances, and taught us the most exalted
principles of morals and mutual love. Belies were suddenly not
only introduced, but prayed to. A kind of Eetish-worship was

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established. The priests pretended to possess a feather from the
wing of the Archangel Gabriel; the sword and shield of the
Archangel Michael; some of the breath of Christ preserved in a
sacred pyx; a bottle filled with Egyptian darkness I sounds
from the bells which were rung at the entrance of Christ in
Jerusalem ; a ray of the star which guided the Wise Men from the
East. Later they pretended to possess a piece of the skin of St.
Dorotheus, who was flayed alive; some of the pitchers used at the
wedding at Cana; the comb of the Virgin Mary; the pole on which
the Cock perched when he crew after Peter had thrice denied his
master; some feathers from the wings of the same bird ; hay from
the manger in which Christ had lain ; the staff with which Moses
divided the Red Sea; thorns from the fiery bush before which
Moses stood. The chains of Peter, Paul, and John the Baptist; a
tooth of St. John, the Evangelist, and a piece of his shirt; a piece
of the arm of St. Anne, the mother of the Virgin Mary ; the sword
of St. Maurice which an Angel brought from heaven (at Nurem­
berg, 1464) ; the head of John the Baptist; the bones of Balaam’s
ass ; the slippers of St. Clara, and nails from the cross (at Amiens).
All this may seem barely credible, but it must not be forgotten that
in our own century, this nineteenth century of progress and en­
lightenment, the seamless Coat which Christ was said to have worn,
was exhibited at Treves, and attested to have worked miracles.
Of the cross to which Christ was nailed, more chips were sold than of
the 7 bones of Buddha, each of which was said to have been divided
into 12,000 pieces, making 84,000 fragments; if collected these splin­
ters of the one cross would probably have furnished enough material
for some 12,000 crosses. Not less important were the real skulls of
the three Wise Men of the East, “ Caspar,” “ Melchior,” and “ Bal­
thazar,” which were preserved in three different places, making nine
heads for the three, or three heads for each Saint. More miraculous
still was “ the house of the Virgin Mary,” which is not to be found
in Palestine, but at Loreto in Italy. The Legend tells us that,
when the Saracens conquered Judaea, Angels bore away the house
in which Mary had dwelt, and first deposited it at Tersate, near
Eiume, but later took it to Loreto, where it bears the following
Inscription: — “ The house of the Mother of God in which the
word became Flesh.” There is, however, some doubt as to whether
this is the house in which Christ was conceived at Nazareth, or the
one in which Christ was born at Bethlehem. If this legend may
be believed in, why not that which makes the Wizard, Merlin,

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carry Stonehenge through the air from Giant’s Causeway to the
plains of Salisbury; or why should it not be true that Zarathustra
lived for 40 years on one piece of cheese, which never grew old or
diminished in size.
The terrible, sunken state of Christianity at this period may be
further studied in the dry enactments of the Church in 800 a.d.
An English Monk, Winfred, known under the name of Bonifacius,
attempted at this time to reform the morals of the Clergy, and
exhibited great zeal in propagating Christianity in Germany. He
assisted Charlemagne (Carolus Magnus) in his endeavour to bring
some kind of order into the dissolute state of the Church. Win­
fred succeeded in persuading the first German-Roman Emperor to
submit to the sole authority of the Pope. The Bishops were in
future to be confirmed by the Pope, their provincial Synods were
to be abolished, and their resolutions declared null and void.
Legates, as representatives of the Pope, were sent all over the
Christian world, and it was their duty to carry out the dictates of
the one and indivisible central Papal power. The Pope was then to
be raised to the dignity of a temporal Prince, and united in his per­
son Church and State, or rather the power over Heaven, Earth, and
Hell. In 805 the decree forbidding direct prayers to Saints was
enforced by Charlemagne. In 850 the Episcopal power, as an
independent element, was abolished by means of the falsified
Decrees of Isidorus, which began to form the basis of the Pope’s
supremacy in lay as well as in spiritual matters. In 993 Pope
John XV. ordered the worship of the Mother of Christ, as the
Mother of God : many Saints were canonized, and the right of'
canonization by Bishops was approved. In 1000 Church Bells
came into general use for the first time. In the year 1015 the
monks had to conform to a strict rule of celibacy, and in 1074,
Gregory VII. extended celibacy to all priests.
The Church became day by day wealthier. Masses for the dead
and the living were to be paid for; relics were sold wholesale;
sins were forgiven according to fixed tariffs ; souls were freed from
purgatory for so much money paid into the Pope’s exchequer; dis­
pensations from fasting, and eating fish on Fridays, or from contract­
ing forbidden marriages, were bargained for ; pilgrimages were en­
couraged to obtain money from the deluded wanderers; the dying
were assiduously attended to, and their last wills carefully drawn
up, generally ensuring the augmentation of the worldly goods of the
church in exchange for the spiritual welfare guaranteed to the tes-

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tator in another world. Tithes were imposed, alms were demanded,
subscriptions were solicited, collections were made; kings, princes,
counts, nobles, citizens, traders, and even beggars, had to pay for
licences, in order to practise their vocations. Heretics were
ferreted out, their bodies burned in reality, or in effigy; and
their goods and chattels, their lands and property invariably con­
fiscated for the benefit of the Church. On all occasions, in all
churches, throughout the whole of Christendom, the phrase re­
sounded “blessed are the poor” not so much “in Spirit” as in
worldly goods, “ for their’s is the kingdom of Heaven.” By
means of a distorted phrase of Christ’s teachings the Church grew
richer and richer, so that more than two-thirds of the landed
property of Europe fell into the hands of the clergy.
These were the component elements which enabled one of the
most accomplished rulers of the Christian Church, Gregory VII.,
to establish its supremacy and universal dominion. Studies were
commended; arts were cultivated; schools, seminaries, and univer­
sities were established with one exclusive aim: to increase the
temporal and spiritual power of the Pope.
This provoked the antagonism of the Teuton Emperors who
with their indomitable subjects, more than any other nation, stood
in need of the Christian discipline of passive obedience, and con­
trolled activity. But the acting forces of morals and intellect, if
one-sidedly cultivated in humanity, may, through this dangerous
disturbance, easily come into conflict; and this now happened.
The lay-power saw itself reduced to a nonentity; altogether effaced
in temporal as well as in spiritual matters by the Popes, and their
obedient tools. The emperors began to revolt—not for intellectual,
but for pecuniary reasons. The bishops and other church-digni­
taries had hitherto been called upon to pay to the imperial ex­
chequer a certain sum for their investiture. This privilege was
now taken from the emperors, and the popes were endowed with
the sole right to appoint bishops and other church-dignitaries, and
to receive the fees for such investitures. This led to one of the
grandest struggles, recorded in the annals of history, between
Henry IV. and Gregory VII. At a diet, called together at Worms
(1076), the Pope was deposed, and in answer to this insult he ex­
communicated the German Emperor, and all those who supported
him, and absolved his subjects of their allegiance to their lawful
lord and king. The dukes and nobles in the north of Germany were
for the Emperor, but most of the princes of southern Germany took

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13

the part of the Pope. The majority of the bishops who felt the
autocratic power of the Pope, sided with the Emperor; but the
monks, controlling the consciences of the ignorant masses, fought
the battle of the Pope, and were successful.
The Emperor saw himself day by day more deserted and isolated,
and resolved at last to ask the forgiveness of his spiritual superior,
who had fled to Canossa. Three days and three nights the mighty
Emperor of Germany had to stand, barefooted, bareheaded, in a
penitent’s white dress, exposed to hunger and thirst, to cold and
ignominy, to receive at last the Pope’s forgiveness. This did not
prevent the long and sanguinary strife which the revengeful, insa­
tiable, and indomitable High-priest of the Romish Church kindled
in the German Empire. Bishops and counter-bishops, kings and
counter-kings, fought against one another. The battle-cries,
“ Pope ” or “ Emperor,” resounded everywhere. Devastation ruled
supreme. Fanaticism and superstition, plague and hunger, held
their awful revels, and death mowed down the people by thousands.
This terrible storm, produced by a conflict between the conservative
static power of morals, one-sidedly used by the Church, and the pro­
gressive dynamic force of intellect as embodied in the lay-power of
the German emperors, was however most salutary in its effects on
humanity. The storm subsided. Towns and monasteries learned
to know their own powers. The former in opposing, the latter in
supporting the papal authority. Towns and monasteries became
the next safe refuges of wealth, free-thought, and learning.
The oppressed and neglected, or only one-sidedly cultivated
dynamic force broke forth into glorious activity in those very caves,
holes and dungeons which had been erected to destroy man’s
reasoning, inquiring, inventing and discovering faculty,—to
turn him into a groaning, praying, sighing, chanting, and
altogether useless machine. Prior to the ninth century there had
been no system either in History, or Philosophy. All was legendary
poetry. Dead bodies carried their own heads under their arms.
Saints were seen at the same time in different places. The sacred
tooth of Apollonia (still preserved in a jewelled casket at Cologne)
cured tooth-ache, when merely looked at. Records abounded of
fires which had been extinguished by the mere mention of the
name of Florian; and pigs and fishes were said to have listened
with rapt attention to eloquent sermons on the “conditional
immortality of the soul.” It was here, in England, that from the
dark recesses of the lonely cloisters and monastic schools, Scotus

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Erigena, the founder of the Nominalists, proclaimed his meta­
physical hypotheses “ On nature,” based on the following four forces:
а. One that creates, and is not created.
б. One that is created, and creates.
c. One that is created, but does not create.
d. One that is neither created, nor creates.
The “ Nominalists” who relied on Aristotle, were opposed by
the “ Realists” who took Plato for their foundation, and had their
leader in St. Anselm (Archbishop of Canterbury), who devoted the
whole of his life to find out the real “ origin of evil.” Sanguinary
battles did not cease; but men began to take an interest in those
word-tournaments that took place in the different theatres of the
universities at Salerno, Bologna, Florence, Cordova, Paris, Oxford,
Montcassin, &amp;c. “ The disputants both fought with dialectical
Grecian swords, Roman clubs, and theological word-spears, they
quoted and re-quoted, explained, finessed with phrases, thrust in &gt;
the name of Aristotle, and parried with a sentence from Plato.” *
In the midst of the dark night of Mediaeval superstition and
artificially kept up ignorance we hear Bonaventura discoursing on
the external, and the inferior ; the internal, and the superior fight;
till we come to Friar Boger Bacon, who attempted experimental
philosophy, whilst the angelic Doctor Thomas Aquinas discoursed
on the substance of “ absolute” or “ relative” angels; whether there
are different species of angels, and whether they are corruptible or
incorruptible; in what direct or indirect relation do angels stand to
time or space, and how many angels might concentrate on one mathe­
matical point. This led to another learned dissertation on the ques­
tion how many angels could assemble on the tip of a needle; whether
angels are of matter, and what kind of matter; whether angels
have the power to understand, to comprehend, to communicate
what they think; whether their cognition is sharper in the morning
than in the evening; whether angels are capable of love and
hatred; whether they delight in bodily, or only spiritual enjoyments;
whether they can multiply, and how they originated; whether they
were created in grace, and whether they partake of the eternal
beatitude and glory, or whether they can be wicked and sinful.
Finding that some of the angels had been proud and overbearing,
the transition from Angelology to Demonology was easy, and the
angelic Doctor shows himself as well acquainted with all the subtle
niceties of devilry, the pride and insolence of devils, their mis* “ The Historical Development of Idealism and Realism,” by Dr. G. G.
Zerffi. Trans: R. Hist. Soc. Vol. VII., p. 136.

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chievous propensities and unlimited wickedness, as though he had
lived a hundred years amongst the demons, and explored the
physical geography, topography, climate, fauna and flora of the
different infernal regions.
Let us not assume for one moment that the intellectual powers
of Thomas Aquinas were uselessly wasted. It was he who proved
to demonstration and conviction that one may talk any amount of
nonsense in the mystic garb of dialectical sense; that one may use
first, second, and thirdly with great apparent learning, to prove
nothing, and fill the air by means of lung-power with empty words
—words—words. We ought diligently to study the 10 volumes
of Thomas Aquinas’s “ Summa Totius Theologiae.” Many learned
men have done so, and left the barren fields of metaphysics in
consequence, turning, like Occam, the invincible Doctor, to common
sense, and demanding a total reform of philosophy, just as we in
modern times insist on a total reform of education.
The vagaries and dreams, the delusions and hallucinations of the
“ Patres minorum gentium,” led to a better study of the hidden
forces of nature. Abstractions and reflections were made subor­
dinate to impressions, exciting perceptions, engendering sensations,
which had to be mastered, grouped, and classified on the basis of
causation by a clear self-conscious mind, able to distinguish
between the probable and possible, and the improbable and im­
possible.
In spite of St. Benedict’s assertion that there was such a thing
as “ ignorant knowledge ” and ” wise ignorance,” one of a number of
senseless sayings which have served to check Humanity in the
proper exercise of its reasoning powers, a better appreciation and
application of arithmetic, mathematics and geometry worked great
changes in the intellectual world. Agriculture was treated scien­
tifically by the monks; classics were copied; bridges were built;
abbeys, cathedrals and churches constructed; works of art pro­
duced ; colours used, leading to the study of chemistry, and gra­
dually the inherent dynamic force of humanity burst asunder the
chains of gross ignorance, and became, through “ gunpowder,” the
torch-bearer of equality and brotherly love in the dark night of
superstition. America was discovered, and the dogmatically con­
tradicted rotundity of the earth established. Mother Church con­
demned the new-fangled ideas, and burnt heretics who ventured to
assert that the earth was moving round the sun, and not the sun
round the earth. More powerfully even than gunpowder and the

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discovery of America, the invention of the “ art of printing ” con­
tributed to the possibility of the grand and mighty Reformation,
which was instituted by Wyckliff, Huss, Beuchlin, Erasmus of
Rotterdam, Luther, and Melanchthon. The Reformation en­
deavoured to lead Christianity back to its primitive purity,—and
assumed, therefore apparently, a retrograde movement. This Re­
formation is still going on—in spite of the stationary efforts of
some sects, however powerful, who think that man ought to pro­
gress materially, financially, commercially, hygienically, and tech­
nically, that he ought to be a free-trader, but on no account a free­
thinker who dares to inquire into the past historical develop­
ment of Humanity from a higher scientific point of view, with the
same freedom that is conceded to researches into the statistical
tables of export and import, of diseases, of births, deaths, and
marriages, the mileage of railways and electric wires, the state of
the army and navy, and the land-question.
It is still the spirit of authority, borrowed from the Hebrews,
that opposes the spirit of inquiry, taught us by the Hellens. Faith
and Science—or Hebraism and Hellenism are at war. In speaking
of Hebraism I must not be understood to attack those who now
profess the Jewish religion ; all who have followed my lectures will
know that I have at all times advocated, and shall always advocate,
complete tolerance of all creeds, and equal civil right® for all races,
whether white, yellow, or black. It is, however, my duty to point
out the influences of Hebraism and Hellenism from a historical
point of view, and in doing this, I do not mean to abuse the one
or inordinately to exalt the other. Both Faith and Science are
based on ignorance, with this distinction, that the votaries of
Faith submit to a doubtful authority, arbitrarily set up by most
distinguished, wise, and moral men who, however, could not
possibly have known more than the spirit of the times in which
they lived allowed, or the means of acquiring knowledge at their dis­
posal enabled them to learn, but who are to be looked upon as in­
fallible authorities for all times to come. This assumption neces­
sarily led to a stationary state of believing, and checked the im­
portant faculty of inquiry. Hebraism was bent one-sidedly on
proving that the past alone was true, that it was to be invariably
so in the present and the future; though this is contrary to the
very thinking, reasoning, inquiring spirit of intellect, with which
God has endowed us, and which was developed in us by Christ.
Science, on the other hand, endeavours to vanquish the curse

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of ignorance by free-inquiry, and not by Faith. The supernatural
may be there, the miraculous may have occurred, but neither of
them can be an object of Science. For if supernatural, it must be
incomprehensible, and to treat the incomprehensible scientifically
is in itself an idle attempt.
We must not assume that the static force can alone push on
humanity, nor discard the dynamic power, which fosters in us the
good sense to acknowledge the necessity of a counteracting power,
and is ready to do justice to the past, in endeavouring to change it
slowly, by degrees, and with all reverence for its antiquity. But
the spirit of reaction, of stability, of retrogression, is always directed
to the past, complaining bitterly that the present and future will
not abide by its notions, and to this phantom millions and millions
of human beings have been sacrificed. What are all the conspi­
racies against single despots, popes or autocrats, in comparison
with the conspiracies of priests and blinded sectarians against the
innocent masses of the people whom they trampled under foot, left
in ignorance, and who were generally murdered, if in their misery
they endeavoured to improve their wretched lot. According to the
Old Testament, millions were slaughtered because they worshipped
a golden calf, set up by one of their rulers; or because they could
not pronounce the word “ Shibboleth,” looked at the broken ark,
or had a king after “ God’s own heart,” who committed every pos­
sible crime, but generally did penance, and managed to have his
people punished for the wrong he had done. Wholesale murders
of the people attributed to the allwise, just, and merciful God, with
which the records of the past abound, were initiated by the Jews,
who began their proscriptions of the Gentiles under Trajan, and
were at last proscribed themselves. Theodosius persecuted the
Thessalonians in this spirit, and had 8000 of them massacred in the
amphitheatre. The Empress Theodora, a professed pious Chris­
tian lady, blinded and maddened by misunderstood piety, had
100,000 inoffensive Manichseans slaughtered.
For a thousand years the world had to witness the persecution,
torture, and murder of innocent, hard-working Jews; but on what
principles did the deluded Christians base their wholesale massa­
cres ? On the terrible law of retaliation, abolished by Christ: “ Ye
have heard that it hath been said, An eye for an eye, and a tooth for
a tooth : But I say unto you That ye resist not evil.” We can have
no right to persecute any human being on account of his religious
opinions. We should endeavour, without any distinction of race

�18

Christianity.

or creed, to inspire humanity with loftier ideas of forgiveness,
patience, kindness, humility, and, above all, mutual love. We
should cease to perpetuate the inherited sin of exclusiveness, ignor­
ing all that was glorious and divine in other nations, and not so
loudly proclaim our own holiness, because we adhere to certain
dogmas, or keep certain ritual and ceremonial formalities. The
seeds of stubborn righteousness; of cavilling on words ; on the
observance of outward postures without inward sense or meaning;
of hatred, persecution, and murder, were sown by those heartless
and narrow-minded Christians who endeavoured to oppose Hellen­
ism, and fostered the dark spirit of Hebraism. These were the
men who checked the study of astronomy; discarded the knowledge
of geography; ignored zoology and ethnology; declared chemistry
a sinful prying into Grod’s mysteries; denied that geology was a
science; repudiated the theory of evolution; falsified chronology and
history, and treated cosmology with utter contempt. They placed
the spirit of stationary Hebraism above the progressive tendency
of Hellenism, inspired by the more cheerful and tolerant spirit of
Christianity.
“ If any prophet comes who dreams a dream, you shall put him
to death.” This terrible saying became a religious brain incrusta­
tion, a pious unrelenting brain-petrification, and was the cause of
the Crusades, the persecution of the Albigenses, *
the Sicilian
Vespers, the 30 Years’ War, the misdeeds of the Inquisition, the
Massacre of St. Bartholomew, and the Dragonades in Alsace. A
wild chaos of superstition and ignorance spread its poisoning
influence all over the regions where Christians ruled under the
false pretence of “ Loving their neighbours as themselves.” Witch­
hunters with retrievers went out to discover the hidden haunts of
the Devil, in a squinting woman, a mole on the body of a child, or
the unholy speeches of old crones. The slightest doubt in a dogma
was sufficient cause to have a man or a woman put to the rack, and
finally under ceremonies which might almost be called comical, if
they had not been so revoltingly cruel, burnt to death. Even
Popes did not escape suspicion. One of them, who studied at the
University of Cordova, and was well versed in the rule of three,
was suspected of having been aided in acquiring this astounding
accomplishment by his Infernal Majesty “in propria persona.”
An Archbishop of Mayence was accused of downright heresy, be­
cause he dared to make some chemical experiments. The mother
of the celebrated Astronomer Kepler, who was accused by hei’

�Christianity.

19

son-in-law of witchcraft, escaped being burned alive only through
the presence of mind of her son, who proved by mathematical
calculations that the dates of her birth, her age, and the constel­
lations at the time of her marriage, were all in contradiction of her
being a witch. Terrible madness, under the garb of a distorted
Christianity, deluded even the most learned of those times. Fury,
envy, covetousness, ignorance, prejudice, and intolerance sought
everywhere for sanguinary sacrifices, because the blinded Theolo­
gians in their zealous excitement, were more bent on the perpetua­
tion of a spirit of hatred and wholesale murder, than the practice
of Christ’s command : “ Ye have heard that it had been said, Thou
shalt love thy neighbour and hate thine enemy: but I say unto
you, Love your enemies, and pray for them that persecute you.”
Had human beings understood Christ’s teachings and philosophy,
supported by however superficial a knowledge of the historical
progress of humanity, they could never have committed such
crimes. Christians sacrificed, at the lowest possible computation,
16,083,019 human beings in 1600 years to their theological
differences, endeavouring to oppose Philosophy and History with
the same cruelty as the Bomans opposed Christianity at its bright
dawn.
Science now occupies the same position in regard to antiquated
superstitions, as did Christianity in opposition to the sunken
morals of the Heathens, and the petrified formalism of the He­
brews. All the military force of the world cannot stop the pro­
gress of Modern Thought. And what is that progress ? Is it
destructive or constructive? Are its tendencies bent upon the
annihilation of true Christianity, or are the followers of Francis
Lord Bacon in endeavouring to study nature and her phenomena
not promoting true Christianity ? Are we not to leave the Idols of
the tribe, the cave, the market-place, and the pulpit, in order to
practise benevolence and kindness, not only towards dumb crea­
tures, but also towards human beings ? In our social organization,
we have neither attained the solution of the, mathematically correct,
moral laws of Spinoza, nor the sublime laws ruling the universe
as discovered by Sir Isaac Newton, being attraction (love), and
gravitation (order). The “ monas monadum ” of Pythagoras revived
by Leibnitz, is not yet Christ’s loving Father “ who maketh his
sun to rise on the evil and the good, and sendeth rain on the just
and the unjust.” Had we earnestly acted upon this principle, the
terrible scene enacted at the gates of one of our workhouses,

�20

Christianity.

where a poor woman died on a cold November morning—refused
admittance by the heartless master—could never have occurred.
This man escaped unpunished, whilst another individual who sent
six canaries through the post, had to suffer two months hard labour,
because two of the birds were found dead. Is this fact not a clear
proof that the life of a canary bird is of far greater value to us,
than that of a human creature ? But why ? Because we trouble
ourselves far more about the mystery of Transubstantiation or
grace, decreed as an article of faith, necessary to our salvation by
Innocent III. in 1215; or the necessity of auricular confession in
imitation of Egyptians and Greeks, ordered by the same Innocent
III., and revived by some clergymen, though they are members of
the reformed Church of England. We are still uncertain, whether
the Church had a right in 1440 to prohibit the Sacrament of the
Communion to be given to laymen in the two elements. It was only
in 1563 that all ecclesiastical power was to be concentrated in the
Pope, and that the Bishops were deprived of their rights to hold
regular convocations. The Christian faith, as late as 1563, at the
Council of Trent, was for ever established as the only true faith,
proclaiming the eternal damnation of all those who did not profess
the Christian, or rather, Papal faith. This astounding belief, so
degrading to the Creator, may be best illustrated by calculating
only the followers of Buddha, who must have numbered since 500
B.C., that is for 2,300 years, no less than 17,250,000,000,000 of
human beings, all created by an Almighty and merciful God, sent
into this world, in order to toil, to do no special harm, to die, and
then to be cast for ever into Hell fire. I know that this is not
the view of all Divines, for some of them have kindly invented
a neutral place in the universe for shady, colourless souls, who are
not exactly good enough for heaven, nor bad enough for the infernal
regions; for souls of good and kind-hearted men who do no harm,
but think for themselves, and who do not wish humanity to be
governed by the hierarchical dictates of spiritual despots, but by
the laws of an Intellectual Democracy that knows the limits of its
own power. The conclusive philosophy of Immanuel Kant shows
us the real tendency of our modern times, “ to spread the greatest
amount of happiness among the people of all languages and creeds,”
bringing them into one common brotherhood. But Kant’s philo­
sophy has done more than this; the mode of reasoning propounded
in it has unconsciously become the logical and mental heredity in
our generation. We think differently; the glorious awe of mys-

�Christianity.

21

tery, and the wonderful uncertainty of knowledge—the marvellous
domains of the supernatural—fade more and more away. It is in
vain that the grand-mother of Christ, the Holy Anne, should have
been distinguished according to a decree of the Church in 1854, by
an immaculate conception; that Pope Pius IX. should have issued a
syllabus in 1864, declaring war against all the scientific efforts of
our age, leading to scepticism, infidelity, and a prospective de­
crease of the Peter’s pence; it is in vain that Pius IX. should
have established in 1870, to his own satisfaction, the infallibility
of the Pope—the electric light of common sense is opposed to all
supernatural agencies. We have only to try to be moral, and
to be intellectually cultivated, and all other unintelligible subjects
can be left to themselves. History teaches us the great fact that
there have been good and bad men, in all ages, at all places
under all religious creeds; and that with the growth of learn­
ing and the spread of education, at all events we have become
more tolerant, and are now convinced that, no matter what
a man may profess, if his actions are in contradiction, with
our common laws, based on justice, he is a bad man. The
limits of our pure reasoning faculty have been narrowed, but
our powers to promote and develope our intellectual force have
marvellously increased with each succeeding generation. This
power will go onwards, unchecked by any artificial means. This
process of our progressive development I may illustrate by a scene
from life. A father sat one morning in his library pondering
over his books, when his eldest son, a boy just in his teens, rushed
in with a joyful face and exclaimed “ Papa, Colenso is right! ”
The father turned round astonished at his boy’s theological learn­
ing, and asked him quietly, “ Have you read Colenso ? ’’ “ No,”
replied the boy, “ I have read a refutation of him, called ‘ Moses,
or the Zulu,’ which has convinced me that Colenso must be right.”
The father was silent, but was deeply impressed with the use­
lessness of the exertions of the reverend opposer to Bishop Colenso
vainly applied in this age, when our whole brain-formation is
revolting against mere dialectical efforts; when an intellectual
democracy sways the minds of our very children, to check which
would be a crime—a crime which to commit, is becoming day by
day a greater impossibility. A bright and glorious future is
before humanity, when Christianity will revive, and turn our Arm­
strongs and Woolwich infants into locomotives and motors of
electric light, when the last remnants of our monasteries and

�22

Christianity.

nunneries will be changed into schools and lecture halls; when
sects shall cease. Then a new heaven, and a new earth will be
visible, and the Alpha and the Omega of humanity will be love
in truth and truth in love. This future state of Christianity, based
on science and justice, on intellect and morals, I will endeavour to
describe in my next, the fourth and last lecture on “ Christianity.”

The Society’s Lectures by Dr. Zerffi. which have been printed, are—
On “Natural Phenomena and their Influence on different Religious
Systems.”
On “The Vedas and the Zend-Avesta: the First Dawn of Religious
Consciousness in Humanity.”
On “ The Origin and the Abstract and Concrete Nature of the Devil.”
On “ Dreams and Ghosts.”
On “ Ethics and ^Esthetics.”
The above are out ofprint.
On “ The Spontaneous dissolution of Ancient Creeds.”
On “ Dogma and Science.”
On “ The Eastern Question; from a Religious and Social point of view.”
On “ Jesuitism; and the Priest in Absolution.”
On “ Pre-Adamites; or, Prejudice and Science.”
On “ Long and short Chronologists.”
On “ Christianity—I. The Origin of Christianity from a strictly historical
point of view.”
II. “The Influence of the ‘Fathers’ on the further deve­
lopment of Christianity.”
III. “Monasticism and Scholasticism; Inventions an
Discoveries; Faith and Science; Hebraism and
Hellenism.”
All price 3d., or post-free 3£d.

By the same Author are the following Works:—
“Faust,” by Goethe, with Critical and Explanatory Notes. Second
Edition. London: David Nutt, 270, Strand. 1862.
“ Spiritualism and Animal Magnetism.” Third Edition. London: Hardwicke and Bogue, 192, Piccadilly. 1876.
“ A manual of the Historical Development of Art: Pre-historic, Ancient,
Classic, and Early Christian.” London: Hardwicke and Bogue, 192,
Piccadilly. 1876.

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                    <text>7 4 OS

THE TEXT-BOOK OF DEMOCRACY.

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

BY

H. M. HYNDMAN.

DEDICATED TO THE DEMOCRATIC AND WORKING MENS

CLUBS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

Mention:

E. W. ALLEN,
4,

AVE

MARIA

LANE,

1881.
\_All rights reserved.^

E.C.

�8

g' nr

�PREFACE TO CHEAP EDITION.
DURING the past three months I have been fre­

quently asked by working men and working women
to publish a cheap edition of this little work. This I
have now done at a price which will bring it within
reach of all. The cordial reception accorded to the
first edition by the producing classes, whose interests
it was written to serve, leads me to hope that the
plain statement of the wrongs under which they
suffer may induce them to combine for their own
cause.

H. M. H.
September 12th, 1881.

io, Devonshire Street, Portland Place,
London, W.

�PREFACE.
In this changeful period, when the minds of men are
much troubled about the future, and many seem
doubtful whither we are bound, I have attempted
to suggest for the Democratic party in this country
a clear and definite policy. The views expressed in
this little work do not, I am aware, accord with the
commonly received politics and economy of the day.
Holding, as I do, strong opinions as to the capacity
of the great English-speaking democracies to take
the lead in the social reorganization of the future,
I think it right to state them, and to show at the
same time how seriously the working people suffer
under our present landlord and capitalist system.
From the luxurious classes, as a whole, I expect
little support. They have plenty of writers ready to
champion their cause. To the people alone I appeal,
and their approval will be my reward.
It was for the Democratic Federation that I
originally wrote this book, and I present to its
members the first copies to-day.
For the ideas and much of the matter contained in
Chapters II. and III., I am indebted to the work of
a great thinker and original writer, which will, I trust,
shortly be made accessible to the majority of my
countrymen.
H. M. H.
June Zth, 1881.
io, Devonshire Street, Portland Place,
London, W.

�CONTENTS.
PAGE

Introduction .

. ’.................................................................................................................... i

CHAPTER I.

.7

..............................................................

The Land

CHAPTER II.

........... 32

Labour

CHAPTER III.
Capital

.

65

.................................................................

CHAPTER IV.
Organization...................................................................................

CHAPTER V.
Ireland............................................................................................ ....

CHAPTER VI.
Indta....................................................................... e

.

. 131

CHAPTER VII.
The Colonies.................................................................................. 132

CHAPTER VIII.
Foreign Affairs......................................................................... 169

Conclusion

• 193

�■» ”&gt;J '•

�ENGLAND FOR ALL.
INTRODUCTION.
It is impossible to survey our modern society without
at once seeing that there is something seriously amiss
in the conditions of our every-day life. All may
indeed lament the inequalities around them, the
wasted wealth and excessive luxury of the rich, the
infinite misery and degradation of the poor. So clear
is the mischief which results from causes apparently
beyond control, that now and then a paroxysm of
self-reproach seizes upon the comfortable classes, and
they try some new-fangled scheme of charity to
remedy the ills which, for the moment, they think
must be due to them. But this temporary feeling is
very short-lived. The conditions of human existence
are said to be unchangeable by collective, far less by
individual, action, and religion is often called in to
justify the let-alone policy which is so far the most
convenient to the well-to-do.
Possibly, however, a change is at hand. In Eng­
land as elsewhere, ideas in these days move fast. That
disgust with both the political parties in the State
which has long been felt by the more intelligent of
B

�2

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

the working-class—that rooted impression that men in
broadcloth, no matter how they label themselves,
are banded together, in spite of their pledges at the
polls, to keep the men in fustian from their fair share
of the enjoyments of life, is spreading now from the
abler men to the less far-sighted. More and more
clear is it becoming to our people that their interest
in politics is something which, if fully understood, lies
far deeper than that of their daily or weekly wage.
“ We working men,” said one, “ shall never know our
real interest in politics till the mother teaches the
truth about them to her childand this phrase by
itself happily shows that a very different view of the
duty of the community to all is growing up from that
indifference and sluggishness which have hitherto
checked progress. How could it be otherwise ? Is
it conceivable that the men who make the wealth of
the country will permanently be satisfied with a sys­
tem which shuts them out for ever from all interest
in their own land ? that they will be content to live
from hand to mouth on the strength of mere phrases,
and that they will always consent to be deprived of
their due share of representation ? They are indeed
shortsighted who so suppose. Now therefore it be­
comes necessary that people of all classes who desire
that our existing society should be peacefully modified
should be content to examine, a little more deeply
than heretofore, into the present state of things.
This, so far as the wealthy are concerned, from the
most selfish point of view ; for there is nothing here
in the eternal fitness of things. The evolution of
mankind will not stand still, in order that landowners

�INTRODUCTION.

3

and capitalists may continue their present leisurely
existence, or that the well-to-do generally may regard
the sufferings of the toilers as of small account. Such
poverty as now exists is not an inseparable accom­
paniment of human society ; neither is such excessive
concentration of wealth an incentive to human pro­
gress. The gospel of greed and selfishness, of cor­
ruption and competition, now proclaimed as the only
means of social salvation, is seen to be false in its
principles, and baneful in its results. This furious
development of wealth, on which we sometimes con­
gratulate ourselves, has done little to elevate, and
much to lower, the tone even of the classes which
have benefited by it. What has it done for the
working class ? Never at any period in our history
were the many who work and the few who live upon
their labour so wide apart, socially and politically, as
they are to-day ; ’’never—and this is becoming in
itself serious—has there been such a general sensation
of uneasiness without any immediate cause.
Yet who can wonder that uneasiness there should
be ? Political reforms have done very little for our
people. Periods of flash prosperity, speedily followed
by depression which pinches and starves even the best
artisan class ; education progressing so slowly that
still another generation will be suffered to grow up
instructed enough only to be ignorant ; overcrowded
insanitary dwellings permitted to continue, and paid
for at an exorbitant price because this is to the benefit
of the classes who trade upon the necessities of their
fellows ; vast monopolies encouraged and overwork
scarcely checked,—here we have the boasted freedom
B 2

�4

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

of the latter half of the nineteenth century. The very
champions of free trade as the universal panacea are
themselves driven to confess that, true though their
theory is, it has not produced the social effect they
predicted.1 The rich have grown richer ; but the poor
—their condition is but little bettered, and relatively
has gone back. Our civilization is in many respects
but an organized hypocrisy, filming over as ulcerous
places below as ever disgraced the worst periods of
past history. But there is something more than
hypocrisy or indifference to account for the crying
evils of our great cities, and the miserable poverty and
bad lodgment which degrade our agricultural popu­
lation. More general causes than any which individuals
can right, are at work. Private enterprise has been
tried and found wanting : laissez-faire has had its day.
Slowly the nation is learning that the old hack argu­
ments of “ supply and demand,” “ freedom of con­
tract,” “ infringement of individual liberty/’ are but
so many bulwarks of vested interests, which inflict
misery on the present, and deterioration on the next,
generation, in the name of a pseudo-science of govern1 Two professors of the straitest sect of economic orthodoxy,
Mr. Henry Fawcett and Mr. Thorold Rogers, are of the same
opinion on this point. Free trade is undeniably true in theory,
but they agree that it has benefited the poor very little in
comparison with the enormous wealth it has given to the rich.
Free Trade lowers the price of the necessaries of life ; but it also
keeps wages lower than they otherwise would be. It would be easy
to show that the working'classes owe all the improvement that has
been made in their condition, not to free trade, but to combination
among themselves, and to legislation carried directly in the
teeth of the most violent opposition from the leaders of the
free trade party.

�introduction.

5

merit. Bad as is the education of the majority of
Englishmen compared with what it ought to be, they
have learnt enough to be dissatisfied with arrange­
ments which, when more ignorant, they might have
accepted as inevitable. Of the sufferings which the
real producers of this great industrial community
undergo, the comfortable classes hear but little. They
barely talk of their troubles to their most intimate
friends. The natural inclination of Englishmen is to
bear in silence. Hitherto many have found consola­
tion in religion, which held out to them the prospect
of happiness hereafter in return for sorrow and misery
here. That resource is now failing, and the bolder
spirits—it is useless to blink plain truths—openly
deride those “ drafts on eternity ” which they say are
issued solely in the interest of employers and rich
men. Their own ills nevertheless they may bear:
that they will consent to hand on the same lot to their
children is very unlikely. The day for private charity
and galling patronage is at an end ; the time for com­
bination and political action in redress of social wrongs
is at hand.
Such changes as are needed may be gradual, but
they must be rapid. In England, fortunately, we have
a long political history to lead up to our natural
development, the growth of a great nation such as
ours has its effect on all portions of the people.
Patriotism is part of our heritage ; self-restraint neces­
sarily comes from the exercise of political power.
Even the poorest are ready to accept the assurance of
real reform, rather than listen to those who would
urge them to resort in desperation to violent change.

�6

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

Yet these reforms must in the end be far more
thorough than the enthusiasts of compromise, and the
fanatics of moderation are ready to admit. Hitherto
there has been patience, because all have hoped for
the best. But longer delay is not only harmful but
dangerous. We are ready enough to talk about
justice to others. Greeks, Slavs, Bulgars, Boers,
Negroes, are ever appealing to our sense of what is
due to the oppressed. Let the people of these islands,
without despising others, now be just to themselves.
If the theories now gaining ground all over the
Continent, as well as here with us, are to be met peace­
fully, and turned to the advantage of all, the necessary
change of front can no longer be delayed. The State,
as the organized common-sense of public opinion,
must step in, regardless of greed or prejudice, to regu­
late that nominal individual freedom which simply
strengthens the domination of the few. Thus only
shall the England of whose past we all are proud, and
of whose future all are confident, clear herself from
that shortsighted system which now stunts the physi­
cal and intellectual growth of the great majority, knit
together the great democracies near and far under our
flag, and deal out to our dependencies a full measure
of that justice which alone can secure for us and for
ours the leadership in the social reorganization
which will be our greatest claim to respect and
remembrance from countless generations of the human
race.

�THE LAND.

7

CHAPTER I.
THE LAND.

POSSESSION of the land is a matter of such supreme
importance to the liberty and well-being of Englishmen,
that the only marvel is not that there should be a
growing agitation on the subject to-day, but that the
nation should ever have been content to bear patiently
the monopoly which has been created during the
past 300 years. It affords indeed a strange commen­
tary upon the history of human progress, that we
have to look back more than 400 years to the period
when the mass of the people of these islands were
in their most prosperous and wholesome condition.
In those middle ages which our school-books still
speak of as days of darkness and ignorance, the
great body of Englishmen were far better off in every
way than they are now. The men who fought in the
French wars, and held their own against every Conti­
nental army, were sober, hardworking yeomen and
life-holders, who were ready to pay for their victories
out of their own pockets, instead of saddling their
descendants with a perpetual mortgage in the shape
of a huge national debt. They owned the soil and
lived out of it, and having secured for themselves

�8

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

power at home and freedom by their own firesides,
they kept them.
The fifteenth century was the golden age of agri­
cultural England. Villenage had disappeared ; the
country—far more populous at that time than is
commonly supposed—was occupied and cultivated by
free men, who tilled their own lands, subject only to
light dues payable to feudal superiors. Such daylabourers as there were, lived in perfect freedom,
owned plots of land themselves, and shared in the
enormous common land which then lay free and open
to all. Landless, houseless families were almost
unknown, permanent pauperism was undreamt of.
The feudal lords who maintained around them crowds
of retainers were at this time merely the heads of a
free, prosperous society, which recognized them as their
natural leaders alike in war and peace. Notwith­
standing, or rather by reason of the great subdivision
of land, the wealth of the bulk of the people was
extraordinary. They were their own masters, and
could speak their own minds freely to all ; the
degrading servility of the agricultural labourer of to­
day had not appeared to take the place of the
thraldom of the old serfs. No description ever given
of any people shows a more prosperous set of men
than the Englishmen of that time. Their sturdy
freedom was based upon property and good living.
“ The King of England cannot alter the laws or
make new ones without the express consent of the
whole kingdom in Parliament assembled. Every
inhabitant is at his liberty fully to use and enjoy
whatever his farm produceth, the fruits of the earth,

�THE LAND.

9

the increase of his flock, and the like ; all the improve­
ment he makes, whether by his own proper industry
or of those he retains in his service, are his own to
use and to enjoy without the let, interruption, or denial
of any. If he be in any wise injured or oppressed,
he shall have amends and satisfactions against the
party offending. Hence it is that the inhabitants
are rich in gold, silver, and in all the necessaries and
conveniences of life. They drink no water, unless at
certain times, and by the way of doing penance.
They are fed in great abundance with all sorts of
flesh and fish, of which they have plenty everywhere;
they are clothed throughout in good woollens ; their
bedding and other furniture in their houses are of
wool, and that in great store. They are also pro­
vided with all other sorts of household goods, and
necessary implements for husbandry.
Every one
according to his rank hath all things which conduce to
make life easy and happy.” This was merrie England,
in short—merrie, that is, for Englishmen as a whole,
not merely for the landlords and capitalists at the
top, who live in ease on the fruits of their labour.
For a day-labourer, a plain, unskilled hand—with his
geese, and sheep, and cow on the common—could then
get something for his day’s work. That of course is
the real test of the comfort and well-being of the
mass of the people, at all periods and under all
governments —what food and what clothing a man
can get for so many days’ work.
A common day-labourer, then, in the fifteenth century
could earn a fat sheep by four days’ work, a fat ox
by twenty days’ work, and a fat hog two years old by

�IO

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

twelve days’ work. Clothing he could obtain on at
least equally good terms. His own labour for others
and on his own plot supplied him and his family well
with all “ the necessaries and conveniences of life?’
Those even of the poorer sort lived upon beef, pork,
veal, and mutton every day. There is no dispute
about this. There are the recorded lists of prices for
food, drink, and raiment, the rates paid in parish after
parish for unskilled labour. Men so different as
Cobbett and Fawcett, Thornton and Rogers, are all
agreed on these points. They are of one mind, that
the working agriculturist of the fifteenth century was
a well-to-do free man.
How do our present agricultural labourers figure in
comparison ? How much of such fare as that given
above are hired labourers on ten and twelve shillings
a week likely to get, and what sort of houses do they
too often inhabit ? We all can judge of that, even if
the reports of Agricultural Commissions were not at
hand to tell us. The agricultural labourer of to-day is
a mere pauper beside his ancestor of 400 years ago, who
probably owned the land out of which the landowner
and the farmer now permit his descendant to work
a scanty subsistence which barely enables him to taste
meat once a month. His wages are shameful and his
cottage a disgrace. What is the reason then of all
this increasing penury, accompanied in rural districts
by an astounding decrease of population ? Unques­
tionably the entire removal of the people from the land
is the chief cause of the mischief. Those yeomen and
free farmers, and fat well-fed labourers, who secured
for us those liberties which of late years have been

�THE LAND.

11

made such surprisingly little use ofwere turned out, and
the history of how it was done, and how our present
hand-to-mouth population was formed, is not a plea­
sant tale. The mass of men have now no real freedom
either in country or town, because the land has been
taken by the great landholders and never yet restored
to the nation at large. Thus the sense of property,
of ownership, individual or collective, is done away.
From our own land still comes the bulk of the
wealth of the country, the food, the ores, the coal, which
enable us to hold our own, and get a return from other
parts of the world. But the workers who do this for
England have no part nor lot in their country of to­
day. They own nothing but their bare right to compete
with their fellows in the labour-market. Who can
fail in such circumstances to recall these stirring
words ? “ Freedom is not an empty sound ; it is not
an abstract idea ; it is not a thing that nobody can
feel. It means, and it means nothing else, the full
and quiet enjoyment of your own property. If you
have not this—if this be not well secured to you, you
may call yourself what you will, but you are a slave.
Now our forefathers took special care upon this car­
dinal point.
They suffered neither- kings nor
parliaments to touch their property without cause
clearly shown. They did not read newspapers, they
did not talk about debates, they had no taste for
‘ mental enjoyments but they thought hunger and
thirst great evils, and they never suffered anybody to
put them on cold potatoes and water. They looked
upon bare bones and rags as indubitable marks of
slavery; and they never failed to resist any attempt

�12

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

to affix these marks upon them.” And we too hold
much the same opinions, we too regard pauperism
and destitution as disgraces to a free country. But
unfortunately this generation, and others before it,
have grown up to think such “ indubitable marks of
slavery ” unavoidable, and hold that land should
rightfully belong in perpetuity to the handful of men
who drove the mass of the population from the soil,
or who bought from the descendants of those who
did. But the life of a nation like ours outlasts all
such temporary troubles ; its rights, though long in
abeyance, are never done away. The truth that the
land of England belongs to the people of England is
coming home to men of all classes ; and the best proof
that our existing system will no longer be borne
with contentment is that the historical wrong which
has been done is daily more and more considered.
That revolution which supplied England with a
bountiful succession of paupers, and laid the founda­
tion of landlordism in the country, and of capitalism
in the towns commenced in the last quarter of the
fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth.
After the wars of the Roses had impoverished the
nobility, the dismissalof numerous baronial households
launched upon the country a whole horde of landless
people, without house or home. These unfortunates
had no place whatever in society as it then existed,
and became at once mere vagrants and competitors for
all sorts of chance employments. But for the
monasteries and other religious establishments their
condition would have been far worse than it was.
Even these outcasts, however, might have been

�THE LAND.

13

gradually absorbed; but about the same time the great
nobles, who were at variance with the crown and the
parliament, set to work to restore their fortunes by
turning out the peasant owners, who under the feudal
law had at least as good a title as their own to their
holdings. Such raids were followed up by encroach­
ments on the common lands, which the labourers
depended upon for depasturing their animals. Ac­
companying these robberies also was a steady conver­
sion of arable land into pasture, on the ground that
more was to be gained by feeding sheep than men
—a contention which has of late been put forward
also in Scotland, Ireland, and in newly-settled coun­
tries. To compete profitably in the wool-markets of
Flanders was more important than to maintain a race
of independent peasant farmers.
These changes worked a deplorable deterioration in
the condition of the mass of the people. The number
of the agricultural population who could find employ­
ment in the old way rapidly lessened. Even now,
with our improved methods of cultivation, and laboursaving machinery, arable land will employ more than
twice as many men as pasture—and raise more beasts,
for that matter, as well. But in those days the pro­
portion was probably far larger. At any rate, numbers
were thrown out of employment in that way. So
serious did all this become that Henry VII. and his
Parliament made constant efforts to check the
rapacious and harmful action of the barons ; but un­
fortunately to little purpose. The people were more
and more interfered with, and depopulating enclosures
were going on regularly. Laws were even framed of

�14

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

the most stringent character to prevent ejection of
the peasants and the destruction of their houses. All
without effect. The landless class still increased, and
more and more people became dependent on others
for support. Henry VII., a great though penurious
monarch, saw clearly that the welfare of the mass of
his subjects, not the inordinate wealth and aggran­
dizement of the few, constituted the real strength
of his kingdom, however much he might attempt to
fleece them by monopolies out of part of their sub­
stance. He was anxious therefore to keep the land
in the hands of the small owners, who were really the
bone and sinew of the country. Even the daylabourer received consideration, and was secured by
the laws four acres of land to his cottage. But the
process of expropriation went relentlessly on not­
withstanding, and had already produced a serious
effect.
But the confiscation of the lands of the monasteries,
and priories, and nunneries, at the time of the
Reformation, was a far graver blow to the welfare of
the people. Carried out with a shameless disregard
for the rights and privileges of the people, by the most
violent and despotic monarch who ever sat on the
English throne, this was the greatest injury inflicted
on the poor which our history records. The property
of the Catholic Church, though not always well
administered, was in reality at the service of the poor
and needy. Whatever might be urged against abbots
and friars, pauperism was then unknown. The celibate
parish priests had small expenses, and the land they
held was held, it may almost be said, in trust for the

�THE LAND.

15

people. The yeomen and labourers on their estates,
never disturbed or interfered with from generation to
generation, were a prosperous, vigorous folk. Besides,
the service of the Church was almost the only career,
except successful murder, by which a poor lad might
in those days rise to the highest dignities of the State.
Prelates and monks were founders of our noblest
schools of learning. They were, however, swept away,
their goods seized, and the lands taken from the people,
to be held by the king or given to his favourites. Parlia­
ment then, as later, was bribed to sanction illegal and
improper action, by which many of its members largely
profited. King and barons were once more knit together
in that happy participation in plunder which has been
the surest bond of union between monarchs and
aristocrats all over the world. Thus the poor who
had ever obtained ready relief from the Church, the
wayfarers who could always find food and shelter in
the religious houses, the children of the people who
repaired to the convent for guidance and teaching,
were deprived at one fell swoop of alms, shelter, and
schools.
When, however, the monasteries were thus
destroyed, and their lands confiscated for the benefit
of the King and the aristocracy, not only was almost
the last hold of the English people on their own soil
torn off, but the monks and nuns, priests and friars,
were turned loose upon the world to swell the ranks
of the have-nots. The shiftless hand-to-mouth class
thus grew with fearful rapidity. The whole country was
overrun with loafers and vagrants, deprived of the
means of living by no fault of their own. Not even

�ENGLAND FOR ALL.

the most atrocious laws could keep them within limits,
though they drove them into the towns, and into the
power of the shopkeeping class, now gaining strength.
Paupers being thus numerous, in the 43rd year of
Elizabeth—who had resumed all the confiscated lands
—a Poor Law was passed ; and from that time to this
pauperism has formed as integral a portion of our
social constitution as the aristocracy who created the
necessity for the law. How could it be otherwise?
The landed rights of the many had been sacrificed to
the greed of the few; and confiscation, really put in
force to bolster up luxury and selfishness, was carried
on in the name of religion.
Between the fifteenth and the beginning of the
seventeenth century the whole face of England had
been changed. In place of well-being, contentmenf,
and general prosperity, as described by Fortescue?
depression and misery had become the common lot of
the people who owned no land. The mere wage-earner
took the place of the labouring, petty farmer—a man
at the mercy of his employer. For the fine old
yeoman class fell more and more into decrepitude,
and the downfall of the ecclesiastical property pre­
ceded their own final ruin by but a short interval.
Yet even so late as the end of the seventeenth cen­
tury eighty per cent, of the population of England
was still purely agricultural. By the middle of the
eighteenth century there was scarcely a yeoman of the
old type left in a county.
The Stuarts were bad enough, but William III. was
worse than any of his immediate predecessors. This
great Whig hero treated England as if he had con?

�The

land.

17

quered it in respect to all he could lay hands upon,
and gave away lands he had no right whatever to
dispose of to his thick-headed and greedy Dutch
followers. Their descendants prey upon us to this
hour, though, with the exception of Lord William
Bentinck, not a single one of them has been of the
slightest genuine service to the State whose land they
have seized, or has illustrated our history even by a
crime. All this long series of robberies from the
people, helped on by economical causes, ended in an
aggregation of property and influence in a few hands
to an extent never before equalled.
It was followed by an enclosure of the common
lands of a character even more nefarious. Parliament,
made up almost exclusively of landowners, and in no
sense whatever representative of the mass of the
people, framed bill after bill for the enclosure of the
commons, which alone were left to show that the soil
of England had formerly been looked upon as the
property of the great majority. No man, not a land­
lord, can read through the records of this disgraceful
pillage even now without a feeling of furious bitter­
ness. Nothing more shameful is told in the long tale
of class greed than this of the seizure of the common
lands by the upper and middle classes of Great
Britain. To deprive the people of their last vestige of
independent holding, and thus to force all to become
mere hand-to-mouth wage-earners at the mercy of the
growing capitalist class, such was the practical effect
of these private enactments, conceived in iniquity, and
executed in injustice. For up to so recent a date as
1845 these enclosures were done by private bill, and
c

�ENGLAND FOR ALL.

of course exclusively in private interest. There was
no public discussion whatever ; rich men who coveted
a few thousand acres of common which belonged
to their poorer neighbours, simply laid hands upon
them and added them to their estate. Fierce pro­
tests were often made in the neighbourhood, but they
were invariably unavailing. In the course of 150
years, between 1700 and 1845, no fewer than 7,000,000
acres of public land, and probably a great deal more,
were enclosed by the landowners of England in
Parliament assembled, without one halfpenny of real
compensation ever having been made to the public
whose rights were thus ridden over. At that time, be
it remarked, the people of England—but shabbily
represented now—had practically no voice in public
affairs at all, and such a man as Sir Robert Walpole
just “ ran the machine ” in the sole interest of his class,
for all the world like a Pennsylvanian log-roller or
wire-puller of our own day. Not even scraps of those
great and valuable common lands remain in some
districts to remind the English people of the robberies
that have been committed upon them.
Even since the introduction of public bills to regu­
late these enclosures matters were, until quite lately,
very little better. A wealthy landgrabber would
purchase land all round a common, and then stealthily
get it enclosed on some shallow pretext. This
occurred over and over again. The hard fight which
such a body as the Corporation of the City of London
had to wage in order to keep for the people of
London what remnant there is of Epping Forest,
shows the pertinacity with which individual selfishness

�THE LAND.

19

works on. Conservatives and Liberals who stand up
for the ancient and indefeasible rights of property at
the expense of others should look into these things.
The very people who ate up the whole country away
from their countrymen and make land a monopoly,
cry out fiercely that they are being ill-used and
robbed when an attempt is made to reassert some
small portion of the rights of the nation over that
which is, and always has been, the property of the
nation—the land of England. What sort of title have
many of them to their lands ? Let them answer who
made the laws which gave the eternal right to harm
the people. Why, they themselves and their fathers
before them. None other. The owners of the land
had no voice ; violence, wrong, and fraud weigh still
upon the country. But there need be no fear for
those who profited by these encroachments. The
people are never unjust, even in their own interest:
they pay to get back their simplest rights.
The effect of this seizure of the commons upon the
rural population has been most sad. Their condition,
never very flourishing since they were deprived of
individual ownership, became yet worse. But I will
quote a calm writer, who is fully convinced of the
beneficial effects of supply and demand, and freedom
of contract:—“ Many of the descendants of those who
once possessed valuable rights of common are agricul­
tural labourers, to whose miserable condition allusion
has already been made. Our rural population has
been deprived of that which once gave a most impor­
tant addition to their income. The common often
enabled them to keep some poultry, a pig, and a cow.
C 2

�20

ENGLAND FOR ALE

Many villages may now be traversed, and not a single
labourer can be found possessing a head of poultry;
few even keep a pig, and not one in 10,000 has a cow.
What is the result of this ? The labourer does not
live as he did 100 years since; he and his family
seldom taste meat, and his children suffer cruelly from
the difficulty he has in obtaining milk for them.”
This, indeed, is a matter of common consent. The
agricultural labourer is far worse off than his fore­
fathers. But if the people have, been deprived of
their commons, so also have their plots of ground to
their ill-drained, overcrowded cottages disappeared.
They make them too “independent.” No property,
low diet, a pretence of education, and enforced servility
to their “ betters ”—that was the way to bring down
the “ proud peasantry ” from their high looks of the
fifteenth century to the abasement of a ten-shilling-aweek agricultural labourer, ever begging for some
dole out of the fruits of his own labour to be given
back to him, from the Hall, the Rectory, or the poor­
house. This kept him “ in that state of life ” which
the Church Catechism enjoins upon the lowly. No
agricultural labourer, it needs hardly be said, has ever
yet sat in the House of Commons to represent the
wrongs of his class.
These unfortunate families, deprived of their own
land and ousted from their common lands, became, as
we have seen, fair game for the most abominable
legislation. The laws against vagrants and men out
of work were ferocious and brutal, to a degree scarcely
to be credited until they were actually revived in
America the othei' day. By these means they came

�THE LAND.

21

into the towns, where, refused the right to combine,
and wholly destitute of means, they were delivered
over to a form of tyranny the more trying from its
being carried on under the name of freedom. The
very idea that the unfortunate had a definite interest
in the country was done away. The poor were only
not criminal. And this feeling grew among the
dominant class with the growth of that shopkeeper
spirit which has been paramount with English parties,
to the almost entire exclusion of any sense of justice
to the bulk of the community. The few landowners
of genuine old family who still remain, and who, one
would have thought, would look back with pride to
the times when their ancestors were the leaders of
well-to-do free men, have been as bad as the rest.
They have thought that their duties, such as they
were, began and ended with their tenantry. If the
labourers received a small pittance in charity after
having worked their lives through on starvation
wages, that was as much as they could expect. The
eternal law of supply and demand justified meat once
a fortnight, and short commons all the year round.
There stood the workhouse: what more could the
people want ?
But now what has been the outcome to us of to-day
of all these uncompensated expropriations in Eng­
land—of the ducal razzias like those of the Dukes
of Sutherland and Argyll in Scotland (the latter
worthy peer naturally standing out with his fellow
Liberal of Lansdowne in favour of the perpetuation
of serfdom in Ireland)—what do we of the present
generation derive from all this long succession of

�22

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

past iniquities ? Nothing is easier than to sum it all
up. We have then a great body of landowners, 2000
of whom alone hold actually 38,000,000 acres of our
land in estates of over 5000 acres each, the total
agricultural rental of this vast domain being not less
than 25,000,000/. annually. The whole of the agricul­
tural land in the kingdom is practically owned by
less than 30,000 persons ; and not all the systematic
fudging resorted to in the Landlord’s Return, known
as the &lt;l New Doomsday Book,” has been able to
shake that fact out of the minds of the people of
England. In that book Lord Overstone—formerly
Mr. Jones, a banker of enormous wealth, who turned
landgrabber after the manner of his kind—the Duke
of Buccleuch, and the Duke of Devonshire are put
forward as thirty-three different owners. This is only
a specimen of how the truth is blinked and covered
up by those who are interested in hiding it away from
their countrymen. And this monstrous monopoly the
landowners, and the big capitalists who hope to be
landowners, and their friends and relations the lawyers,
who live upon the complications of the laws they
themselves have formulated, are now striving to per­
petuate.
Not to speak of the injurious consequences politi­
cally of such a concentration of excessive wealth and
power in a few hands, the economical drawbacks stare
us in the face. Men who own half-a-dozen large pro­
perties in several different counties must be permanent
absentees from some of them. They take the rents
and spend them elsewhere, being themselves the
heaviest of all the burdens on the land. The majority

�THE LAND.

23

of landowners cannot do justice to the land they have
taken even in their own narrowest sense. Cumbered
up with mortgages, settlements, rent-charges, heaven
knows what, they are in no case to face a great fall
in rents, to encounter competition from without, or to
bring to bear that skill, labour and personal attention
now essential to success in agriculture. The sacred
trinity of landlord, capitalist-farmer, and agricultural
labourer has broken up. The labourer can be screwed
no lower, the farmer has had enough of giving his
capital to the landlord as rent. American “ wheat
centres” have proved clearly that landlords are not an
essential element in English agricultural production.
A great change is therefore at hand. Agricultural ex­
perts aver with confidence that if the land of England
were properly handled, if sufficient labour and manure
were applied, we could profitably produce twice the
quantity of food we do from the existing cultivated
acreage. What stops us ? Unquestionably that de­
termination of landowners to bold on to their false
idea of greatness, and to those miserable customs of
settlement and entail which will necessarily be put an
end to as a wider and more useful method of dealing
with our soil opens up before us. Happily the land­
lords are themselves beginning to feel the pinch, and
may lead the way in the reforms which have now
become essential. If they don’t it is no great matter ;
for sooner or later the people of England mean to
have back the land, and the sooner the better for the
interest of the landlords themselves.
For let it be remembered that the dominant classes
have done more than take the land ; by their Parlia­

�24

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

ments they have actually shuffled on to the shoulders
of the mass of the people nearly all the taxes and
obligations which formerly came out of their rents as
a portion for the State and the poor. Laws enacted
by men for their own benefit in direct contravention
of the tenure on which the lands were originally taken
have no binding force whatsoever on posterity. Yet
the landowners of Great Britain were formerly subject
to a land-tax of four shillings in the pound on their
assessment. This they have whittled away almost to
nothing, and now the land-tax under their skilful
manipulation, produces but 1,074,919/., instead of
18,802,337/. as it ought. That is to say, the landowners
of Great Britain put into their pockets a sum of little
less than 18,000,000/., which, but for their own self­
gratifying ordinances would, according to the old laws
of this kingdom, have gone into the treasury of the
country at large. No wonder that our privileged
classes and their hangers-on howl “confiscation/
“ communism,” “ socialism,” and words more English
and less nice, when any fearless man begins to rake
up the history of their “ sacrifices ” to patriotism.
True patriots they ; for be it understood
They robb’d their country for their country’s good 1

But this is not all either. Agricultural property is
well enough in its way, but the mines, all that under­
lies the soil has fallen also into the grip of the small
minority, and it is impossible to get a bill through
Parliament which will even compel the owners to
protect the lives of the men who work in them. The
miners should know their place, and have power to

�THE LAND.

“ contract out of the Act.” What matters the risk of
loss of life ? Then the urban properties, again, with
their vast unearned increment of rent, and the power
given to individuals to obstruct improvements whilst
they benefit by the expenditure of the public money
or railroads carried through by the decision of Parlia­
ment. What, in the name of all that is reasonable,
have Grosvenors or Bentincks done for England
that they and theirs should interfere for ever with
the management of London, and pocket increasing
rents which, if exacted at all, should go to the munici­
pality which must shortly be created for this great
metropolis, and benefit the whole community ? Is it
well that millions should be spent on the Thames
embankment, for instance, and that landowners should
pocket thousands a year by the improvement of their
property ? These are points which come home to all,
and must, ere long, force on a change. Such enormous
revenues as those which were squandered in digging
catacombs in Welbeck Park, or laid out in providing
Westminster with a dukedom, ought not to be at the
unrestrained disposal of any single family. For no
idea whatever of duty is attached to these great pos­
sessions ; and artisans’ dwellings, or a market, in a
fashionable locality might “damage the property,”
and so are warned off.
How is it that the landowners themselves, or such
at least as come fairly by their property, do not see
that their political future depends upon recognizing
the vast changes going on beneath them, and
endeavour to associate themselves with the future of
their country ? Their object, one would think, would

�26

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

necessarily be to meet and guide that flow of demo­
cratic opinion which manifestly precedes a new social
evolution. To stand on the brink and wring their
hands in dismay is both cowardly and foolish. For
in a small, densely-peopled country like ours the
whole hangs together—land in country and land in
towns, mines, communications, all go to make up the
complicated system under which we live.
But agricultural land of necessity stands first. Mr.
Clare Read, the farmer, says that all will come right,
and that twenty-five years or so hence the territorial
grandee will rise again to the enjoyment of his unearned
increment, the farmer shall be a man of wealth and
substance, and the agricultural labourer—well, what
tenant-farmer ever thinks about him ? Landlord-made
laws must undergo revision in the interests of the
landlords themselves, but far more for the sake of the
mass of their countrymen now dissociated altogether
from the land. It is humiliating to look back fifty
years, and note how little has been done since the
able band of democratic writers, headed by Cobbett,
first forcibly pointed out the historical injuries from
which Englishmen are still suffering. As it was
yesterday, so it is to-day; but so shall it not be
to-morrow. The importance of the Land Question
in England is now fully understood by the inhabitants
of the counties as well as of the towns, and up to a
certain point a vast majority will combine to over­
throw the existing system, which lies like a dead
weight upon it.
When we come to the direction in which changes
should be made, however, the widest differences arise.

�THE LAND.

Some seem to imagine that mere free trade in land,
even without the plan of compulsory subdivision,
would bring about the planting of the people on the
land ; others look upon the removal of settlement and
entail as only preliminary to nationalisation, in the
sense that by limitation of the right of inheritance
and compulsory purchase at a valuation, the State,
the county, or the municipality should come into the
possession of all land within a calculable period. All
depends upon what we desire to bring about. Many
ardent reformers look forward to the day when English
farmers shall hold their ten, twenty, fifty-acre farms,
interspersed with larger holdings, as in former times.
Is this to be done? Can we thus put back the
clock 400 years ? It would scarcely seem so ; yet on
the whole it should appear that small farmers who
depend chiefly on their own labour for their return
have suffered less in all parts of the country, and have
been readier to pay rent, than the large. In America
also, the unincumbered farmer holding no large extent
of land fared on the whole better than his wealthier
neighbour, who was growing not for produce so much
as for profit.
The main object necessarily is to get as much out
of the land as possible, and at the same time to
secure the agricultural labourer, and those of the
townspeople who take to the land, a fair return for
their labour, and a prospect of obtaining possession
of land if they desire to do so. Evidently the labourer
and the townsman will gain nothing by giving the
farmers in England fixity of tenure, nor by freetrade in land. All evidence goes to show, however,

�28

ENGLAND FOL ALL.

that even under present conditions the more secure the
tenure, in an increasing ratio up to freehold, the
better on the whole the farming, until the limit of
acreage is reached where the owner thinks he can afford
to lie by and make an income by letting to others.
But the present tenants would be no better employers
as owners, or tenants on a permanent settlement, than
they are now; the agricultural labourer who really does
the work would still get his ten and twelve shillings
a week, his cottage would be equally destitute
of garden. On the other hand, if the capitalists
came in, does their behaviour in the large cities make
us very hopeful of what would take place under their
management in the country ? These are difficulties
which-at once arise in any scheme of individual im­
provement. Even the virtual limitation of the amount
of land which may be held by any individual by means
of cumulative taxation—the only fair taxation by the
way—might not give the labourer on the land that
independence which would enable him to hold his
own. What the better, in short, would the mass of
the population be for any of the reforms proposed ?
Granting that twofold would be produced, would the
labourers or the urban population get a greater share
of it ? No doubt the diminution of the absurd social
influence attaching to the ownership of land would have
a great effect in lowering its value to a mere idler, espe­
cially if the game laws are speedily repealed. But all
this does not help the man who does the work for ten
and twelve shillings a week to get some fair portion
of the fruits of his labour—to secure a decent home, a
plot of ground, least of all a small farm. What is

�tltE LAND.

being done for Ireland, then, ought on a larger scale
to be done here; though unfortunately want of educa­
tion and knowledge cripples the present generation,
and they have been more completely uprooted from
the soil than even the Irish.
We are manifestly here, as elsewhere, in a transi­
tion period. The stage of dominant landlordism is
passing away rapidly—that of State management, or
co-operation in the interest of all, has apparently
not been reached. Granting therefore that the com­
pletes! reforms of the land laws, in the shape of abo­
lition of settlement and entail, complete subdivision,
simplified registration, mortgage made illegal, and so
forth, have been carried, much will remain to be done.
Private enterprise cannot satisfactorily deal with the
many important changes to be made. Benevolent
investments at five per cent, are, in American parlance,
“ a fraud.” What a miserable hand-to-mouth creature
the agricultural labourer is to-day we know. Let, then,
that point be borne in mind in all reforms, that until
the labourer is placed in a position where he is really
able to contract freely, either by combination, or by
State assistance in the shape of permanent leases of
land, subject to disturbance only for bad culture
or non-payment of fair rent, no great change
will ever be made in his condition for the better.
For this too is for the interest of all. The titles
of English landlords are none so good that they can
afford any longer to run the risk of the cry, “ The
Land for the People/’ Hitherto powers of expropria­
tion and interference have been used solely in the in­
terest of the upper and middle classes, who hold the

�3°

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

control. Ere long a similar process will be demanded
by the great majority in their favour, though not with
equal injustice.
As stepping-stones to further development, the
following reforms may be demanded at once :—
Reform of the law of settlement and entail, putting
an end to the existing system altogether.
Compulsory registration of title, so as to make
transfer of land as easy as it is in America.
Extension of the powers of local bodies to acquire
land for all purposes and to lease it in small portions.
Compensated expropriation of property-owners in
large cities.1
No confiscation or revenge for the forced removal
of the people from the land is asked for. But the
unborn have no rights, and the nation has always
both the power and the right to take any land at a
fair valuation. By immediate limitation of the right
of inheritance, and an application of the power of
purchase, the State or the local authority would
speedily come into possession of land, which could be
used for the common interest, and some comfort and
security obtained for those who at present have neither.
No longer then should the agriculturist be per­
manently kept away from possession of the soil; no
1 “ Nationalisation” of the land is, of course, the only logical
outcome of any thorough suggestions for reform; but this,
unless accompanied by nationalisation of railways and of
capital, would be of little use to the mass of the workers of the
country. Meanwhile, however, the only safe course is to work
in the direction of steadily restricting the rights of private
property in land.

�THE LAND.

3i

longer should the dweller in the city feel that, happen
what might, he could never leave the street or alley.
Hitherto the State has been regarded as an enemy :
the time is coming when all will be ready to recognize
that its friendly influence is needed to prevent serious
trouble, and to lead the way to a happier period.
That the landowners of England should join in a re­
solute endeavour to remedy the mischiefs which affect
them in common with the rest of the population is
apparently too much to expect. True, their interest
lies in this direction. To stir up class hatred is easy
enough, when, in spite of all sentimental talk and
useless charity, the men who work see that nothing is
really done which will permanently benefit them. A
higher ideal than mere selfishness may indeed be held
up, but if reforms are to be peaceful those who are
rich and powerful must lead the way. Of this truer
patriotism there is at present no sign among those
who claim to be the “natural leaders” of the people.

�32

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

CHAPTER II.
LABOUR.

In every civilized society the main point to be con­
sidered is the manner in which labour is applied to
production, and the share of his own labour which in
one shape or another the labourer gets in return. The
ancient historical civilizations were chiefly built upon
slavery. Here the labourer, his force of labour, and the
material on which he expended it, all belonged to the
master ; and the wealth of the latter might almost be
gauged by the number of slaves he possessed, though
only a portion of them would be actually employed in
the work of production. This employment of slave­
labour renders any comparison between the state of
society then and now almost futile; but the condition of
the poor freemen in Rome and Athens, constantly ex­
posed to the competition of slave-labour if they desired
to work themselves, resembled that of the mean whites
in the Southern States before the Civil War. The
peasant proprietor, or the member of a village com­
munity, holds again a totally different position from
that of the slave or the labourer of modern times.
The peasant proprietor, or the craftsman owning his
own tools and able to obtain his own materials, is
master of himself, of his means of production, and of

�LABOUR.

33

his produce, even though he may have to pay a por­
tion of the latter to a feudal chief or rajah. In both
cases, that of individual proprietorship and that of
ownership in common of the produce'of a community,
there may be and generally is perfect freedom, save
the restrictions which arise from the necessity of pro­
ducing sufficient for the social necessaries of life.
It is quite possible that a man and his family may
live on the produce of their own farm, carry on the
simple operations of manufacture necessary to clothe
them, and rarely have the need to exchange anything
which they possess for the work of others. A good
harvest, or a favourable season with cattle, will repre­
sent so much extra wealth, which will provide against
bad times, or enable the little household to devote more
labour to increase of comfort. With a village com­
munity the necessity for exchange may arise less
often ; for these units of civilization comprise within
themselves the means of providing all the ordinary
needs, and some even of the luxuries of life. It is to
the interest of the whole family or village community
that all should be well nourished and strong for the
daily duty ; it is also advisable that a certain provision
should be made against the prospect of bad seasons.
Civilization, therefore, presupposes great forethought
in its earlier stages, or it would soon fall back again
to the condition of the Paraguayans, who ate the seed
given them by the missionaries. But all the wealth
thus produced by the work of individuals or com­
munities is clearly due to labour; and that is not
wealth which is not recognized as an object of utility
in the social conditions of the time.
D

�34

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

The great majority of economists before and since
Adam Smith have agreed that labour is the source of
value. “The real price of everything,” says Adam
Smith himself, “what everything really costs to the
man who wants to acquire it, is the toil and trouble of
acquiring it. What everything is really worth to the
man who has acquired it, and who wants to dispose of
it or exchange it for something else, is the toil and
trouble which it can save to himself, and which it can
impose on other people. Labour was the first price
—the original purchase-money that was paid for all
things. In that early and rude state of society which
precedes both the accumulation of stock and the
appropriation of land, the proportion between the
quantities of labour necessary for acquiring different
objects seems to be the only circumstance which can
afford any rule for exchanging them for one another.
If among a nation of hunters, for example, it usually
costs twice the labour to kill a beaver which it does
to kill a deer, one beaver would naturally be worth,
or exchange for, two deer. It is natural that what is
usually the produce of two days’ or two hours’
labour should be worth double of what is usually
the produce of one day’s or one hour’s labour.”
“ That this,” adds Ricardo, “ is really the foundation
of the exchangeable value of all things, excepting those
which cannot be increased by human industry, is a
doctrine of the utmost importance in political
economy. If the quantity of labour realized in com­
modities regulate their exchangeable value, every
increase of the quantity of labour must augment the
value of that commodity on which it is exercised, as

�LABOUR.

35

every diminution must lower it.” This labour, of
course, includes the work necessary to replace the
wear and tear of.tools and machinery, as well as the
labour which is actually expended on and realized in
the commodities. Every useful article produced by
labour has two values, its value in use alone, and its
value in exchange. Its value in use is developed only
by being used and consumed : its value in exchange
consists in obtaining other useful articles in its
place.
Water, air, virgin soil, &amp;c., are useful, but by them­
selves they constitute no value. A man may also
expend his labour on useful articles which never
become commodities or goods for exchange. These
may be destined simply for his own use, and never
for exchange. In all countries, however, where the
capitalist system of production prevails, wealth
appears in the shape of an accumulation of com­
modities or merchandise. Those products of human
labour devoted to natural objects are exchanged
according to the average quantity of human labour
expended in producing them. If wheat and axes are
exchanged in definite proportions, they are thus
bartered with reference to the common element in
each, by virtue of which an equality between them is
established. This is the quantity of human labour
expended in bringing them forward for exchange. So
many days of average labour embodied in one article
of utility, are equal to so many days of average
labour embodied in another article of utility. Thus
then the general rule is, that labour is the basis of
value, and quantity of labour the measure of value of
D 2

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commodities, or social values for the use of others, all
the world over.1
Say that a coat is worth twice as much as ten yards
of cloth. The coat is useful and satisfies a particular
want. Two kinds or qualities of labour are embodied
in it—that of the tailor who made the coat, and that
of the weaver who wove the cloth. So far as its use­
fulness is concerned also, it makes no difference
whether the tailor wears it or his customer. Now as
to its value. The coat is assumed to be worth twice
as much as the ten yards of cloth—worth that is,
twenty yards of cloth. In point of value coat and
cloth are but expressions of labour itself. Thus
the coat is worth twice as much as the cloth, because
the cloth contains only half as much human
labour; and it needs twice the quantity of labour to
produce the coat complete, cloth and all, as to pro­
duce the cloth alone. Reduce the quantity of labour
needed to make a coat by one half, and two coats are
only worth what one was before. Double the quantity
of labour needed to make a coat, and one coat is
worth what two were before. In the same way, “ if a
piece of cloth be now of the value of two pieces of
linen, and if, in ten years hence, the ordinary value of
a piece of cloth should be four pieces of linen, we may
1 Professor Stanley Jevons has convinced himself that labour
has no influence on value. Utility is the sole source of value.
Labour, supply, utility—such is the progression. This is not
the place to discuss this theory, which is of course turned to ac­
count at once by capitalists. The cloud of differentiations and
metaphysics which Mr. Jevons throws up as he goes along does
not, however, obscure the fact that without labour there would be
no value at all.

�LABOUR.

37

safely conclude that either more labour is required to
make the cloth, or less to make the linen, or that
both causes have operated.” Thus then, no matter
whether the productive power of average human
labour in producing any article of utility—and utility
is, of course, an essential element of exchangeable
value—is increased or diminished, the same length of
labour, or the same quantity of labour, always repre­
sents the same value. But of course, if the labour is
more productive, more values in use are obtained in
a given time, and if less productive, less: only the
value for exchange remains unaltered.
But the above illustrations are easily extended.
When a coat is said to be worth twice as much as
ten yards of cloth, or worth, that is, twenty yards of
cloth, this means, as has been said, that the quantity
of human labour contained in the one is equal to, or
expressed in, the quantity of human labour contained
in the other. So with other articles of utility. A coat
may likewise be equal in value to ten pounds of tea,
or to half a ton of iron, or to a quarter of wheat, or to
two ounces of gold ; all these products of human
labour being also equal in value to twenty yards of
cloth, and varying in exchangeable value in propor­
tion to the amount of labour embodied in them ;
the simple meaning of the equality being that the
tea, the iron, the wheat, the gold, and the cloth, repre­
sent, each and all, the same quantity of labour in the
several amounts of commodities.
But it so happens that it has been found convenient
for ages to express this general form of value in one
particular commodity. This in nowise changes the

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fundamental proposition that labour is the basis of
value, and quantity of labour its measure. The only
further result is, that the coat, the ten pounds of tea,
the half a ton of iron, the quarter of wheat, the
twenty yards of cloth, are all equal in value, not only
to one another, but to the two ounces of gold, which
henceforward are taken as a meaure of value for
them all and become money. When commodities
now are valued, they are valued with reference to the
gold, which forms not only a real but an ideal valua­
tion. It is not the money which enables the com­
modities to be valued. Far otherwise. It is because
all commodities represent realized human labour
already expended on natural objects, thus producing
articles of utility, that their relative value is conse­
quently measureable by one another, and that they
can all be valued together in one special commodity.
This last becomes money, and is a measure for them
all, though, like the rest, its value consists in the fact
that it represents the expenditure of human labour.
But money is not only a convenient measure of
value, but also a means of putting commodities in
circulation. A commodity is exchanged for its
equivalent in money, and then again the money is ex­
changed for another commodity. In order to promote
a circulation of commodities there must be a sufficiency
of money, or the representative of money in some form
of currency, to avoid congestion. To bring about the
regular interchange of articles of utility in civilized life,
such a change of commodities for money, and again
into commodities, being the rule. This fact formed
the basis of the theory of the celebrated Law, who

�LABOUR.

39

desired to substitute for gold and silver, which cost
labour to produce, and yet are in themselves of little
utility, paper certificates of labour expended, which
would cost nothing, and yet serve the purposes of cur­
rency. Without however, entering upon the pheno­
mena connected with money, it is now clear that in
all exchangeable value the human labour expended is
the basis of the value of commodities, and the quantity
of human labour the measure.
There is, of course, nothing new in all this. That
natural objects are of no value unless human labour is
expended on them is a truth as old as the world.
That labour is the real basis, not only of value but of
all civilized society, needs no elaborate demonstration
at this time of day. Yet it is precisely from this
generally admitted but little regarded truth that
consequences follow of the highest importance to our
modern society. Here come in those “ differences
of value,” those strange manipulations of the worth of
commodities, which go to the root of all business.
A merchant has a sum of money, say a hundred
pounds sterling. Therewith he buys on the market
say a hundred pounds’ worth of cotton. So far
the exchange may be perfectly fair and exact. The
merchant has given his labour as expressed in a
hundred pounds sterling for another man’s labour as
embodied in a mass of cotton. But, having bought,
hs goes away and sells his purchased cotton to an­
other person for 110Z., making, as it is said, 10Z. by the
transaction. . His 100Z. was turned into its equivalent
in merchandise, and then appeared again as 110Z.
Not only is the original sum replaced, but more is

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added, and the merchant’s money becomes capital.
The merchant buys not for himself, or to work up for
the use of others, but merely to sell the cotton again
at an enhanced price. This is something very
different from the use of money as the measure of
the value of commodities, or as the means of facili­
tating exchange. It is commercial capital, which its
owner takes upon the market for the purpose of
increasing it. Money to start with; then, after a
longer or a shorter interval, more money—that, leaving
out the intermediate process of buying the cotton, is
the process. But the amount of value in circulation
at any given moment—that is, the quantity of human
labour on the average embodied in commodities—
cannot increase of itself. If a merchant has in his
possession a commodity whose value is expressed
in money by 10Z., this value can only be increased
absolutely, and made say nZ., by the addition of
more labour to the labour-value represented in the
first instance—as by making a coat of cloth. The
coat is worth more than the cloth, but the value of
the cloth remains the same. Thus then all conditions
remaining the same, the owner of the money to start
with must buy a piece of merchandise at its exact value,
and sell it again for what it is worth, and yet have at
the end more value than he had at the beginning.
Now the problem begins to take shape.
The increase of value by which money becomes
more money and is turned into capital, obviously
cannot arise from the money itself. It follows then
that the conversion of money into merchandise, and
then of that same merchandise into more money, is

�LABO UR.

4i

due to the merchandise. But how ? Commodities
can no more increase their own exchangeable value
than money. In order to obtain an additional ex­
changeable value from a commodity a sort of mer­
chandise must be found which possesses the remark­
able quality of being itself the source of exchangeable
value, so that to consume it would be to obtain that
labour-force embodied in value, and consequently to
create value.
Now it so happens that the capitalist in embryo
does find on the market a purchaseable commodity
endowed with this specific virtue. This is called
labour, or force of labour. Under that name is com­
prised the entire capacities, physical and intellectual,
which exist in the body of a man, and which he
must set in motion in order to produce articles of
utility. Evidently the force of labour cannot present
itself on the market for sale, unless it is offered by
its owner; he must be able to dispose of it—that is,
be the free owner of his labour, of the force of his
own body. The moneyed man and he meet on the
market; one buys, and the other sells, and both are
quits. But the owner of this labour-force must only
sell it for a definite time ; if he sells it for an indefi­
nite time, from being a merchant, he himself, his force
of labour and all, becomes a mere commodity. He
is a slave or serf at the command of his master as a
chattel. The essential condition for the capitalist
to be able to buy the force of labour is, that the
owner of the labour instead of being able to keep
himself by work on his own land, or to sell goods on
which he has himself expended his labour, should be

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obliged to sell the labour-force in his body pure and
simple. A man in order to sell goods of his own
making, must of course command the means of pro­
duction—tools, raw material, &amp;c. Then he is master
of his own labour, an independent man; he has the
means of exchanging his own labour as embodied in
useful articles for other men’s labour also embodied
in useful articles upon equal terms. But in order
that money should be converted into capital the
workman himself must be free in a very different
sense ; not only must he be ready to sell his labour as
a commodity, but further, he must be free—so very
free that he has nothing else in the world but his
power of labour to sell—that he should be completely
destitute of the means of realizing his own force of
labour in commodities by himself, having neither tools,
nor land, nor raw materials wherewith to do so.
How does this free labourer thus find himself on
the market, ready to enter into free contract ? That
does not concern the owner of the money, who looks
upon the labour-market as a mere branch of the rest
of the market for commodities, and governed by the
same laws. The appearance of this destitute labourer
there is nevertheless, as has been seen, the outcome
of a long series of economical evolutions and revolu­
tions extending over centuries. Driven from the
land, deprived of the possibility of earning a living,
the mass of the people find themselves concentrated
in the towns. Nature most assuredly does not turn
out possessors of money or goods on the one side,
and ownersof their pure labour-force, and nothing else,
on the other; nor is such a social state common to

�LABOUR.

43

most periods of history. So long, for example, as the
produce of labour is used to supply the needs of the
labourer, it does not, as has been seen, become mer­
chandise ; in the same way, the production and cir­
culation of commodities may take place under many
forms of society. It is not so with capital; that only
makes its appearance when that part of the wealth
of a country which is employed in production, con­
sisting of food, clothing, tools, raw materials, ma­
chinery, &amp;c., necessary to give effect to labour, is
found in the hands of an owner, who meets on the
market the destitute free labourer come thither to
sell his labour.
Capital then forms an epoch in social production.
What, however, is this force of labour, which the
free owner of it comes on to the market to sell ?
Clearly it is a human force,physical, moral, intellectual,
which requires certain material, food, and clothing and
lodging—all at the command of the moneyed man,
and not of the labourer—to keep it in order and
supplied, so that the waste of one day may be made
good, and it may return with equal vigour the next.
These necessaries vary, of course, with different
climates, and with different degrees of civilization ;
but in any given country and period the average
needs of the labourers are known. Nor is this fact
altered by the other fact that, as pointed out by Mill,
a series of circumstances may reduce the standard of
supposed necessaries. The amount of average neces­
saries thus ascertained is called by Ricardo, the
“ natural price of labour,” and is “ that price which is
necessary to enable the labourers one with another to

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subsist, and to perpetuate their race without either
increase or diminution.” In this way we have that
amount of average daily necessaries which will
maintain the present race of destitute bargainers, and
provide them with equally destitute successors.
Assume then that the cost of this amount of daily
foods, the natural price of human labour comprised
in the necessaries for existence for the twenty-four
hours—representing by rights only the quantity of
human labour expended in their production—is six
hours’ work. Half a day’s average work is needed
then to reproduce the average amount of labour-force
expended. Take this at three shillings as expressed
in money. Then the owner of the labour who sells
its work for six hours at three shillings, sells it for its
exact value. “ It is when the market price of labour
exceeds its natural price that the condition of the
labourer is flourishing and happy—that he has it in
his power to command a greater proportion of the
necessaries and enjoyments of life. When the market
price of labour is below its natural price, the condition
of the labourers is most wretched; then poverty
deprives them of comforts which custom renders
absolute necessaries.” So far Ricardo again. But the
natural price of labour reaches its minimum when it
is reduced to the value of the means of subsistence
physiologically indispensable. When it falls to this
minimum, the price has reached a level below the
value of the labour-force, which then only just
maintains itself without immediate deterioration.
For example, a man who sells his labour for just
enough to keep himself and his family without

�LABOUR.

45

making any provision for old age, or future ill-health
from which he may suffer, is clearly going down hill.
The natural price of his labour has not in this case
taken a sufficiently wide range,
When also the capitalist buys the labour, it is the
owner of that labour who sells on credit. He advances
his labour to the capitalist; the capitalist advances
nothing to him without having been previously
paid for it. In every country where the capitalist
system prevails, the labourer is only paid after he
has worked for a certain period—a week, a fortnight,
a month—on credit. This enables the capitalist to
“turn round.” If the employer fails, the labourers
suffer: they are not paid; for the labour has been
sold beforehand, and duly delivered by the expenditure
of force from the labourer’s body. An illustration of
this occurred not long since in the great strike of
colliers in the north against the masters, who wished
to make their men break the law by contracting out
of the Employers’ Liability Act. Once out on strike
they insisted most strongly upon the reduction of the
length of the advance of their labour to the capitalist,
from the fortnight to the week. This point they
carried. Fortnightly or monthly wages are a hardship
to the labourer, which, like many others, can only be
removed by resolute combination ; for that value in
use which the owner of the labour advances to the
buyer, only shows itself in employment. And this
consumption of force of labour produces, not only
commodities, but surplus value besides. Everything
else needed for the purposes of production—raw
materials, machinery, &amp;c.—have been bought by the

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capitalist at their actual value, and paid for at their
actual price. It is labour only, the labour-force of
human beings, from which he derives his surplus value.
Out of this, his last purchase, bought on credit, the
capitalist makes his capital breed. This labour, bought
in the open market, and realized in the commodity—
this it is which gives the capitalist the additional
value he hungers for.
Now we begin to see how it comes about that 10Z.
turns into i iZ., that 100Z. swells into 110Z., without
additional value. Now, too, the admirable working
of “ freedom of contract ” and “ supply and demand ”
in our modern society appears. Hear, too, William
Cobbettfora moment: “ To those who labour, we who
labour not with our hands owe all that we eat and
drink and wear, all that shades us by day and that
shelters us by night, all the means of enjoying
health and pleasure ; and therefore if we possess talent
for the task, we are ungrateful or cowardly, or both, if
we omit any effort within our power to prevent them
from being slaves. What is a slave ? For let us not
be amused by a name. A slave is in the first place
a man who has no property; and property means
something that he has, and that nobody can take
from him without his leave or consent. A slave has
no property in his labour ; and any man who is com­
pelled to give up the fruit of his labour to another at
the arbitrary will of that other, has no property in his
labour, and is therefore a slave, whether the fruit of
his labour be taken from him directly or indirectly.
If it be said that he gives up the fruit of his labour
by his own will, and that it is not forced from

�LABOUR.

47

him, I answer, To be sure he may avoid eating and
drinking, and may go naked ; but then he must die ;
and on this condition, and this condition only, can he
refuse to give up the fruit of his labour. ‘ Die,
wretch, or surrender as much of your income or the
fruit of your labour as your masters choose to take.’ ”
To return. The working man who has sold his
labour works, of course, under the control of the capi­
talist to whom his labour thus belongs, and whose
object it is that he should work hard and continuously.
Besides, the product in which his force of labour is
embodied is the property of the capitalist, and in no
sense that of the labourer. The capitalist merely pays
him his wages, just as he would pay for the hire of a
horse or a mule. Then the employer applies the
human merchandise he has thus bought to his raw
materials and machinery. The result is a value in
use to be passed on to others ; and not only such
value, but a surplus value for the capitalist himself,
derived from this purchased labour.
Take, for example, cotton yarns. The capitalist
buys, say, ten pounds of raw cotton for I ox In that
price there is already expressed the average labour
needed for the production, transport, and marketing
of the raw cotton. Now put the wear and tear of the
spindles, machinery, &amp;c., in working up the raw
material into yarn at 2s. If a piece of gold of the
value of 12s. is the output of twenty-four hours’work,
it follows that there are, apart from the labour in the
factory, two full days of work (at the assumed natural
rate of 3x for six hours’ work) embodied in the yarn.
This accounts for the original labour needed to raise

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and transport the raw cotton, as well as the labour
needed to replace the wear and tear.
It has already been assumed that the workman
must give six hours’ labour in order to earn 3^., the
natural price of his labour required to supply him
socially with his absolute necessaries. Now assume
further that it takes six hours’ labour to turn ten
pounds of cotton into ten pounds of yarn ; then the
workman has added to the raw cotton a value of 3s1.,
a half-a-day’s work. So at the end the ten pounds
of yarn contain altogether two days and a half of
labour; raw cotton and wear and tear of spindles
stand for two days ; and half-a-day has been absorbed
by the cotton in the process of spinning. This quan­
tity of labour is therefore reckoned in a piece of gold
of the value of 15^.; that is to say, the price of the
yarn worked up from the cotton is ix. 6d. a pound.
Here obviously is no gain to the capitalist. His raw
material, his wear and tear of machinery, his wages
paid for the labour which he has purchased, eat up
the whole of the capital advanced, and yet the ten
pounds of yarn only fetch ij-. 6d. a pound, which is
the value of the average quantity of labour contained
in it. This shows no profit whatever, much to the
horror of the capitalist if he stopped there.
But the employer has bought the labourer’s whole
day’s work upon the market. He can make him work
therefore not merely the six hours required to produce
the return of the 3^. paid, but twelve hours—a day’s
work. Now if six hours’ work produces ten pounds
of yarn from ten pounds of cotton, twelve hours’ work
will give twenty pounds of yarn from twenty pounds

�LABOUR.

49

of cotton. These twenty pounds of yarn will thus con­
tain five days’ labour, of which four are contained in the
raw cotton and the wear and tear of machinery and
spindles, and one day is absorbed by the yarn during
the process of spinning. The expression in money
then of these five days’ work is 30^. That, therefore,
is the price of the twenty pounds of yarn, Thus the
yarn is sold now as it was before at ij1. 6d. a pound.
But the sum of the values of the merchandise (includ­
ing labour in the factory) embodied in the yarn does
not exceed 27 s.; that is to say, 2OJ. for the raw cotton,
4j. for the wear and tear, and 3s. for the labour in
the factory. The value of the product has therefore
increased. The 27s. have become 30J. Those 27s.
advanced by the capitalist have begotten a surplus
value of 3^., and the trick is done. The capitalist
has used a certain amount of another man’s labour
for his own behoof without paying for it, and the trick
is done at that man’s expense. That free labour
which is sold in the open market enables the capital­
ist to sell the twenty pounds of yarn he has made
at the regular price of Ij. 6d. a pound, and, neverthe­
less, to increase his capital by 3^. on the output of
twenty pounds. Labour thus used is the origin of
surplus value, and all’s well.
Once more it is permissible to look back to the ioZ.
made into 11Z., to the 100Z. swollen into 110Z. The iZ.
like the 10Z. is obtained from that free labour which is
bound to be sold for less than its worth, in order that its
possessor may continue to keep body and soul together.
And the surplus value so produced the capitalist, the
merchant, the shopkeeper, divide among themselves.
E

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In existing conditions of agricultural production,
the agricultural labourer in the same way provides
on his part the surplus value which the landowner,
the rent-charger, the farmer, the mortgagee, divide, in
the shape of rent, settlement, profit on capital, and
interest on money lent. The labourer himself, earning
his low to I2w a week, is the man upon whom all
these worthy people live, though they do so in a more
indirect manner than the capitalists of the large
towns, and have perhaps a trifle more conscience left
to appeal to.
Capital itself, however, is divided into two parts,
that w’hich is used to buy machinery and means of
production, and that which is expended on labour.
The former portion is constant, and is simply repro­
duced without increase, the latter is variable, and is
that which produces surplus value. Ordinarily the
rate of surplus value is calculated on the total amount
of capital employed, constant and variable, and is
dubbed profit on capital. But this is wholly
incorrect. The rate of surplus value produced, the
proportion of labour turned to account by the
capitalist, should be reckoned only on the amount of
capital advanced to pay the owner of that labour
the natural price of his labour. What now is the pro­
portion which the necessary labour for this purpose
bears to the extra labour which is used for the benefit
of the capitalist alone ?
Nothing will illustrate this so clearly as actual
figures taken from the regular operations of a factory.
A mill with 10,000 spindles spins yarn No. 32 with
American cotton, and produces every week a pound

�LABOUR.

5i

of yarn to the spindle. The waste of the cotton
amounts to six per cent. Therefore 10,600 pounds of
cotton are each week converted into 10,000 pounds of
yarn, and 600 pounds of waste. In April, 1871, this
cotton cost 7|&lt;/. a pound, and consequently 342Z. were
paid for the 10,600 pounds, in round figures. The
10,000 spindles, including the spinning machines and
the engine, cost io,oooZ.; their wear and tear amounts
to ten per cent., or 1000Z. a year, or 20Z. a week. The
ground-rent is 300Z. a year, or 6Z. a week. Coal, gas,
oil, &amp;c., cost 4Z. ioj. every week; the total weekly
expenses in constant value amounting to 378Z.
The wages of the hands are 52Z. a week ; the price
of the yarn at I2|&lt;/. a pound for 10,000 pounds is
510Z. The additional value produced each week is
consequently 510Z. —378Z., or 132Z. Now deduct the
variable capital, the wages of the hands, or 52Z., and
there remains a surplus value of 80Z. Here the rate of
surplus value is therefore as 80Z. to 52Z., or upwards of
153 per cent. That is to say, for an average day’s
work of ten hours the necessary labour is but four
hours, and the extra labour six hours ; or, the labourer
works four hours for himself, and six for other
people, who divide his extra work among them.
And yet how unreasonable that the “hand,” silly
fellow, should object to this division of his extra and
unpaid for labour, and fancy that somehow somebody
has got the better of him. Fool that he is, let him
listen to the voice of the preacher and the political
economist:—“ What you need, my weary, povertystricken, Christian brother, is not to get back your
own extra labour, which you have expended, in the
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form of money or goods for your own use. That is—
believe us, who are your true friends—robbery of the
capitalists. You, my good man, should be thrifty,
abstinent, saving, economical, and still go on steadily
providing extra labour for others, until you in turn
cease to be a labourer, turn capitalist, and extort extra
labour yourself.”
What, however is this day’s work, necessary labour
and extra labour together, which the capitalist buys
on the market ? Obviously there must be some
limit to it. A man can’t work twenty-four hours
on end every day in the week, that is clear. But the
limits of the day’s work are very elastic. We find
ten hours, twelve hours, fourteen, sixteen, even
eighteen hours, given as the amount of a day’s work.
And this limit, however loose already, capitalists, from
the shirt-sweaters up to the railway companies, are
always striving to extend. They invoke the sacred
laws of supply and demand and freedom of contract,
to sanction an amount of daily toil which leaves a
man or a woman utterly exhausted at its close, which
weakens health, reduces vitality, and hands on a
broken constitution to the progeny. And all for what?
In order to swell that surplus value which “ society ”
depends upon for its excessive luxury and continuous
laziness. “But,” say the labourers when adjured not
to endanger society, “ that is all very well; but society
is shamefully wronging us. It is society which, having
entire command of the police and military forces of
the country, enables the capitalist class thus to violate
every law of exchange with impunity. These are
they who pay us only one-half or one-third or one-

�LABOUR.

53

quarter of the real value of our day’s work. They
then are the people who are endangering' society, of
which we form by far the most important part—not
the working men, who ask only that their labour
should not be taken for nothing.”
There is a comparison at hand which philanthro­
pizing capitalists—and there are many of them—will
understand, if they do not appreciate. Under the old
system of corvee a man was obliged to give say one
day’s work in the week, or at most two, to his feudal
lord without any payment. Such a man, though he
had the remaining five or six days wholly to himself,
was thought little better than a slave. Nor was he.
English capitalists would, of all men, subscribe largely
to relieve human beings from continuing in such a
shameful and degraded position. But here at home,
we have men, women, and children, who are obliged
to give four, five, six hours a day to the capitalist for
nothing, and yet are thought free. A factory hand
who, as in the instance given above, provides six
hours a day of extra labour, makes the capitalist a
present of three days’ work in the week for nothing.
He gives, in fact, three times as much labour for no­
thing in the week to his employer, as the serf who
works one day in the week under corvee is obliged to
offer in unpaid labour to his lord. . But in the one case,
under the system of daily or weekly wages, the neces­
sary labour and the extra labour are lumped to­
gether as so much paid-for labour ; in the other, they
are divided. Thus the forced, extra, unpaid labour
for the capitalist—the industrial corvee—escapes
notice, though it is three times greater than the other,

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and the capitalist is thrice as heavy a master as the
feudal lord.
Moreover, the capitalist class has ever been on the
look-out to increase the hours of labour beyond
measure, in order that they may obtain more extra
labour, and thus secure more surplus value. We in
England have had sad experience of the baneful
effects upon the working population of the neverceasing endeavours to increase the number of working
hours. The reports of the Factory Inspectors up to
a comparatively recent date, are positively filled to
overflowing with instances of the efforts made by the
capitalists to crowd extra labour on men, on women,
and, above all, on children. A little is filched from
the meal times ; the mill is opened a trifle earlier, closed
something later, than the prescribed hour. Always
this persistent scheming for extra labour.2 Not only
up to the passing of the Factory Acts, but ever since,
the same tendency has been relentlessly displayed.
Free Trade, by reducing the natural price of labour,
increased the profit of capitalists and the number of
hours on which they could depend for the production
of surplus value. Women and children have, of course,
suffered fearfully. They were used up as so much
2 Mr. Watherston, a jeweller, who has grown rich on other
men’s labour, wrote not long ago to the Economist to complain
of the miserably short hours of work Englishmen now have.
They must work more, or trade—his profits, he meant—would
suffer. Of course this was the very man for the capitalist party.
They got him at once as chairman of the Westminster caucus.
How long will working men be gulled by landlords and capitalists
into providing them with more unpaid labour, under the pretence
of improving trade ?

�LABOUR.

55

food for surplus value, without the slightest regard to
humanity, or to the interest of the country at large.
The average age of the working classes was fearfully
shortened by the excessive toil. The cotton industry
of Lancashire alone in ninety years, or three genera­
tions of ordinary men, devoured nine generations of
work-people. What mattered that to the manu­
facturers ? There were more where they came from.
The poor bargainers reproduce themselves, and sup­
ply and demand goes merrily on as before. The
Factory Acts themselves, still by no means so stringent
nor so rigidly administered as they ought to be, were
carried against the bitterest opposition of the capi­
talist class, because the nation had gradually roused
itself to the truth that the whole population was
rapidly deteriorating, owing to the systematic
overwork of women and children. There are even
still economists of liberal views, who hold that women
in particular ought to be allowed to work in factories
as long as they choose, and that the State has no right
to interfere to protect the coming generation. Argu­
ment after argument is put forward also that longer
hours than those to which the Trade Unions have
happily reduced the working day are essential, because
otherwise capitalists cannot compete with foreign
nations.3
3 To show how impossible it is for the capitalist class to shake
themselves clear of the prejudices in which they have been
brought up, it is almost enough to say that Mr. Bright—a man
surely distinguished foi- his humanity in general concerns—
opposed the Factory Acts, which may fairly be regarded as the
most beneficent measures of this century, with all his might ;
that when President of the Board of Trade he declared that

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There is, unfortunately, no need to go back to the
horrible details contained in the Health Reports of
a few years ago, as to the condition of the working
classes, whilst wealth is being piled up by their labour
all round them. In spite of a little permissive legis­
lation—well-intended, but by no means effectual—
things are almost as bad to-day. Some there are of
course who, rejoicing in the fact that our population has
consumed on the average ‘ooi lb. per head more of
bacon in the last ten years, or '002 lb. per head more
adulteration was a legitimate form of competition ; and that to
this hour he cannot see that interference with freedom of con­
tract as between the capitalist and the labourer may be abso­
lutely essential in the interests of the community at large. Sir
Thomas Brassey, as Professor Cairnes has pointed out, could
not understand that a reduction of profits might be quite as
desirable as a reduction of wages. It is amusing, too, to see
Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, a capitalist who has taken 700,000/.
out of the working classes by extra labour, and owns a rigid
monopoly, posing as a leader of the democracy. Doubtless
they all think themselves thoroughly in earnest; but how can
hunters after surplus value, men who are every day engaged in
putting wages at a lower level than they ought to be in order
to enhance their own profits from unpaid labour, really lead or
benefit them by pretending to lead, the working class ? The
Liberal benches in the House of Commons at this very time
are closely packed with plutocrats, who have made all their
wealth, and mean to make more, out of the unpaid labour of
their own countrymen. The Conservative benches seat a grow­
ing proportion of men of the like kidney. What wonder that
working men who really understand what is going on around
them, almost despair of success in carrying measures which are
absolutely essential to the welfare of their class, when the power
of capitalism is increasing in every direction, when there is not
a single daily newspaper in existence which represents their
interests or advocates their claims, and when only three of their
class sit in Parliament ?

�LABOUR.

57

cheese, decline to look to that portion of the people
who bring down the average.
Such a speech as that delivered by the Bishop of
Manchester in June, 1880, ought to awaken the nation
to the mischief which is still being done. He, worthy
man, wrings his hands in despair at the state of affairs
in his own diocese. People living in the most mise­
rable poverty, from which there seems no escape.
Misery, filth, starvation, overcrowding, followed by
inevitable deterioration. Sadness and hopelessness
brood over the streets, and alleys, and cellars, he has
explored. What can education do with children
living in such conditions as those which he has so
graphically described ? The men and the women
work hard enough when they can get the chance—
work endless hours too—do enough in short to feed,
and lodge, and clothe themselves in comfort. Yet in
Manchester and Salford, in Stockport and Altrincham,
in Oldham and Macclesfield, throughout the whole of
these great- industrial districts, thousands on thou­
sands of labourers exist in good times in squalor, whilst
bad times drive them at once to the wall. Dr.
Fraser himself had shown a few years before what the
condition of the agricultural labourer was in this
respect, how hard he too works, how little he gets,
how foully he is lodged in many cases. Even orthodox
economists show further how farmers and manufac­
turers alike combine to keep down the rate of wages to
the bare natural price, or below it, whilst exacting the
longest possible hours of toil.
Admitting that in some respects matters have
improved, owing to the determination of the working

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classes no longer to submit to such neglect and
oppression as of old, the very last report of the
Factory Inspectors shows how much remains to be
done, and how little machinery there is to do it. The
long weary struggle which has been carried on by the
working class, without even proper representation,
against laissez-faire, political economy, and selfish
ideas of freedom, seems still far from being successful.
A mere list of the provisions of the Factory Acts to
restrict tyranny by the masters and injury resulting
to the hands, proves conclusively that, but for State
intervention a condition of slavery of the worst kind
would exist now, as it did forty years ago. Meals for
instance are not allowed nowto be taken in rooms where
the atmosphere is poisonous, and some restrictions are
even imposed upon keeping men, women, and children
employed in the poisonous atmosphere. In Bradford, a
city which has long lived in the full and rather greasy
odour of Liberal sanctity, the wool-sorting has for years
been carried on in such a manner as directly to involve
the loss of the lives of many of the hands. Not a single
improvement did the capitalists—Mr. Coercion-Act
Forster is a Bradford man—introduce, till forced to do so
bylaw, and by public opinion following upon the verdict
of coroners’ juries as to the infamous state of things
which brought about the death of the wool-sorters.
Children still go to work full time in the collieries when
they are twelve years old, though in factories they,
fortunately, may not do so until they are thirteen or
fourteen. The parents, eager to get their children’s
wages, take advantage of this, and the capitalist
colliery owner of course is always ready to employ

�LABOUR.

59

cheap child-labour for his engines or other pur­
poses.
In the dangerous trades great improvements have
been made by the Factory Acts, but still it is evident
far more stringent inspection and regulation is
required. In the brickworks we read of a girl carry­
ing to and fro eleven tons of clay in the day for 2s.
a day. Brickmaking, to which women are wholly
unsuited, fell into their hands, we are told, “ because
masters at one time got wages down very low”—•
wanted to work women on the cheap in fact. In the
great cotton and iron industries years must still
elapse before the people recover from the deteriorating
effects of unrestricted competition. The best factories
and ironworks are not yet controlled sufficiently in
the interest of the men, women, and children who
work in them. But those who wish to understand
what capitalism is capable of, and what is its natural
bent, should read the reports of the factory inspectors,
Messrs. Lakeman and Gould, on the sweating system
at the East End of London, and the dens in which
the unfortunate milliners and dressmakers work at
the West End. “Workshops,” says Inspector Lake­
man, “are generally small, over-crowded, very dirty,
overheated, badly ventilated ; and when half a dozen
gas burners are alight for five or six hours in a
twelve-feet square room, one can imagine that the
term ‘ sweater ’ is not inappropriate. ... So gigantic
has the sweating system become, so rapid the produc­
tion (for the division of labour is strictly carried out),
so varied are the wants of each occupier, that one
despairs of making any impresssion upon these people

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except by compulsion.

They are bound to a system
which excludes freedom, and from long habit it seems

impossible to move them out of it. Now when we
see a cloth coat made, lined, braided by hand, the
silk and thread found by sweater, all for 2s. ^d., and
if the total number be not returned to the clothier
completed by the time specified, then a fine of six­
pence (I have seen one shilling) levied for each gar­
ment, one cannot wonder at the desire of the sweater
to keep his team late at night to complete his task.”
Coats are sometimes “(finished in this style,” however,
as low as 2s. id. “NTcien one thinks that there are
about 18,000 to 20,000 people toiling at this one trade
of making ready-made clothing, can we wonder at
beholding the palace-like premises of merchant
tailors who can advertise garments at a very low
price, which to them is the cost of material, and say
2s. id. for the making of a coat? It does not require
much depth of reasoning to judge where the profit
comes from.”4 No, worthy Mr. Inspector, it does not.
The profit of the merchant tailor, like the profit of
his noble allies the cotton lords and the wool factors,
comes out of the unpaid labour of others, whom he
throws upon the streets when they have served his turn
of providing surplus value according to the universal
law of supply and demand and freedom of contract.
But again ; hear Mr. Inspector Gould :—“ There is,
however, one branch of work, giving employment to
4 Lord Salisbury spoke at the Merchant Tailors’ Hall not long
since, of the absurdity of “ plate-hunger.” It seemed more ridicu­
lous to his aristocratic mind than even the earth-hunger of the
Irish. Had he by chance a Conservative sweat er at his elbow ?

�LABOUR.

61

thousands of girls and women, which, although
entirely harmless in itself, is yet, unfortunately, solely
by reason of the conditions under which it is carried
on, a typically unhealthy business, I need hardly
say that I refer to the making of all articles of ladies’
clothing, and principally to the dressmaking section
of the trade. Of the thousands of young and delicate
girls who are engaged in trying to earn a bare sub­
sistence in a deleterious atmosphere, no one can tell
how many go down in the struggle. No statistics
can be formed of the percentage of deaths, of enfeebled
constitutions, of the amount of disease engendered in
the first instance by the deadly atmosphere of the
workrooms in second and third class establishments
devoted to the dressmaking and ladies’ clothing trade
in the West End of London. I know of no class of
female workers whose vital interests are so entirely
neglected, and who labour under such disadvantageous
conditions, as the unlucky victims of the dressmaking
industry. Nothing is more surprising than to hear
the advocates of ‘ women’s rights ’ of both sexes, in
full knowledge apparently of the hardships undergone
by the very class whose battle they profess to fight,
cry out for absolute liberty of action to all females
employed in labour ! ” Evidently Mr. Gould is quite
ignorant of the real bigotry of the advocates of free­
dom, and had better look to himself. In the shops
themselves things are little better. Men and women
are kept at work from thirteen to fourteen hours a
day for five days in the week, and for sixteen hours
on the sixth day.
As to the accommodation of the labouring class,

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out of whose unpaid toil the capitalist makes his
profit and society waxes fat, the Reports on Artisans’
Dwellings, give deplorable facts. Two and three
families pigged together into one or two small rooms ;
streets of houses torn down for improvements, and
their occupiers forced to crowd in upon the already
overcrowded streets adjoining. This is the rule through­
out all our great cities. London is no worse than Glas­
gow, nor Glasgow worse than Birmingham, Bradford,
Leeds, Manchester, or Newcastle. The latter city,
indeed, is perhaps the worst of all in this respect in
comparison to its population.
Hitherto the mere
Permissive Acts to remedy this state of things have
been almost useless. Yet the homes of the poor are
not cheap; they are dear. Cubic space for cubic
space, the dens of the East and West End cost
more than the mansions of the rich, who have good
air, good light, plentiful supply of water, and all that’s
needed for healthy existence. Those who provide
them with all these benefits are left to take care of
themselves. No compulsion: that would be too
serious. What ? force the municipalities to tear down
foul, unhealthy dwellings, at the expense of the rich,
and build up proper accommodation for the poor ?
“ Never,” say the ratepayers ; “that would touch us :
it is communism, confiscation, the overturn of society.”
We are now in a brief cycle of rising prosperity for
the moneyed and manufacturing class. Now is their
opportunity to endeavour to remedy in their turn
some of the mischiefs below and around them. They
justly denounce the selfishness of landlords ; let them,
too, look at home. But the working class should rely

�LABOUR.

63

on their own power and peaceful strength—they must
trust to themselves alone.
To them, then, I say
All wealth is produced
by labour, and goods exchange in proportion to
the quantity of human labour which is embodied in
them. Between the workers of all civilized coun­
tries there is no real difference: they create the
wealth and produce the food, and, under proper
conditions, all would live in moderation all would
have enough.
But landowners, capitalists, mer­
chants, money-lenders, have possessed themselves
of the land, of the machinery, of the currency, of the
credit.
They therefore compel the workers to
labour long and live hardly for their benefit; they
take of the time, and the life, and the labour of their
fellows for nothing. Those who own the soil, and
those who manufacture—those who live on interest, and
those who trade on differences of value, live alike in
luxury and in idleness out of the sweat and the misery
of others. They, therefore, are the enemies of the great
mass of the people, to be overcome by voluntary
combination and peaceful endeavour. You, then,
who produce the wealth in every country, consider
where you stand ; you, men who have seen your homes
broken up, your health destroyed, have beheld your
wives and children fade away under the tyranny
of capitalism, stop and think. Let all who are made
poor and miserable for the advantage of others, take
heed to themselves. And having thus considered,
thus thought, and thus looked at home, stretch out
your hands, now powerless, to the workers of the
world as your friends, and begin a new and better

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social epoch for humanity. Working men and
working women of Great Britain and Ireland, who now
toil and suffer that others may be lazy and rich—
Unite I Working men and working women of Europe
and America, who now rejoice in the gleam of a
transient prosperity, only to be cast into deeper
despair on the next stagnation—Unite ! Unite ! In
union alone is safety and happiness for the future, as
in difference and selfishness have been danger and
misery in the past. Therefore, once more, working
men and working women, ye who live hardly to day,
to pass on sadness and poverty to your children to­
morrow, Unite! Unite! Unite!

�CAPITAL.

CHAPTER HI.
CAPITAL.

Capital is the produce ofpast labour devoted to present
production. “ The wealth which has been accumu­
lated with the object of assisting production, is termed
capital; and therefore the capital of the country is
the wealth which is not immediately consumed unproductively, and which may consequently be devoted
to assist the further production?’ Capital is in fact
the saving of past labour, for the special purpose of
increasing the future store. Undoubtedly capital
originally may have been acquired by saving or by
inheritance, though that is only pushing the accumu­
lation a step further back; and the grain pits of Northern
India, the yam barrows and tabu cocoa-nut groves
of Polynesia, the stores of the Mexican aborigines,
represent early and useful forms of capital. “ No­
thing,” says Mr. Fawcett, “ more distinctly marks the
superiority of man over the brute creation than the
prudent foresight wrhich causes an adequate provision
to be made for the future. The more civilized men
are, the more is this foresight shown. Civilized men
anticipate with keen perception the wants of the
future. To provide against the contingencies of the

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future, engrosses perhaps the too anxious care of the
nation.”
In these sentences Mr. Fawcett expresses far too
favourable a view of the foresight of the present gene­
ration of civilized men. Never perhaps since civiliza­
tion was first seen on the planet, have so many human
beings been passing through life at the same time
on insufficient food, as at the present moment. Nothing,
indeed, is more striking than, the want of foresight
displayed under our present capitalist system of
production. Whichever quarter of the globe we look
to, we see the future entirely disregarded. We in
England, for example, a vast industrial community,
are content to base our supplies more and more upon
countries thousands of miles from our shores. America,
which affords us our chief quantity of food, is using up
wheat centre after wheat centre in a fashion similar
to that not long since in vogue in South Australia ;
forests, which can perhaps never be replaced, are
swept away, in every direction, to the permanent injury
of the climate. In England, manure to the value
of at least 25,000,000/. a year, is sent down into the
sea, though our soil is deteriorating for want of it.
Foresight, therefore, in any extended sense, cannot cer­
tainly be claimed for our existing civilization, unless the
Romans showed foresight when they worked out the
Campagna to ruin, and destroyed the future of Sicily
by their exactions. What capital has done for India
I shall show later on ; what it would do, if left unre­
strained, for our own people has been seen, in part, in
the last chapter. But granting that the capital which
begins work is the result of past frugality on the part

�CAPITAL.

of some hard-working man with a keen eye to the
good of his species, as well as to his own immediate
interest, what is the next capital, and the next, and
the next, which rolls up so rapidly in this island of
ours ? Let us go back to the great cotton industry
once more, and look about us there.
A man has a capital of say io,oooZ., inherited from his
thrifty parent, who bequeathed if to him after a long
life of usefulness, with many prayers that he would
make it fructify. He does. Four-fifths he devotes
to buying machinery, raw cotton, &amp;c., and one-fifth he
expends in wages. Every year he produces 240,000
pounds of cotton yarn of the value of I2,oooZ. His
io,oooZ. has been reproduced, and his surplus value
is in the 40,000 pounds of yarn, which are sold for
the sum of 20O0Z. This 2000Z. of surplus value forms
a new capital, which, when set to work in like manner,
will produce in its turn a surplus value of 400Z.—and
so on, and so on, as may seem convenient to the
capitalist. The original IO,OOOZ. came from the pious
parent, but the history of the new capital of the
2000Z., of the 400Z. &amp;c., stares us in the face. It is
simply surplus value, other people’s unpaid extra
labour, capitalized. The means of production in
which this additional extra labour is embodied, as
well as the means which support it, are only portions
of the tribute levied every year from the working
class by the capitalist class. It is, of course, per­
fectly in accordance with the economical laws which
govern the production of commodities, and with the
ever sacred rights of property which follow thereupon.
Nevertheless there are the following results
F 2

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1. That the product belongs to the capitalist, and
not to the producer.
2. That the value of this product includes both the
value of the capital and the surplus value, which costs
the workmen labour, but the capitalist whose lawful
property it becomes, nothing.
3. That the labourer has kept up his force of labour
• and can sell it again on the market, if he is lucky
enough to find a buyer.
Thus capital rolls up by crystallizing unpaid labour
in the hands of the capitalist.
That the general position of the modern labourer
in dealing with his master the capitalist is bad
enough, has been shown only too clearly. Whenever
the Government slackens its intervention for a
moment, even with existing Factory Acts in full
force, the employers, as a class, strive their utmost to
extend the hours of labour, and thus to get more
unpaid work out of their hands. Not the slightest
regard is paid to the health or well-being of the men,
women, and children whose lives are used up thus
lelentlessly ; the truck system, which filches wages, is
resorted to wherever possible; and adulteration has
become the rule rather than the exception in trade.
To increase the rate of surplus value produced per
head employed is of course a great gain ; the average
amount of profit on the variable capital used is at once
increased likewise. Who can wonder then that having
the control of the powers of the country, and the recog­
nized political economists as their submissive fuglemen,
the capitalist class should so long have ridden rough­
shod over the working class in the name of freedom ?

�CAPITAL.

69

In considering, however, the origin of the capitalist
system, it becomes clear that without a minimum
amount of variable capital wherewith to pay wages,
that mode of production cannot begin. A man
who works for himself alone, need work only the
eight hours which we may assume to be required, on
the average, to provide him with the necessaries of
subsistence. He would need then only the means of
production for his eight hours’ work; whilst the
capitalist, who makes him work an extra four hours,
needs an additional sum of money to provide the
means of production for those four hours. Moreover,
the capitalist, even if he lived no better than the
workmen he employed, would have to keep two of
them at work for twelve hours a day, in order that he
himself might have the necessaries of life in idleness.
Even so there would be no surplus wealth. So that,
according to this calculation, the lazy capitalist, in
order to be able to live without work even twice as
well as his workmen, and turn into capital half the
surplus value produced, must advance eight times the
amount of capital required for a single independent
■workman, though only four hands will be employed
in producing surplus value. This done, capital at
once becomes master of the situation. The workman
no longer turns the means of production to account,
but they turn him to account, and work up his force
of labour into surplus value to an extent which has
never been brought about under any system of forced
labour known to history.
The history of the development of capitalist pro­
duction, from simple cooperation and manufacture up

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to the present preponderance of the great machine
industries, shows an enormous growth of wealth for
the capitalist class, combined with steady pressure
upon the labourer to produce more surplus value by
low wages and overwork. At first the true capitalist
method scarcely makes head; but when once labourers
are collected together in one building, to do separate
tasks at the bidding of an employer, they cease to be
separate individuals, and become an organism, bound
to exercise their collective capacity in accordance
with the rules of capital. Here comes in that minute
division of manual labour, so advantageous to pro­
duction, which has been described with so much
enthusiasm by many economists. The object of the
collection of the labourers together was, of course, to
cheapen the production of merchandise. The extra
ability which the workman derives from devoting his
attention to one operation instead of to several, the
time saved by the juxta-position of the labourers, &amp;c.,
all tell in favour of the capitalist, whose interest is
henceforth exclusively consulted. For the labourer
has already become a mere tool. He no longer pro­
duces commodities himself, as he did before, but
embodies his work in bits of commodities, or in help­
ing to make a complete commodity, only valuable
when put together. To carry on perpetually one petty
operation in a complicated whole, working day in and
day out to produce surplus value for the capitalist by a
series of purely mechanical operations, such is the la­
bourer’s portion in this system of manufacture. He still
seems to be an independent agent working with his own
tools, but this is precisely what in reality he is not.

�CAPITAL.

71

Glass-making, watch-making, pin-making, and other
trades, are still to a great extent conducted on this
transition method, and afford illustrations of what was
not long since general. Whilst then the social division
of labour, with or without the exchange of commodi­
ties, belongs to the economical forms of most various
societies, the manufacturing division of labour is the
special creation of the capitalist system of production.
The workshop is in fact a machine, of which the parts
are human beings. Dissociate the individuals from
the machine as a whole, and they become almost as
useless as a crank, a pin, or an eccentric, detached
from a steam-engine. The labourer, to start with,
sells his force of labour to capital because he is desti­
tute of the means of production himself; now his
labour has become absolutely useless unless it is sold.
He can work henceforth to advantage only in the
workshop of the capitalist. It is also the tendency of
manufacture thus conducted to employ more and more
hands as capital accumulates and the minimum of
capital needed to commence, increases.
This sort of co-operation was a historical necessity,
in order to convert isolated labour into social work.
It begins about the middle of the sixteenth century,
and lasts to the latter half of the eighteenth century,
as the chief method of production in capitalist coun­
tries. During the whole of this period, and far on into
the nineteenth century, the most atrocious laws were
enacted by the small minority of the population who
owned the Houses of Parliament against the increase
of wages, or any combination on the part of the
working classes to secure for themselves justice and

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consideration. Capitalists might combine at their
pleasure; employers might break their contract at
will; but, woe betide those unlucky workmen who
thought that freedom meant the right to strike to get
better wages, or to step out of a contract which im­
perilled their health. For them the prison, flogging,
branding, forced labour at the filthiest tasks. But
for the capitalist ?—he went on his way rejoicing, with
more and yet more of other men’s labour at his mercy,
and in due course of time he “ founded a family/’
figured as an Abolitionist, and died in the odour of
sanctity.
Steam machinery gave a new turn to the screw
which pressed down the working class, and began
those periods of inflation and stagnation, of over-pro­
duction and depression, which many have come to
regard as inevitable accompaniments of all produc­
tion. The machine sprang naturally out of manu­
facture, but the use of steam as a motive power gave
it a development in many directions which could
never have been obtained in any other way. At first
sight it would appear that machines must of necessity
improve the lot of the bulk of mankind—that as they
so vastly enhance the productive power of human
labour, men would be relieved from excessive drudgery,
and yet wealth would abound more than at any pre­
vious period.
This was the view of the ancients. Aristotle fore­
saw that slavery could be done away if machines were
invented ; and others have dreamed of a state of society
where, by their help, the history of the people should
cease to be one of perpetual poverty and degradation.

�CAPITAL,

73

As machines save labour alike in agriculture and in
working up the raw material, there is nothing neces­
sarily chimerical in such ideas. But capital has
stepped in and taken order with these vain imaginings.
The riches due to machinery have gone to the
few: the many have become mere slaves to the
machine. For that is the result : human beings no
longer make use of their implements ; they themselves
are made to serve the machine.
The machine of course, though it increases the pro­
ductive power of the human labour employed, adds
no more value to the commodity produced than the
wear and tear during the process of work. But
the first effect of its introdi tion is to bring into com­
petition with adult male 1 our that of women and
children, who could, and do, serve machines as well as
the superior force of the men, and serve also to reduce
their wages—the main object of the capitalist. But
another advantage is afforded by the machine to the
employer. We have seen that the profit of the
capitalist depends upon the amount of unpaid labour
he can exact from the free workman. In ordinary
circumstances this can only be increased by the
lengthening of the hours of labour. But by the aid of
machines the labour can be intensified as well as pro­
longed. Thus a man may produce the necessary
amount of labour-value in a shorter period, and leave
a larger portion of the working day as surplus value
to his employer, by an improvement in machinery
which renders the labour rapid and severe. Ever
since the law stepped in to shorten the hours of labour
for women and children, and men combined to shorten

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their own hours, the endeavour to intensify labour by
increasing the rapidity of machines has been unceas­
ing. This has produced in the cotton and silk factories
a state of nervous excitement among the workers
which has greatly augmented the proportion of chest
complaints. Twelve hours’ work are now compressed
into ten hours. This work, too, is of the most monoto­
nous, uninteresting character. In return for that ex­
hausting labour the working classes as a body suffer as
the Bishop of Manchester has described.
But the effect of the introduction of new machines
of greatly improved capacity, used not for the benefit
of the whole community, but primarily for that of the
dominant class, has a far more serious influence upon
the working class than even the competition of women
and children which it admits of, or the intensity of
labour which results therefrom. A new labour-saving
machine means so much labour thrown upon the
market without the means of earning subsistence. This
effect of improved machinery is admitted by Ricardo,
who, after having previously held the contrary opinion,
satisfied himself “ that the substitution of machinery
for human labour is often very injurious to the class
of labourers.” This view is taken less clearly by
Macculloch, and Mill, and Fawcett; but they con­
tend that the compensations are rapid, and in the end
beneficial. The labouring classes, according to them,
are therefore benefited, not injured, by the introduction
of improved machinery in every case. The labourers
whom the machine displaces are nevertheless thrown
upon the market, where they certainly increase the
amount of labour available for the capitalist. This is

�CAPITAL.

75

-in itself a terrible matter for them all. But the amount
of capital invested in the machine ceases also to be
available for wages ; and if the machine works up an
increased amount of raw material with far fewer hands,
the constant capital is clearly greatly augmented at
the expense of the variable, or that which is imme­
diately available for the payment of wages. The
men thus thrown out of work are good for very little
in other employments, and consequently fall to a lower
grade. If they get fresh work in the same trade, that is
owing to the introduction of some new capital, not cer­
tainly to that which is already locked up in the machine,
and employed in obtaining food for it in the shape of
raw materials. The machine itself has nothing to do
with the sad effect produced. The result of its em­
ployment is that the product is cheaper and more
abundant than ever before ; yet the workman is thrown
aside into penury, and the capitalist pursues his
triumphant career. For this temporary inconvenience
is now of perpetual recurrence ; and the fate of the
miserable hand-loom weavers of India, starved in the
interests of Manchester manufacturers, is reproduced
in a milder form among the English labourers whose
interests these very cotton-lords were pretending to
serve. The necessary influence of the machine under
present conditions is to place the labourers at an
increasing disadvantage—a disadvantage which they
can never overcome, save by political and social com­
binations and rearrangements, carried out with stead­
fastness and zeal for at least a generation.
For this brings the question home to that miserable
see-saw of inflation and depression to that sad con­

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dition of the mass of the labouring poor in the evergrowing population of our great cities, to which
reference has so often been made. “ Oh yes,” say the
followers of Malthus, by no means confined to Mr.
Bradlaugh and Mrs. Besant, " but this over-population
is ‘at the root of the whole mischief. If only the
working class would keep itself under restraint, and
not breed at such a terrible pace, they would at once
raise their wages by the .eternal law of supply and
demand. They have to thank their own early mar­
riages and excessive birth-rate for much of their
present misery.”
Is this so ? The evidence is really all the other
way. There is nothing whatever to show that these
islands are overpeopled [in proportion to the wealth
that is being accumulated. Very much the contrary.
The population of Great Britain and Ireland has
doubled in the last seventy years. It is now increas­
ing at the rate of about one-and-a-half per cent, in
every ten years. But the riches, the income, the accu­
mulations of the country, are they increasing at a less
rate so that abstention from marriage and Malthusian
devices are so essential ? Why, it is notorious to all
that our wealth .has increased out of all calculable
proportion to our population during the present cen­
tury. The whole world is laid under contribution, to
furnish additional wealth for the exported savings of
unpaid labour made by the comfortable classes here
at home. English capital brings back its return from
all quarters of the globe ; whilst in these islands, the
comparison between what was and what is, can
scarcely be expressed in sober language. Nay, even

�CAPITAL.

77

during this late period of prolonged depression, when
the hard, rough men of the iron districts, as well as
the distressed cotton-spinners and miners, were
declaring that they would not go into the workhouse,
and yet could not “ clem ” for another winter—even
in those hardest of hard times, it was calculated by
an expert that in addition to ordinary investments,
which were going on all the time, no less than
250,000,000/. were watching the opportunity to belaid
out to a profit when, to use the cant phrase, business
once more recovered. Whilst population is now
increasing at the rate of one-and-a-half per cent, in
every ten years, capital, and wealth squandered in
luxury, are rolling up at the rate of ten, twenty, thirty
per cent, per annum.
A few figures will make this quite clear. Taking
the years 1848 and 1878, the period of one generation
since last there was an agitation in favour of justice
to the multitude, we find that the total gross annual
value of property and profits assessed to Income
Tax in Great Britain and Ireland—about half the
actual gross annual value, or less—was in round
figures 275,000,000/. in 1848, against 578,000,000/., in
1878, or an increase on assessmentfor income alone of up­
wards of 110 per cent, in the thirty years. A truly enor­
mous increase. Yet the total population in 1848 was
28,000,000, as against nearly 34,000,000 in 1878.
Here, then in the United Kingdom, an increase of
the annual assessed income of no per cent, or of
303,000,000/., since 1848, was accompanied by an
increase in the population of only 6,000,000, or at the
rate of less than twenty per cent, in the thirty years.

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

What fatal nonsense then is it to talk of over­
population in such a case as this. If the increased
capital had been used for the benefit of all, then
these extra 6,000,000, as well as the 28,000,000, would
have been living in comfort, health, and well-being
—well-housed, well-clothed, well-fed, well-educated.
The over-population which the Malthusians think to
check by their wrong and mistaken methods, is due
to the special system of production under which we
groan, and will continue so long as, and no longer
than, it is brought under restraint for the advantage
of all. It is the deprivation of the means of selling
their labour on fair terms that does the mischief to
the mass of the population. Let the people remem­
ber, that if no one were overworked in this free land
of ours, there would not at this moment be hands
enough in the country to carry on its business—that
if only one-half of the livers in luxury and idleness
on the excessive labour of others turned to some
higher ideal of patriotism, there would be plenty for
all. It is not the population that crowds on the
means of subsistence, but the concentration of the
produce of their toil in so few hands, that is obnoxious ;
though the way out to a better and fairer distribution
is not so simple as some of the easy handlers of the
complicated machinery of our modern society would
imagine.
This over-population then, which occasions such
sad scenes in times of depression, and is ever close at
hand in the flushest days of trade, is not actual but
relative, and is directly due to the employment of
machines and the growing proportion of constant to

�CAPITAL.

79

variable capital. Natural causes—great famines in the
East, serious wars in Europe, short harvests at home,
may aggravate the depression, as sloth and unthrifti­
ness add to the misfortunes of the working class. But
such decennial crises as those now observable date
from the present century, and owe their development
to the circumstances stated.
The reproduction of capital necessarily carries with
it the simultaneous reproduction of the source of sur­
plus value—force of labour. Accumulation of capital
involves at the same time increase of the mere wage­
earning class. The payment of wages presupposes
that a certain amount of labour is given for nothing.
Wages, therefore, can only rise because there is an
increase of capital in excess of the labour offered. The
rise of wages and consequent diminution of unpaid
labour do not mean that the domain of capitalism
is restricted : small profits only necessitate bigger
capitals, and the workman sees in the wealth of his
master his only hope of safety. The ordinary expla­
nation is either that the rise in the rate of wages
retards the accumulation of capital in comparison
to the labour on offer, and then wages fall to the
level which suits the views of capital; or on the
other hand, wages are low, and then the amount of
capital seeking employment in comparison to the
labour on offer is excessive, causing wages to rise.
Thus the see-saw goes on. Now an excess of
capital arising from accelerated accumulation, which
renders the labour on offer insufficient and raises its
price; again a slackened accumulation makes the
labour on offer relatively excessive and reduces its

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price. AU this has nothing to do with the increase
or decrease of population, but may occur, and does
occur, when the population is stationary.
The real law however of capitalist production is this :
—The relation between the accumulation of capital and
the rate of wages is only a relation between unpaid
labour converted into capital and the overplus of
paid labour that this additional capital needs in order
to set to work. This then is not a relation between
two matters quite independent of one another—that
is to say,"on the one side the magnitude of the capital,
on the other the number of the working population ;
but a relation only betzveen the paid and the unpaid
labour of the same working population. If the quantity
of unpaid labour which the working class supplies
and the capitalist class accumulates increases with
sufficient rapidity for its conversion into additional
capital to necessitate an extraordinary addition to
the quantity of paid labour, wages rise.
Other
things remaining the same, unpaid labour diminishes
in proportion. So soon, however, as this diminu­
tion reaches the point when the extra labour which
furnishes the additional capital is no longer forth­
coming in the usual quantity, a reaction ensues.
A less part of the return is converted into capital,
and the rise of wages is checked. Thus—and this is
the point of most serious import to the working
classes of this country—the price of labour can never
rise except between limits which leave quite untouched
the groundwork of the capitalist system and ensure the
reproduction of capital on a progressive scale. Never
then until the working class shake thertfcelves clear

�CAPITAL.

81

of the notion that a mere rise of wages is all they
have to strive for, will they be able to control the
capitalist class. The labourer is really the slave of his
own production in existing economical conditions.
For, as has been stated more than once, the demand
for labour is occasioned, not by the actual amount of
capital but by that of its variable portion, which alone
employs labour. But the magnitude of this portion
relatively to the whole is constantly decreasing. At
times, however, the conversion of variable into con­
stant capital is less felt, machines are introduced
less frequently. Then there arises that greater demand
for labour which under ordinary conditions follows
upon the accumulation of capital. Yet at the very
moment when the number of the workmen employed
by the capital reaches its maximum, there is such a
glut of produce that at the slightest check in disposing
of the goods the whole social machinery seems to
come to a dead stop, the discharge of workmen comes
suddenly on a vast scale and in
violent manner,
and the very upset forces capitalists to excessive
efforts to economize labour. Improved machinery is
introduced again, and the wheel works round.
Thus the tendency of our system of production and
the increasing accumulation of capital, is to increase
at the same time the amount of the over-population
relatively to the means of employment. An indus­
trial army of reserve is maintained of increasing
dimensions, ever at the disposal of capital, ready
to be absorbed during times of expansion, only to
be thrown back in periods of collapse. Only under
the control of the great industrial movement of our

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time, does the production of a superfluous population
become a definite means for the development of
wealth. During periods of stagnation -this industrial
army of reserve presses on the army in active employ­
ment to reStrain its demands, when at length comes
the period of [over-production and great apparent
prosperity. Thus, then, the law according to which
an ever-increasing mass of riches can be produced
with a less and still lessening expenditure of human
force—this law which enables man as a social being
to produce more and more with less labour, is turned
by our capitalist system—where the means of pro­
duction are not at the service of the labourer, but the
labourer at the mercy of his means of production—
directly to his disadvantage. As a direct consequence,
the more power and resources placed at the command
of labour, and the greater the competition of labourers
for means of employment, the more precarious be­
comes the condition of the wage-earner, and his op­
portunities of selling his labour. The productive
population is always increasing in a more rapid ratio
than the capital has need of it,
All recent events do but serve to exhibit the general
truth of this in more striking shape. Look at the
movement of population ; take note of the operation
of strikes ; observe the world-wide effect of crises at
the present time : how the numbers of those who live
from hand to mouth, or minister as domestic servants
to the luxuries of the comfortable classes, grow in
proportion to the rest of the population ; how the
strikes invariably fail on a falling market, and often
leave the workmen in a worse condition than they

�CAPITAL.

S3

were before they began; how, when a crisis begins
in Vienna it is felt at once through the world, to the
United States, and we see, even in that great territory
3,000,000 of tramps, without house or home, wander­
ing through the country, exposed to the most furious
laws enacted by the well-to-do, and waiting till capi­
tal shall be good enough to employ them again, and
again turn them adrift; how we ourselves discovered
that the capitalized unpaid labour taken from our peo­
ple to lend to rotten States, like San Domingo, Hon­
duras, Paraguay, and Peru, had merely brought about
here at home a fictitious industrial prosperity, to be
followed by the longest, and for the mass of the
working people the most trying, crisis known in re­
cent times ; how—but it is needless to go further ; the
facts, the bare hard facts, condemn unceasingly our
unregulated system of capitalist production, which,
based solely on selfishness and gratifying greed, takes
no account of the morrow, nor any note whatever of
the mischief inflicted on the human race. Where the
State has interfered to control and change the bale­
ful conditions of life for the mass of our countrymen,
there, and there alone, has some little good been done.
What then, say the let-alone school, would you
stop the operation of machinery, throw back the evo­
lution of the race, and return to the natural savage
for a reorganization of modern society ? They who
ask such questions are as silly as those who think
all attempts to change our social organization must
be necessarily traced to the French Revolution, and
that those who, like myself, are determined to modify
existing political and social conditions, must wish and
G 2

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

strive for a general overturn. It is not so. But the
working of capital is essentially immoral. It moves on
irrespective of all human considerations, save the
accumulation of wealth and the provision for ease
and luxury. For fifty years England has been under
the domination of the classes who live and trade upon
unpaid labour. Surely it is high time that those
people who provide it should be heard in their turn
as to the system which weighs them down. To
expect that the nation will at once abandon its idea
of fancied individual freedom in favour of a real col­
lective freedom which shall consult and care for the
interests of all, is a chimera. But seeing, as we
cannot but see, the plain economical basis of so much
of the misery all deplore, is it not reasonable that
more rapid steps should be made in the direction of
general improvement ? So far all the sacrifices have
been made by the working class. What they in
their turn may rightfully demand at once as reason­
able and practicable remedies for some portion of their
ills, are i1—
1. A curtailment of the hours of labour, eight hours
being the working day.
2. Free and compulsory education in its widest sense.
3. A compulsory construction by the municipalities
and county assemblies of fitting dwellings for the
working classes, including a good and free supply of
light, air, and water, and garden-ground where possible.
1 I need scarcely say that personally I should welcome far
more stringent reforms, but the very people who suffer most
under present economical conditions are not prepared to change
them completely.

�CAPITAL.

85

4. Really cheap transport, so that artisans may
live at a distance from their work without incurring
heavy expenditure.
Such social reforms would produce an effect more
speedily than might be supposed ; and the expenditure
would be far more than repaid to the community at
large by the increased physical strength, the superior
intelligence and morality, and the greatly enhanced
patriotism, in its best sense, of the mass of the com­
munity. That these changes would check the fearful
crises consequent upon the capitalist system of pro­
duction is nowise probable; but they would lead the
way gradually to a better system, when all might enter
more fully upon their duties to the whole country.
Men who are now deprived of the fruits of their
labour, who live under bad social conditions, who are
forced to resort to scamped work and adulterated
manufacture in order that their employers may make
a profit, would feel very differently if for their honest
labour embodied in sound goods they could obtain a
rightful return themselves. The magic of property
would then be felt in the general as well as the
individual improvement. That industry will always
have the better of laziness, that thrift must be more
beneficial than extravagance, are truths which no
political or social changes can shake. But as we
stand, our laws and customs are directly calculated to
foster excessive wealth on the one side and miserable
poverty on the other. What wonder that the people
should begin to ask themselves the why and the
wherefore of all this disparity between the men who
work and those who use them ? None are more

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ready to pay for mental toil than those who work
with their hands, none more ready to give up a por­
tion of their labour for the benefit of their fellows.
Nov/, however, the perpetual conflict of wages, the
strife with capital, where the possibility of final
success is pushed farther and farther into the distance,
necessarily blunts that feeling of national greatness in
the best sense which does so much to sweep away,
even as it is, the meanness engendered by mere nar­
rowness and greed. Those who are never certain of
continuous employment, and have little time left for
education, might well be pardoned if they thought
only of their own selfish interests. That in the mass
they do not do so, is the best hope for the future.
But in coming changes it behoves us to be careful,
lest, in getting rid of the excessive influence of one
dominant class, we do but strengthen the power of a
meaner and a worse one in its place. If possession
of land—as all reformers agree—should be regulated
in the interests of the country in time to come, so also
must capital, machinery, and the national highways.
Conservatism has come to mean the dominance of
landowners : Liberalism has been degraded to the
service of capitalists. There is little perhaps to choose ;
but for the people it is to the full as important in the
future that capital should be controlled as the land.
Mere destruction for its own sake is not in accordance
with the views of Englishmen. To pull down a system,
however bad, they must see that something is ready to
take its place. The infinite mischiefs of capitalism must
be removed as a better method of production grows up
from below. We have sad experience that our so-

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87

called individual liberty means too often only the
development of monopoly and the tyranny of wealth.
But that faculty of organization, that ingenuity in
turning science and invention to account, may as well
be used in the service of the many as to the selfish
gratification of personal desires. There is room enough
for the use of the highest powers, without the perpetual
money-getting now in the ascendant. No man can
live out of the current of his age ; but it is time that a
higher ideal were placed before the nation, and that the
common sense of the community at large should save
the next generation from the power of oppression
now accorded to a system which developes in those
who handle it neither foresight, patriotism, nor honesty.
The very tendency of capital itself renders this essen­
tial. Each year sees it rolling up into larger and
larger masses. The great joint-stock enterprises, where
enormous capital is obtained from many contributors,
gradually crush out smaller houses ; large emporiums
undersell small; large factories dwarf smaller. With
this increase too, the personal relation between em­
ployers and employed ceases, and powerful corpora­
tions begin to assert themselves as a political influence
solely for selfish ends, and with the cold persistence
and disregard for human interests which such asso­
ciations invariably display. England, the greatest
capitalist country, may well show the world how to
take order with this dangerous growth which threatens
to overshadow human progress, and regulate without
injustice those purely selfish motives which hitherto
have been looked to as the sole hope of advance in
civilization.

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CHAPTER IV.
ORGANIZATION.

Now does any one imagine that with our present
restricted suffrage we are likely to carry in town or
country the social changes absolutely essential for the
well-being of the majority, or to reorganize our
political machinery in a workable shape within a
reasonable time ? Those who think thus must be of
a very sanguine disposition. When in history did
classes who hold property and power give up any
portion of their valuable and lucrative monopolies until
they saw clearly that surrender would be less harmful
than defeat ? The natural inclination of so-called
Conservatism is to make a dead stand against all
reform ; only now and then does a man arise in any
country who can persuade the people in possession
that, if they wish to avoid an overturn, they must have
a distinct constructive policy of their own.
Yet it is true that mere extension of the suffrage by
itself does not suffice to bring about much beneficial
change. In France manhood suffrage imposed upon
the people the rule of Napoleon III., with his gang of
gamblers and political thimble-riggers for twenty years.
The master may have meant well enough in his way,
but his men and their mistresses looked upon France

�ORGANIZATION.

89

as their fair prey. In Germany, as we see, universal
suffrage has not prevented Prince Bismarck from
maintaining the dominance of military Junkerdom
over a well-educated and, in the main, peaceful people.
In America the injurious influence of great capitalists
is severely felt, though there the people have the
power to put an end to their tyranny at once by com­
bination at the polls. Even here in England we may
observe the same slow action on the part of voters
to bring forward social grievances. Wonders, for
instance, were looked for from the Reform Bill of
1832. It would be quite amusing, if it were not a
little sad, to read in the writers of the first quarter of
this century what changes for the better would be made
so soon as rotten boroughs were swept away, and the
power of aristocrats shaken. Yet, all this enthusiasm
notwithstanding, fourteen years elapsed before even
the Corn Laws were repealed—and that was a capi­
talist not a working-class measure, inasmuch as cheap
food kept wages lower ; and the Factory Acts were
not passed, in a shape to be of any service, for sixteen
years. Then, too, the man who did more than any
other to force them on the legislature, in the face of
the interested opposition of the capitalists, was a non­
political aristocrat, the present Lord Shaftesbury.
So with the Reform Bill of 1867, which in the eyes
of such a man as Mr. Lowe involved nothing short
of revolution. What great measures for the advantage
of the community at large have yet resulted from that ?
Ireland, no doubt, has secured some attention; and
the School Boards have commenced the work of educa­
tion ; but on the whole it is surprising how little has

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been achieved in fourteen years. Still, it is impossible
to doubt that pressure from without would assume a
very different shape if every man in the British Islands
not a felon were entitled to"a vote. It is fair to assume
that no further change is pressed on now with vigour,
because the mass of the present voters have got all
they want.
For though it is the fashion to say that the Reform
Bill of 1867 gave power to the democracy, there is little
evidence of that as yet. To this day the working
class is outvoted by the shopkeeping class ; and the
preposterous absurdity of three-cornered constitu­
encies has been foisted on us by political theorists,
to make matters worse. The extension of the borough
franchise to the counties will, no doubt, make a
difference to theagricultural labourer, and facilitate the
dealing with the land ; but that only puts the increas­
ing working class in the towns at a greater relative
disadvantage. Manhood or adult suffrage is really
the only logical outcome of any arguments in favour
of the extension of the suffrage at all. Those who
make the wealth of the country have the right, if any­
body has, to vote as to how it should be governed.
Drawbacks to such an extension there are, of course;
and elsewhere, as has been already remarked, mere
universal suffrage has not secured the social advance­
ment which might have been hoped for. But unless
those who suffer most under present arrangements
have at least the means of putting forward repre­
sentatives definitely pledged beforehand to redress
their grievances, the very motive power for reform is
lacking alike in Parliament and in local assemblies.

�ORGANIZA TION.

9i

We are now in a vicious circle. Shut men out from
voting, and a minority unjustly controls the country:
give the vote to all, and there is the risk of whole­
sale corruption, as well as that ignorance should
become the ultimate court of appeal.
What probability is there, however, that, under any
circumstances,Tree compulsory education to remedy
this ignorance—or the enactment that bribery shall be
felony, to put a stop to corruption—will be carried in
our existing Parliament with the present suffrage ?
The idea is by no means confined to the Conserva­
tives that universal education must involve a very
inconvenient growth of independence, which will ren­
der men and women disinclined to supply menial
positions in the old-fashioned way. Possibly, too, the
workers of the community would begin to inquire into
the reasons of the present excessive disparity of wealth,
which would be more inconvenient still. School
Boards are already too expensive for some. The con­
tention that really complete free education is the duty
of the State for the protection of the common interest,
is looked upon as little short of socialism by the
w’ell-to-do, who of course wish their children to start
lightly handicapped with a good education in the race
of life. The old hierarchical notions indeed still go
on, and people who have to fill the lower stations ought
in the opinion of many of the well-to-do to be mere
animals, without too much knowledge to make them
anxious for higher things. In this matter England
is still far behind countries which in respect of
political intelligence and political training are greatly
our inferiors. We who have hitherto led the way

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in so many European improvements, need not surely
look any longer across the sea to find that Frenchmen
and Germans have more share in the government of
their country than ourselves. More than ever important
is it then, as the first step towards the organization of
democracy, that all who add to the wealth of the coun­
try shall have a voice in ordering how taxation should
be levied and spent. Manhood or adult suffrage could
alone supply the power to carry out genuine reform.
But other mere mechanical changes are needed at
the same time. That a Parliament should last six
years without a dissolution, has been found to be a
matter of serious inconvenience to the State at large.
Men who know that they are irremovable for so long
a period trust to national forgetfulness to cover up
their blunders. Many instances could be given of
this calculation, and its effects upon the course of
public business. Triennial Parliaments, or, better still,
a retirement of one-third of the members each year,
would keep the House of Commons thoroughly in har­
mony with the constituencies, and quicken the general
interest in political affairs. Equal electoral districts
necessarily follow upon manhood or adult suffrage.
Any other arrangement would inevitably bring about
in a new form that injustice which we wish to get rid
of. The right of all to a vote once conceded, no man
can claim a greater share in representation than
another.
In the same way payment of all election expenses,
whether parliamentary or municipal, out of the public
funds, is essential. Wealth has already far too much
influence, without making political life almost im­

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93

possible to the poor man, and especially to the work­
ing class. Why should a man be called upon to pay
a large fine in order to fill a public office for which his
countrymen think him qualified ? The working class
can never hope to be fairly represented till this has
been carried at the least. In the same way, pay­
ment of members is but justice. Unpaid work as a
whole is bad work, done as a rule for social aggran­
dizement, personal advancement, or the like. A re­
presentative ought to feel that he is the servant of
the State, quite open to form his own judgment, but
still as much a part of the general executive as any
Minister. Moreover, this mere money business must
act as a drawback, or almost as exclusive, to poor
men. Few can afford to throw their whole time into the
House of Commons work on Committees, &amp;c., with­
out remuneration. Those who do, have generally
contrived as a body—landlords, capitalists, railway
directors, &amp;c.—to reimburse themselves handsomely at
the expense of the country at large.
These four points therefore are imperatively needed
as the means towards a better organization :—
Manhood or Adult Suffrage.
Triennial or Annual Parliaments.
Equal Electoral Districts.
Payment of Members and especially of all Election
Expenses, out of public funds.
They are but means to an end; yet it is humi­
liating to remember that they were demanded in
1848 by a powerful organization, and now here we
are in 1881 still without them. Englishmen have
lost pluck under middle-class rule. The influence

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of the perpetual money-getting seems to have exer­
cised a weakening effect’ on every portion of the
body politic. Nowadays, any sturdy demand for
plain rights is styled revolutionary ; and a sort of cant
patter-song of moderation is chanted by both parties,
who on all these matters are practically at one. It
does one good at such times to breathe the free bluff
air of downright agitation, when men call a spade a
spade, and a trimmer a useless flabby creature, to be
thrown into the political gutter as soon as may be.
For the definite issue we are now debating has been
led up to for at least three generations. The shock
of the Revolution in France enabled the upper and
middle classes here to set back reforms till our day
which were recognized as essential in a far different
state of things by such a man as Lord Chatham. Now
we see on every side nations beginning to govern
themselves wholly for the sake of the people. That
government of the people by the people of which
noble Abraham Lincoln spoke on the battle-field of
Gettysburg as the cause for which men fell there, is
the cause which we have yet to fight out peacefully
here.
For at this present moment, whilst we are discussing
the expediency of this or that step, a process of cen­
tralization and decentralization is going forward,
which, unless we take means to understand and take
advantage of it, will land us all in administrative
anarchy. Universal suffrage, giving vent to direct
personal interest, but harmonized and consolidated
into a general effort for the public good, must be the
basis of that new social and political period on which we

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95

are now entering. By itself it can do nothing ; but it
is surely possible, at our stage of political development,
to combine the full satisfaction of the wishes of the
people, and the improvement of their social position,
with the ideal of a great country leading European
development by virtue of true sagacity and healthy
vigour. It is such an ideal of public advantage that
can alone stimulate men to sacrifice their individual
crotchets to attain a great end.
To stand still is out of the question. Parliament,
as every one can see, no longer holds the position in
public esteem, or is able to carry on its work, as it did.
How far the House of Lords and the House of Com­
mons may require remodelling is a point on which
men differ. That great changes are needed, alb are
agreed. The House of Lords stands only by reason
of its past. Many hesitate to attack it, as the City
hesitated to remove Temple Bar. It is antiquated
and cumbrous, and unquestionably blocks the way 5
but there are still historical associations which induce
men to shrink from a definite agitation for its over­
throw. Besides, it is at the present time the best
debating club of its kind in Europe. There, on great
occasions, the traditions of oratory, which are begin­
ning to fade from the House of Commons, may still
be found as a living force. But it is sad to see so
much ability fired into the air. Their lordships only
exchange their ordinary attitude of wrell-bred indif­
ference and drowsiness for a more active interest when
some reactionary motion has to be affirmed to no
purpose.
Young men who grow up in that dull
atmosphere early acquire an apparent consciousness

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of their own uselessness. Why should they longer
suffer, poor fellows, from this hereditary boredom ? It
would be charitable to relieve them from so false a
position as that which they now hold. A closer con­
tact with the moving forces of English political life
might perhaps develope in some of them a worthy
ambition to lead, instead of languidly attempting to
dam back, the current of their time. This at any
rate is certain, that the time is rapidly passing away
when a caucus of territorial magnates can play at
being superior creatures to their fellow-countrymen,
and amuse themselves by retarding legislation which
the mass of Englishmen have decided upon.
To sweep away any institution altogether is, how­
ever, scarcely our English way. So long as it can be
advantageously modified we cling to the old form.
That the hereditary principle must be done away with
as an anachronism and an absurdity would be ad­
mitted by thousands, who would still wish to have a
second chamber—not to interfere with or hamper the
direct representatives of democracy, but to maintain a
continuity in general policy which such a body as a
reformed House of Commons could scarcely command.
Here, of course, is the great difficulty of our party
system of Government, and it can never be lessened
save by the formation of some great consultative
assembly, in which representatives of all portions of
our great commonwealth and dependencies find a seat*
It may be that the American Senate, devised by men
who had thoroughly studied the dangers of waves of
popular excitement, is too powerful a body for us to
wish to constitute a similar check upon the Lower

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97

House ; for the Senate in the United States, owing to
its method of election, the personal reputation of its
members, and the authority accorded, is the powerful
House ; whilst with us, if parliamentary government is
maintained in its present shape, the House of Commons
can scarcely fail to be supreme. The danger of dead­
locks here, however, would not be nearly so great as
in our colonies, where the power of the purse is divided.
What we need in place of the House of Lords is a
Great Council for the public discussion and revision of
treaties, the maintenance of a constant survey of our
foreign relations—which will be greatly facilitated
when the present system of secret diplomacy is put an
end to—and a regulation of the policy towards our
great colonies and dependencies, in conjunction with
direct representatives from them. These duties are
now not performed at all; during the last twenty
years we have had but too many occasions to lament
that lack of continuity in our policy which at times
makes us the laughing-stock of the world. Such a great
consultative and deliberative council might worthily
take the place which the House of Lords held when it
was really a power in the State. Now it is merely a
nuisance ; and the sooner a change is made which shall
bring the second chamber once more into a useful
sphere of existence, the better for the stability of the
Constitution in its best sense. Such a modification,
indeed, though radical to start with, would be highly
conservative in the best sense in the long-run. The
abler men would probably welcome a change which
whilst, as we see in France, it makes no great difference
in their social distinction—for certain classes cling to
H

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ancient lineage as something to worship—freed their
hands and enabled them to enter into the real poli­
tical strife of the day without restraint.
The future of the House of Commons is a very
different matter. At the present time, partly by its
own fault, and partly by the force of circumstances,
that noble historical assembly has also lost influence
with the people, because it has grasped at more power
than it can conveniently handle, and is far too slow
to suggest any reform of itself. Did any body of men,
by the way, ever reform themselves ? That is really
the difficulty we are at present in. There is no power
outside the House of Commons to reform the House of
Commons ; to hear some members talk, one might
suppose it was still the collective wisdom of the nation.
Such scenes, however, as those which occurred with
regard to the Irish members, the voting on the Brad­
laugh oath, and the hopeless block of legislation—
occasioned not so much by obstruction, though there
has been a great deal of that without the justification
which the Irish members could claim on the
Coercion Bill, as by the endless flood of conversational
small talk which men of no special knowledge or
ability seem to think they owe to their constituencies—•
have gradually convinced the country that a complete
change in the functions of Parliament can alone right
the existing state of things.
Neither manhood suffrage nor the reform of methods
of election will put an end to obstruction, check
silly garrulity, or remove the excessive business with
which the House of Commons is cumbered. And here
we come to a point at which much difference of opinion

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99

must necessarily arise. That greater powers should be
given to local assemblies to deal with many matters
which now come before the House of Commons, may
be admitted without dispute ; but howfar the authority
of these local assemblies should extend is a matter of
difference. Irishmen demand home rule, or even
separation ; Scotchmen and Welshmen have as yet no
such anxiety to obtain parliaments to themselves. But
with manhood suffrage in full force, it is clear that the
rights of the people will be far more completely pro­
tected than they are at present, and that power could
be more safely handed over to local authorities.
National and Federal parliaments, desirable as they
are, can scarcely be organized till there is a more
active demand for them. The Irish do make the
demand, and the possibility of fairly meeting it
without actual disruption of the Empire is a pressing
question at this moment.
In England, Scotland, and Wales, however, the
county, the municipality, the township, are old wellunderstood divisions, and to them, under one or other
of the numerous schemes which have been before
the public, might be handed over jurisdiction in
respect of many matters on which the House of
Commons has at present to be consulted. Local
representative assemblies, properly elected to transact
the rapidly growing business of the whole population,
would take an amount of petty work off Parliament,
with which it ought never to have been saddled. All
this, of course, will shortly be attempted ; and with
the power of the democracy brought to bear for the
collective adyantage, the old local bodies will be
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invigorated with fresh life. County assemblies and
municipal boards will then perhaps cease to be, as
they so often are now, mere inefficient and corrupt
vestries. It is unreasonable that the House of
Commons should undertake to settle what these
local bodies could equally well arrange for themselves.
A wide scheme of decentralization, carried out with a
view to interesting the whole population in their local
business, would but serve to strengthen the House of
Commons for dealing with affairs now pushed aside by
less important matters to the injury of the whole com­
munity, and raise again the character of its debates.
It is remarkable, indeed, that as wealth, power, and
political influence have been concentrated in the
hands of the upper and middle classes local vigour has
to a certain extent died down. In the future the
municipalities, as we can already see, will have far wider
duties to undertake than those which they perform at
present. Lighting, water, artisans’ dwellings—these,
instead of being left to individual companies will be
undertaken by the local bodies, as also the providing
of public parks and recreation-grounds. When full
power is vested in such corporations and county
boards to take what land is needed at a valuation for
the purpose either of building or of granting per­
manent leases for agricultural purposes, a far greater
amount of interest will attach to the improvement of
the management, and men of a superior character will
be anxious to take part in the business. All such
decentralization, in the sense that these bodies are
given great powers without applying to Parliament, will
also act in the direction of peaceful development, and

�ORGANIZA T10N.

IOI

give the working classes that impetus towards social
improvement by their own energy which is so mani­
festly necessary.
At the same time, though municipal and local
business may form a good training for local adminis­
tration, it by no means follows that a good vestryman
or aiderman makes a good member of Parliament
when obligations beyond the range of a three months’
bill are under discussion. It is remarkable indeed
that in such matters working men, who literally do
not know whether their present week’s wage will be
continued the next, have a far wider idea of their
duties, and take a much higher view of the position
which a great country like ours ought to assume
in its dealings with its dependencies and foreign
powers, than mere mercantile men. The latter are
far too apt to consider everything from the pounds,
shillings, and pence point of view. Will such a
policy increase immediately the national turn over ?
then it is excellent. Will it involve doubtful expen­
diture for a great moral principle, or serious political
agitation for a great future national benefit? such a
proposal must of necessity be unsound. This sort of
reasoning is well enough up to a certain point, and the
kind of intelligence which developes it—Lord Derby
probably has that sort of capacity to the highest
degree of any man living—is most careful to secure
economy in local affairs; but where business of
national or imperial importance is involved, such
counsellors are feeble and dangerous.
Now as in the management of general municipal
improvements and county affairs of all kinds, local

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energy, and even, in the wide sense, personal objects
ought to be allowed free play, so in these more general
concerns, where the necessity for a greater centraliza­
tion is manifestly increasing, a reformed House of
Commons should exercise far more direct control,
delegating its authority, as at the present time, to a
great officer of State and his department.
All can see quite plainly that in certain matters
management by the State is essential to efficiency. It
is perhaps a question whether the post and telegraphs
ought to be worked at a profit; but no one doubts
nowadays that the business is on the whole better and
more cheaply done than if it were in private hands.
Blunders are made, no doubt; but mistakes are
easily complained of and remedied. Obviously the
railways must sooner or later follow the same course.
This is one of the reasons why local business should
be removed from Parliament. It destroys the sense
of perspective for members to have constantly to
adjudicate on petty private bills, when matters of
really great national concern ought to be continually
before them. Nothing more shortsighted was ever
done by an English Parliament—middle-class busi­
ness men, too, let us remember—than the turning
over of the great new highways of the country to
monopolists for ever. This is what has been—nay,
what is being, done to the permanent and growing
disadvantage of the whole community. No idea
seems to have entered the minds of our worthy rulers
that this handing over in perpetuity was as mischievous
a piece of folly as ever was perpetrated.
We Englishmen often jeer at Frenchmen for their

�ORGANIZATION.

fondness for paternal rule ; and we certainly should
not submit for a week to many of the restrictions on
individual liberty which Republican France bears
without a murmur. Their tariff also we regard as
injurious, and many of their arrangements as mistaken.
Yet they were shrewd enough to see that to saddle
coming generations with payments to private investors
was a grave injury to the nation and a sacrifice of
public property. As a result, within fifty or sixty
years France will be relieved entirely of her national
debt by the falling in of the railways, or transport at
cost will be secured to the community. Now that is
business; that is foresight for a people. Such an
advantage we cannot secure, save by some great
change in the right of inheritance or by purchase.
The present system cannot be allowed to go on for
ever. That the labour of succeeding generations should
be eternally handicapped by payments to the labour
of the dead, is too preposterous. If turnpikes have
been found to be an intolerable nuisance, and fees for
bridges have been done away, it is scarcely probable
that we shall much longer put up with a system of
railway management so entirely opposed to the
interests of the mass of the people, as well as of the
trading class, as that which now we suffer from. We
are a long-suffering people, but we shall never stand
that.
This question of monopolies is rapidly coming to
the front. The old notion that competition would
always come in to serve the community, has proved
wholly fallacious. Combination has in many instances
perhaps in most, defeated the calculations of the legis­

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lature ; and the power of the great companies to fight
off those whom they consider intruders, has been
exercised without any scruple whatever. All the
recent evidence tends in the same direction. The
railway companies treat their customers as if the
public had been specially created by some beneficent
providence for these monopolists to prey upon and
get interest for shareholders. This view is natural
enough ; and we see in America that the system is
carried yet further. Monopolies granted by the State
are made the means of fleecing the community.
Thus once more we have the illusory freedom of con­
tract. The House of Commons, as representative of the
people, allows a monopoly to be created, and then this
monopoly is used to the public detriment. Unfortu­
nately, the remedy is not so easy as might appear.
The total price of the railways at present quo­
tations would exceed i ,000,000,oooZ., and he would
be a bold financier who should propose to increase the
national debt by that sum at the present time. But pri­
vate interests cannot be allowed to stand permanently
in the way of the community at large. The right
of interference has never been disputed. If the House
of Commons had not been full of representatives of
the Railway interest, steps would long since have been
taken by the Government to secure for Englishmen at
large far greater advantage in return for the monopoly
granted. It is plain, for example, that the State
could construct a railroad from London say to Liver­
pool or Manchester, at a very much less cost than
the capitalized value of either of the existing lines.
If the stockholders have not taken this fact into account,

�ORGANIZATION.

io5

that is their own look-out. No Parliament nor any
succession of Parliaments, could guarantee a mono­
poly against another company that showed good cause
for the construction of a line ; still less could it be
assured against the State. Consequently when it
becomes necessary, as it shortly must, to acquire the
railways, no such absurd estimate of value need be
made as in the case of the London water com­
panies. Our tendency has been as the nation to show
ourselves too considerate of so-called vested interests,
simply because the classes which hold those vested
interests have had the entire control in every way—
to assume, indeed, when the State has to deal with
them that some exceptional price must be paid. This
is quite incorrect. When the decision is come to that
for the national interest the railways should be ac­
quired, it would be perfectly fair to purchase at a
valuation, without any reference whatever to a future
monopoly-value, which does not and could not exist
against the country at large. A special issue of ter­
minable annuities might be made to cover the whole
matter. But without entering on details, it is clear
that the recent arbitrary action of Railway Companies,
especially towards the working classes, will, ere long,
bring this whole question to a climax.1
That State management would pay, there is very
little doubt. Improved organization would produce
1 The infamous overwork of their servants by the Railway
Companies as recently exposed, is alone enough to call for im­
mediate State interference. The brutal greed of corporations
was never exhibited in a more shameless form at the expense of
both the men and the public.

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a profit by the reduction of working expenses. But
far more important than any idea of profit, is the
prospect, under proper direction,”of cheapening trans­
port, and securing for the working-classes really cheap
travel in the neighbourhood of large cities. It is
scarcely too much to say that sixpenny weekly
tickets, available for any distance within ten miles,
coupled with a well-regulated system of artisans’
dwellings, erected by the muncipality and let at
rents to cover cost of construction, would completely
change the whole life of our great cities, reducing rents
for unwholesome tenements, and gradually leading to
a better condition in every respect. It is also by no
means certain that the suggestion made by a Civil En­
gineer that a one shilling fare should apply to the whole
United Kingdom, would not, in some modified form,
prove as great a success as the penny post. In any
case it is manifest that the Railways are the national
highways, that in regard to the transfer of both goods
and passengers they work for the shareholders and
not for the community, and that consequently the busiof the country is carried on at a growing disadvantage.
Besides, the land and the railways are inseparably
bound up together, and those who talk about
“nationalising” the one without touching the other,
overlook a most important feature in thewholebusiness.
The chief objection to the acquirement of the railways
even on terms which might seem highly advantageous
from a financial point of view, would doubtless be
the danger of increasing the power of the Government
by the formation of so vast a bureaucracy. But this
ought to involve no political danger, with full pub-

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107

licity and a distinct removal of the railways from the
sphere of State patronage. Certainly the fear of what
might happen in this way ought not to keep back the
country from laying hands upon a set of corporations
whose directors work their influence with the most
perfect selfishness, using their railroads to help their
politics, and their politics to help their railroads.
That sort of see-saw is quite as objectionable as any
bureaucratic taint. With the advance of democracy,
and the reference of all questions to the people, it has
become more and more clear that the Civil Service,
as a profession, should be kept clear of politics
and party. Where this is not done all sorts of mis­
chief creep in ; where it is, and full publicity is main­
tained—an essential point too—there the organization
is a great gain to all. The right of representation
of grievances by State officials must of course be fully
secured.
Railways, then, like the control of mines, factories,
and workshops, must be placed under the State—the
former for management, the latter for supervision.
These are matters which affect the entire national
welfare, and can only be adequately dealt with by
national ordinance. Manifestly rivers, canals, and
drainage, fall under the same head. The neglect of
these as a matter of national importance is really
most astonishing. At present our rivers—dhe water­
shed and drinking source of the whole country—are
treated as municipalities, or even as individuals, think
fit. This too, though the urban population, as the
late census clearly shows, is increasing in density
almost to the danger-point. Decentralization in this

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matter is really ruinous to the public interest. Drain­
age works are carried out, sewage and refuse of the
most unpleasant nature are disposed of, without much
reference to the effect which the action of one town
or one owner may produce in other directions. No
doubt there are bye-laws and statutes, but they have
never been properly put in force. The injury already
done by this separatist system is enormous. For the
future, therefore, all arrangements affecting rivers or
canals should be under the management of a public
department, specially constituted to take in the bear­
ings of the whole subject, whilst leaving to the county
assemblies, local boards, municipalities, and even
township vestries, the fullest powers of carrying out
their own projects within the limits that concern only
themselves.
As the powers of these local bodies to acquire land
and other property can scarcely fail to be largely in­
creased in the near future and their rights to make
improvements extended, it is the more essential that
to start with the due position of the central authority
should be clearly defined, secured, and strengthened.
Of the existing departments, or the proposal to create
a Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, it is need­
less to speak here; that is a mere matter of conveni­
ence in separating functions now combined. But in
all such matters the tendency towards the simul­
taneous operation of causes which tend to centraliza­
tion, as well as those which invite the strengthening of
local forces, ought not to be neglected. To create
social or political machinery is beyond the power of
assemblies or autocrats ; to take care that the natural
growth of a nation should be fostered instead of

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109

hindered is the true function of a statesman. Surely
it is reasonable to foresee that the existing fierce
competition will in many directions besides that of
railroads develope into combination, and thus gradually
be turned to the advantage of all.
There is no need to fear the crushing of individuality
in all this. Rather will there gradually rise up a higher
individuality, when each can look to his own develop­
ment as contributing to the advancement of all.
But the success of any movement depends upon the
mass of the people, and the readiness of those who
ought already to have voting power to press forward
earnestly the interests of themselves and their chil­
dren. Nothing can be done unless the people are
prepared to organize their forces. Here, however, are
what seem the natural reforms demanded for the
organization of the great democracy on which the
future of England depends :—Manhood or adult suffrage, with the other electoral
reforms already specified.
The reform of the House of Lords into a Great
Council, in which our colonies and dependencies
should be fully represented.
The restriction of the House of Commons as a
whole to dealing with national questions ; the arrange­
ment of great committees, &amp;c., being adjusted to the
changed conditions.
A great increase of power to be given to county
boards and municipal councils, to purchase land for
public use, &amp;c.,so that even without federal parliaments
all matters affecting separate districts could be dealt
with locally, subject to the general law.

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The entire system of national railways to be pur­
chased ■ at a valuation, by annuities secured on the
railways, and managed by a State department in the
interest of the mass of the community.
A department to be formed dealing more directly
with the main watercourses, canals, and forestry than
any now in existence.
An extension of the Factory and Mines Acts, and
inspection of shipping, so as to constitute the State
more completely the protector of men and women
who under freedom of contract are, bound unfairly
to risk their lives and their health to get a bare
subsistence.
To these may be added the social reforms previously
advocated:—
Free compulsory education for all.
Eight hours to be the working day.
Compulsory erection of artisans’ dwellings by muni­
cipalities and county assemblies in place of unhealthy
houses or dwellings removed for improvements.
Cheap trains, at the rate of sixpence for a weekly
ticket, on all lines within ten or fifteen miles of a
great city.
By these means centralization and decentralization
would have free play to work themselves out ; a great
pressure would be removed from our historical assem­
blies—both of which would be strengthened by a
reduction of numbers and a more direct representa­
tion of the mass of the people and the interests of the
whole empire.
Those who suppose that democracy tends to dis­
organization and anarchy quite misread the signs of

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hi

the times. Wherever educated democracy has the
freest play, precisely there will be found the most
complete organization, both in public and in private
affairs. The danger arises, if at all, from the opposite
quarter. But Englishmen have clearly begun to see
that in this direction only can their further develop­
ment go on. The aristocracy had their day; in
1832 their power was shaken, to be gradually sapped
up to the present time. They have chosen to throw in
their lot with the bourgeoisie, and to trade on the
necessities of the labourer with them. For fifty years
we have experienced middle-class rule: that is
tottering to its fall, with no record but selfishness in
home affairs. Now comes the turn of England at large
as represented by the men who are really the England
of to-day. It is for them to see that their future is
worthy of the greatness of their country, ensuring the
physical and moral welfare of all by organization and
self-sacrifice.

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

CHAPTER V.
IRELAND.

It is perhaps the most telling commentary upon our
government of Ireland, that in dealing with the affairs
of that island English statesmen are still obliged to
proceed in every respect upon the separate system.
Ireland has been an integral portion of the United
Kingdom for eighty years, and yet we have at this
time more than 30,000 troops and 12,000 constabulary
occupied in keeping down a serious rebellion. This, at
any rate, is the contention of the people immediately
responsible for that law and order to secure which
a Liberal Ministry has been content to override the
first guarantee of all liberty, and to proclaim the
capital of the country in a state of siege. There is,
perhaps, no need for the mass of Englishmen to take
special blame to themselves for the harm which has
been done. They are scarcely responsible for a
policy over which [as a mass they have exercised
no real control. Yet it is impossible to compare
what has happened with Ireland to that which has
taken place in regard to Alsace and Lorraine, or
Savoy and Nice, without being compelled to acknow­
ledge that in all that relates to a subject people they
manage these matters better in France. Reforms in

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ii3

Ireland—political, religious, economical, social—have
in every case been delayed, until they have ceased
to be boons to the people ; pressure from without has
been waited for in every instance, until it took an
explosive shape; and men who to start with were
ready to welcome moderate measures, have been
driven to combine on an almost revolutionary pro­
gramme, from sheer hopelessness of obtaining justice
in any other way.
There is no need to go back to the history of cen­
turies of misgovernment to account for what we see
to-day. Doubtless the wrongs of the past have done
much to embitter the relations between two coun­
tries which ought to be at one; but enough has
occurred within the lifetime of the present genera­
tion to account for that sad state of affairs which
politicians of all parties deplore and all ought to
strive to remedy. In Ireland, as in England and
Scotland, the people have been deprived of the pos­
session of their own land in favour of a small minority.
Such manufactures as existed having been destroyed
long since by English legislation, and Ireland not
producing iron and coal to a profitable extent, the
men have been unable to seek in the cities the work
which their brothers in destitution across the chan­
nel were enabled to obtain. Hence arose that earth­
hunger which enabled landowners to exact rackrents, and left the people to multiply on poor food,
nearer and ever nearer to the limit of starvation.
Foreign conquest and absenteeism have aggravated
the mischief politically and economically. Difference
of race and religion rendered grave social ills more
I

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

difficult to deal with. But the great catastrophe
of 1847 ought to have opened our eyes to some por­
tion of the truth—ought to have shown the people of
England that here we nad an exceptional problem to
deal with, and that such dominance as had been esta­
blished was discreditable to the rulers and ruinous to
the ruled.
That fearful famine formed the starting-point of
the modern history of Ireland. It had been predicted
by men of very different views and capacities. It
came, as such cataclysms sometimes do come, in its
worst possible shape, and was followed up by revolu­
tionary legislation which all can now see was most,
unfortunate. Instead of accepting the wise recom­
mendations of the Devon Commission-—made, be it
remembered, three years before the famine—or the
still wiser advice of Lord Beaconsfield, given about
the same time, but latei* so unfortunately withdrawn
—full rights were given to landlords, new and old,. to
uproot the population, tear down their miserable
dwellings, and hurry them across the Atlantic, famine
fever wearing out their bodies, and fury at such in­
justice and tyranny rankling in their minds. Who
that has read through the details of that miserable
time, when men, women, and children were turned
out of their holdings,—as they are now being turned
out, though happily in far fewer numbers—to wander
in starvation and misery along the highways, can
wonder that a generation has grown up in Ireland and
in the United States which regards with inextinguish ­
able hatred England and all that belongs to her ?
The very Encumbered Estates Act, a most valu-

�IRELAND.

ii5

able measure in itself if carefully carried out,
forced the lands of ancient proprietors who under­
stood the people, not into the control of the State,
which would have acted with some consideration, but
into the hands of foreign speculators, who bought at
a low price with the express purpose of raising the
rents upon the tenants. An absenteeism was thus
created worse than that which had existed before. In
the end, doubtless, good came out of evil for those
who were left; but twenty-four years elapsed before
any effort was made on the part of the Imperial
Parliament to secure to the mass of the people of
Ireland some portion of the benefits which even the
Devon Commission had urged.
All this while, over the greater part of Ireland a
purely agricultural community had no security of
tenure of any sort or kind, and the church of the
small minority was kept up at the expense of those
who were of a different creed. Irishmen, who in the
United States did an amount of hard work which
almost reconciled the not very sympathetic Americans
to their gregarious habits in the cities, and their
religious belief, so hostile to the Puritanism which
even sceptics in that great country still consider it
prudent to affect—Irishmen, who in our colonies,
notwithstanding many defects, have brought them­
selves to the front by their industry, were accused in
their own country of idleness and indifference, because,
after centuries of misrule, they could see no object
in giving their masters their labour for nothing.
That was really the fact. All accounts agree that
wherever in Ireland a man has a permanent tenure of
I 2

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

a fair piece of land, in the great majority of cases he
works as hard as an Indian ryot or French peasant­
proprietor. It is absurd, of course, to deny the in­
fluence of race and climate; none would contend
that a Saxon and an Irishman have the same quali­
ties. But the remarkable feature in the whole matter
is, that the descendants of Saxons have been just as
much opposed, and more violent in showing their
opposition to the landlord-made legislation, as the
Irish themselves. Nor have they been one whit
more industrious than their Celtic neighbours. The
descendants of Cromwell’s soldiery, though more
turbulent under injustice, have not been any more
inclined to give the fruits of their labour to
their landlords than the Catholics around them.
But wherever tenant-right has been introduced-and
fairly held to, there, notwithstanding the fact that
economical disturbances — American competition,
slackened demand for store beasts in England and
Scotland, no requirement for casual Irish labour
in the summer—have affected the whole island,
there peace and quiet have in the main pre­
vailed.
As a mere matter of national business it would have
been cheap to have given the tenants a permanent
hold upon the soil, even if the landlords had been
compensated beyond the value of what they parted
with. The cost of the maintenance of a large army
and a great constabulary in Ireland cannot well be
estimated in actual money. Many considerations are
involved. But in any case, have we the right to pre­
vent 5,500,000 people from settling their own local

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117

business in their own way ? Surely there is not
an Englishman of either party who does not feel
that our present attitude is somewhat hypocritical.
It may be that Irishmen if left to themselves would
not make the best possible settlement of their own
affairs ; but are English landlords qualified to judge
of the matter for them any better ? They have
hitherto constituted the ultimate court of appeal.
When we speak of the unfairness of Irish juries in
agrarian cases, let us at least remember the persistent
unfairness of the great English jury of legislators on
this question of life or death to the people of Ireland.
Even when the House of Commons has been willing
to give in, the House of Lords has stood by their own
class; and here, in the last quarter of the nineteenth
century, we have as honest and patriotic a man as
ever lived, hotheaded and furious though he be, taken
and put in gaol, though also a member of Parliament,
for having denounced, and urged his countrymen to
resist, a most tyrannous system of evictions. And let
us bear this in mind, that unfortunately the immense
majority of the Liberal party were highly delighted
at the arrest of Mr. Dillon, and cheered like madmen
at the arrest of Mr. Davitt.
The history of the last few months of panic and
misgovernment in Ireland is worth consideration by
all who hold that justice and freedom are worth some­
thing in themselves, aside from the question whether
a party chooses to throw them over or not. What
has occurred since July of last year is alone enough
to prove conclusively that no country could be peace­
able under such a rule as we have inflicted upon the

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

people of Ireland. Steady despotism would be far
preferable to such miserable incapacity and vacillation
as have been exhibited.
For here is what has taken place. Last year, after
Ireland had suffered from a period of severe privation,
which fell upon the small tenant-farmers and the
labourers with redoubled severity owing to their
being unable to obtain work in England, the landlords
—or rather a few of the baser sort—began to evict their
tenantry. Hunger and sense of injustice combined
made men desperate. The Land Bill of 1870, though
by no means a satisfactory measure, had given a
tenant a certain claim to compensation for disturb­
ance in all cases save non-payment of rent. If evicted
for not paying his rent, however, this right to com­
pensation was gone, and he went out upon the high
roads a pauper, with the workhouse as his only
refuge. This eviction, therefore, was felt to be a
greater hardship than any previous eviction, because
it was not only harsh, but in the view of the tenant
unjust. Good landlords, of course, were considerate
in Ireland as elsewhere : people like Lord Lansdowne,
whose idea of landed property necessarily involved
serfdom and servility (as he was good enough to
inform the Americans, of all people in the world,
through the Chicago TriJmne), were naturally eager
not to lose the advantage of any misfortune among
their tenantry. That few should have acted in this
contemptible fashion gives no conception of the alarm
produced. Not a very large proportion of tenants
in the year are rack-rented ; but that proportion acts
as a damper upon thousands of others in improving

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119

their farms, and prevents them from making the
best of their labour.
These evictions, then, having begun, and going on
in an increasing ratio, the Government boldly and
rightly introduced a Bill of the most carefully-guarded
character, to prevent downright oppression and
tyranny from being brought to bear. That Bill, after
some of the most bitter discussions in the House of
Commons and in the press ever known, wras passed
by a considerable majority, the Prime Minister
making himself prominent of course in its champion­
ship, and saying, what recent events have proved only
too clearly to be the truth, that if it were not passed
we should be within a measureable distance of civil
war. This, be it remembered also, took place after
the Government had declined to renew the Peace
Preservation Act, on the express ground that it was
.contrary to the principles of liberty and Liberalism.
Very well. What followed was not only probable but
certain. The House of Lords, seeing the whole right
of eviction when contrary to common interest jeopar­
dized by the measure, threw out the Bill. The
Government—that is the opinion of all parties in
Ireland—winked at the agitation which followed.
That agitation was, in view of what had passed,
justifiable and righteous, and was carried on, when
once the Land League had obiained a hold upon the
people, with surprisingly little bloodshed or bad action.
A vast agrarian strike was organized—not against all
rent, but against rent above a certain valuation.
There were also rattenings and boycottings, where
men took land from which tenants had been evicted.

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

Many things, no doubt, were done, and are being done
now, most obnoxious to Englishmen : the injuries to
cattle in particular are dastardly in the extreme.
Gradually, as evictions went on, and help was received
from sympathizers in America, temper rose, and the
feeling—mingled with that race and religious hatred
which is the worst feature of all, because the least
capable of yielding to reason—became very bitter.
But what has it been after all ? A trifle beside the
agitations of 1848 and 1833, and to be met—that was
the just contention of the Government and the Liberal
party—not by repression, but by reform. “ Force is
no remedy,” said Mr. Bright, strong as he always has
been on this Irish question ; and there was not a
genuine liberal Englishman in the country who would
not have stood behind those words. And force has
been no remedy—has only aggravated the whole
mischief. But what comes now ? The Cabinet
having been summoned in hot haste in December,
decided that in these days we must deal with popular
grievances, even when exaggerated, by reason and
argument, and not by bullets and buckshot—and
separated without calling Parliament together. A
little while and Mr. Forster again comes over, with
woe-begone visage, and Parliament is summoned. A
Coercion Act and Arms Act become law, at what a
strain to our whole system of parliamentary govern­
ment we perhaps yet scarcely know. Members of
the House of Commons, acting no doubt very provokingly, but still entirely within their rights, are
silenced and ejected; and Ireland is put under a
suspensive state of siege.

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121

Thus the very Government which had declared that
evictions of a certain kind were most unjust, and must
be restrained, put in the hands of the landlords as
complete a machinery of eviction as they had ever
possessed, and backed it up by pouring troops into the
country. And evictions soon multiplied. Men,
women, and children were turned out under circum­
stances which reproduced here in England would
have brought about an insurrection.
What ? Let us for once use plain language about
these things. Has a Government, have any number
of landlords, sitting in Parliament to represent a
dominant caste, the right to turn a man, his wife, and
children, out into the bitter air of January, because,
poor devil, there had been a famine, and he could not
pay his rent ? I say No. Last year the vast majority
of the House of Commons said No ; and if the ques­
tion were fairly put to them I believe the vast
majority of Englishmen to-day would say No. Ire­
land, it is true, cannot hope to resist successfully such
shameful oppression, but why should English work­
ing men sanction and support action which, if applied
to themselves, they would rise against ? The truth
is, and this will shortly become apparent to all, the
tenant-farmers and labourers of Ireland are fighting
the battle of the working-classes of England in
relation to the land, and get far less support than
they ought to get on grounds where they are both
agreed. This, at least, is certain, that unless the
Land League had been formed, and the Irish had
stood together in a great economical movement, no
such Land Bill as that of 1881 would have been

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brought before the English House of Commons at
■all. The Land League, whether it be called com­
munistic, nationalistic, or what not, brought the first
genuine attempt yet made at reform within the range
of practical politics, and must be maintained to give
it effect.
The facts in relation to Irish land have been made
known to all by means of the propaganda which they
carried on. There are but 12,000 landowners in all
Ireland, and 1000 of them own two-thirds of the island.
One fourth of these landowners are permanent absen­
tees, who take their rents to the amount of millions
sterling out of the country, and spend them elsewhere.
And yet six-sevenths of the population have to derive
their subsistence from the land, and naturally enough
compete against one another to such an extent as to
raise rents to a high figure. Say the theorists, Irishmen
are too fond of land, are too much given to agricul­
ture. .This is quite absurd. In the. United/States
the Americans make precisely the opposite complaint.
They say that the Irish are too much addicted to
crowding into the cities; and ‘so they undoubtedly
are,. But iruJreland they stick to the land, for the
best of all possible reasons, that there is nothing else
for them to get a living out of; and as arable land is
being continually turned into pasture by the large
landowners and large farmers, there is less and less
employment for them as labourers, and less and less
land which they can take up to feed themselves and
their, families upon. Noone disputes the sad condi­
tion of a vast proportion of the tenant farmers who
hold under fifteen acres, which amount to more than

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123

half the whole 500,000. Those who drag out a
miserable existence in Mayo and Connemara, would
be no better off if they held their patches in fee.
Migration and emigration are the only possible
remedies for these people.
But here, as in England, the first step is to get the
land out of the hands of the large proprietors, and
enable the people of Ireland to work out their own
social difficulties. The great main drainage works
which some reformers clamour for, cannot possibly
be carried out for the benefit of the landowners, whose
properties would be improved; neither can reclama­
tion go on without some regard to economical and
physical conditions. The tendency of bog to revert
to bog is as well-known in Scotland as in Ireland.
That Ireland is in itself a poor country has lately
been disputed, and with good reason. It is not a
poor country, but a poor people, that we have to deal
with. In Ireland, to take the same comparison as
was made in the case of England, the population has
decreased nearly 3,000,000 in thirty years, and the
assessment to income-tax has grown by 15,000,000/.
annually. Moreover, the deposits in the banks point
in the same direction. Ireland itself, therefore, has
become far richer in the last generation, but the dis­
tribution of that wealth is so faulty that a year of bad
crops means little short of famine to a large population.
Happily, the Act of 1881 accepts principles which
have hitherto been scouted as communistic. The
distinct object which underlies the economical
clauses is to secure to a portion at least of the
population that right to the fruits of their labour,

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

of which they have hitherto been deprived by land­
lords under the name of freedom of contract. Why
is it that peasant proprietorship has, on the whole,
been beneficial where people have been settled on the
soil ? Surely because in this way alone could a man
and his family, in our existing system of society, be
secure of the fruits of his own labour. In every other
case, where the poor man wishes to obtain employment
he is deprived of a portion of his produce for the benefit
of others. Unquestionably the Liberal Government
has made a great step forward when it recognizes in
a definite measure that freedom of contract, where the
force is all on one side, may, and in many cases must
mean, injustice and tyranny.
But to suppose that any Land Act, however care­
fully drawn—that any courts, however impartial—will
settle the Irish question, is to assume far more than
the facts warrant. Nothing was more noteworthy than
the disposition of the tenant-farmers all over the
country to sink their differences in view of the agita­
tion for a mitigated form of the three F’s, which will
probably break down—or a peasant proprietorship,
which will involve the pressure of the gombeen man.
This latter point is worth a moment’s consideration.
India is, it is true, different in many ways from
Ireland ; but there the right of eviction by the money­
lender has been found more dangerous and objec­
tionable than eviction by any other method. Should
not restriction be placed on mortgage and bill of sale
here, too, if we desire to prevent similar expropria­
tions from taking place, and giving rise to a dis­
tinctly socialist agitation, whicly could not be dealt

�IRELAND.

125

with under present conditions ? But the Land Act
as it has passed constitutes such an enormous advance
upon what seemed possible even a few months ago,
that Irishmen would be foolish indeed not to make
as much of it as they can. To secure the tenants in
their holdings, to obtain assistance in settling a
peasant proprietory on the land, and help for emigra­
tion and migration, are steps towards that pacification
which full patience alone can bring about. But for
the shameful and silly Coercion Act a hope might
have arisen, not of a settlement of all Irish difficulties
—such impatience to get rid of the natural troubles
of administration argues weakness and incapacity—
but of a better understanding between the English
and the Irish peoples.
That, little as it may seem to be so at this moment,
has really been the outcome of the agitation. For
the first time in recent Irish history, a vast number
of Englishmen of all classes have felt that wrong was
being done in their name when the common rights of
the United Kingdom were suspended in deference to
the clamour of an interested and panic-stricken
minority. Even the race hatred and the jealousy of
keen competitors in the labour-market have been to a
certain extent laid aside in view of the fact that
injustice was being done. Had the Irish managed
their own case better, and kept religious differences
altogether out of sight when a political end was in
view, this understanding between the democracy of
the two countries might have already progressed even
farther than it has. There need be no real differ­
ence. There is room enough and to spare for the

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

workers of both races under a better system than that
which has hitherto found favour. We are, let us
hope, approaching the time when we shall endeavour
to rule in all cases with the consent of the majority—
when the highest aim of every statesman will be to
reconcile all to a beneficial union, in which every
member is contented and free.
That many grievances still remain unredressed
even now that the Land Act has been passed,
is unfortunately but too certain. That absurd
playing at Viceroyalty in Dublin, with an English
Chief Secretary, and a worn-out bureaucracy at
the Castle, would aggravate a less touchy people
than the Irish. What do they want with a Viceroy
and underlings, any more than the Scotch ? Why
should Irishmen more than Scotchmen be shut out
from the management of their own affairs ? “ They
hate you, it is said, and long to drive you out.” Has
any reason for love been given ? At least let us
wait to see whether a definite alliance between the
English and Irish democracies be not possible, before
continuing to support such methods as have hitherto
been favoured. Local administration there must be.
The management of local business in Ireland as a
whole must henceforth be carried on by Irishmen, if
there is to be any success at all. That process of
decentralization which must go on in Scotland, Wales,
and England, is applicable to Ireland too. There,
more than here even, the railway, and drainage, and
road systems need to be under one great administra­
tion. Let them in Heaven's name try their hand
with manhood suffrage, at the improvement of their

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127

own country ; leave them the task of carrying out the
detail of the reforms they have rightly forced us to
adopt.
This at least we must all admit; that we cannot
continue parliamentary government if we are per­
sistently to run counter to the opinions of the
majority of 5,000,000 of people represented in our
own House of Commons. It is because separation
would be injurious to both countries, as mutual under­
standing would be beneficial, that Irishmen should at
length be granted fair play and self-government. Take
the absentees, for instance. They are not dealt with ;
and yet no man can hold that absenteeism is not a&lt;
serious drawback to Irish prosperity. Such a question
concerns the whole country most seriously ; but their
compulsory expropriation or a heavy exceptional tax­
ation—which commended itself even to Lord George.
Bentinck—has not been suggested by the Govern­
ment. The labourers also have to be considered. It
is true that the fullest justice to .the. farmers does not
directly benefit them, though the well-being of one
class might slowly re-act upon the other. Here again
is encountered, in a less complicated shape, the same
problem that is met with in England—how to benefit
the real workers on the soil at the same time that
the most is made of the land. The 500,000 tenant
farmers of Ireland form, however, a very different pro­
portion of the entire population, as well as of the agri­
cultural population, from that which a similar class
does here with us. To improve their condition with­
out injustice to others, if this can be done, is already
much gained.
................
...\ 1 .

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There is no reason however, why we should stop
there. Men who know that they are secure of posses­
sion are always ready to reclaim land, and might well
be given the option of taking part in such reclamation,
or in being assisted to obtain farms in English colonies.
Let us not, however, lose sight of the principles in­
volved in all such proposals. We recognize thereby
that the State is responsible for the removal of the
causes which can be proved to lead to the wretched
poverty of the mass of the people. We are entering
plainly upon the path of restriction of selfish compe­
tition, because, under certain conditions it has failed
in agriculture as it has in other directions. Hitherto in
Ireland brute force—the brute force of the people of
England—has stood behind the dominant class, ready
to maintain their views of a political economy which
mighthave been invented in the interest of monopolists.
A peaceful revolution has to be brought about, and the
first step has been taken.- Those, however, who con­
tend that the modification of the land laws of Ireland
must extend to England have right on their side.
It is impossible any longer to use two sets of argu­
ments on the two sides of the Irish Channel. Now,
therefore, that fixity of tenure, purchase of property,
reclamation of land, assisted emigration, and main
drainage, have been accepted for Ireland, we are not
far__we could not be far—from the consideration of
similar proposals for England and Scotland.
But even supposing the land question in a fair way of
settlement, an Irish Parliament with local administra­
tion set on foot, there remain the race and religious
hatreds to consider. These of course are difficulties

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IRELAND.

of a very different character from any which Acts of
Parliament can touch. How can Celts and Saxons,
Catholics and Protestants, live together in unity ? Yet
such things have been ; at this moment the leader of
the irreconcileable Irish party is neither an Irishman
nor a Catholic. Leave the Irish liberty to arrange their
own business, and they will find out some way
of getting on with one another, when the injustice
complained of for centuries has been remedied.
Ireland has been conquered by arms from generation
to generation ; it remains for us to conquer finally
by justice, magnanimity and consideration.
Many of the noblest names in English history and
literature are those of Irishmen ; the Irish party in the
House of Commons to-day contains men of ability
out of all proportion to its numbers ; the two most
distinguished of our younger generals are Irishmen
by birth. Would it not be well, then, for all to con­
sider whether, everr. at the cost of some sacrifice of
consistency, and some forgetfulness of past domina­
tion, the loyalty of such a people could be secured,
by a freedom which is yet reconcilable with common
action ? The national feeling now running so high in
Ireland could find as full an outlet in the British
Empire as that of Scotland, when once it is under­
stood that supremacy is no longer claimed in the
interests of a small minority, but to give satisfaction
to the high ideals of empire and greatness which a
petty island like Ireland, overshadowed perpetually
by English power, could never attain. A complete
agreement between England and Ireland will be
possible only when the people of both countries can
K

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ENGLAND FOE ALL.

control their own policy, and secure at home and
abroad that the benefit of the many, not the gain
of the few, should be the end.
The refusal of the Government to release the
“ suspects ” imprisoned without evidence of guilt or
trial for assumed offences, and the maintenance of
the infamous Coercion Act and Arms Act, have
shown that Liberals cannot govern Ireland without
resort to despotic methods. When men like Mr.
Gladstone, Mr. Forster, Mr. Bright, and Mr. Cham­
berlain compel Radicals to support such a disgraceful
rule of informers and sub-inspectors of police as that
now in force in Ireland, the end cannot be far off.
I for one have no feeling but contempt for those
sham Liberals and pseudo-Radicals who prate of
freedom and practise despotism. Legislative inde­
pendence for Ireland is a necessity if we Englishmen
are to continue Parliamentary Government.

�INDIA.

CHAPTER VI.
INDIA.

If Ireland, a little island close to our own shores, its
people speaking our language, sharing our civilization
and religion, with all its problems lying, as it were, in
the hollow of our hand and open to inspection with
the naked eye—if, after centuries of absolute rule over
the inhabitants, we are beginning to confess that the
matter is well-nigh too hard for us, and look to enlist­
ing Irishmen in the government of their own country
as our only hope of success in the future—if, I say, this
little business has plagued us so sore, what are we to
think of the task of ruling 200,000,000 of people, of
totally different race, language, civilization, and creeds,
thousands of miles away from England, by means of
900 young gentlemen who do not set foot in
the country till they are over twenty years of age,
and work without the slightest help from the natives
in the higher branches of administration ? Yet this is
what we, the English people, are now trying to do in
India; and with such unfortunate results to the inhabi­
tants, that it is absolutely essential that the great mass
of the community, on whose shoulders now. rests the
weight of this vast empire, should take the matter into
their own hands. This, indeed, is now the only hope__

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that the English people will see the mischief that is
being done, and insist that neither vested interests nor
regard for individual reputations shall longer stand in
the way of absolutely essential reforms.
No man can read the history of our early conquests
in India without a strange admixture of feeling.
Deeds of the noblest heroism and determination are
found side by side with the records of such meanness,
cruelty, and greed, that at times we doubt whether it
is possible that qualities so different should have
belonged to the same race. A mere merchant com­
pany, humbly suing for permission to trade, grew into
power and influence in spite of themselves, till they
became of necessity the heirs of the Great Mogul, and
the conquerors of the rising Mahratta confederation ;
their clerks and supercargoes, their shopmen and
peddlers, figured forth before the world as warriors,
statesmen, and administrators. Whilst the king and
the aristocracy were losing, by sheer ignorance and
incompetence, the noblest inheritance across the
Atlantic that ever fell to the lot of any nation, ordi­
nary Englishmen were conquering an empire just in
the way of everyday business, which, had it been
properly managed, would in some degree have com­
pensated for that monstrous blunder. A great and
ancient civilization had fallen under their control, and
it needed but a right comprehension of its tendencies
to lead the people on, with little of change, to a wider
and a higher development, which should have been to
the advantage of all. This was the idea of some of
the nobler spirits, who saw clearly that a growth of
thousands of years equid not suddenly be twisted in

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accordance with foreign notions without grave danger
of injury to rulers and ruled. To raise the tone of the
native Governments to the best native standard, slowly
introducing the leaven of Western ideas into the
administration without altering the form of society or
pursuing the fatal policy of complete annexation —this was the view of men who had, unfortunately,
too little weight as against more vehement coun­
sellors.
The East India Company itself, however, protested
constantly against the violent methods of its own
servants; but the inexorable necessity of paying
interest had, very early in its history, a most
baneful influence upon the system pursued by us
in India. Annexation became the rule; and even
forty or fifty years ago the natives of India had begun
to discuss the effect of the drain of produce to England
consequent upon the multitudes of fortunes made by
Englishmen and withdrawn on their leaving. The
nabobs who returned after shaking the pagoda-tree,
represented so much wealth taken out of India, which
was never returned. Nevertheless, the rule of the
East India Company was on the whole economical.
It was soon found out that countries governed by
foreigners, in which the old native system had been
broken down, seemed somehow not to have the
elasticity and power of recovery for which India had
been celebrated for centuries. India, the administra­
tors in Leadenhall Street discovered was a poor
country, not to be treated as if untold wealth could
be taken for the asking without harming the people.
To enter upon the beneficial changes made in native

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usages, the noble work of Sleeman in uprooting the
Thugs, of Outram in settling the Bheels, of Edwardes
on the Indus border, or, on a wider field, the reforms
adopted by Lord William Bentinck, would be to extend
this chapter far beyond the limits of this little work.
Natives of India know well that had Englishmen
confined their efforts to such objects as these nothing
but good would have come of their rule. To this
day the government of the old East India Company,
in those countries where good native customs were
respected and the people not worried, is looked back
to with regard and even affection. Men who went
out to India as mere boys got to know the people, and
loved them ; they made their homes in the country,
and returning but rarely to England, held a very
different position from that of their successors of
to-day.
Asia is the land of long memories, and those who
treat its people with justice, firmness, and consideration
pass on their legacy of good feeling to the next gene­
ration. All who read the writings of Metcalfe, Shore,
Malcolm, Mountstuart Elphinstone, Henry Lawrence,
Meadows Taylor, or Sleeman, will find that below
the surface there is a constant undercurrent of regret
at the needless Europeanization which they see going
on. And the natives of India have ever been most
easily led by men who, whilst combatting their faults,
were not above appreciating their good qualities,
even when they have shown themselves rigorous and
exacting. Thus it happened that, notwithstanding
many great errors, and a gradual impoverishment,
which was then scarcely perceived, the agricultural

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population of British India—fully three-fourths of
that vast population—was loyal to the rule of the
great Company when Lord Dalhousie was appointed
Governor-General. It was the mission of this arbi­
trary bigot to overthrow all the best traditions of
our rule in India, to shock every native idea of jus­
tice or good faith, to commence that course of un­
scrupulous annexation and wholesale Europeanization
from which our Empire is now suffering, and to lead
up by his policy to one of the most serious rebel­
lions that ever shook the power of any Government.
The great Mutiny of 1857 was the direct outcome of
Lord Dalhousie’s headlong career of violence and
chicanery. How the rebellion was put down, and
what marvellous vigour and tenacity our countrymen
showed in resisting the attack of their own trained
soldiery, assisted in the more recently annexed terri­
tory by the people themselves, are matters of history.
It was again a story of marvellous capacity chequered
by grave mistakes.
Peace was at length restored ; the rule of the East
India Company came to an end ; and with the as­
sumption of the government by the Crown the
English people became directly responsible for the
beneficent management of their own great dependency.
Throughout the fierce conflict which was waged the
sympathy of the mass of the people was with us
rather than with the mutineers. If it had not been,
we could not possibly have overcome the rebellion.
Here, then, if ever in history, was an opportunity for
the governing race. It lay with Englishmen to ac•cept the better portion of the system which had been

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superseded, and to retain the goodwill of the people
by light taxation and consideration of their ancient
customs.
Unfortunately a different course was adopted. At
first all went well. Lord Canning, to his eternal
honour, kept his head in panic-stricken Calcutta, and
refused to allow millions to be treated with cruelty
and injustice because a few infamous ruffians had
been guilty of horrible, never-to-be-forgotten outrages.
The Queen’s Proclamation of 1858 was an admir­
able document, rightly called the Great Charter of
India. Princes and people looked forward to a
period when all the advantages which had been
secured to them by the Company—peace, order,
freedom from exaction—should be combined with
a gradual preparation for self-government and a
careful reorganization of native rule under English
guidance. But it was not to be. The word went
forth from high quarters that India had been neg­
lected, that what she stood in need of was English
capital, at five per cent, guaranteed interest paid
half-yearly—and English energy, at very high sala­
ries paid quarterly. India, in fact, became the out­
let for the savings of the upper and middle classes
■and an opening for their sons. Now began the
reign of capital in good earnest and with it a pres­
sure of taxation, an increase of famines, a deteriora­
tion of the soil, and an impoverishment of the mass
of the people unprecedented in the long history of
India.
But the administration comes first. In this, one
fatal principle has been followed out for the last three-

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137

and-twenty years. Wherever room could be found
for a European, he has been chosen in place of a
native. Even in the judicial department, where the
natives have greatly distinguished themselves, none
of the highly-paid posts are open to them—although
at a lower salary, and with less important positions,
they try cases involving quite as grave issues as those
tried by the Europeans. The extent to which this
employment of Europeans has been carried in every
department, surpasses belief. Young natives are
educated in the colleges for the highest class of ad­
ministrative work, but no prizes are ever open to
them. They receive the compliments of the Chan­
cellor of the University, who is perhaps also the
Governor of the Presidency, on their ability—and
then they find themselves ousted by a number of
Englishmen from posts in which they might fairly
hope to serve their country.
Now this has been very far worse under the Crown
than it ever was in the Company’s time. In the
Public Works Department alone, the European esta­
blishment actually cost 2,300,000/., a year or two ago ;
this too, though the natives of India are specially apt
at engineering, and all the great irrigation works in the
country of any real value have been built by natives,
or constructed by Europeans on native principles.
Where these have been abandoned the grossest
blunders have been made, and millions of acres of land
ruined. Time after time requests have been put forward
by the people of India, through the only channel open to
them, that the total amount paid in salaries to Euro­
peans in India should be published, but this has never

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been done. The effect of this excessive employment
of Englishmen is most serious in everyway. Millions
sterling every year which might go to the people of
the country are taken by foreigners, who, though
honest enough, and in some respects more capable
than natives, yet really devour the substance of the
people whose country they no doubt wish to benefit.
More than this, in addition to the salaries they re­
ceive in the country, and spend on luxuries which a
native would rarely dream of, or the savings which
they bear away to England when they depart, every
European who leaves Government employment re­
ceives a pension, which likewise is so much paid by
India to Englishmen out of the country. But there,
is a further objection still. By this enormous mass of
snperincumbent Europeans, who fill every office of
importance in a country inhabited by 200,000,000
people, those who might be in training for self-govern­
ment, and who in time might be able to carry on our
best methods without their drawbacks, are turned
into a disaffected class. These men see their country,
as they think, ruined in the interest of foreigners who
have less and less sympathy with the people they
rule.
Europeanization is stunting all natural growth in
India, and this with less and less excuse every day ;
for civilians and others no longer live in India as they
used to do, rarely make real friends of the people,
and are perpetually moved about from post to post or
come home on furlough. But they equally prevent
any change of system ; and on their return to England
they form, with some few noble exceptions, a com­

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pact body, opposed both by interest and tradition
to any real justice to India.
Now if this administration were on the whole succesful, it would not even then outweigh the enormous
economical drawbacks involved. As, however, it is
a failure in almost every branch, and we are now
obliged to go back in sheer desperation to some modi­
fied form of the old native laws, surely no longer ought
we to hesitate to make a definite change. For take
even our civil courts ; these we were confident could not
fail to be successful. What has occurred ? They are
a complete curse to the people, bringing about endless
litigation, and involving gross injustice to the poor,
owing to their expense. Our land laws : these are
found to be utterly ruinous, not in one part of India
alone but in many, driving the cultivators first into
the hands of the money-lenders and then into gaol.
Our educational system : of that it is needless to
speak. So far, it is practically non-existent, save for
the well-to-do. Our public works—but these come
under another head more conveniently. Now all these
objections to our existing methods are made, not by
outsiders, but by tried and trained official Englishmen,
who having been appointed to account for the mis­
chiefs which have arisen, speak plainly of the baneful
effects of our blunders, and themselves suggest a re­
version to native plans, which we had discarded before
as unsuited to the people. It is painful to read their
confession that somehow our system does not work,
and yet to find that the very men who honestly admit
this are averse from the only possible remedy.
For now comes the most serious part of the matter.

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England fol all.

India is a poor country. We have been trying to
enrich her, and this is how we have done it. In 1856,
a year before the mutiny, the sum of 23,000,000/. was
taken from the people of India for the purposes of
government; in 1880, twenty-four years after, no less
a sum than 68,000,000/. was taken from them for the
same purpose. Has India, then, become so much
richer in the quarter of a century ? There is no evi­
dence to that effect; much the other way. We know
from official reports and official protests that, light as
the taxation may seem to us, it is heavier than the
people of India can bear. Any increase would be—I
know no authority to the contrary of that—politically
dangerous. The salt tax—levied, bear in mind, to
the tune of 700 per cent, ad valorem—interferes with
the consumption of that necessary of life most
seriously; whilst no less a man than the late Lord
Lawrence thought the murrains among the cattle
which have been so frequent of late years were, in
part at least, due to the want of salt owing to its ex­
cessive price.
But there is graver evidence than the death of cattle,
the ever-increasing spread of famines, and consequent
death of men. Famines are far more frequent than
they were. In the last twenty-three years there have
been not fewer than six serious famines, which have
swept away millions of the people, and millions of
cattle too. The last great famines—those of Bombay
and Madras, and the North-West Provinces—were
something terrible ; not fewer certainly than 7,000,000
of people died of starvation and famine-fever between
1876 and 1879 in those provinces. This is the worst

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141

famine of which there is any record whatever ; and it
occurred, not in the India of old time, with difficult
communications, tottering Governments, indifferent
and careless administrations, but in the India of to­
day, with a powerful Central Government, with rail­
roads and highways, canals and irrigation works—to
say nothing of money freely poured forth to save
these people from their dreadful fate. But this was
an exceptional affair, it may be said ; there was some
phenomenal drought all over the country ; the rains
ceased, the whole land was barren. Drought no doubt
there was, but by no means of inordinate severity, and
this alone would not have accounted for the fearful
mortality. Nowadays, sad to say, our people—the
greater part of the 200,000,000 we are responsible for
—are living nearer, and ever nearer, to the limit of
starvation ; thus what in happier periods would
have been a scarcity, now deepens into a serious
famine. The main causes for this miserable state
of things are not far to seek.
The total net revenue of the Government of India
raised from the many and various races under our rule
does not exceed 38,000,000/. a year, after making de­
ductions for the cost of collection. This revenue so
raised cannot safely be increased : the mass of the
people are, as has been said, taxed up to the hilt.
But year after year we take out of the country agricul­
tural produce to the amount of 20,000,000/ at the very
lowest estimate, to bring to us here in England, in
order to pay interest, pensions, and home charges, for
which there is no commercial return.
Now just think for a moment what this means. It

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

means that this very year we Englishmen are taking
from the people of India, for European rule and the
use of European capital, more than we have ever taken:
it means that this amounts to more than the total
land revenue of all British India—to more than half
the net income from all sources as calculated above.
Yet India is a poor country—a very poor country, as
Indian officials tell us. And this is how we “ develope ”
it. We drain away from the country that produce
which might be so beneficially employed by our fel­
low-subjects ; and then we beat our breasts when famine
comes, and call out to Providence to wipe off those
spots on the sun which somehow or other do all the
mischief.
What cowardly pretence is this. The truth lies open
to all. We are ruining India because our upper and
middle classes will persist in exacting from its people
agricultural produce to pay interest, home charges,
and pensions. No country in the world, not blessed
with virgin soil of exceptional fertility, could possibly
stand such a drain without exhaustion. The real
effect of this drain once fully grasped, all talk even
about the uncertain opium revenue, about the grinding
salt tax, about the mischievous licence and stamp tax,
becomes idle; for by this constant demand we are
draining away the very life-blood of our people.
What would Englishmen say if the whole agricultural
rent of the country went over to France every year,
because we had French prefects in every county, and
French money had built our railroads and excavated
our canals? Yet the agricultural rent of England is
a mere fleabite in comparison with the drain from

�INDIA.

143

India, the relative wealth of the two countries being
taken into account.
“ But then,” say investors, “ the railroads, the canals,
have increased the wealth of India; we must have
interest from our money, no matter how many are
starved every now and then to pay us. To argue
otherwise would be communism, confiscation again. It
is absurd to forego interest to keep people alive.”
Well, have the railroads increased the wealth of India ?
are the numberless foreigners employed a burden or
the reverse? The matter really requires little con­
sideration. Railroads do but transport wealth from
one point to another more conveniently than common
roads. They themselves, make no wealth, neither do
they add to that already in existence. Those who
find the capital deduct a certain proportion of the
produce transferred for the payment of working
expenses and interest. Now if this proportion of
produce remains in the country, and is paid to
natives, it is still at hand to feed the people; but if it
is loaded on board ships, as jute, cotton, or indigo,
and sent to a foreign country to pay interest on capital
[which as we have seen, means the wages of past
(unpaid) labour, now owned by those who neither toil
nor spin], then so much wealth is taken clean out of
that country, never to reappear Jor to return to fer­
tilize the soil. There are new colonies, no doubt,
which can afford to pay this toll to foreigners, because
the application of labour to virgin soil is exceedingly
profitable, though even in that case the drain is often
more injurious than it seems at the time. But in the
case of India the result is disastrous from the first.

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

Interest is taken away, and Europeans are paid high
salaries, alike in famine and in plenty, in drought
and in flood. - Moreover, much more than 20,000,000/.
have been thus paid away under the guarantee which
have never been earned at all. Losing railways
have consequently been made profitable investments
to home capitalists by the truly beneficent interven­
tion of their own Government. Railways therefore in
India, worked by Europeans at a high salary, and
paying interest on the money borrowed by sending
agricultural produce out of the country, are very
different from railways here with us in England.
This has now been acknowledged. Borrowing out of
India is seen to be most injurious ; and yet the country
is getting deeper and ever deeper into debt for public
works, and the exhausting drain is being increased
by the employment of more Europeans.
The truth is that, built with the best possible in­
tentions, the public works of India are a burden on
the people. Eager to enrich the country and yet to
derive advantage from it, our proceedings for the last
three-and-twenty years have been harmful and ruin­
ous in the highest degree. This is no secret. The
most important officials at the India Office know it
well. The fearful effect of the drain from India has
been the subject of more than one grave confidential
memorandum, as well as of protests from Indian
Finance Ministers, who, however, could not see them­
selves that the construction of unremunerative public
works out of borrowed money was ruinous. But such
is capitalism—selfishness so ingrained that five per
cent, per annum cannot possibly be wrong, though

�INDIA.

U5

millions may starve because it must be punctually
paid. We have lent nearly 25.0,000,000/. to India,
and must have our return, though the people had no
voice whatever in the borrowing, and now begin to feel
only too sadly that their substance is being taken
from them, they scarcely know how.
But this drain must be stanched; the taxation must
be lowered ; more natives must be employed. Eng­
land, in short, must rise to the level of her great respon­
sibilities, and take order with the ex-officials who
pour forth optimist harangues in praise of their own
administrative capacity.
For hear what all agricultual experts say. With one accord Mr. Buck, Mr.
Harman, and Mr. Robertson declare that the soil of
India is undergoing steady and permanent deteriora­
tion—that it will support fewer men and fewer bullocks
as years pass by. Mr. Robertson puts the deteriora­
tion at not less than thirty per cent, in thirty years.
Thirty per cent, less produce per acre in thirty years !
Who can wonder? The produce of the earth is
taken away to be brought over here, to an increasing
extent, and there is now less manure than ever to put
into the soil. At the same time the destruction of
the forests for railway sleepers and fuel has, as in the
United States and Australia, most seriously affected
the climate for the worse. Drought and floods alter­
nate in districts where formerly the rainfall was
beneficial and equable. Such is the foresight of
capital in India—the care of our civilization of to-day
for the civilization of the human beings of to-morrow.
From all provinces comes the same sad cry. From
the North-West and from Oude, from Bombay as well
L

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as from Madras, from large tracts of Bengal, and
even from the Punjab, one mournful story is heard ;
the land does not, as of old bring forth of its abun­
dance ; there is no blessing on the crops in our day.
A deteriorated race of men, an inferior description of
bullocks, bear witness to the truth of what they say.
So serious did all this seem, so fearful was the
famine period of 1876-79, that Mr. James Caird was
sent out to India as a Special Famine Commissioner,
with the ready consent of both parties in the State, to
examine, as the ablest English agricultural expert, into
the condition of our noble dependency. He returned
to tell us that unless we change our system a great
catastrophe is inevitable.
Catastrophe is easily
written, but Mr. Caird evidently used the word in no
light sense. After an elaborate investigation of the
state of things, he too came to the conclusion that
the soil of India is deteriorating, whilst the popula­
tion is increasing in certain districts, so that the
people live in perpetual semi-starvation. The very
next famine period may therefore bring with it an
economical cataclysm beside which even the great
Irish destruction will sink into insignificance. Mr.
Irwin prepares us in Oude for similar fearful
trouble ; Mr. Connell from the North-West Provinces
takes up the tale. But Mr. Caird’s earnest protest
has, so far, produced no effect; so what should they
avail ? Even Mr. W. W. Hunter, the DirectorGeneral of Indian Statistics, and a year ago advo­
cate of the interests of the Indian bureaucracy
and capitalists at home, even he, alarmed at last
by his own very inaccurate figures, tells us that at

�INDIA.

J47

least 40,000,000 of the people for whose welfare we
are responsible—100,000,000 would be nearer the
mark—are going through life on insufficient food.
Nay, more ; he shows that the Mogul Emperors raised
far more than twice the revenue we now get out of
India, for six generations, without exhausting the
country, whilst we who drain away the produce can­
not take our present revenue without a great risk of
collapse. By the side of this drain, and the conse­
quent deterioration of the soil, helped on by denuda­
tion, all the rest of our blunders, great as they are, are
mere child’s-play. Another famine period is even now
approaching, no preparations have been made to meet
it, and how far the inordinate cost of the Afghan wars
has crippled our Indian exchequer is not even yet
fully known.
Thus on every side the prospect is gloomy and
overcast, and in' the opinion of the ablest observers
we are drawing nearer and nearer to an almost
overwhelming disaster. Year after year we take
from India agricultural produce which she cannot
spare, because we are masters of the country, and,
paying ourselves handsomely all round, leave those
who depend upon us for safety to perish from want;
Whilst we are disputing about the defence of the
empire we ourselves are preparing its ruin, only to
learn the truth too late: the knocking will come
through the darkness from without—the murder
within will be done. Let then the sun of English
justice arise and shine—outshine all the glories of the
East; let a message of mercy, whose wings are as
silver wings and her feathers as gold, go forth from
L 2

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the people of England to the many races and nations
under their rule, saying to all that, though they have
ills of their own to suffer from and endless sorrows to
bear, they would not that others should be made
poorer or more miserable for them. So"] as death
shall close our eyelids in never-ending slumber, we
may feel that countless millions have some share of
happiness which but for us they would have lacked,
some joy and contentment which but for us they
never would have known.
For the alternative course lies open before us once
more. There are in India, as in Ireland and at home,
two policies, the one of mock freedom and real op­
pression, the other of beneficent government and steady
progress. Strange that having tried both methods in
India, we should as a nation stick to the failure and
discard the success. Wherever native administration
has had free play under gentle European guidance,
there we have seen prosperity and contentment
spring up and endure. In Travancore and Baroda,
in Mysore and Hyderabad, wherever English influence
has been confined to supporting upright native rule,
the change has been marvellous for the better, though
the tendency even then is to interfere too much by
the introduction of Western ideas. Still it is not Euro­
pean administration that is necessarily ruinous : that
we have seen in numerous instances. It is not that
public works are not highly beneficial. But when
European agency and public works are alike over­
done ; when foreign soldiers and foreign systems are
imposed upon the population to an extent which
savours of the very fanaticism of so-called improve­

�INDIA.

14

ment, then, as we see, the result is starvation, ruin,
and death, a famine-stricken people, and an exhausted
soil.
The recent return of Mysore to native administra­
tion after fifty years of European rule is, we may
hope, of good omen for the future. Our task now is
to cut down the European establishments in every
possible way—to curtail the home charges, even if we
have to reduce the rate of interest arbitrarily by one
half and take some portion of the pensions on to our
own shoulders. This money that is now taken is not
ours, and no native has ever voted a single rupee of it
to us. The enormous expense of the European army
must likewise be curtailed, and a very different policy
from that of suspicion and hauteur adopted towards
the native princes. We have, in fact, to prepare the
many peoples of India for self-government, by a pro­
cess of decentralization, by building up the old States
again wherever possible, and by removing the crowd
of Europeans who now eat out the prosperity of the
country. Let any man consider. No such system as
that which we now foster could by any possibility
succeed. The old Mogul rulers were wrong-headed
enough in many ways, but they were not such fools
as to think they could govern India from Samarcand
and in accordance with Mussulman prejudice, or that
they could dispense with the assistance of the able
Hindoo administrators in the management of their
provinces. Akber was perhaps the greatest monarch
that the East ever produced, yet he relied—and as the
event showed, wisely relied—upon the noble rajah
Toder Mull to reorganise his finances, With us

�ENGLAND FOR ALL.

Toder Mull, the most masterly financier beyond all
comparison that has ever had control of the Indian
exchequer, would have been “ a damned, nigger
accountant, who would keep writing to the papers.”
Such incapacity to appreciate the abilities of our own
subjects, let us remember—such eagerness to crush
down rather than to raise up—such sad indifference to
the ruin being wrought in our own territory, when
close at hand countries equally under our control, but
managed by natives, are flourishing and prosperous—
such strange determination not to understand, I say,
will gain us but a doubtful reputation for foresight
with those who come after, even if it do not involve
ourselves in ruin.
But if, on the other hand, we resolve to make the
necessary changes at once, and to restore to the
natives, in some degree at least, the control of their
own Governments and their own property, then India
may more than repay us for our sympathy and good­
will. There, directly or indirectly under our rule, are
250,000,000 of the human race, who, weary as they are
of waiting for fair treatment, would recognize with
joyous loyalty a determined effort to relieve them
from the excessive pressure of foreign government,
and the ruinous drain for foreign payments, which
now impoverish them more and more. This assuredly
is no party question ; but those who profit by India’s
ruin will scarcely of their own motion make the sacri­
fices needful to restore her prosperity. It is to
the mass of Englishmen, then, to the great democracy
of this country, that the peoples of India must now
appeal for justice. Represented fairly here at home,

�INDIA.

151

they might hope to secure their long-delayed heading,
and with that hearing consideration for their wrongs.
Here too, I say once more, the right course is that
which is best also for our own people. Let the people
of India but grow in wealth, as they would under any
fair conditions of existence,'with but slight supervision
from us, and the exchange of their products for ours
would be far more advantageous than the continuous
impoverishment which disenables them from making
purchases. On every ground, therefore, of humanity,
morality, self-interest, future credit, and ordinary
common sense, we ought not longer to postpone the
necessary reorganization. But our present parlia­
mentary system has proved quite inadequate to cope
with this great crisis. If India is to be retained at all,
she must have a direct voice in her own administra­
tion, as well in England as in India.

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

CHAPTER VII.
THE COLONIES.

There is happily one portion of our empire which is
almost entirely free from the political difficulties we
encounter elsewhere. The drawbacks to our great self­
governed colonies are common to our age and civiliza­
tion ; their advantages are peculiar to themselves.
Notwithstanding the mistakes of both political parties
in dealing with South Africa—mistakes which have,
to a great extent, overclouded the prospect in that par­
ticular region—the colonies are, and will remain, the
chief mainstay of Anglo-Saxon dominion outside these
islands, when India has returned to native rule, and
our other dependencies are held rather as a duty than
as contributing to our power. With them, indeed,
and the United States, lies 'the future expansion of
our race. For although the Americans were driven
into hostility more than a century ago, we may still
hope that in time to come the great English-speaking
democracies of England, Australia, and North
America, may find ground for a common under­
standing, which will enable them to secure peace
and justice throughout the civilized world, by the
overwhelming force they could array against any

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153

aggressor- This, however, is for the moment no
more than a pleasant vision.
The possibility of a closer connexion with our
colonies is an immediate practical business. On this
point too, fortunately, men who differ most widely on
other questions are often agreed. Taught by the
disastrous result of the attempt to tyrannize over the
North American colonists, we have carried the doc­
trine of self-government almost further than the
colonists themselves wished.
Not content with
granting them the most complete home rule, we have
at times repulsed their advances towards a closer
union, and, on the other hand, wronged our poorer
classes by handing over the entire administration of
an almost limitless unoccupied territory to the handful
of people who first settled there. But even so the
result is surely in marked contrast to our relations with
Ireland. No portion of our dominions are so loyal to
the British connexion at this very time, none so
anxious that England should rightfully maintain her
position in the world, as the colonists. Left to solve
their own social and political problems, they turn
naturally to the mother country to keep alive the
1 “ Blood is thicker than water,’’ said Admiral Farragut when
he stood by our sailors in the China seas. Years later, after
the grand old man had been the soul of the Northern navy
during the Civil War, he was in port in the Mediterranean with
his wooden flagship. A fleet of British ironclads was there at
the same time. As he weighed anchor and sailed out to sea,
the English ships also left their moorings and made two lines
for him to pass through. The compliment was wholly unlookedfor, but it thoroughly expressed the feelings of the nation to­
wards that noble seanian.

�ENGLAND FOR ALL.

ideal of a greater political action than any which can
be hoped for from mere separation and local ambition.
And this feeling grows even at the time when absen­
tees are being denounced, and the power of demo­
cracy gains ground each day. There, as at home,
centralization and decentralization are working them­
selves out; though, by the mistake of not maintaining
a federal union, great difficulties are now encountered
in bringing together colonies which ought never to
have lost the common tie, even on matters which
could manifestly be handled best by all collectively.
There can be no greater contrast between the
relation which Canada now bears to the United
Kingdom than that of the North American colonies,
when they fought for independence. In that case we
insisted upon the right to tax without permitting the
colonists the right of representation. Now we have
given Canada not only self-government, but the right
to impose almost prohibitive duties on our own goods.
That this need not have occurred had a better under­
standing been kept up with the colonists, and freetrade, when commenced, enacted as the law for all
self-governed portions of the empire, we can scarcely
doubt. The history of Canada, however, since the
separation of the American colonies, is creditable to
her and to the home country. At first sight it would
have seemed impossible that the French colonies of
Lower Canada, conquered by a people with whom
their nation was at perpetual war, should ever have
come to be loyal to the English Crown. But the
consideration shown for their language, creed, and
customs, the steady determination not to interfere

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155

with their local rule, gradually won over the French
settlers, until at the present time they are as devoted
to the British connexion as any portion of the popu­
lation of English descent. Troubles at times there
have been with the English colonists, and rather more
than forty years ago a rebellion was threatened.
Yet all settled down ; and now it seems that the
Dominion of Canada has before her as fine a career
in the future as the more energetic democracy on the
other side of the border. That the withdrawal of
our troops was brought about in a most unmannerly
fashion, and in such wise as to offend the best in­
stincts of the Canadians—that also Lord Carnarvon’s
plan of federation was premature, and carried by
doubtful means, have not changed the sentiments of
the colonists towards the mother country.
Incorporation with the United States would leave
less of freedom for natural expansion than there is at
present under England’s light rule. A race of sturdy
sober-going men and women have grown up in that
rude Canadian climate, who will carry on the best
traditions of English Government side by side with
the great Republic. There, in the great expanse of
the Far West, lies an opening for those who, in the
coming changes here at home, may think they see
their way to a wider field, still under the name and
in connexion with the old country. In Canada, even
more than in the United States, the natural inclina­
tion of our race for the sea manifests itself. The
4,000,000 who make up the Dominion of Canada own
the fourth largest mercantile marine in the world.
As, also, the new continental railroad is pushed forward

�ENGLAND FOR ALL.

to the Pacific slope, the splendid region of British
Columbia will be opened up to colonization, and yet
another connexion made with the English colonies in
the South Pacific.
Nor, when the distance by sea is spoken of, and
the impossibility of a permanent connexion insisted
upon, should we forget that Canada and the other
colonies of the Atlantic slope are nearer to us to-day
than Aberdeen or Cork were a century ago. Canada
is now wholly self-supporting, costs the people of
England not one farthing of expenditure, whilst the
increasing power of democracy would find a help and
offer valuable assistance to a similar growth with us
at home. The Dominion will, we may hope, as
time passes on, bind together closer the various set­
tlements. Already the Parliament at Ottawa—sitting
in the finest block of buildings on the American con­
tinent—worthily represents the Federal Union of a
magnificent group of peoples. Let them also find
representation here in England, and thus'bring to bear
upon all international arrangements the ever-increas­
ing force of a united democracy of English-speaking
peoples. At the crisis of the Eastern question when
it seemed as if England might be involved in conti­
nental warfare, the Canadians were not slow to offer
their assistance in a cause where their own interests
were in no way involved. Surely it is for the great
mass of the people of England to hold out their hands
in fellowship to those who wish nothing better than
to work together on the same lines for the strengthen­
ing and improvement of all. There is something in
great ideas which vivifies and enlarges the national

�THE COLONIES.

*57

imagination. We here at home have indeed much to
carry out ere we can achieve our own full government
of ourselves, or place ourselves on the same level
which the Canadians have already happily attained
to in many respects. Reason the more that we should
endeavour to make common cause in the direction of
further progress.
But if this applies to Canada, still more true is it of
the Australian colonies and New Zealand. These
colonies are the growth of the present generation.
In the last thirty years they have sprung up from
mere settlements to be great and prosperous commu­
nities. In Australia—Victoria and New South Wales,
South Australia, Queensland, and West Australia,
form a group of states unsurpassed in any part of
the world for energy, enterprise, and growing con­
sideration for the education and well-being of the
rising generation. That the distribution of wealth is
here also sadly faulty is indeed too certain. In Mel­
bourne and Sydney, cities large out of all proportion
to the population engaged in agriculture or mining,
the contrast between the wealth of the few and the
poverty of the many, is at times very serious. Here,
too, is felt the alternation of inflation and stagnation
consequent upon our capitalist system, and the large
capitalists, either English or native, are gradually
acquiring excessive preponderance. But the possi­
bility of a man taking himself out of the wage-earning
class is, of course, as in Canada and the United States,
far greater than in England. The abundance of
virgin soil, the rapid increase of wealth in proportion
to the population, keep wages at a higher level than

�I58

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

in old countries. Both politically and socially, how­
ever, the Australian colonies are passing through a
phase in their history which is of the highest impor­
tance, and corresponds to similar changes here at home.
In purely political matters the democracy is increas­
ing in strength day by day ; but unfortunately these
colonies have not, until of late years, had anything
to compare to the admirable school system of America
which should bring the whole population within
reach of education. This, however, is being remedied ;
and in Victoria, the most democratic colony of all, the
people are beginning to learn that a sober combina­
tion to deal with existing difficulties—which may well
perplex the ablest statesman—is in the long-run better
for the interests of all than a hasty agitation which
overthrows confidence in present arrangements with­
out substituting anything in their place. Those who
fasten their attention on Victoria, and declaim against
the folly of a democracy because it favours protection,
conveniently forgot that New South Wales, where
the people are equally masters, is in favour of free
trade, and South Australia shows a growing tendency
in the same direction. Nothing, indeed, is more
absurd than to gauge the political intelligence of a
country by such a test. If protection can keep up
the relative wages of the mass of the working people
above the level which they will obtain under free
trade, then beyond all question protection is, on the
whole, the policy best suited to the welfare of the
mass of that community. Theorists who reason as if
the only object of all human society were to make the

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159

rich richer and the poor poorer would, of course, not
admit even that.
But it may be reasonably allowed as absurd that
colonies founded by men of the same nation, and
living under the same government, in the same terri­
tory, should deliberately set up tariffs against one
another, and against the mother country. This is
what we see in Australia, and it shows clearly how
important a better understanding is between the
various colonies on matters which concern the in­
terests of all. The difficulty of bringing about a
federation in Australia, even on this simple matter of
customs, seems insuperable. Time after time have re­
presentatives met, but on each occasion have separated
without coming to any definite arrangement. Local
interests and local ambitions shut out the view of the
general advantage which would be gained by a closer
understanding. But the completion of a railroad
between Sydney and Melbourne, and the rapid ex­
tension of the other Australian railways, must bring
this question again to the front. It may be that the
solution will be found in that wider federation which,
without in any way sacrificing the local administration,
may bring about the full representation of Australia
in a general council where the interests of all will be
fully considered. There are, in these days, many
matters which can be better settled when dealt with
as a whole than when regarded piecemeal, and few
can doubt that such enterprises as the railways and
public works of Australia could be better and more
cheaply handled together than separately.

�i6d

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

In these Australian colonies also, and particularly
in New Zealand, may be seen the system of State
management carried out under the most democratic
form of government.
Railways, posts, telegraphs,
public works, schools, public lands, are all entirely
under the control of the bureaux appointed by the
State, and managed by a responsible Minister.
Where the appointments also are kept clear of poli­
tical influence, the system works well. There are
temptations to grave jobbery, doubtless, but they are
kept under restraint by universal publicity; and the
mass of the population have abundant opportunities
of making themselves felt. A graver danger than
any arising from over-officialism is that of over­
borrowing from the mother country. In New Zealand
especially this danger is very great. Not only is the
Government largely pledged to pay the produce of
the 400,000. colonists to home lenders, but the settlers
themselves have pledged their resources to an enor­
mous extent to English capitalists. These vast pay­
ments out of the country for money borrowed can
scarcely go on for ever. Labour expended on virgin
soil will no doubt produce enormously; but slack times
come even there, and the difficulties which we have
seen in India will be reproduced on a smaller scale. This
vast tribute, in the shape of interest on money lent,
which the English colonists have to transmit out of
their labour to the mother country, is one of the
least pleasant features of the colonial connexion.
It may be that under a better arrangement the
colonists in all our great free-governed dependencies
will be able to combine with the mother country for

�THE COLONIES.

the more adequate development of their magnificent
territories, in the interest of the whole of the federated
portions of our empire. In their temperate climate,
and with their unrivalled soil—in Canada, Australia,
Tasmania, and New Zealand—millions on millions
of our race might find happiness and comfort, which
would re-act upon the welfare of our people at home.
As our home arrangements undergo modification, we
ought to carry with us the people of the colonies in
aiding to bring about, without disturbance or blood­
shed, a more equitable distribution of wealth than
that which now we see. Those who desire to leave
our shores to try a fresh life in another country,
might then feel sure, not of the coddling of a maternal
government, but of assistance, encouragement, and
capital, where now all these are lacking. The great
disparity between the sexes in England in one direc­
tion, and in the colonies in the other, alone shows
how faultily the present arrangements have worked.
It is with a view to bringing about a more com­
plete understanding on all such questions, a regulation
of the mere laissez-faire system which up till now has
found favour, that a nearer connexion is so essen­
tial. Friendly democracies can always help each
other. They have no real ground of mutual distrust.
But when we see in the United States such misery as
that produced by the late stagnation ; when we know
that in New South Wales, Victoria, and New Zealand,
men were thrown out of work and clamouring for
employment, though millions of unoccupied fertile
land lay at their disposal all round them, then it
becomes more clearly apparent than ever how misM

�162

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

chievous is the system which refuses to make the
most of such enormous advantages, and supposes that
stagnation and depression are really inevitable
because those who hold the capital choose to make
it so.
It tis because social matters are kept so carefully
in the background, and the real producers of wealth,
whether in England, Ireland, or abroad, are shut out
from comparing notes on matters which so nearly
concern them, that these serious errors are made.
Even as it is the colonies, with their marvellous power
of recovery, have been our best customers, and have
enabled the English working class at home to pass
through the long period of crisis with less of pressure
than would otherwise have been felt. Here, even in
business, where sentiment is said to have no play,
we find the trade follows the flag—that men prefer to
deal with their own people. Surely those who are
in favour of a unity of all peoples, who hold that in
the near future the men who have hitherto worked
for others will see that in common action lies the hope
for humanity, cannot fail ere long to understand that
the first step towards this great end must be a closer
and yet closer union of peoples of the same race, lan­
guage, and political traditions, working together for
the good of all portions of that noble federation.
Leaving freedom to all, and enforcing none—holding
up before us a high ideal in which all may share and
all may find full development—thus, and thus only,
shall we gather them in.
But it is not merely in relation to their own indi­
vidual interests that it would be of the highest impor­

�THE COLONIES.

163

tance that our great democratic communities beyond
the sea should be represented. Difficulties affecting
all "portions of the empire have to be considered,
which can never obtain proper attention save by the
personal discussion of those who have a direct interest
in their wise settlement. The questions of tariff and
trade have already been spoken of. No complete
arrangements on these heads can possibly be arrived
at so long as the hide-bound bureaucrats of the
Colonial Office, with their encrusted traditions of
meddling and muddling, have full swing. Only when
men see for themselves that local selfishness can
fitly be merged in a greater and more enlightened
common interest, will they abandon ideas which they
have adopted almost as an evidence of free judgment.
A Customs Union of the British Empire will be the
outcome of the representation of our colonies in the
Great Council which will take the place of our present
worn-out second chamber. Or it may be even that
we shall follow the French system, and invite colonies
to send representatives to the popular House, when
local business has been properly handed over to local
authorities. Whichever course may be adopted,
there is a growing opinion, both in the colonies and
in England, that in such representation lies the true
solution of many problems which now seem most
thorny. A complete Union thus brought about could
scarcely fail to have a peaceful influence on the whole
civilized world. Such an overwhelming combination
of naval strength as could then be relied upon,
could be made by no conceivable alliance of despotic
powers.
M 2

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

This, however, brings us at once to the question of
general defence, which is now being discussed by a
Royal Commission. On that Commission the colonies
are inadequately represented, yet it is of the last
importance that they should enter completely into
any plans that may be suggested. For on the due
ordering of our Imperial defences, and the security of
our lines of communication, can we alone depend for
maintaining in time of trouble that connexion with
our countrymen across the sea, and for the certainty
of obtaining our food supplies, which are essential not
only to our influence but to our safety. These
matters have been sadly neglected under the happygo-lucky regime of the past twenty or thirty years.
Men who are always looking to throw off what they
call the “ burden of empire,” regardless of the help
and encouragement we can obtain in coming political
changes from the democracies of our own race, natu­
rally looked askance at any measures which should
tend to unite and not to separate, to bring together
and not to drive away. It is well that at this par­
ticular time another view should be taken. By a
careful organization of our resources, and a judicious
strengthening of the many ports we possess, it would
be made quite impossible for any enemy or enemies
to interfere seriously with our affairs even in time of
war, whilst the denunciation of the Declaration of
Paris would make us more powerful than we ever
were before. In these days coal and coaling-stations,
the opportunity to go into port and refit at all times,
are essential. And these advantages we possess to
such an extent, that it may almost be said that all

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165

the rest of the world together could not rival us. In
the Atlantic and Pacific, in European waters and
the China seas, from the Cape of Good Hope to Cape
Horn, and from the British islands to Australia and
India, we hold a chain of posts which will enable us
to exercise at the fitting moment an almost over­
whelming pressure, if in time of peace we take
the means to prepare for any difficulty.
Halifax
and Vancouver’s Island, Bermuda and the Falkland
Islands, Gibraltar, Malta, and Aden, Sydney, Mel­
bourne, King George’s Sound, and Auckland, to say
nothing of the Indian ports, and scarcely less valu­
able possessions elsewhere, such as Hong-Kong, Fiji,
and the Mauritius, constitute an array of maritime
citadels which, maintained in proper defence by our
ourselves and our colonies, must, in conjunction with
a fleet proportioned to our maritime interests, render
future naval war against us almost impossible. Nor
should we hold or exercise this truly enormous power
for our own selfish advantage. English ports are
open to the ships of all nations without let or hind­
rance ; we throw open to the world the advantages we
possess, asking nothing in return. Here, then, when
fully represented, our colonists may fairly take their
share in arranging with us the defence of the common
interest, and organizing the national defence.
Still more necessary, however, is colonial help in
considering the bearing of treaties which we may
negotiate with foreign powers, or the action which
the colonists themselves may take in their own interest.
At present there is no special consideration given to
the effect which may be produced on our existing

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

artificial system by any fresh arrangement so far as
it affects colonies or colonists, and our greatest de­
pendency counts for still less in such matters ; whilst
as to the colonists themselves, it is sufficient to note
their action with regard to the Chinese to recognize
at once that questions may arise which can only be
dealt with from the point of view of general interest.
This Chinese question is indeed one which by itself
needs the gravest consideration, as a political, social,
and international problem of the greatest difficulty.
Here we are in fact threatened with a conflict of races
and civilization, the like of which has never yet been
seen on the face of the planet. China has awakened
from her long sleep of centuries, and is fast breaking
from her isolation, and entering into the full stream
of the political and social life of our times. What the
results of this may be no man can foretell. A people
who have been civilized for ages, who yet retain vigour,
capacity, and physical qualities whose bearing on the
future we do not yet fully understand, are now absorb­
ing the newest truths of Western investigators. The
effect upon us so far has been to bring the industrious
Chinese, with their ideas of individualism only modi­
fied by their secret societies, into direct competition
with our own colonists. There are thousands on
thousands of Chinamen under our rule in the East
alone, and as workmen and merchants they are most
formidable rivals. But with the emigration to the freegoverned colonies and America a new feature begins.
Our colonists positively will not put up with them, any
more than the Americans will. At this very time the
people of British Columbia, as well as the colonies of

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167

Australia, have decided to keep out the Chinese.
They are to our modern industrial colonies what
shells are at sea—missiles to be kept out, at any cost
to theory or beauty of design. But the result is at
once seen to be serious. It is the recognition of a per­
turbing element in all calculations—of an incapacity
on the part of our race to face a nation of protec­
tionists who regard themselves as mere passers-by in
every country they enter. That our colonists should
have the right to tax every Chinaman who lands,
surely carries with it the right of Chinese to tax every
Englishman who lands in China. As our relations
with China grow, and these points come more promi­
nently forward, the absolute necessity for some general
understanding will become apparent. Perhaps ere
another generation has passed away the question of
our relation to China will completely dwarf all others
in importance. Meantime the commercial connexion
between Australia and Asia is rapidly growing ; and
in view of the unfitness of the northern portion of that
great island-continent for colonization by men of our
race, it is even possible that immigrants from India
or China may find place in that vast unpeopled
region.
These, however, are the possibilities of the future.
What most concerns us now is, to lay the foundation
of a cordial understanding between all portions of our
great colonial empire—to bring together on the wider
field of a wide-reaching policy of the commonwealth
those who in their own several spheres, are striving to
bring about a better social and political system than
that which now presses upon all portions of the empire,

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

though less in the colonies than elsewhere. The
natural and wholesome pride of a Canadian, an
Australian, or a New Zealander in the growing great­
ness of his country, need in no way be irreconcilable
with a deep love for the old home, and a yet higher
pride in sharing in a general improvement which shall
embrace and welcome all. The Anglo-Saxon race,
which has shown the world how to reconcile freedom
and order with steady progress, can by combination
and determined effort secure for themselves and their
children the leadership in the social changes and re­
forms which are close at hand. Those great demo­
cracies of English-speaking peoples, who now have
complete control over their own affairs, will find that
in permanent union with the more ancient democracy
of England lies the best hope of securing the fullest
development in the future.

�FOREIGN AFFAIR'S.

CHAPTER VIII.
FOREIGN

AFFAIRS.

The relation which England should bear to the
nations of the Continent of Europe, and the action
which ought to be taken in reference to foreign policy
generally, would be very summarily settled by one
party among us. Non-intervention is their sole idea
of the management of such affairs. Let others do
what they like to or with one another, we will severely
mind our own business, look after our trade, and,
secure behind the silver streak, amass money—for the
comfortable classes of course—to our hearts’ content.
Thus the individual selfishness, upon which they are
content to rely absolutely for all management at
home, is fitly supplemented by a still more thorough
collective selfishness applied to affairs abroad.
Capital is timid, it is said, peace is our greatest interest,
intervention means, sooner or later, war or threat of war.
A soldier or a sailor therefore, in the opinion of these
gentlemen, ought to be scouted as a pariah, though,
as all save fanatics can see, our army and navy are
as natural portions of our industrial organism in the
present state of international morality and economi­
cal development, as our custom-house or excise.
Only stand aside, such is the argument, and no one

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ENGLAND FOR ALL.

will harm you. A purely trading power will arouse
no jealousies ; and Europe will see in England a
country which, in the plenitude of its strength, steps
aside from all save commercial transactions, and is
content to figure simply as a pattern to others. Now,
few would doubt that if all were like-minded in this
matter—if the lion of greed could indeed lie down with
the lamb of wealth outside him, that here is the true in­
dustrial future for the human race. But we are, alas !
far from such a happy state of things. No nation
in existing conditions can thus safely boycott itself,
without grave risk of being boycotted, or perhaps
preyed upon, by others. And we, of all countries in
the world, are the least capable of secluding ourselves,
and enriching ourselves whilst others look on. Our
flag floats on every sea ; our trade competes with every
nation ; our absolutely necessary supplies, without
which we should starve, come to us from far and near.1
A commercial country owning such extended terri­
tory is more open to attack than any other; and even on
the ground of simple selfishness, some alliances should
be made, and some preparations maintained against
danger. But there are higher reasons even than
those of expediency for taking part in the politics
of the world. A great country has moral duties, as a
man has moral duties ; and these are not confined to
simple business relations and trading for gain. We
are, or might be, the leaders and protectors of free­
1 We have ordinarily less than three weeks’ supply of food at
hand. A naval combination which could blockade our ports
for a fortnight, could starve us out. Two powers, acting to­
gether, could even now have a stronger fleet in the Channel than
we could command.

�FOREIGN AFFA IRS.

171

dom, independence, and true liberty in Europe, as
we were in the time of the Great Protector Our
power, properly organized, and wielded with the con­
sent of a united people, may suffice at no distant
date to turn the scale in that great struggle between
militarism and industrialism, between tyranny and
freedom, perhaps between barbarism and civilization,
now threatening on the continent. To stand aloof
finally when such issues as these are being debated
is not, as I venture to think, the nature of my coun­
trymen. They have often fought in times gone by to
save others from foreign domination ; it maybe that
in the near future a still greater task will be theirs.
The history of the modern connexion of England
with continental affairs, may be said to begin with the
accession of William III. That long policy of secret
negotiations carried on by Elizabeth with the Pro­
testant populations of Europe, had involved us in
war with Spain ; the policy of the Stuarts had, after
Cromwell’s short and glorious period of supremacy,
made England subservient to France. But these
wars and alliances had really as little to do with the
events which followed, as the old wars in France
under the Plantagenets. With William III., however,
began that bitter rivalry with France which thencefor­
ward became the mainspring of English foreign policy
for at least five generations. Rivalry no doubt ex­
isted between Englishmen and Frenchmen when the
Prince of Orange came to the throne, but thencefor­
ward it spread from the people to the Governments,
and the fierce struggle which followed spread to all
quarters of the globe. William III., in fact, began a
settled policy of interference in European State poli­

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tics in the interest of Holland and Germany, as
distinct from any cause which called us to take the
field on our own account. As a consequence we were
driven to fight foreign battles by means of subsidies
and mercenary troops, instead of trusting to our
power at sea, where lies our real strength.
For, strange to say, it never occurred to either the
Plantagenets, the Tudors, or the Stuarts that it would
redound to our credit and influence to carry on cam­
paigns on land with German soldiers at England’s
expense. William III., however, commenced the
system, because it aided the policy of his own country
laid down by himself—that of persistent opposition
to Louis XIV. and the French. The result has been a
crushing load of debt, permanently imposed for
foreign objects on the English people.
For the
House of Brunswick, confirmed and greatly extended
the mischievous policy introduced by the Dutch king,
and henceforth England became the citadel of German
resistance to French attacks upon Germany. We no
longer had a continental policy of our own ; every
step taken had reference to the relations and intrigues
of other Powers, who came to look upon England and
English Ministers as necessary supports of a system
of international war and jealousy, with which, as a
matter of fact, the English people had nothing what­
ever to do. The unquestioned facts that we fought
bravely, won battle after battle, and acquired some
magnificent colonies, are mere incidents of this State­
system which blind us to the true bearing of the
policy itself.
Had not the Dutch and German elements become
paramount in the guidance of our foreign relations,

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there was no such necessary antagonism to France
as has been pretended. Lord Chatham himself, whose
management of our external affairs was the wonder of
Europe, wras vehemently opposed to the “ German
War,” which, having once commenced, not even his
genius could clear us from. Thus England was
dragged along at the heels of Frederick II. the most
unscrupulous adventurer who ever made a kingdom out
of a province, and we of to-day have the privilege of
paying, in the shape of interest on the national debt,
for the position which Prussia holds in Europe. This
went on, notwithstanding protests from patriotic men
against this ruinous squandering of the resources of
the country, until the time of the French Revolution,
when our antagonism to France, already pronounced
enough, was still further aggravated by the calculated
panic of the governing and well-to-do classes. With
the internal affairs of France we had no concern; and
the mass of the people of England sympathized with
the men who had overturned the meanest, and at the
same time most galling tyranny that could oppress
an agricultural people. The loss of the American
Colonies, when Germans and Indians were used to
shoot down and scalp men who were fighting for their
rights, had opened the eyes of the poorer classes to
the real bearing of the vicious mercenary system. A
magnificent heritage had been lost, because the men
at the head of affairs set aside the advice of English­
men like Chatham and Burke, to pander to the pre­
judices of a German king and the aristocrats around
him. France had now learnt something from America ;
and there was more admiration than ill-feeling to
begin with on our side of the Channel.

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But in all this the rulers of that day saw—and
rightly saw—a grave danger to themselves. The
rupture with France was made unavoidable by the
counsel and support extended to her invaders. Once
involved in the anti-revolutionary fever, nothing was
easier than to inflame still further the national rivalry,
until for nearly a generation the very name of French­
man became obnoxious to English ears, and children
grew up to be men believing that only by the de­
struction of France could England be made secure.
The astounding career of Napoleon I., and the state­
craft of his reactionary empire, gave our policy a
further push forward in the same direction. England
became the rallying-point of resistance to a military
usurper, who evidently aimed at the dominance of
Europe.
His answers to our persistent hostilities took the
shape of a threat of invasion, and a continental
blockade against English goods. The first of these
two measures became hopeless after Nelson’s crowning
victory at Trafalgar. The second was rendered futile
—though the fact is not generally known—by the
friendly policy of the Ottoman Empire. The remark­
able geographical configuration of that State gave us
an advantage which Napoleon was unable to over­
come. The Turks opened their numerous ports, and
Europe was flooded with smuggled English goods.
Thereupon the blockade became useless ; Power after
Power withdrew from the league, and we were relieved
from further anxiety in regard to the most dangerous
plan of campaign ever formulated against us. As a
natural sequence of our long opposition to France,

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we were driven more and more into alliance with the
despotic powers of Europe. Those armies which
overthrew Napoleon, were as much intended for re­
pression at home as to repel the foreign invader ; and
Europe was prepared by the Treaty of Vienna for the
supremacy of the Holy Alliance. The great name
associated with all this policy is that of Castlereagh,
who bound us hand and foot to Russia, and made us
little better than a hanger-on to the Holy Alliance
itself. Thus for thirty years England was linked on the
continent of Europe with powers whose very existence
depended upon the denial of freedom to the peoples.
Upon this phase followed a modification rather than
a change of policy. The extravagant pretensions of
the Holy Alliance with reference to Spain, and the
absurd claim of its members to regulate the internal
affairs of every kingdom of Europe, brought about
the policy of which Canning became the chief ex­
ponent. This was the support of constitutionalism in
Europe, as equally opposed to autocracy and to
revolution. It was an attempt to trim between two
irreconcilable opposites. Canning himself called into
existence that remarkable New World to redress the
• balance of the Old which, since it first came above the
political horizon in the House of Commons, has been
wholly incapable of balancing even itself. The rest
of the policy had as little solid foundation as this
famous outburst. Constitutionalism did not thrive, in
spite of English protection; and we gradually drifted
into a defence of what appeared our most tangible,
interest—that of the overland route to India.
Canning was followed by Palmerston and Russell.

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The episode of Navarino, which weakened Turkey
without constituting a strong Greece, was merely a
prelude to a definite championship of the integrity
and independence of the Ottoman Empire, involving
Lord Palmerston’s Syrian policy, and eventually leading
up to the Crimean War. Jealousy of France, and
desire to maintain the balance of power, still had a
great influence. But capitalism was now beginning
to assert its sway, and plain Whig principles meant
compromise at home and selfishness abroad. There
was not even the violent old Toryism of Pitt and
Castlereagh to rouse opposition or stir enthusiasm.
The shake of 1848 brought the weakness of this
whole system into clear relief. Unpleasant people,
who thought a dungeon smelt quite as dank under
“moderate constitutionalism, ” as when kept exclu­
sively at the service of autocrats, gave the constitu­
tionalists many awkward misgivings. London at this
time naturally became the headquarters of the consti­
tutional monarchs, and the metropolitan bankers the
custodians of their savings. We, however, in the
struggle which followed, neither gained nor deserved
the gratitude of either party. Opposed to auto­
cracy, we showed a friendship for Hungary, which
the horror of our middle classes for real revolution
quickly induced us to betray. Matters were worse
with Venice, Sardinia, and Sicily, when England
deliberately abandoned people who had been in­
duced by surreptitious assurances to rely upon her
for assistance. “ England wishes only for peace,”
Pasini wrote, bitterly, to Manin ; and that summed up,
not perhaps Lord Palmerston’s own policy, but the

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policy of the capitalist class, now gaining power
rapidly, and to which all Foreign Ministers have since
been forced in some way to bow down.
But here, nevertheless, lay the true line for Eng­
land. In 1848 she could have placed herself at the
head of the enfranchised peoples of Europe, and lent
her unrivalled naval power to support those who, with
her assistance, could not have been subdued. The time
however, was not ripe for so bold a policy; the
dreaded principles of revolution were once more
abroad. Chartism at home was affiliated to the
accursed thing. So, without absolutely allying our­
selves with the oppressors, Great Britain saw without
regret the re-establishment of autocracy, which to
her self-seeking merchants was so far preferable to the
rule of the people. Thus the general result of our
moral support of constitutionalism and Liberal prin­
ciples was the firm re-establishment of despotism in
Europe. At this period too was shown fully that
absolute agreement between Russia and Prussia
which has been the key to continental policy since
1821. Russia came forward in 1848 as the protector
of despotism in every country.
Germany and
Austria were completely under her thumb. Every
petty princeling whose throne had been pulled from
under him, stretched out his hands in prayer to the
deity of St. Petersburg to set him up straight again ;
and Nicholas, to do him justice, did his king-making
in fine old barbaric style. So long as these small fry,
from the King of Prussia downward, obeyed his
Imperial behests, and abstained from all tampering
with liberalism or revolution he was content to support
N

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them for the mere gratification of the thing. The
Power which held Poland could not afford that either
freedom or the rights of nationalities should be dis­
cussed in her neighbourhood. It was a revival of the
policy of the early portion of the century, in a more
pronounced shape. An armed barbarism lent its aid
to all the reactionary influences in Europe, and
Liberal England was content to stand aloof and wish
well to the oppressed nationalities, without raising a
hand to help them. Plad a more far-seeing plan
been adopted, the Crimean War, with its unfortunate
alliance with the Second Empire in France might
have been unnecessary.
Turkey was saved from Russia by that war, at the
expense of thousands of lives and a hundred millions
of money to this country. But for twenty years,
though the Liberal party was almost continuously in
office, no steps whatever were taken to reorganize the
Ottoman Empire, or to help the better elements to
organize themselves, whilst we lent the corrupt clique
of Pashas at Constantinople tens of millions, which
were squandered in corruption and debauchery. The
close of the Crimean War, however, was signalized by
a treaty, which could only have been reasonably
accepted by us if we had been defeated instead of vic­
torious. Hampered by our alliance with the Govern­
ment, and not with the people of France, we were con­
strained to make peace practically on the terms which
suited our ally. A step also was taken, without any
reference to the people of England, by the two English
Plenipotentiaries, which sacrificed the only important
weapon that an essentially naval power like ourselves

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179

has in a continental war. The history of the deplor­
able surrender is even yet not fully know ; its effect
we shall only feel when we are again opposed—as we
may be at any moment opposed—by a European
coalition directed against us.
During the long wars with France under the
Republic and Napoleon we held one great advantage,
but for which we could scarcely have faced the com­
bination which that great genius contrived to work up
against us. This went by the name of Maritime
Rights. Supreme on the ocean, and able to cover the
seas with a swarm of privateers, the carrying trade of
the world was at our mercy. The Right of Search was
the point on which this power hinged. This meant
that if neutral vessels were carrying our enemies’
goods, we had the right, whether contraband of war
or not, to stop those vessels and confiscate those
goods. Thus we could rely upon our real arm, that
which is given us by our geographical position and the
hereditary capacity of our men—the knowledge and
mastery of the sea. Time after time when the for­
tunes of the country had seemed at the lowest ebb,
this power sufficed to turn the tide in our favour.
Its possession made us a valuable ally to the most
powerful continental state ; whilst, as we have seen,
with the friendly connivance of Turkey it enabled us
to break up the famous continental blockade against
our goods. Naturally this unequalled weapon, for a
country of such wealth as ours, had been envied us by
the continent ever since we began to use it, and con­
stant efforts had been made by our rivals and enemies
to deprive us of it. Up to the date of the Congress
N 2

�i go

ENGLAND DOR all.

of Paris, however, all such pretensions had been
scouted by English statesmen as absolutely inadmis­
sible, and ruinous to our country. Nothing to the
contrary of this had or has ever been shown. The
cry of “ free ships, free goods,” had been raised by
those who wished the downfall of England’s influence ;
for once admitted, it reduced our fighting power to
nothing.
All these facts notwithstanding, Lord Clarendon and
Lord Cowley, acting in that spirit of the pure trading
interest which had then become really paramount in
English foreign politics, gave up by the Declaration
of Paris, without argument, debate, or proper authority,
those maritime rights which could alone enable the
growing democracy of these islands to exercise due
weight and influence in Europe. No such sacrifice has
ever been made by any country. That we should
permanently adhere to it is incredible. The United
States was guilty of no such folly. Her statesmen
declined to give up privateering, except under pro­
visions which they knew would not be accepted.
No long period can elapse before this whole question
is again brought forward. When it is, the people of
England should never cease to recall the fact that their
position in the world awakens the jealousies of other
nations, that these are the days of violent aggression
and secret combinations, and that the weapon, the
only weapon which nature has placed in our hands
wherewith with perfect freedom to face and overcome
the military despotisms of Europe, is that of being able
Jo dominate the commerce of the globe.
Soon after the Treaty of Paris, the Indian Mutiny

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181

broke out. It ended in the handing over of India to
the Government of the Crown. The effect of the com
quest of India upon our foreign policy has been two­
fold. First, the direct necessity of taking certain
strong places on the route to our great dependency,
and our alliance with the Porte. From England to
the East we hold a chain of posts which are essential
to the safety of our communications, but which render
us liable as time goes by to the maintenance con­
stantly in the Mediterranean of a fleet at least equal to
that of France and Italy combined. Secondly, our
hold upon India has greatly increased our timidity in
championing any great cause, and has turned our
attention from the sea, where our real strength lies, to
the land, on which our national aversion from conscrip­
tion must always make us fight at a disadvantage.
In India England is perforce a great military power;
and this, which is wholly at variance with our tradi­
tions—for, as has been well said, we are a warlike, but
not a military people—tinges the whole current of our
foreign policy. Indian policy on more than one occa­
sion has taken precedence of English ; Asiatic ideas
have had too great influence ; we have, in short, what
with fear of invasion, and dread of a rising in India
itself consequent upon misfortune in Europe, lost all
sense of proportion in considering the external rela­
tion of such a country as ours. Asiatic politics must
inevitably enter largely into our calculations merely on
the ground of our commercial interests ; but India,
with its 60,000 European troops, is, as at present
governed, a source of increasing weakness to the
people of these islands, who may find themselves

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seriously hampered at a great national crisis by the
necessity for protecting their countrymen in Hindostan. This will become more clear now that
our frontier all but marches with that of a great and
troublous military power. India, consequently, will
prove a more disturbing element in our foreign policy
of the future than it has been in the past.
With the Treaty of Paris, however, England may be
said to have entered practically on the stage of per­
manent non-intervention in continental affairs. Our
efforts to preserve peace when it was once understood
that under no circumstances whatever would we go
to war, became futile and even ludicrous. This was
apparent with regard to the French campaign against
Austria. Had we proclaimed our intention of siding
with either party, war would not have been declared.
But the establishment of the independence of Italy,
by French arms first, and by Garibaldi’s expedition
afterwards, met with the cordial sympathy of the
great mass of Englishman. Though the upper classes
still clung to the Austrian alliance, the people were
more clear-sighted, whilst Cavour’s happy moderation
reassured the middle class. Thus, all rejoiced at the
rise of Italy into a great power, and the extra­
ordinary reception accorded to Garibaldi by the
democracy of London, gave evidence that the real
feeling of Englishmen is with the peoples of the
continent, and needs but a proper occasion to mani­
fest itself in full force. The contest between the
North and the South in America, brought this truth
into stronger relief. Once more the upper and middle
classes, as in 1848 and 1859, linked themselves with

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183

the side of reaction, and that side, unfortunately for
their credit and influence, was this time the weaker.
Nothing finer is recorded than the behaviour of the
Lancashire operatives during that awful period of con­
tinuous want. The capitalists who employed them
showed no such real perception of the truth, and their
selfishness appeared in protesting against any scheme
which might remove the hands, and thus perhaps
raise wages on the return of trade. That by the way.
The fact that the working class saw that the issue lay
between freedom and despotism, and clung to their
opinion under every discouragement, is evidence of
a capacity which needs but education and organiza­
tion to have a deep effect in other fields of foreign
policy.
The hare-brained French expedition to Mexico
was the outcome of the American Civil War, and this
eventually brought the French Empire to destruction.
For no sooner was the shameless attack upon Denmark
by Prussia and Austria at an end—when German in­
fluence again appeared in our counsels—than the two
great Powers who took part in that act of brigandage
fell out themselves. The cooler-headed brigand fell
upon his neighbour, and by the victory of Sadowa the
supremacy of Germany was gained by Prussia. Here,
of course, was an end of all international law. Thence­
forward we have been living in an epoch of wrong and
robbery. France, crippled by the Mexican campaign,
could not afford to help Austria against Prussia and
Italy—merely, in fact, displaying her weakness to
a watchful enemy. England counted for nothing
in all this, and the only benefit which accrued to the

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peoples from the bloodshed and treachery was the
annexation of Venice by Italy. The extension of
the power of military Junker-ridden Prussia over the
pacific old Bund could only be viewed with satisfaction
by those who, whilst pretending to be Liberals, secretly
sympathize with brute force so long as it is organized
against the mass of mankind. In any case Prussia,
still closely allied with Russia, became the first Power
in Europe, and the next move was merely a matter
of time and opportunity.
By the year 1870 England had not only ceased
to have a continental policy, but she positively
had not the least idea of what was going on. It is
really alarming, especially at a time like the present,
to note the depth of ignorance in the English Foreign
Office eleven years ago. At the very moment when
the Frederick the Great of modern diplomatic Ger­
many had made up his mind to strike France once
for all, and had contrived to “ localize ” the war after
his favourite fashion by arrangements with Russia
and Italy, our Foreign Office had come to the con­
clusion that no elements of war so much as remained
in Western Europe at all. France was easily over­
thrown ; and England, unfortunately for our credit
and our interests, refused to help the Republic which
rose upon the ruins of the Empire. Then, if the
phrase ever meant anything, was the time to show
the meaning of a real balance of power. France had
been beaten ; the Empire, with its wretched array of
stock-jobbers and intriguers, had been swept away.
So far we had no right to interfere; but the people
of France were in nowise responsible for the errors of

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185

Napoleon ; and a bold policy would have rallied Italy
and Austria at once to our side, to prevent a brave
nation from being crushed. That course was not
adopted, and any remonstrance met with insolence from
the German Government. Our position became indeed
that for which our non-interventionists had striven.
Of course further plots could be carried on inde­
pendently of any consideration for the only Power
in Europe which has no real interest except in fair
play to the peoples.
It is needless to pass through the long and troubled
period which began with the Austrian imperial intrigues
in Bosnia and the Herzegovina, the Servian War, and
can scarcely be said to have ended with the Treaty
of Berlin. That a whole scheme was laid down for
the partition of the Ottoman Empire by the renewed
Holy Alliance, is clear. Russia, Germany, and
Austria had each their portions assigned, whilst the
advantages to be received by France and England
were doubtless considered ; perhaps the latter might
be content with nothing at all. The Bulgarian
atrocities helped Russia to carry out her part of the
programme, though the weakness engendered by the
war has certainly not been repaid by the advantages
she has as yet secured. England’s part in the business
has again been most unsatisfactory. A war in Europe
was avoided ; but a war in Asia was begun, which
has saddled our impoverished dependency with a
fearful expenditure. By showing, however, even a
moderately bold front in Europe, the Conservative
Government proved conclusively the influence which
England could exert, if only casting aside all lust for

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territory, and all underhand intrigue, she stood once
more with clean hands before the world as the reso­
lute champion of justice and freedom, honesty and pub­
lic faith. Then she could rally to her side the alliances
of the future, beside which the possession of Cyprus,
or even the control of Constantinople and Asia Minor
would seem mean and contemptible. But the result of
the game of brag which the last Government played
was not creditable. Instead of holding forth a plain,
intelligible policy to Englishmen, and appealing to
them to stand by even a downright Tory self-assertion,
there was a mixture of trimming and secrecy, of com­
promise and timidity, which spoke of divided counsels
and irresolute minds. The people of England there­
fore refused to go “ blind ” into a business which com­
bined secret agreements abroad with the threat of
reaction in Ireland and at home. These, happily, are
the days of democracy, publicity, and open speech.
The statesman who is ambitious to lead England in
such times must take the people into his confidence,
and convince them that he is using their influence and
their power not ‘merely for selfish national interests,
but for the best interests of Europe and the world.
That the result of our secret diplomacy and party
foreign policy has not yet been fully seen is plain
enough. Non-intervention to start with, and secret
bargaining to end with, have landed us in a very un­
enviable position. The nation refused to countersign
the policy of the Conservative Government, and the
Liberals came in with the promise of a special under­
standing with France and perfect openness to the
country. France has so far dissembled her love for

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the Liberal administration that she has kicked our
Foreign Secretary downstairs at three bounds. Greece,
the Commercial Treaty, and Tunis, are evidences of
the perfect entente cordiale which exists. The last
coup was the worst of all, for it came after assurances
of the most solemn nature that nothing whatever was
meant. Can we be surprised ? A policy of pure
selfishness has ended in our complete isolation. The
behaviour of France is shameful, and contrary to her
best interest. Granted. The treatment which we
have received in the matter would in different times
have led to a rupture of friendly relations between
the two countries. But at this moment we cannot
rely upon a single ally on the continent; and for all
we know, arrangements may be contemplated which
would occasion us very grave uneasiness.
For those who talk of non-intervention forget that
we have entered into definite guarantees, which the
least bellicose among us could not wish to shirk.
The overthrow of international law, which is pretty
complete now, would be fully accomplished indeed,
if England were to withdraw from her defence of
liberal little Belgium. We have had of late very
valuable experience as to what the concert of Europe
amounts to when booty is in the wind. It is more
than probable that the redistribution of territory
and power, which began in 1866, will not be con­
fined to Eastern Europe. Should we desire, then, to
see the same sort of morality, which is good enough
for Turks, applied to Dutch, Belgians, and Swiss ?
The idea that justice influences either republics or
empires in these days had better be laid aside for the

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present as the figment that it is. A power which
could act as France has acted about Tunis, would
have small scruple in using similar tactics nearer
home.
But even more important to us than any bargaining
which may be going on, is the general aspect of
European affairs. We see four, not to say five, great
Powers absolutely bowed down with the weight of
their military expenditure ; whilst the great country
which in 1848 acted as the guardian of autocracy
in Europe, hovers between bankruptcy and revo­
lution. Whatever else may be doubtful, this is past
all question, neither Germany nor Austria can per­
manently bear the strain of the tremendous armaments
now kept up. For these armaments not only exhaust
the resources of the several countries, but prepare the
ground for internal revolution of the most serious
character. It is not Russia alone which is honey­
combed with secret societies and festering disaffection.
There, indeed, the situation is graver than elsewhere.
Over-taxation, the drain of produce to Western
Europe, the influence of capitalism, and the break up
of the Mir coming at a time of serious famine, have
produced a state of affairs throughout the Empire
which would probably lead to revolution in one shape
or another, if the Nihilists had never been heard of.
That extraordinary conspiracy is but the natural out­
come of a still more remarkable condition below.
Western civilization, with all its paraphernalia of
stockjobbing, corruption, and extravagance, has been
imposed on a country but just emerging from
barbarism, Almost anything may occur in such cif’

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cumstances. The murder of the late Czar shocked
Europe : but the cruelties which led up to that crime
were really even more shocking than'the revenge. More
people were swept off to Siberia without trial by the
benevolent Alexander II. than ever found their way
thither within an equal period during the worst days
of the reign of Nicholas. Now there is another Czar,
who lives in constant fear for his life; and the recent
changes seem to betoken a continuance of autocratic
rule at home, combined possibly with a renewal of
aggression abroad. Men live as in expectation of an
earthquake; and the attacks upon the Jews and other
money-lenders in Southern Russia look like the pre­
monitory shocks.
If the disturbances do begin in earnest in Russia,
they are almost certain to lap over into other
countries. Already the grave social issues involved
in the existing capitalist system as applied to agri­
culture and business are being debated with increasing
earnestness all over Europe. In Germany the party
of the Social Democrats has gained strength of late
years to a surprising extent, notwithstanding the
pressure of similar laws to those which we are now
applying with such great success in Ireland. Con­
scription does but give the disaffected more confidence;
and as they see that peaceful agitation is considered
a crime, the propaganda might easily assume a more
dangerous shape. A military system like that of
Germany carries with it the certainty of its own
destruction at no distant date. All Prince Bismarck’s
unscrupulous energy will not suffice to stop the
current of ideas which show men how and why they

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are robbed and oppressed.' In Austria the agrarian
difficulty is assuming daily a graver aspect. Nor is it
the less serious because the people have not as yet
dissociated the agitation from religion or loyalty.
They scarcely understand themselves how it is that
capitalism and difference of value impoverish them.
In France a party holding similar views to that of the
Labour party in Germany, has been formed, and they
alone have had the courage to protest against the
attack on Tunis, as contrary to the interest and the
true sense of morality of the French people.
How far these various socialist bodies in Russia,
Germany, Austria, France, and Italy, would act
together in any general programme may be doubtful.
But these organizations—consisting almost exclu­
sively of working men—alone seem to have grasped
the truth that the people of the various countries have
nothing to expect from war but loss and suffering ;
consequently they alone are prepared to consider
existing difficulties with a view to their peaceful
settlement. Men who hold that their class is under­
going suffering and misery because the workers of
all nations are not sufficiently at one, will not be
likely to foment those national hatreds which are in­
variably turned to the aggrandisement of individuals.
But this rising feeling of democracy, this growing dis­
inclination of the men who work to be handled any
longer for the advantage of emperors, aristocrats or
even bond-buyers, is viewed with very uneasy eyes by
the military powers of Europe. It is not the
assassination of the- late Czar, or threats against the
present, which are drawing together “ saviours of

�FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

191

society on the continent. They see that, let affairs
in Russia take what turn they may, another and more
serious ’48 movement is going on below the surface,
which they wish beforehand to encounter and defeat.
Hence the attempts to bring about some understand­
ing with reference to the surrender of political re­
fugees, and the demands which have been made, or
will be made, upon us.
Now arises an important question for us English­
men—and especially for those of the working classes
—to decide. Will they in the coming struggle
between militarism and democracy lend their aid in
any way to the former, or even stand aloof and see
the peoples of Europe repressed as they were a gene­
ration since ? I judge not. Jealousy of this or that
nation there may be for a time, and French vanity
and unfortunate spread-eagleism may render all
combinations in Western Europe impossible. But
with the rising feeling of democracy here at home,
any understanding with reaction as in old days would
be ruinous to the party which attempted it, as any
effort to convert us into a military power may be
fatal to our existing system of government. As time
has passed on, it has become more and more clear
that in the direction of the national inclination of the
great majority of Englishmen lies at the same time
the most advantageous policy for England. Lying
apart from the continent of Europe, and practically
free from the risk of invasion, we can not only
shelter men who are driven from their country for
mere political offences, but we can rightfully stand
forth at the critical moment on behalf of those who at

�ENGLAND FOR ALL.

present think that England must necessarily range
herself on the side of a conservatism which has come
to be revolutionary. Each nation, doubtless, must
work out its own social troubles ; but a combination
of despotisms can only be met and overcome by a
combination of peoples. The true alliances for
England in the future are the democracies of Europe,
and her real strength is on the sea.

�CONCLUSION.

193

CONCLUSION.
THUS in every direction the policy of the demo­
cracy is clear and well-defined. Freedom, social
reorganization, thorough unity at home, justice, selfgovernment, and consideration for our colonies and
dependencies, and a warm friendship and ready assis­
tance for the oppressed peoples abroad,—such is the
work we are called upon to begin and carry out.
Democracy, which the so-called “ governing classes ”
jeer at as anarchy, incapacity, and self-seeking, means
a close federation, first, of our own people and next
of the workers of the civilized world. This is a policy
not of to-day or of to-morrow, now to be taken up
and again to be laid aside ; it is an undertaking in
which each can continuously bear his share, and
hand on the certainty of success to his fellow.
The current of events will help on the cause of the
people. Within the past generation greater changes
have been wrought than in centuries of human exis­
tence before. For the first time in the history of
mankind the whole earth is at our feet. Railways,
telegraphs, steam communications, have but just
begun to exercise an influence. Education and in­
tercourse are breaking down the barriers of ages.
The men who do the work of the world are learning
from one another how it is that the poor and the
o

�194

ENGLAND FOR ALL.

miserable, the unfortunate and the weak, suffer and
fall by the wayside. In our own country, which has
led the way to the new stage of social development,
all can see that the lot of the many is sad, whilst the
few are rich and luxurious far beyond what is bene­
ficial even to them. Our action in redress of these
inequalities and better ordering of our affairs will
guide and encourage the world. We, perhaps, alone
among the peoples can carry out with peace, order,
and contentment those changes which continental
revolutionists have sought through anarchy and
bloodshed. Religion, which should have helped in
this striving for a happier period, has suffered the
rich and powerful to twist its teachings to their own
account. Now, therefore, is the time, in the face of
difficulties and dangers which threaten from many
quarters, for Englishmen of all classes,’ creeds, and
conditions to push aside the petty bickerings of
faction or the degrading influence of mere selfish
interests, to the end that by sympathy and fellowfeeling for their own and for others they may hold
up a nobler ideal to mankind. Such an ideal is not
unreal or impracticable. Not as yet of course can we
hope to realize more than a portion of that for which
we strive. But if only we are true to one another, and
stand together in the fight, the brightness of the future
is ours—the day before us and the night behind. So,
when those who come after look back to these islands
as we now look back to Athens or Palestine, they shall
say,—“ This was glory—this true domination ; these
men builded on eternal foundations their might,
majesty, dominion, and power.”

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                    <text>A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM:
BEING

A LECTURE
DELIVERED IN

MERCANTILE HALL, BOSTON,

APRIL 10, 1861,

BY MRS. ERNESTINE L. ROSE.

BOSTON: •
PUBLISHED BY J. P. MENDUM, INVESTIGATOR OFFICE.

1881.

��A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

My Friends :—In undertaking the inquiry of
the existence of a God, I am fully conscious of
the difficulties 1 have to encounter. I am well
aware that the very question produces in most
minds a feeling of awe, as if stepping on forbid­
den ground, too holy and sacred for mortals to
approach. The very question strikes them with
horror, and it is owing to this prejudice so deeply
implanted by education, and also strengthened by
public sentiment, that so few are willing to give it
a fair and impartial investigation,—knowing but
too well that it casts a stigma and reproach upon
any person bold enough to undertake the task,
unless his previously known opinions are a guar­
antee that his conclusions would be in accordance
and harmony with the popular demand. But be­
lieving, as I do, that Truth only is beneficial, and
Error, from whatever source, and under whatever
name, is pernicious to man, I consider no place
too holy, no subject too sacred, for man’s earnest
investigation; for by so doing only can we arrive
at Truth, learn to discriminate it from Error, and
be able to accept the one and reject the other.
Nor is this the only impediment in the way of
this inquiry. The question arises, Where shall
we begin ? We have been told, that “ by search­
ing none can find out God,” which has so far

�4

A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

proved true ; for, as yet, no one has ever been
able to find him. The most strenuous believer
has to acknowledge that it is only a belief, but he
knows nothing on the subject. Where, then, shall
we search for his existence? Enter the material
world ; ask the Sciences whether they can disclose
the mystery ? Geology speaks of the structure of
the Earth, the formation of the different strata, of
coal, of granite, of the whole mineral kingdom.—
It reveals the remains and traces of animals long
extinct, but gives us no clue whereby we may
prove the existence of a God.
Natural history gives us a knowledge of the
animal kingdom in general; the different organ­
isms, structures, and powers of the various species.
Physiology teaches the nature of man, the laws
that govern his being, the functions of the vital
organs, and the conditions upon which alone health
and life depend. Phrenology treats of the laws
of mind, the different portions of the brain, the
temperaments, the organs, how to develop some
and repress others to produce a well balanced and
healthy condition. But in the whole animal econ­
omy—though the brain is considered to be a “ mi­
crocosm,” in which may be traced a resemblance
or relationship with everything in Nature—not a
spot can be found to indicate the existence of a
God.
Mathematics lays the foundation of all the ex­
act sciences. It teaches the art of combining num­
bers, of calculating and measuring distances, bow
to solve problems, to weigh mountains, to fathom
the depths of the ocean; but gives no directions
how to ascertain the existence of a God.
Enter Nature's great laboratory—Chemistry.—
She will speak to you of the various elements,
their combinations and uses, of the gasses con­

�A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

5

stantly evolving and combining in different pro­
portions, producing all the varied objects, the in­
teresting and important phenomena we behold.
She proves the indestructibility of matter, and its
inherent property—motion; but in all her opera­
tions, no demonstrable fact can be obtained to in­
dicate the existence of a God.
Astronomy tells us of the wonders of the Solar
System—the eternally revolving planets, the ra­
pidity and certainty of their motions, the distance
from* planet to planet, from star to star. It pre­
dicts with astonishing and marvellous precision
the phenomena of eclipses, the visibility upon our
Earth of comets, and proves the immutable law
of gravitation, but is entirely silent on the exist­
ence of a God.
In fine, descend into the bowels of the Earth,
and you will learn what it contains; into the
depths of the ocean, and you will find the inhab­
itants of the great deep; but neither in the Earth
above, nor the waters below, can you obtain any
knowledge of his existence. Ascend into the
heavens, and enter the “ milky way.” go from
planet to planet to the remotest star, and ask the
eternally revolving systems, Where is God ? and
Echo answers, Where ?
The Universe of Matter gives us no record of
his existence. Where next shall we search ? En­
ter the Universe of Mind, read the millions of
volumes written on the subject, and in all the
speculations, the assertions, the assumptions, the
theories, and the creeds, you can only find Man
stamped in an indelible impress his own mind on
every page. In describing his God, he delineated
his own character: the picture he drew represents
in living and ineffaceable -colors the epoch of his
existence—the period he lived in.

�6

A DEFENCE OF /THEISM.

It was a great mistake to say that God made
man in his image. Man, in all ages, made his
God in his own image; and we find that just in
accordance with his civilization, his knowledge,
his experience, his taste, his refinement, his sense
of right, of justice, of freedom, and humanity,—so
has he made his God. But whether coarse or re­
fined ; cruel and vindictive, or kind and generous;
an implacable tyrant, or a gentle and loving fa­
ther ;—it still was the emanation of his own mind
—the picture of himself.
But, you ask, how came it that man thought or
wrote about God at all? The answer is very sim­
ple. Ignorance is the mother of Superstition. In
proportion to man’s ignorance is he superstitious—
does he believe in the mysterious. The very name
has a charm for him. Being unacquainted with
the nature and laws of things around him, with
the true causes of the effects he witnessed, he as­
cribed them to false ones—to supernatural agen­
cies. The savage, ignorant of the mechanism of
a watch, attributes the ticking to a spirit. The
so-called civilized man, equally ignorant of the
mechanism of the Universe, and the laws which
govern it, ascribes it to the same erroneous cause.
Before electricity was discovered, a thunder-storm
was said to come from the wrath of an offended
Deity. To this fiction of man’s uncultivated mind,
has been attributed all of good and of evil, of wis­
dom and of folly. Man has talked about him,
written about-him, disputed about him, fought
about him,—sacrificed himself, and extirpated his
fellow man. Rivers of blood and oceans of tears
have been shed to please him, yet no one has ever
been able to demonstrate his existence.
But the Bible, we are told, reveals this great
mystery. Where Nature is dumb, and Man igno­

�A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

7

rant, Revelation speaks in the authoritative voice
of prophecy. Then let us see whether that Reve­
lation can stand the test of reason and of truth.—
God, we are told, is omnipotent, omniscient, om­
nipresent,—all wise, all just, and all good; that
he is perfect. So far, so well; for less than per­
fection were unworthy of a God. The first act
recorded of him is, that he created the world out
of nothing; but unfortunately the revelation of
Science—Chemistry—which is based not on writ­
ten words, but demonstrable facts, says that Noth­
ing has no existence, and therefore out of Nothing,
Nothing could be made. Revelation tells us that
the world was created in six days. Here Geolo­
gy steps in and says, that it requires thousands of
ages to form the various strata of the earth. The
Bible tells us that the earth was flat and station­
ary, and the sun moves around the earth. Co­
pernicus and Galileo flatly deny this 7^ assertion,
and demonstrate by Astronomy that the earth is
spherical, and revolves around the sun. Revela­
tion tells us that on the fourth day God created
the sun, moon, and stars. This, Astronomy calls
a moo» story, and says that the first three days,
before the great torchlight was manufactured and
suspended in the great lantern above, must have
been rather dark.
The division of the waters above trom the wa­
ters below, and the creation of the minor objects,
I pass by, and come at once to the sixth day.
Having finished, in five days, this stupendous
production, with its mighty mountains, its vast
seas, its fields and woods; supplied the waters
with fishes—from the whale that Jonah swal­
lowed to the little Dutch herring; peopled the
woods with inhabitants—from the tiger, the lion,
the bear, tire elephant with his trunk, the drome­

�8

A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

dary with his hump, the deer with his antlers
the nightingale with her melodies, down to the
serpent which tempted mother Eve ; covered the
fields with vegetation, decorated the gardens with
flowers, hung the trees with fruits; and survey­
ing this glorious world as it lay spread out like a
map before him, the question naturally suggested
itself. What is it all for, unless there were beings
capable of admiring, of appreciating, and of en­
joying the delights this beautiful world could af­
ford ? And suiting the action to the impulse, he
said,
Let us make man.” “ So God created
man in his own image; in the image of God cre­
ated he him, male and female created he them.”
I presume by the Term “image,” we are not to
understand a near resemblance of face or form,
but in the image or likeness of his knowledge, his
power, his wisdom, and perfection. Having thus
made man, he placed him (them) in the garden
of Eden the loveliest and most enchanting spot
at the very head of creation, and bade them (with
the single restriction not to eat of the tree of
knowledge,) to live, to love, and to be happy.
What a delightful picture, could we only rest
here ! But did these beings, fresh from the hand
of omnipotent wisdom, in whose image they were
made, answer the great object of their creation?
Alas ! no. No sooner were they installed in their
Paradisean home, than they violated the first, the
only injunction given them, and fell from their
high estate; and not only they, but by a singular
justice of that very merciful Creator, their inno­
cent posterity to all coming generations, fell with
them ! Does that bespeak wisdom and perfec­
tion in the Creator, or in the creature ? But what
was the cause of this tremendous fall, which frus­
trated the whole design of the creation ? The

�A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

9

serpent tempted mother Eve, and she, like a good
wife, tempted her husband. But did God not
know when he created the serpent, that it would
tempt the woman, and that she was made out of
such frail materials, (the rib of Adam,) as not to
be able to resist the temptation? If he did not
know, then his knowledge was at fault; if he
did, but could not prevent that calamity, then his
power was at fault; if he knew and could, but
would not, then his goodness was at fault. Choose
which you please, and it remains alike fatal to the
rest.
Revelation tells us that God made man perfect,
and found him imperfect; then he pronounced all
things good, and found them most desperately
bad. “ And God saw that the wickedness of man
was great in the earth, and that every imagina­
tion of the thought of his heart was evil continu­
ally. And it repented the Lord that he had made
man on the earth, and it grieved him at his heart.”
ct And the Lord said, I will destroy man whom
I have created, from the face of the earth ; both
man and beasts, and the creeping things, and the
fowls of the air, for it repenteth me that I have
made them.” So he destroyed everything, except
Noah with his family, and a few household pets.
Why he saved them is hard to say, unless it was
to reserve materials as stock in hand to commence
a new world with; but really, judging of the
character of those he saved, by their descendants,
it strikes me it would have been much better, and
given him far less trouble, to have let them slip
also, and with his improved experience made a
new world out of fresh and superior materials.
As it was, this wholesale destruction even, was
a failure. The world was not. one jot better after
the flood than before. His chosen children were

�10

A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

just as bad as ever, and he had to send his proph­
ets, again and again, to threaten, to frighten, to
coax, to cajole, and to flatter them into good be­
haviour. But all to no effect. They grew worse
and worse: and having made a covenant with
Noah after he had sacrificed of “ every clean
beast and of every clean fowl,”—“ The Lord
smelt the sweet savour; ai\d the Lord said in his
heart, I will not again curse the ground any more
for man’s sake; for the imagination of man’s
heart is evil from his youth ; neither will I again
smite any more everything living, as I have done.”
And so he was forced to resort to the last sad al­
ternative of sending “his only begotten son,” his
second self, to save them. But alas! “ his own
received him not,” and so he was obliged to
adopt the Gentiles, and die to save the world.
Did he succeed, even then ? Is the world saved ?
Saved I From what? From ignorance ? It is all
around us. From poverty, vice, crime, sin, mis­
ery, and shame ? It abounds everywhere. Look
into your poor-houses, your prisons, your lunatic
asylums; contemplate the whip, the instruments
of torture, and of death ; ask the murderer, or his
victim ; listen to the ravings of the maniac, the
sirieks of distress, the groans of despair; mark
the cruel deeds of the tyrant, the crimes of slave­
ry, and the suffering of the oppressed; count the
millions of lives lost by fire, by water, and by the
sword; measure the blood spilled, the tears shed,
the sighs of agony'- drawn from the expiring vic­
tims on the altar of fanaticism;—and tell me from
what the world was saved? And why was it not
saved? Why does God still permit these horrors
to afflict the race? Does omniscience not know
it? Could omnipotence not do it? Would infi­
nite wisdom, power, and goodness allow his chil­

�A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

11

dren thus to live, to suffer, and to die? No!
Humanity revolts against such a supposition.
Ah ! not now, not here, says the believer. Here­
after will he save them. Save them hereafter!
From what? From the apple eaten by our mo­
ther Eve? What a mockery! If a rich parent
were to let his children live in ignorance, poverty,
and wretchedness, all their lives, and hold out to
them the promise of a fortune at some time here­
after, he would justly be considered a criminal, or
a madman. The parent is responsible to his off­
spring—the Creator to the creature.
The testimony of Revelation has failed. Its
account of the creation of the material world is
disproved by science. Its account of the creation
of man in the image of perfection is disproved by
its own internal evidence. To test the Bible God
by justice and benevolence, he could not be good ;
to test him by reason and knowledge, he could
not be wise; to test him by the light of truth, the
rule of consistency, we must come to the inevita­
ble conclusion that, like the Universe of matter­
and of mind, this pretended Revelation has also
failed to demonstrate the existence of a God.
Methinks I hear the believer say, you are un­
reasonable ; you demand an impossibility; we
are finite, and therefore cannot understand, much
less define and demonstrate the infinite. Just so !
But if I am unreasonable in asking you to demon­
strate the existence of the being you wish me to
believe in, are you not infinitely more unreason­
able to expect me to believe—blame, persecute,
and punish me for not believing—in what you
have to acknowledge you cannot understand ?
But, says the Christian, the world exists, and
therefore there must have been a God to create it.
That does not follow. The mere fact of its exist­

�12

A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

ence does not prove a Creator. Then how came
the Universe into existence? We do not know ;
but the ignorance of man is certainly no proof of
the existence of a God. Yet upon that very igno­
rance has it been predicated, and is maintained.
From the little knowledge we have, we are justi­
fied in the assertion that the Universe never was
created, from the simple fact that not one atom of
it can ever be annihilated. To suppose a Uni­
verse created, is to suppose a time when it did not
exist, and that is a self-evident absurdity. Be­
sides, where was the Creator before it was creat­
ed ? Nay, where is he now? Outside of that
Universe, which means the all in all, above, be­
low, and around? That is another absurdity. Is
he contained within? Then he can be only a
part, for the whole includes all the parts. If only
a part., then he could not be its Creator, for a part
cannot create the whole. But the world could not
have made itself. True; nor could God have
made himself; and if you must have a God to
make the world, you will be under the same ne­
cessity to have another to make him, and others
still to make them, and so on until reason and
common sense are at a stand-still.
The same argument applies to a First Cause.
We can no more admit of a first than a last cause.
What is a first cause ? The one immediately pre­
ceding the last effect, which was an effect to a
cause in its turn—an effect to causes, themselves
effects. All we know is an eternal chain of cause
and effect, without beginning as without end.
But is there no evidence of intelligence, of de­
sign, and consequently of a designer? I see no
evidence of either. What is intelligence? It is
not a thing, a substance, an existence in itself, but
simply a property of matter, manifesting itself

�A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

13

through organizations. We have no knowledge
of, nor can we conceive of, intelligence apart from
organized matter: and we find that from the small­
est and simplest insect, through all the links and
gradations in Nature’s great chain, up to Man—
just in accordance with the organism, the amount,
and quality of brain, so are the capacities to re­
ceive impressions, the power to retain them, and
the abilities to manifest and impart them to others,
namely, to have its peculiar nature cultivated and
developed, so as to bear mental fruits, just as the
cultivated earth bears vegetation—physical fruits.
Not being able to recognize an independent intelli­
gence, I can perceive no design or designer except
in the works of man.
But, says Paley, does the watch not prove u
watchmaker—a design, and therefore a designer ?
How much more then does the Universe? Yes;
the watch shows design, and the watchmaker did
not leave us in the dark on the subject, but clearly
and distinctly stamped his design on the face of the
watch. Is it as clearly stamped on the Universe?
Where is the design, in the oak to grow to its ma­
jestic height ? or in the thunderbolt that rent it
asunder? In the formation of the wing of the
bird, to enable it to fly, in accordance with the
promptings of its nature ? or in the sportsman to
shoot it down while flying? In the butterfly to
dance in the sunshine? or its being crushed in the
tiny fingers of a child ? Design in man’s capacity
for the acquisition of knowledge, or in his groping
in ignorance? In the necessity to obey the laws
of health, or .in the violation of them, which pro­
duces disease ? In the desire to be happy, or in
the causes that prevent it, and make him live in
toil, misery, and suffering ?
The watchmaker not only stamped his design

�14

A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

on the face of the watch, but he teaches how to
wind it up when run down; how to repair the
machinery when out of order; and how to put a
new spring in when the old one is broken, and
leave the watch as good as ever. Does the great
Watchmaker, as he is called, show the same in­
telligence and power in keeping, or teaching oth­
ers to keep, this contemplated mechanism—Man
-—always in good order? and when the life-spring
is broken replace it with another, and leave him
just the same? If an Infinite Intelligence designed
man to possess knowledge, he could not be igno­
rant; to be healthy, he could not be diseased; to
be virtuous, he could not be vicious ; to be wise,
he could not act so foolish as to trouble himself
about the Gods, and neglect his own best interests.
But, says the believer, here is a wonderful adapt­
ation of means to ends; the eye to see, the ear to
hear,. &amp;c. Yes, this is very wonderful; but not
one jot more so, than if the eye were made to
hear, and the ear to see. The supporters of De­
sign use sometimes very strange arguments. A
friend of mine, a very intelligent man, with quite
a scientific taste, endeavored once to convince me
of a Providential design, from the fact that a fish,
which had always lived in the Mammoth Cave of
Kentucky, was entirely blind. Here, said he, is
strong evidence; in that dark cave, where noth­
ing was to be seen, the fish needed no eyes, and
therefore it has none. He forgot the demonstrable
fact that the element of light is indispensable in
the formation of the organ of sight, without which
it could not be formed, and no Providence, or
Gods, could enable the fish to see. That fish
story reminds me of the Methodist preacher who
proved the wisdom and benevolence of Providence
in always placing the rivers near large cities, and

�A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

15

death at the end of life ; for Oh 1 my dear hearers,
said he, what would have become of us had he
placed it at the beginning?
Everything is wonderful, and wonderful just in
proportion as we are ignorant; but that proves no
“design” or “designer.” But did things come by
chance ? I am asked. Oh ! no. There is no such
thing as chance. It exists only in the perverted,
mind of the believer, who, while insisting that
God was the cause of everything, leaves Him
without any cause. The Atheist believes as little
in the one as in the other. He knows that no ef­
fect could exist without an adequate cause ; that
everything in the Universe is governed by laws.
The Universe is one vast chemical laboratory,
in constant operation, by her internal forces. The
laws or principles of attraction, cohesion, and re­
pulsion, produce in never-ending succession the
phenomena of composition, decomposition, and
recomposition. The how, we are too ignorant to
understand, too modest to presume, and too hon­
est to profess. Had man been a patient and im­
partial inquirer, and not with childish presump­
tion attributed everything he could not under­
stand, to supernatural causes, given names to hide
his ignorance, but observed the operations of Na­
ture, he would undoubtedly have known more,
been wiser, and happier.
As it is, Superstition has ever been the great
impediment to the acquisition of knowledge. Ev­
ery progressive step of man clashed against the
two-edged sword of Religion, to whose narrow re­
strictions he had but too often to succumb, or
march onward at the expense of interest, reputa­
tion, and even life itself.
But, we are told, that Religion is natural; the
belief in a God universal. Were it natural, then

�16

A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

it would indeed be universal; but it is not. We
have ample evidence to the contrary. According
to Dr. Livingstone, there are whole tribes or na­
tions, civilized, moral, and virtuous; yes, so hon­
est that they expose their goods for sale without
guard or value set upon them, trusting to the
honor of the purchaser to pay its proper price.—
Yet these people have not the remotest idea of a
God, and he found it impossible to impart it to
them. And in all ages of the world, some of the
most civilized, the wisest, and the best, were en­
tire unbelievers, only they dared not openly avow
it, except at the risk of their lives. Proscription,
the torture, and the stake, were found most effi­
cient means to seal the lips of heretics ; and though
the march of progress has broken the infernal ma­
chines, and extinguished the fires of\the Inquisi­
tion, the proscription, and more refined but not
less cruel and bitter persecutions of an intolerant
and bigoted public opinion, in Protestant coun­
tries, as well as in Catholic, on account of belief,
are quite enough to prevent men from honestly
avowing their true sentiments upon the subject.—
Hence there are few possessed of the moral cour­
age of a Humboldt.
If the belief in a God were natural, there would
be no need to teach it. Children would possess it
as well as adults, the layman as the priest, the
heathen as much as the missionary. We don’t
have to teach the general elements of human na­
ture,—the five senses, seeing, hearing, smelling,
tasting, and feeling. They are universal; so
would religion be were it natural, but it is not.
On the contrary, it is an interesting and demon­
strable fact, that all children are Atheists, and
were religion not inculcated into their minds they
would remain so. Even as it’is, they are great

�A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

17

sceptics, until made sensible of the potent weapon
by which religion has ever beyn propagated, name­
ly, fear—fear of the lash of public opinion here,
and of a jealous, vindictive God hereafter. No •
there is no religion in human nature, nor human
nature in religion. It is purely artificial, the re­
sult of education. while Atheism is natural, and,
were the human mind not perverted and bewil­
dered by the mysteries and follies of superstition,
would be universal.
But the people have been made to believe that
were it not for religion, the world would be de­
stroyed-;—man would become a monster, chaos
and confusion would reign supreme. These erro­
neous notions conceived in ignorance, propagated
by superstition, and kept alive by an interested
and corrupt priesthood who fatten on the credulity
of the public, are very difficult to be eradicated.
But sweep all the belief in the supernatural
from the face of the earth, and the world would
remain just the same. The seasons would follow
each other in their regular succession ; the stars
would shine in the firmament; the sun would
shed his benign and vivifying influence of light
and heat upon us; the clouds would discharge
their burden in gentle and refreshing showers;
the cultivated fields would bring forth vegetation ;
summer would ripen the golden grain, ready for
harvest; the trees would bear fruits; the birds
would sing in accordance with their happy in­
stinct, and all Nature would smile as joyously
around us as ever. Nor would man degenerate.
Oh ! no. His nature, too, would remain the same.
He would have to be obedient to the physical,
mental, and moral laws of his being, or suffer
the natural penalty for their violation; observe
the mandates of society, or receive the punish­

�18

A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

ment. His affections would be just as warm,
the love of self-preservation as strong, the desire
for happiness and the fear of pain as great. He
would love freedom, justice, and truth, and hate
oppression, fraud, and falsehood, as much as ever.
Sweep all belief in the supernatural from the
globe, and you would chase away the whole fra­
ternity of spectres, ghosts, and hobgoblins, which
have so befogged and bewildered the human
mind, that hardly a clear ray of the light of Rea­
son can penetrate it. You would cleanse and puri­
fy the heart of the noxious, poisonous weeds of
superstition, with its bitter, deadly fruits—hypoc­
risy, bigotry, and intolerance, and fill it with
charity and forbearance towards erring humanity.
You would give man courage to sustain him in
trials and misfortune, sweeten his temper, give
him a new zest for the duties, the virtues, and the
pleasures of life.
Morality does not depend on the belief inany
religion. History gives ample evidence that the
more belief the less virtue and goodness. Nor
need we go back to ancient times to see the crimes
and atrocities perpetrated under .its sanction. We
have enough in our own times. Look at the
present crisis—at the South with 4,000,000 of
human beings in slavery, bought and sold like
brute chattels under the sanction of religion and
of God, which the Reverends Van Dykes and the
Raphalls of the North fully endorse, and the
South complains that the reforms in the North are
owing to Infidelity. Morality depends on an accu­
rate knowledge of the nature of man, of the laws
that govern his being, the principles of right, of
justice, and humanity, and the conditions requi­
site to make him healthy, rational, virtuous, and
happy.

�A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

19

The belief in a God has failed to produce this
desirable end. On the contrary, while it could
not make man better, it has made him worse ; for
in preferring blind faith in things unseen and un­
known to virtue and morality, in directing his at­
tention from the known to the unknown, from the
real to the imaginary, from the certain here to a
fancied hereafter, from the fear of himself, of the
natural result of vice and crime, to some whimsi­
cal despot, it perverted his judgment, degraded
him in his own estimation, corrupted his feelings,
destroyed his sense of right, of justice, and of
truth, and made him a moral coward and a hypo­
crite. The lash of a hereafter is no guide for us
here. Distant fear cannot control present passion.
It is much easier to confess your sins in the dark,
than to acknowledge them in the light: to make
it up with a God you don’t see, than with a man
whom you do. Besides, religion has always left
a back door open for sinners to creep out of at the
eleventh hour. But teach man to do right, to
love justice, to revere truth, to be virtuous, not be­
cause a God would reward or punish him here­
after, but because it is right; and as every act
brings its own reward or its own punishment, it
wouid best promote his interest by promoting the
welfare of society. Let him feel the great truth
that our highest happiness consists in making all
around us happy ; and it would be an infinitely
truer and safer guide for man to a life of useful­
ness, virtue, and morality, than all the beliefs in
all the Gods ever imagined.
The more refined and transcendental religionists
have often said to me, if you do away with re­
ligion, you would destroy the most beautiful ele­
ment in human nature—the feeling of devotion
and reverence, ideality, and sublimity. This, too,

�20

A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

is an error. These sentiments would be cultivat­
ed just the same, only we would transfer the de­
votion from the unknown to the known ; from the
Gods, who, if they existed, could not need it, to
man who does. Instead of reverencing an imagi­
nary existence, man would learn to revere justice
and truth. Ideality and sublimity would reline
his feelings, and enable him to admire and enjoy
the ever-changing beauties of Nature; the vari­
ous and almost unlimited powers and capacities of
the human mind ; the exquisite and indescribable
charms of a well cultivated, highly refined, virtu­
ous, noble man.
But not only have the priests tried to make the
very term Atheism odious, as if it would destroy
all of good and beautiful in Nature, but some of
the reformers, not having the moral courage to
avow their own sentiments, wishing to be popular,
fearing lest their reforms would be considered
Infidel, (as all reforms assuredly are,) shield them­
selves from the stigma, by joining in the tirade
against Atheism, and associate it with everything
that is vile, with the crime of slavery, the corrup­
tions of the Church, and all the vices imaginable.
This is false, and they know it; Atheism protests
against this injustice. No one has a right to give
the term a false, a forced interpretation, to suit his
own purposes, (this applies also to some of the
Infidels who stretch and force the term Atheist out
of its legitimate significance.) As well might we
use the terms Episcopalian, Unitarian, Universalist, to signify vice and corruption, as the term
Atheist, which means simply a disbelief in a God,
because finding no demonstration of his existence,
man’s reason will not allow him to believe, nor his
conviction to play the hypocrite, and profess what
he does not believe. Give it its true significance,

�A DEFENCE OF ATHEISM.

*

21

and he will abide the consequence; but don’t
fasten upon it the vices belonging to yourselves.
Hypocrisy is the prolific mother of a large family !
In conclusion, the AtheistJ says to the honest,
conscientious believer, Though I cannot believe in
your God whom you have failed to demonstrate, I
believe in man ; if I have no faith in your religion,
I have faith, unbounded, unshaken faith in the
principles of right, of justice, and humanity.
Whatever good you are willing to co for the sake
of your God, I am full as willing to do for the
sake of man. But the monstrous crimes the be­
liever perpetrated in persecuting and exterminat­
ing his fellow man on account of difference of be­
lief, the Atheist, knowing that belief is not volun­
tary, but depends on evidence, and therefore there
can be no merit inathe belief of any religions, nor
demerit in a disbelief in all of them, could never
be guilty of. Whatever good you would do out
of fear of punishment, or hope of reward here­
after, the Atheist would do simply because it is
good • and being so, he would receive the far
surer and more certain reward, springing from
well-doing, which would constitute his pleasure,
and promote his happiness.

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national secular society

WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS

WRITTEN ?
BY

CHARLES BRADLAUG1L

[fourth edition.]

LONDON:
FREETHOUGHT PUBLISHING COMPANY,
28, STONECUTTER STREET E.C.

1881.

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�WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?
----- .
AN ANSWER TO THE RELIGIOUS TRACT
SOCIETY.

The Religious Tract Society, some time since, issued, pre­
faced with their high commendation, a translation of a
pamphlet by Dr. Constantine Tischendorf, entitled “ When
were our Gospels Written ? ” In the introductory preface
we are not unfairly told that “ on the credibility of the four
Gospels the whole of Christianity rests, as a building on its
foundations.” It is proposed in this brief essay to deal
with the character of Dr. Tischendorf’s advocacy, then to
examine the genuineness of the four Gospels, as affirmed by
the Religious Tract Society’s pamphlet, and at the same
time to ascertain, so far as is possible in the space, how far
the Gospel narrative is credible.
The Religious Tract Society state that Dr. Tischendorf’s
brochure is a repetition of “ arguments for the genuineness
and authenticity of the four Gospels,” which the erudite
Doctor had previously published for the learned classes,
“ with explanations ” now given in addition, to render the
arguments “ intelligible ” to meaner capacities ; and as the
“Infidel ” and “ Deist ” are especially referred to as likely
to be overthrown by this pamphlet, we may presume that the
society considers that in the 119 pages—which the trans­
lated essay occupies—they have presented the best paper
that can be issued on their behalf for popular reading on
this question. The praise accorded by the society, and
sundry laudations appropriated with much modesty in his
own preface by Dr. Constantine Tischendorf to himself,
compel one at the outset to regard the Christian manifesto
as a most formidable production. The Society’s translator
impressively tells us that the pamphlet has been three times

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WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

printed in Germany and twice in France ; that it has been
issued in Dutch and Russian, and is done into Italian by an
Archbishop with the actual approbation of the Pope. The
author’s preface adds an account of his great journeyings
and heavy travelling expenses incurred out of an original
capital of a “ few unpaid bills,” ending in the discovery of
a basketful of old parchments destined for the flames by the
Christian monks in charge, but which from the hands of
Dr. Tischendorf are used by the Religious Tract Society to
neutralise all doubts, and to “ blow to pieces ” the Ration­
alistic criticism of Germany and the coarser Infidelity of
England. Doubtless Dr. Tischendorf and the Society con­
sider it some evidence in favor of the genuineness and
authenticity of the four Gospels that the learned Doctor was
enabled to spend 5,000 dollars out of less than nothing, and1
that the Pope regards his pamphlet with favor, or they would
not trouble to print such statements. We frankly accord
them the full advantage of any argument which may fairly
be based on such facts. An autograph letter of endorse­
ment by the Pope is certainly a mattei* which a Protestant
Tract Society—who regard “ the scarlet whore at Babylon”
with horror—may well be proud of.
Dr. Tischendorf states that he has since 1839 devoted
himself to the textual study of the New Testament, and it
ought to be interesting to the orthodox to know that, as a
result of twenty-seven years’ labor, he now declares that
“ it has been placed beyond doubt that the original text
. . . . had in many places undergone such serious modi­
fications of meaning as to leave us in painful uncertainty
as to what the apostles had actually written,” and that “ the
right course to take” “is to set aside the received text
altogether and to construct a fresh text.”
This is pleasant news for the true believer, promulgated by
authority of the managers of the great Christian depot in
Paternoster Row, from whence many scores of thousands of
copies of this incorrect received text have nevertheless been
issued without comment to the public, even since the society
have published in English Dr. Tischendorf’s declaration of
its unreliable character
With the modesty and honorable reticence peculiar to
great men, Dr. Tischendorf records his successes in reading
hitherto unreadable parchments, and we learn that he has.

�WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

7

received approval from “ several learned bodies, and even
from crowned heads,” for his wonderful performances. As
a consistent Christian, who knows that the “ powers that be
are ordained of God,” our “ critic without rival,” for so he
prints himself, regards the praise of crowned heads as higher
in degree than that of learned bodies.
The Doctor discovered in 1844 the MS. on which he now
relies to confute audacious Infidelity, in the Convent of St.
Catherine at Sinai; he brought away a portion, and handed
that portion, on his return, to the Saxon Government—they
paying all expenses. The Doctor, however, did not then
divulge where he had found the MS. It was for the advan­
tage of humankind that the place should be known at once,
for, at least, two reasons. First, because by aid of the re­
mainder of this MS.—“ the most precious Bible treasure in
existence ”—the faulty text of the New Testament was to be
reconstructed; and the sooner the work was done the better
for believers in Christianity. And, secondly, the whole
story of the discovery might then have been more easily
confirmed in every particular.
For fifteen years, at least, Dr. Tischendorf hid from the
world the precise locality in which his treasure had been
discovered. Nay, he was even fearful when he knew that
Other Christians were trying to find the true text, and he
experienced “peculiar satisfaction” when he ascertained
that his silence had misled some pious searchers after reliable
copies of God’s message to all humankind; although all this
time he was well aware that our received copies of God’s
revelation had undergone “serious modifications” since the
message had been delivered from the Holy Ghost by means
of the Evangelists.
In 1853, “ nine years after the original discovery,” Dr.
Tischendorf again visited the Sinai convent, but although
he had “enjoined on the monks to take religious care” of
the remains of which they, on the former occasion, would
not yield up possession, he, on this second occasion, and
apparently after careful search, discovered “ eleven short
lines,” which convinced him that the greater part of the
MS. had been destroyed. He still, however, kept the place
secret, although he had no longer any known reason for so
doing; and, having obtained an advance of funds from the
Russian Government, he, in 1859, tried a third time for his

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WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN ?

pearl of St. Catherine,” which, in 1853, he felt convinced
had been destroyed, and as to which he had nevertheless, in
the meantime, been troubled by fears that the good cause
might be aided by some other than Dr. Tischendorf discover­
ing and publishing the “priceless treasure,” which, according
to his previous statements, he must have felt convinced did
not longer exist. On this third journey the Doctor dis­
covered “ the very fragments which, fifteen years before, he
had taken out of the basket,” “ and also other parts of the
Old Testament, the J\ew Testament complete, and, in addi­
tion, Barnabas and part of Hermas.”
With wonderful preciseness, and with great audacity, Dr.
Tischendorf refers the transcription of the discovered Bible
to the first half of the fourth century. Have Dr. Tischen­
dorf s patrons here ever read of MSS. discovered in the
same Convent of St. Catherine, at Sinai, of which an
account was published by Dr. Constantine Simonides, and
concerning which the Westminster Review said, “ We share
the suspicions, to use the gentlest word which occurs to us,
entertained, we believe, by all competent critics and anti­
quarians.”
In 18b3 Dr. Tischendorf published, at the cost of the
Russian Emperor, a splendid but very costly edition of his
Sinaitic MS. in columns, with a Latin introduction. The
book is an expensive one, and copies of it are not very
plentiful in England. Perhaps the Religious Tract Society
have not contributed to its circulation so liberally as did the
pious Emperor of all the Russias. Surely a text on which
our own is to be re-constructed ought to be in the hands at
least of every English clergyman and Young Men’s Christian
Association.
“ Christianity,” writes Dr. Tischendorf, “ does not, strictly
speaking, rest on the moral teaching of Jesus “it rests on
his person only.” “ If we are in error in believing in the
person of Christ as taught in the Gospels, then the Church
herself is in error, and must be given up as a deception.”
“ All the world knows that our Gospels are nothing else
than biographies of Christ.” “We have no other source of
information with respect to the life of Jesus.” So that,
according to the Religious Tract Society and its advocate, if
the’’ credibility of the Gospel biography be successfully
impugned, then the foundations of Christianity are destroyed.

�WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

9

It becomes, therefore, of the highest importance to show
that the biography of Jesus, as given in the four Gospels, is
absolutely incredible and self-contradictory.
It is alleged in the Society’s preface that all the objections
•of infidelity have been hitherto unavailing. This is, however,
not true. It is rather the fact that the advocates of Chris­
tianity when defeated on one point have shuffled to another,
■either quietly passing the topic without further debate, or
loudly declaring that the point abandoned was really so
utterly unimportant that it was extremely foolish in the
assailant to regard it as worthy attack, and that, in any
case, all the arguments had been repeatedly refuted by pre­
vious writers.
To the following objections to the Gospel narrative the
writer refuses to accept as answer, that they have been pre­
viously discussed and disposed of.
The Gospels which are yet mentioned by the names popu- I
larly associated with each do not tell us the hour, or the
■day, or the month, or—save Luke—the year, in which Jesus
was born. The only point on which the critical divines, who
'have preceded Dr. Tischendorf, generally agree is, that Jesus
was not born on Christmas day. The Oxford Chronology,
collated with a full score of recognised authorities, gives us
a period of more than seven years within which to place the
■date. So confused is the story as to the time of the birth, ?
that while Matthew would make Jesus born in the lifetime
■of Herod, Luke would fix the period of Jesus’s birth as after ■
Herod’s death.
Christmas itself is a day surrounded with curious cere­
monies of pagan origin, and in no way serving to fix the
25th December as the natal day. Yet the exact period at
which Almighty God, as a baby boy, entered the world to
redeem long-suffering humanity from the consequences of
Adam’s ancient sin, should be of some importance.
Nor is there any great certainty as to the place of birth of &gt;
Christ. The Jews, apparently in the very presence of Jesus,
reproached him that he ought to have been born at
Bethlehem. Nathaniel regarded him as of Nazareth. Jesus
never appears to have said to either, “I was born at
Bethlehem.” In Matthew ii., 6, we find a quotation
from the prophet: “And thou Bethlehem, in the land of
Judah, art not the least amongst the princes of Juda, for

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WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

out of thee shall come a Governor that shall rule my peopleIsrael.” Matthew lays the scene of the birth in Bethlehem,
and Luke adopts the same place, especially bringing the child
to Bethlehem for that purpose, and Matthew tells us it is
done to fulfil a prophecy. Micah v., 2, the only place in
which similar words occur, is not a prophecy referring to
Jesus at all. The words are: “ But thou Beth-lehem
Ephratah, though thou be little among the thousands of
Judah, yet out of thee shall he come forth unto me that isto be ruler in Israel, whose goings forth have been from of
old, from everlasting.” This is not quoted correctly in
Matthew, and can hardly be said by any straining of
language to apply to Jesus. The credibility of a story on
which Christianity rests is bolstered up by prophecy in
default of contemporary corroboration. The difficulties are
not lessened in tracing the parentage. In Matthew i., 17,
it is stated that “ the generations from Abraham to David
are fourteen generations, and from David until the carrying
away into Babylon are fourteen generations, and from the
carrying away into Babylon unto Christ are fourteen genera­
tions.” Why has Matthew made such a mistake in his
computation of the genealogies—in the last division we have
only thirteen names instead of fourteen, even including the
name of Jesus? Is this one of the cases of “painful
uncertainty ” which has induced the Religious Tract Society
and Dr. Tischendorf to wish to set aside the textus receptus
altogether ?
From David to Zorobabel there are in the Old Testament
twenty generations ; in Matthew, seventeen generations ;
and in Luke, twenty-three generations. In Matthew from
David to Christ there are twenty-eight generations, and in
Luke from David to Christ forty-three generations. Yet,
according to the Religious Tract Society, it is on the credi­
bility of these genealogies as part of the Gospel history
that the foundation of Christianity rests. The genealogy
in the first Gospel arriving at David traces to Jesus through
Solomon; the third Gospel from David traces through
Nathan. In Matthew the names from David are Solomon,
Roboam, Abia, Asa, Josaphat, Joram, Ozias; and in the Old
Testament we trace the same names from David to Ahaziah,
whom I presume to be the same as Ozias. But in 2nd
Chronicles xxii., 11, we find one Joash, who is not men-

�WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

11

tioned in Matthew at all. If the genealogy in Matthew is
correct, why is the name not mentioned ? Amaziah is
mentioned in chap, xxiv., v. 27, and in chap, xxvi., v. 1,
Uzziah, neither of whom are mentioned in Matthew, where
Ozias is named as begetting Jotham, when in fact three
generations of men have come in between. In Matthew
and Luke, Zorobabel is represented as the son of Salathiel,
while in 1 Chronicles iff., 17—19, Zerubbabel is stated to be
the son of Pedaiah, the brother of Salathiel. Matthew
says Abiud was the son of Zorobabel (chap, i., v. 13).
Luke iii., 27, says Zorobabel’s son was Rhesa. The Old
Testament contradicts both, and gives Meshullam, and
Hananiah, and Shelomith, their sister (1 Chronicles iii., 19),
as the names of Zorobabel’s children. Is this another piece
of evidence in favor of Dr. Tischendorf’s admirable
doctrine, that it is necessary to reconstruct the text ?

. three names agreeing after that of David, viz., Salathiel,
Zorobabel, and Joseph—all the rest are utterly different. , |
! 1 The attempts at explanation which have been hitherto
offered, in order to reconcile these genealogies, are scarcely
creditable to the intellects of the Christian apologists. They
allege that “ Joseph, who by nature was the son of Jacob,
in the account of the law was the son of Heli. For Heli
and Jacob were brothers by the same mother, and Heli, who
was the elder, dying without issue, Jacob, as the law
directed, married his widow; in consequence of such mar­
riage, his son Joseph was reputed in the law the son of Heli.’^
This is pure invention to get over a difficulty—an invention
not making the matter one whit more clear. For if you
suppose that these two persons were brothers, then unless
you invent a death of the mother’s last husband and the
widow’s remarriage Jacob and Heli would be the sons of the
same father, and the list of the ancestors should be identical
in each genealogy. But to get over the difficulty the pious j
do this. They say, although brothers, they were only half­
brothers ; although sons of the same mother, they were not
sons of the same father, but had different fathers. If so,
how is it that Salathiel and Zorobabel occur as father and
son in both genealogies ? Another fashion of accounting
for the contradiction is to give one as the genealogy of
Joseph and the other as the genealogy of Mary. “ Which?

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WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

I “ Luke,” it is said. Why Luke ? what are Luke’s words ?
Luke speaks of Jesus being, “as was supposed, the son of
Joseph, which was the son of Heli.” When Luke says
Joseph, the son of Heli, did he mean Mary, the daughter of
Heli ? Does the Gospel say one thing and mean another ?
because if that argument is worth anything, then in every
case where a man has a theory which disagrees with the
text, he may say the text means something else. If this
argument be permitted we must abandon in Scriptural
criticism the meaning which we should ordinarily intend to
convey by any given word. If you believe Luke meant
daughter, why does the same word mean son in every other
' case all through the remainder of the genealogy ? And if
the genealogy of Matthew be that of Joseph, and the
genealogy of Luke be that of Mary, they ought not to have
any point of agreement at all until brought to David. They,
nevertheless, do agree and contradict each other in several
places, destroying the probability of their being intended as
distinct genealogies. There is some evidence that Luke
does not give the genealogy of Mary in the Gospel itself.
We are told that Joseph went to Bethlehem to be numbered
because he was of the house of David : if it had been Mary
it would have surely said so. As according to the Christian
» theory, Joseph was not the father of Jesus, it is not unfair
to ask how it can be credible that Jesus’s genealogy could
I be traced to David in any fashion through Joseph?
So far from Mary being clearly of the tribe of Judah (to
which the genealogy relates) her cousinship to Elizabeth
would make her rather appear to belong to the tribe of
Levi.
To discuss the credibility of the miraculous conception and
birth would be to insult the human understanding. The
mythologies of Greece, Italy, and India, give many prece­
dents of sons of Gods miraculously born. Italy, Greece, and
India, must, however, yield the palm to Judea. The inIcarnate Chrishna must give way to the incarnate Christ.
A miraculous birth would be scouted to- day as monstrous ;
-antedate it 2,000 years and we worship it as miracle.
1
Matt, i., 22, 23, says: “ Now all this was done, that it might
be fulfilled which was spoken of the Lord by the prophet,
saying, Behold, a virgin shall be with child, and shall bring
forth a son, and they shall call his name Emmanuel, which

�WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN ?

13

being interpreted is, God with us.” This is supposed to be
a quotation from Isaiah vii., 14—16 : “ Therefore the Lord
himself shall give you a sign ; Behold a virgin shall con­
ceive, and bear a son, and shall call his name Immanuel.
Butter and honey shall he eat, that he may know to refuse
the evil, and choose the good. For before the child shall
know to refuse the evil and choose the good, the land that
thou abhorrest shall be forsaken of both her kings.”
But in this, as indeed in most other cases of inaccurate
quotation, the very words are omitted which would show its
utter inapplicability to Jesus. Even in those which are
given, the agreement is not complete. Jesus was not called
Emmanuel. And even if his mother Mary were a virgin,
this does not help the identity, as the word
OLME in i
Isaiah, rendered “virgin” in our version, does not convey
the notion of virginity, for which the proper word is nbUTZl
BeThULE; OLME is used of a youthful spouse recently
married. The allusion to the land being forsaken of both
her kings, omitted in Matthew, shows how little the passage
is prophetic of Jesus.
The story of the annunciation made to Joseph in one
Gospel, to Mary in the other, is hardly credible on any ex­
planation. If you assume the annunciations as made by a
God of all-wise purpose, the purpose should, at least, have
been to prevent doubt of Mary’s chastity; but the annun­
ciation is made to Joseph only after Mary is suspected by
Joseph. Two annunciations are made, one of them in a
dream to Joseph, when he is suspicious as to the state of
his betrothed wife ; the other made by the angel Gabriel
(whoever that angel may be) to Mary herself, who apparently
conceals the fact, and is content to be married, although
with child not by her intended husband. The statement—
that Mary being found with child by the Holy Ghost, her
husband, not willing to make her a public example, was
minded to put her away privily—is quite incredible. If
Joseph found her with child &amp;?/ the Holy Ghost, how could
he even think of making a public example of her shame
when there was nothing of which she could be ashamed—
nothing, if he believed in the Holy Ghost, of which he need
have been ashamed himself, nothing which need have in­
duced him to wish to put her away privily. It is clear—
according to Matthew—that Mary was found with child,

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WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

and that the Holy Ghost parentage was not even imagined
by Joseph until after he had dreamed about the matter.
Although the birth of Jesus was specially announced by
an angel, and although Mary sang a joyful song consequent
on the annunciation, corroborated by her cousin’s greeting,
yet when Simeon speaks of the child, in terms less extra­
ordinary, Joseph and Mary are surprised at it and do not
understand it. Why were they surprised ? Is it credible
that so little regard was paid to the miraculous annuncia­
tion? Or is this another case of the “painful uncertainty”
alluded to by Dr. Tischendorf ?
Again, when Joseph and Mary found the child Jesus in
the temple, and he says, “ Wist ye not that I must be about
my father’s business ? ” they do not know what he means, so
that either what the angel had said had been of little effect,
or the annunciations did not occur at all. Can any reliance
be placed on a narrative so contradictory ? An angel was
specially sent to acquaint a mother that her son about to be
born is the Son of God, and yet that mother is astonished
when her son says, “ Wist ye not I must be about my
father’s business ? ”
The birth of Jesus was, according to Matthew, made
publicly known by means of certain wise men. These men
saw his star in the East, but it did not tell them much, for
they were obliged to come and ask information from Herod
the King. Is astrology credible ? Herod inquired of the
chief priests and scribes; and it is evident Jeremiah was
right, if he said, “ The prophets prophecy falsely and the
priests bear rule by their means,” for these chief priests
misquoted to suit their purposes, and invented a false pro­
phecy by omitting a few words from, and adding a few
words to, a text until it suited their purpose. The star, after
they knew where to go, and no longer required its aid, went
before them, until it came and stood over where the young
child was. The credibility of this will be better understood
if the reader notice some star, and then see how many houses
it will be over. Luke does not seem to have been aware
of the star story, and he relates about an angel who tells
some shepherds the good tidings, but this last-named adven­
ture does not appear to have happened in the reign of Herod
at all. Is it credible that Jesus was born twice ? After the
wise men had left Jesus, an angel warned Joseph to flee

�WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

15

with him and Mary into Egypt, and Joseph did fly, and re­
mained there with the young child and his mother until the
•death of Herod ; and this, it is alleged, was done to fulfil a
prophecy. On referring to Hosea xi., 1, we find the words
have no reference whatever to Jesus, and that, therefore,
-either the tale of the flight is invented as a fulfilment of the
prophecy, or the prophecy manufactured to support the tale
of the flight. The Jesus of Luke never went into Egypt at
all in his childhood. Directly after the birth of the child
his parents instead of flying away because of persecution
into Egypt, went peacefully up to Jerusalem to fulfil all
things according to the law, returned thence to Nazareth,
and apparently dwelt there, going up to Jerusalem every
year until Jesus was twelve years of age.
In Matthew ii., 15, we are told that Jesus remained in
Egypt, “That it might be fulfilled which was spoken of the
Lord by the prophet saying, Out of Egypt have I called my
sou.” In Hosea ii., 1, we read, “When Israel was a child,
then I loved him, and called my son out of Egypt.” In no
•other prophet is there any similar text.
This not only is
not a prophecy of Jesus, but is, on the contrary, a reference
to the Jewish Exodus from Egypt. Is the prophecy manu­
factured to give an air of credibility to the Gospel history,
or how will the Religious Tract Society explain it? The
Gospel writings betray either a want of good faith,
or great incapacity on the part of their authors in the
mode adopted of distorting quotations from the Old Testa­
ment ?
When Jesus began to be about thirty years of age
he was baptised by John in the river Jordan. John,
who, according to Matthew, knew him, forbade him
directly he saw him; but, acccording to the writer of
the fourth Gospel, he knew him not, and had, there­
fore, no occasion to forbid him. God is an “ invisible ”
“spirit,” whom no man hath seen (John i., 18), or can see
(Exodus xxxiii., 20); but the man John saw the spirit of
God descending like a dove. God is everywhere, but at
that time was in heaven, from whence he said, “This is my
beloved son, in whom I am well pleased.” Although John
heard this from God’s own mouth, he some time after sent
two of his disciples to Jesus to inquire if he were really the
Christ (Matthew xi., 2, 3). Yet it is upon the credibility

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WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN ?

of this story, says Dr. Tischendorf, that Christianity rests
like a building on its foundations.
It is utterly impossible John could have known and not
have known Jesus at the same time. And if, as the New
Testament states, God is infinite and invisible, it is in­
credible that as Jesus stood in the river to be baptised, the
Holy Ghost was seen as it descended on his head as a dove,
and that God from heaven said, “This is my beloved son, in
whom I am well pleased.” Was the indivisible and invisible
spirit of God separated in three distinct and two separately
visible persons ? How do the Religious Tract Society recon­
cile this with the Athanasian Creed ?
The baptism narrative is rendered doubtful by the lan­
guage used as to John, who baptised Jesus. It is said,
“ This is he that was spoken of by the prophet Esaias,
saying, The voice of one crying in the wilderness, prepare
ye the way of the Lord, make his paths straight.” Isaiah xl.,
1—5? is? “ Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, saith your
God. Speak ye comfortably to Jerusalem, and cry unto
her that her warfare is accomplished, that her iniquity
is pardoned ; for she hath received of the Lord’s hand double
for all her sins. The voice of him that crieth in the wilder­
ness, Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make straight in the
desert a highway for our God. Every valley shall be
exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low :
and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough
places plain : and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed.”
These verses have not the most remote relation to John ?
And this manufacture of prophecies for the purpose of
bolstering up a tale, serves to prove that the writer of the
Gospel tries by these to impart an air of credibility to an
otherwise incredible story.
Immediately after the baptism, Jesus is led up of the
Spirit into the wilderness to be tempted of the Devil. There
he fasts forty days and forty nights.
John says, in chapter i., 35, “Again, the next day after,
John stood and two of his disciples ; and looking upon
Jesus as he walked, he said, behold the Lamb of God. And
the two disciples heard him speak, and they followed Jesus.”
Then, at the 43rd verse, he says, “ The day following Jesus
would go forth into Galilee, and findeth Philip, and saith
unto him, follow me.” And in chapter ii., 1, he says, “And

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the third day there was a marriage in Cana of Galilee, and
the mother of Jesus was there ; and both Jesus was called
and his disciples unto the marriage.” According to Matthew,
there can be no doubt that immediately after the baptism
Jesus went into the wilderness to be tempted of the Devil.
And we are to believe that Jesus was tempted of the Devil
and fasting in the wilderness, and at the same time feasting
at a marriage in Cana of Galilee ? Is it possible to believe
that Jesus actually did fast forty days and forty nights ? If
Jesus did not fast in his capacity as man, in what capacity
did he fast ? And if Jesus fasted, being God, the fast
would be a mockery; and the account that he became a
hungered must be wrong. It is barely possible that in some
very abnormal condition or cataleptic state, or state of
trance, a man might exist, with very slight nourishment or
without food, but that a man could walk about, speak, and
act, and, doing this, live forty days and nights without food
is simply an impossibility.
Is the story that the Devil tempted Jesus credible ? If
Jesus be God, can the Devil tempt God ? A clergyman of
the Church of England writing on this says: “ That the
Devil should appear personally to the Son of God is cer­
tainly not more wonderful than that he should, in a more
remote age, have appeared among the sons of God, in the
presence of God himself, to torment the righteous Job. But
that Satan should carry Jesus bodily and literally through
the air, first to the top of a high mountain, and then to the
topmost pinnacle of the temple, is wholly inadmissable,
it is an insult to our understanding, and an affront to
our great creator and redeemer.” Supposing, despite the
monstrosity of such a supposition, an actual Devil—and this
involves the dilemma that the Devil must either be Godcreated, or God’s co-eternal rival; the first supposition
being inconsistent with God’s goodness, and the second
being inconsistent with his power; but supposing such a
Devil, is it credible that the Devil should tempt the
Almighty maker of the universe with “ all these will I
give thee if thou wilt fall down and worship me ? ”
In the very names of the twelve Apostles there is an un­
certainty as to one, whose name was either Lebbmus, Thad­
daeus, or Judas. It is in Matthew x., 3, alone that the name
of Lebbaeus is mentioned, thus—“Lebbaeus, whose surname

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was Thaddaeus.” We are told, on this point, by certain
Biblicists, that some early MSS. have not the words “ whose
surname was Thaddaeus,” and that these words have pro­
bably been inserted to reconcile the Gospel according to
Matthew with that attributed to Mark. In the English
version of the Rheims Testament used in this country by
our Roman Catholic brethren, the reconciliation between
Matthew and Mark is completed by omitting the words
“ Lebbaeus whose surname was,” leaving only the name
“ Thaddaeus ” in Matthew’s text. The revised version of
the New Testament now agrees with the Rheims version,,
and the omission will probably meet with the entire concur­
rence of Dr. Tischendorf and the Religious Tract Society,,
now they boast autograph letters of approval from the in­
fallible head of the Catholic Church. If Matthew x., 3,.
and Mark iii., 18, be passed as reconciled, although the first
calls the twelfth disciple Lebbeeus, and the second gives him
the name Thaddaeus; there is yet the difficulty that in Luke
vi., 16, corroborated by John xiv., 22, there is a disciple
spoken of as “ Judas, not Iscariot,” “Judas, the brother of
James.” Commentators have endeavored to clear away this
last difficulty by declaring that Thaddams is a Syriac word,
having much the same meaning as Judas. This has been
answered by the objection that if Matthew’s Gospel uses
Thaddaeus in lieu of Judas, then he ought to speak of Thad­
daeus Iscariot, which he does not; and it is further objected’
also that while there are some grounds for suggesting a
Hebrew original for the Gospel attributed to Matthew, there
is not the slightest pretence for alleging that Matthew wrote
in Syriac. The Gospels also leave us in some doubt as to.
whether Matthew is Levi, or whether Matthew and Levi are
two different persons.
The account of the calling of Peter is replete with con­
tradictions. According to Matthew, when Jesus first saw
Peter, the latter was in a vessel fishing with his brother
Andrew, casting a net into the sea of Galilee. Jesus walk­
ing by the sea said to them—“Follow me, and I will make
you fishers of men.” The two brothers did so, and they
became Christ’s disciples. When Jesus called Peter no one
was with him but his brother Andrew. A little further on,
the two sons of Zebedee were in a ship with their father
mending nets, and these latter were separately called. From

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19

John, we learn that Andrew was originally a disciple of
John the Baptist, and that when Andrew first saw Jesus,
Peter was not present, but Andrew went and found Peter
who, if fishing, must have been angling on land, telling him
!:we have found the Messiah,” and that Andrew then
brought Peter to Jesus, who said, “Thou art Simon, the
son of Jonas ; thou shalt be called Cephas.” There is no
mention in John of the sons of Zebedee being a little further
on, or of any fishing in the sea of Galilee. This call is
clearly on land. Luke’s Gospel states that when the call
took place, Jesus and Peter were both at sea. Jesus had
been preaching to the people, who pressing upon him, he got
into Simon’s ship, from which he preached. After this he
directed Simon to put out into the deep and let down the
nets. Simon answered, “ Master, we have toiled all night
and taken nothing ; nevertheless at thy word I will let down
the net.” No sooner was this done, than the net was filled
to breaking, and Simon’s partners, the two sons of Zebedee,
came to help, when at the call of Jesus, they brought their
ships to land, and followed him.
Is it credible that there were three several calls, or that
the Gospels being inspired, you could have three contradic­
tory versions of the same event ? Has the story been here
“ painfully modified,” or how do Dr. Tischendorf and the
Religious Tract Society clear up the matter? Is it credible
that, as stated in Luke, Jesus had visited Simon’s house, and
cured Simon’s wife’s mother, before the call of Simon, but
did not go to Simon’s house for that purpose, until after the
call of Simon, as related in Matthew ? It is useless to reply
that the date of Jesus’s visit is utterly unimportant, when
we are told that it is upon the credibility of the complete
narrative that Christianity must rest. Each stone is im­
portant to the building, and it is not competent for the
Christian advocate to regard as useless any word which the
Holy Ghost has considered important enough to reveal.
Are the miracle stories credible ? Every ancient nation
has had its miracle workers, but modern science has relegated
all miracle history to realms of fable, myth, illusion, delusion,
or fraud. Can Christian miracles be made the exceptions ?
Is it likely that the nations amongst whom the dead were
restored to life would have persistently ignored the author
of such miracles? Were the miracles purposeless, or if in­

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tended to convince the Jews, was God unable to render his
intentions effective ? That five thousand persons should be
, fed with five loaves and two fishes, and that an apparent
f excess should remain beyond the original stock, is difficult
to believe; but that shortly after this—Jesus having to
again perform a similar miracle for four thousand persons—
his own disciples should ignore his recent feat, and wonder
from whence the food was to be derived, is certainly start­
lingly incredible. If this exhibition of incredulity were
pardonable on the part of the twelve apostles, living wit­
nesses of greater wonders, how much more pardonable the
unbelief of the sceptic of to-day, which the Religious Tract
Society seek to overcome by a faint echo of asserted events
all contrary to probability, and with nineteen centuries
intervening.
I The casting out the devils presents phenomena requiring
j considerable credulity, especially the story of the devils and
t the swine. To-day insanity is never referable to demoniacal
possession, but eighteen hundred years ago the subject of
lunacy had not been so patiently investigated as it has been
since. That one man could now be tenanted by several
devils is a proposition for which the maintainer would in the
present generation incur almost universal contempt; yet the
repudiation of its present possibility can hardly be consistent
with implicit credence in its ancient history. That the devils
and God should hold converse together, although not with­
out parallel in the book of Job, is inconsistent with the
theory of an infinitely good Deity ; that the devils should
address Jesus as son of the most high God, and beg to be
allowed to enter a herd of swine, is at least ludicrous ; yet all
this helps to make up the narrative on which Dr. Tischendorf
relies. That Jesus being God should pray to his Father
4 that “ the cup might pass ” from him is so incredible that
even the faithful ask us to regard it as mystery. That an
angel from heaven could strengthen Jesus, the almighty
God, is equally mysterious. That where Jesus had so pro­
minently preached to thousands, the priests should need any
-one like Judas to betray the founder of Christianity with a
kiss, is absurd; his escapade in flogging the dealers, his
wonderful cures, and his raising Lazarus and Jairus’s
daughter should have secured him, if not the nation’s love,
faith, and admiration, at least a national reputation and

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21

notoriety. It is not credible if Judas betrayed Jesus by a
kiss that the latter should have been arrested upon his own
statement that he was Jesus. That Peter should have had I
a so little faith as to deny his divine leader three times in a &lt;
few hours is only reconcilable with the notion that he had i
remained unconvinced by his personal intercourse with the
; incarnate Deity. The mere blunders in the story of the I
j denial sink into insignificance in face of this major difficulty.
Whether the cock did or did not crow before the third denial,
whether Peter was or was not in the same apartment with
Jesus at the time of the last denial, are comparatively
trifling questions, and the contradictions on which they are
based may be the consequence of the errors which Dr.
Tischendorf says have crept into the sacred writings.
Jesus said, “ as Jonah was three days and three nights in
the belly of the whale, so shall the son of man be three days
and three nights in the heart of the earth.” Jesus was
crucified on Friday, was buried on Friday evening, and yet
the first who went to the grave on the night of Saturday
as it began to dawn towards Sunday, found the body of
Jesus already gone. Did Jesus mean he should be three
days and three nights in the grave ? Is there any proof
that his body remained in the grave for three hours ?
Who went first to'* the grave? was it Mary Magdalene
alone, as in John, or two Maries as in Matthew, or the two
Maries and Salome as in Mark, or the two Maries, Joanna,
and several unnamed women as in Luke ? To whom did
did Jesus first appear? Was it, as in Mark, to Mary
Magdalene, or to two disciples going to Emmaus, as in
Luke, or to the two Maries near the sepulchre, as in
Matthew? Is the eating boiled fish and honeycomb by
a dead God credible ? Did Jesus ascend to heaven the
I very day of his resurrection, or did an interval of nearly
six weeks intervene ?
Is this history credible, contained as it is in four con- '
t tradictory biographies, outside which biographies we have, ■
as UrTTischendorf admits, “no other source of informa- •
tion with respect to the life of Jesus ” ? This history of
III an earth-born Deity, descended through a crime-tainted .
ancestry, and whose genealogical tree is traced through one I
I who was not his father ; this history of an infinite God nursed
G as a baby, growing through childhood to manhood like any

J

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frail specimen of humanity; this history, garnished with
bedevilledjnen, enchanted tig tree, myriads of ghosts, and
scores of miracles, and by such garnishment made more
akin to an oriental romance than to a sober history ; thjs
picture of the infinite invisible spirit incarnate visible as,
man; immutability subject to human passions and infirmi­
ties ; the 'creator come to die, yet wishing to escape the
death which shall bring peace to Tris God-tormented crea­
tures; God praying to himself and rejecting his own prayer;
God betrayed by a divinely-appointed traitor ; God the
immortal dying, and in the agony of the death-throes—
stronger than the strong man’s will—crying with almost
the last effort of his dying breath, that he being God, is
God forsaken !
* If all this be credible, what story is there any man need
hesitate to believe ?
Dr. Tischendorf asks how it has beeu possible to impugn
the credibility of the four Gospels, and replies that this has
been done by denying that the Gospels were written by the
men whose names they bear. In the preceding pages it has A
, been shown that the credibility of the Gospel narrative is
impugned because it is uncorroborated by contemporary
history, because it is self-contradictory, and because many
of its incidents are prima facie most improbable, and some
of them utterly impossible. Even English Infidels are quite
prepared to admit that the four Gospels may be quite anony­
mous ; and yet, that their anonymous character need be of •
no weight as an argument against their truth. All that is |
urged on this head is that the advocates of the Gospel history ■
have sought to endorse and give value to the otherwise un- |
reliable narratives by a pretence that some of the Evange­
lists, at least, were eyewitnesses of the events they refer to. ‘
Dr. Tischendorf says: “The credibility of a writer clearlyic*
I' depends on the interval of tifrle which lies between him and |
I the events which he describes. The farther the narrator is ■ i
removed from the facts which heTays before us the more ( y,
his claims to credibility are reduced in value.” Presuming
t truthfulness in intention for any writer, and his ability to
comprehend the facts he is narrating, and his freedom from a
prejudice which may distort the picture he intends to paint
correctly with his pen: we might admit the correctness of
the passage we have quoted; but can these always be pre­

�WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN ?

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sumed in the case of the authors of the Gospels ? On the
contrary, a presumption in an exactly opposite direction may
he fairly raised from the fact that immediately after the
Apostolic age the Christian world was flooded with forged
testimonies in favor of the biography of Jesus, or in favor
of his disciples.
A writer in the Edinburgh Review observes : “ To say
nothing of such acknowledged forgeries as the Apostolic
constitutions and liturgies, and the several spurious Gospels,
the question of the genuineness of the alleged remains of
the Apostolic fathers, though often overlooked, is very
material. Any genuine remains of the ‘ Apostle ’ Barnabas,
of Hermas, the contemporary (Romans xvi., 14), and
Clement, the highly commended and gifted fellow laborer
of St. Paul (Phil, iv., 3), could scarcely be regarded as less
•sacred than those of Mark and Luke, of whom personally
we know less. It is purely a question of criticism. At the
present day, the critics best competent to determine it. have,
agreed in opinion, that the extant writings ascribed to Bar­
nabas and Hermas are wholly spurious-—the frauds of a
later age. How much suspicion attaches to the 1st Epistle
of Clement (for the fragment of the second is also generally
rejected) is manifest from the fact, that in modern times
it has never been allowed the place expressly assigned to it
among the canonical books prefixed to the celebrated Alex­
andrian MS., in which the only known copy of it is included.
It must not be forgotten that Ignatius expressly lays claim
to inspiration, that Ireneeus quotes Hermas as Scripture,
and Origen speaks of him as inspired, while Polycarp, in
modestly disclaiming to be put on a level with the Apostles,
clearly implies there would have been no essential distinction
in the way of his being ranked in the same order. But the
question is, how are these pretensions substantiated ? ” So
far the Edinburgh Review, certainly not an Infidel publica­
tion.
Eusebius, in his “Ecclesiastical History,” admits the4
*’ existence of many spurious gospels and epistles, and some .
writings put forward by him as genuine, such as the corres­
pondence between Jesus and Agbaras, have since been rejected as fictitious. It is not an unfair presumption from it
this that many of the most early Christians considered the
then existing testimonies insufficient to prove the history of

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Jesus, and good reason is certainly afforded for carefully
examining the whole of the evidences they have bequeathed us.
On p. 48, Dr. Tischendorf quotes Irenaeus, whose writings
belong to the extreme end of the second century, as though
that Bishop must be taken as vouching the four Gospels as
we now have them. Yet, if the testimony of Irenaeus be
reliable (“ Against Heresies,” Book III., cap. i.) the Gospel
attributed to Matthew was believed to have been composed
in Hebrew, and Irenaeus says that as the Jews desired a
Messiah of the royal line of David, Matthew having the
same desire to a yet greater degree, strove to give them full
satisfaction. This may account for some of the genealogical
curiosities to which we have drawn attention, but hardly
renders Matthew’s Gospel more reliable ; and how can the /
| suggestion that Matthew wrote in Hebrew prove that Mat- I
ithew penned the first Gospel, which has only existed ini
Greek ? Irenaeus, too, flatly contradicts the Gospels by \
declaring that the ministry of Jesus extended over ten years I
and that Jesus lived to be fifty years of age (“Against £
Heresies,” Book II., cap. 22).
If the statement of Irenaeus (“Against Heresies,” Book’
11“ III., cap. 11) that the fourth Gospel was written to refute the 1
errors of Cerinthus and Nicolaus, have any value, then the
’ actual date of issue of the fourth Gospel will be consider- £.
* ably after the others. Dr. Tischendorf’s statement that
i Polycarp has borne testimony to the Gospel of John is noth,
I even supported by the quotation on which he relies. All w
that is said in the passage quoted (Eusebius, “ Ecc. Hist.(” "
Book V., cap. 20) is that Irenaeus when he was a child
heard Polvea.rn reneat from memorv the dise.onrses of John I?
- in the time of Polycarp it would have been at least as easy jj
to have read them from the MS. as to repeat them from n
memory. Dr. Tischendorf might also have added that
I the letter to Florinus, whence he takes the passage on '
which he relies, exists only in the writings of Eusebius, to ,
whom we are indebted for many pieces of Christian evidence
since abandoned as forgeries. Dr. Tischendorf says : “Any
testimony of Polycarp in favor of the Gospel refers us back
to the Evangelist himself, for Polycarp, in speaking to
Irenaeus of this Gospel as the work of his master, St. John,
must have learned from the lips of the apostle himself,.

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25

evidence
whether he was its author or not.” Now, what evidence^
is there that Polycarp ever saida single word as to the
authorship of the fourth Gospel, of of any Gospel, or that
, he even said that John had penned a single word? In the (\\
[ I Epistle to the Philippians (the only writing attributed to
; Polycarp for which any genuine character is even pre­
tended), the Gospel of John is never mentioned, nor is
there even a single passage in the Epistle which can be
identified with any passage in the Gospel of John.
Surely Dr. Tischendorf forgot, in the eager desire to
make his witnesses bear good testimony, that the highest
duty of an advocate is to make the truth clear, not to put
forward a pleasantly colored falsehood to deceive the igno­
rant. It is not even true that Irenasus ever pretends1
, that Polycarp in any way vouched our fourth Gospsl as
having been written by John, and yet Dr. Tischendorf had
the cool audacity to say “there is nothing more damaging
to the doubters of the authenticity of St. John’s Gospel *
than this testimony of St. Polycarp.” Do the Religious
Tract Society regard English Infidels as so utterly ignorant
that they thus intentionally seek to suggest a falsehood, or
are the Council of the Religious Tract Society themselves
unable to test the accuracy of the statements put forward
on their behalf by the able decipherer of illegible parch­
ments ?
It is too much to suspect the renowned Dr. Con­
stantine Tischendorf of ignorance, yet even the coarse
English sceptic regrets that the only other alternative will
be to denounce him as a theological charlatan.
Dr. Mosheim, writing on behalf of Christianity, says that |
the Epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians is by some treated'
. as genuine and by others as spurious, and that it is no easy
matter to decide.
Many critics, of no mean order, class it I
amongst the apostolic Christian forgeries, but whether the
/ Epistle be genuine or spurious, it contains no quotation
I I from, it makes no reference to, the Gospel of John.
M ‘ To what is said of Irenasus, Tertullian, and Clement of
l\ Alexandria, it is enough to note that all these are after
a.d. 150. Irenasus may be put 177 to 200, Tertullian about
193, and Clement of Alexandria as commencing the third' _
century.
One of Dr. Tischendorf’s most audacious flourishes is that
(p. 49) with reference to the Canon of Muratori, which we

�26

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WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

are told “enumerates the books of the New Testament
which, from the first, were considered canonical and sacred,”
and which “ was written a little after the age of Pins I,
about a.d. 170.”
First the anonymous fragment contains books which were
never accepted as canonical; next, it is quite impossible to
say when or by whom it was written or what was its original
language. Muratori, who discovered the fragment in 1740^ 1|
conjectured that it was written about the end of the second i
dr beginning of the third century, but itjg, noteworthy that
neither Eusebius nor any other of the ecclesiastical advocates
ofjhe third, fourth, or fifth centuries, ever refers to it. It
may be the compilation of any monk at any date prior to
1740, and is utterly valueless as evidence.
Dr. Tischendorf’s style is well exemplified by the positive
manner in which he fixes the date a.d. 139 to the first
apology of Justin, although a critic so “ learned ” as the un­
rivalled Dr. Tischendorf could not fail to be aware that
more than one writer has supported the view that the date
of the first apology was not earlier than a.d. 145, and others
have contended for a.d. 150. The Benedictine editors of
Justin’s works support the latter date. Dr. Kenn argues
for a.d. 155—160. On page 63, the Religious Tract Society’s
champion appeals to the testimony of Justin Martyr, but in »
order not to shock the devout while convincing the profane,
he omits to mention that more than half the writings once
attributed to Justin Martyr are now abandoned, as either of
doubtful character or actual forgeries, and that Justin’s
value as a witness is considerably weakened by the fact that
he quotes the acts of Pilate and the Sybilline Oracles as
though they were reliable evidence, when in fact they are
both admitted specimens of “ a Christian forgery.” But |
what does Justin testify as to the Gospels ? Does he say
that Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John were their writers ?
On the contrary, not only do the names of Matthew, Mark,
Luke, and John never occur as Evangelists in the writings
of Justin, but he actually mentions facts and sayings as to
Jesus, which are not found in either of the four Gospels.
The very words rendered Gospels only occur where they are
strongly suspected to be interpolated, Justin usually speaking
of some writings which he calls “ memorials ” or “memoirs
of the Apostles.”

»

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27

Dr. Tischendorf urges that in the writings of Justin the
G-ospels are placed side by side with the prophets, and that
“this undoubtedly places the Gospels in the list of canon­
ical books.” If this means that there is any statement in
-Justin capable of being so construed, then Dr. Tischendorf
was untruthful. Justin does quote specifically the Sybilline
oracles, but never Matthew, Mark, Luke, or John. He
‘-quotes statements as to Jesus, which may be found in the
-apocryphal Gospels, and which are not found in ours, so that
if the evidence of Justin Martyr be taken, it certainly does not
tend to prove, even in the smallest degree, that four Gospels
were specially regarded with reverence in his day. The
Rev. W. Sanday thinks that Justin did not assign an ex­
clusive authority to our Gospels, and that he made use also
of other documents no longer extant. (“ Gospels in 2nd
Century,” p. 117.)
On p. 94 it is stated that “as early as the time of Justin i»
’ the expression ‘ the Evangel ’ was applied to the four 7
Gospels.” This statement by Dr. Tischendorf and its »
"publication by the Religious Tract Society call for the
I strongest condemnation. Nowhere in the writings of Justin
are the words “the Evangel” applied to the four Gospels.
Gardner only professes to discover two instances in which
the wTord anglicised by Tischendorf as “Evangel,” occurs;
■€.vayyeX.L&lt;i&gt; and evayyeXca, the second being expressly pointed
out by Schleiermacher as an interpolation, and as an in­
stance in which a marginal note has been incorporated with
the text; nor would one occurrence of such a word prove
that any book or books were so known by Justin, as the
word is merely a compound of ev good and ayyekta message;
nor is there the slightest foundation for the statement that
in the time of Justin the word Evangel was ever applied to
■designate the four Gospels now attributed to Matthew, Mark,
Luke, and John.
Dr. Tischendorf (p. 46) admits that the “ faith of the I
! Church . . . would be seriously compromised ” if we ;
&gt;do not find references to the Gospels in writings between /
a.d. 100 and a.l&gt;. 150; and—while he does not directly '
.assert—he insinuates that in such writings the Gospels were
“ treated with the greatest respect,” or “ even already
treated as canonical and sacred writings
and he distinctly
affirms that the Gospels “ did see the light ” during the

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“ Apostolic age,” “ and before the middle of the second’
century our Gospels were held in the highest respect by the
Church,” although for the affirmation, he neither has nor
advances the shadow of evidence.
The phrases, “ Apostolic age ” and ‘‘Apostolic fathers”
denote the first century of the Christian era, and those
fathers who are supposed to have flourished during that
period, and who are supposed to have seen or heard, or had
the opportunity of seeing or hearing, either Jesus or some
one or more of the twelve Apostles., Barnabas, Clement,
Hermas, Ignatius, and Polycarp, are those whose names
figure most familiarly in Christian evidences as Apostolic
fathers. But the evidence from these Apostolic fathers is
of a most unreliable character. Mosheim (“ Ecclesiastical
t History,” cent. 1, cap. 2, sec. 3, 17) says that “ the Apostolic
history is loaded with doubts, fables, and difficulties,” and
that not long after Christ’s ascension several histories were
current of his life and doctrines, full of “ pious frauds and
fabulous wonders.” Amongst these were “The Acts of
Paul,” “ The Revelation of Peter,” “ The Gospel of Peter,”
I “The Gospel of Andrew,” “The Gospel of John,” “The
.Gospel of James,” “The Gospel of the Egyptians,” etc.
The attempts often made to prove from the writings of
Barnabas, Ignatius, etc., the prior existence of the four
Gospels, though specifically unnamed, by similarity of
phraseology in quotations, is a failure, even admitting for
the moment the genuineness of the Apostolic Scriptures, if
the proof is intended to carry the matter higher than that
such and such statements were current in some form or other,
at the date the fathers wrote. As good an argument might
’ be made that some of the Gospel passages were adopted from
* the fathers. The fathers occasionally quote, as from the
4 mouth of Jesus, words which are not found in any of our
four Gospels, and make reference to events not included in
the Gospel narratives, clearly evidencing that even if the
four documents ascribed to Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John,
were in existence, they were not the only sources of infor­
mation from which some of the Apostolic fathers derived
their knowledge of Christianity, and evidencing also that the
four Gospels had attained no such specific superiority as to
entitle them to special mention by name.
Of the epistle attributed to Barnabas, which is sup-

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29

&lt;posed by its supporters to have been written in the latter
part of the first century, which, Paley says, is probably
genuine, which is classed by Eusebius as spurious (“Eccle­
siastical History,” book iii., cap. 25), and which Dr.
Donaldson does not hesitate for one moment in refusing to
ascribe to Barnabas the Apostle (“ Ante-Nicene Fathers,”
vol. i., p. 100), it is only necessary to say that so far from
speaking of the Gospels with the greatest respect, it does not
mention by name any one of the four Gospels. There are
some passages in Barnabas which are nearly identical in
phraseology with some Gospel passages, and which it has
been argued are quotations from one or other of the four
Gospels, but which may equally be quotations from other
Gospels, or from writings not in the character of Gospels.
There are also passages which are nearly identical with
several of the New Testament epistles, but even the great
framer of Christian evidences, Gardner, declares his convic­
tion that none of these last-mentioned passages are quota­
tions, or even allusions, to the Pauline or other epistolary
writings. Barnabas makes many quotations which clearly
demonstrate that the four Gospels, if then in existence and
if he had access to them, could not have been his only source
of information as to the teachings of Jesus (E. G., cap. 7).
“ The Lord enjoined that whosoever did not keep the fast
should be put to death.” “ He required the goats to be of
goodly aspect and similar, that when they see him coming
they may be amazed by the likeness to the goat.” Says he,
“ those who wish to behold me and lay hold of my kingdom,
must through tribulation and suffering obtain me” (cap. 12).
And the Lord saith, “When a tree shall be bent down and
again rise, and when blood shall flow out of the wound.”
Will the Religious Tract Society point out from which of
the Gospels these are quoted ?
Barnabas (cap. 10) says that Moses forbade the Jews to
eat weasel flesh, “ because that animal conceives with the
mouth,” and forbad them to eat the hyena because that
animal annually changes its sex. This father seems to have
made a sort of melange of some of the Pentateuchal
ordinances. He says (cap. 8) that the Heifer (mentioned
in Numbers) was a type of Jesus, that the three (?) young
men appointed to sprinkle, denote Abraham, Isaac, and
- -Jacob, that wool was put upon a stick because the

�30

I

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1

WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

kingdom of Jesus was founded upon the cross, and
(cap. 9) that the 318 men circumcised by Abraham
stood for Jesus crucified. Barnabas also declared that
the world was to come to an end in 6,000 years (“Free­
thinkers’ Text Book,” part ii., p. 268). In the Sinaitic
Bible, the Epistle of St. Barnabas has now, happily for
misguided Christians, been discovered in the original Greek.
To quote the inimitable style of Dr. Tischendorf, “ while
so much has been lost in the course of centuries by the
tooth of time and the carelessness of ignorant monks, an in­
visible eye had watched over this treasure, and when it was
on the point of perishing in the fire, the Lord had decreed itsdeliverance;” “while critics have generally been divided
between assigning it to the first or second decade of the
second century, the Sinaitic Bible, which has for the first
time cleared up this question, has led us to throw its com­
position as far back as the last decade of the first century.”
A fine specimen of Christian evidence writing, cool assertion
without a particle of proof and without the slightest reason
given. How does the Siniatic MS., even if it be genuine,
clear up the question of the date of St. Barnabas’s Epistle?
Dr. Tischendorf does not condescend to tell us what has led
the Christian advocate to throw back the date of its com­
position ? We are left entirely in the dark: in fact, what
Dr. Tischendorf calls a “throw back,” is if you look at
Lardner just the reverse. What does the epistle of Barnabas
prove, even if it be genuine ? Barnabas quotes, by name,
Moses and Daniel, but never Matthew, Mark, Luke or John.
Barnabas specifically refers to Deuteronomy and the pro­
phets, but never to either of the four Gospels.
There is an epistle attributed to Clement of Rome, whichhas been preserved in a single MS. only where it is coupled
with another epistle rejected as spurious. Dr. Donaldson(“ Ante-Nicene Fathers,” vol. i-, p. 3) declares that who the
Clement was to whom these writings are ascribed cannot
with absolute certainty be determined. Both epistles stand
on equal authority; one is rejected by Christians, the other is
received. In this epistle while there is a distinct reference
to an Epistle by Paul to the Corinthians, there is no mention
by name of the four Gospels, nor do any of the words attri­
buted by Clement to Jesus agree for any complete quotation
with anyone of the Gospels as we have them. The Rev.

�WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

31

W. Sanday is frank enough to concede “ that Clement is
not quoting directly from our Gospels.”
Is it probable that Clement would have mentioned a
writing by Paul, and yet have entirely ignored the four
Gospels, if he had known that they had then existed ?
And could they have easily existed in the Christian world in
his day without his knowledge ? If anyone takes cap. xxv.
of this epistle and sees the phoenix given as a historic fact,
and as evidence for the reality of the resurrection, he will be
better able to appreciate the value of this so-called epistle
of Clement.
The letters of Ignatius referred to by Dr. Tischendorf
are regarded by Mosheim as laboring under many difficul­
ties, and embarrassed with much obscurity. Even Lardner,
doing his best for such evidences, says, that if we find
matters in the Epistles inconsistent with the notion that
Ignatius was the writer, it is better to regard such passages
as interpolations, than to reject the Epistles entirely,
especially in the “ scarcity ” of such testimonies.
There are fifteen epistles of which eight are undisputedly
forgeries. Of the remaining seven there are two versions, a
long and a short version, one of which must be corrupt,
both of which may be. These seven epistles, however, are
in no case to be accepted with certainty as those of Ignatius.
Dr. Cureton contends that only three still shorter epistles are
genuine (“Ante-Nicene Fathers,” vol. i., pp. 137 to 143).
The Rev. W. Sanday treats the three short ones as probably
genuine, waiving the question as to the others (“ Gospels in
Second Century,” p. 77, and see preface to sixth edition
“ Supernatural Religion”), Ignatius, however, even if he be
the writer of the epistles attributed to him, never mentions
either of the four Gospels. In the nineteenth chapter of the
Epistles to the Ephesians, there is a statement made as to
the birth and death of Jesus, not to be found in either
Matthew, Mark, Luke, or John.
If the testimony of the Ignatian Epistles is reliable, then
it vouches that in that early age there were actually Chris­
tians who denied the death of Jesus. A statement as to
Mary in cap. nineteen of the Epistle to the Ephesians is
not to be found in any portion of the Gospels. In his
Epistle to the Trallians, Ignatius, attacking those who denied
the real existence of Jesus, would have surely been glad to

�32

WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

quote the evidence of eye witnesses like Matthew and John,
if such evidence had existed in his day. In cap. eight
of the Epistles to the Philadelphians, Ignatius says, “I have
jlr heard of some who say : Unless I find it in the archives I
*' will not believe the Gospel. And when I said it is written,
they answered that remains to be proved.” This is the
most distinct reference to any Christian writings, and how
little does this support Dr. Tischendorf’s position. From
which of our four Gospels could Ignatius have taken the
words, “lam not an incorporeal demon,” which he puts into
the mouth of Jesus in cap. iii., the epistle to the Smyrnasans ?
Dr. Tischendorf does admit that the evidence of the Ignatian Epistles is not of decisive value; might he not go
farther and say, that as proof of the four Gospels it is of no
value at all ?
On page 70, Dr. Tischendorf quotes Hippolytus without
any qualification. Surely the English Religious Tract Society
might have remembered that Dodwell says, that the name
of Hippolytus had been so abused by impostors, that it was
not easy to distinguish any of his writings. That Mill de­
clares that, with one exception, the pieces extant under his
name are all spurious. That, except fragments in the writ­
ings of opponents, the works of Hippolytus are entirely
lost. Yet the Religious Tract Society permit testimony so
tainted to be put forward under their authority, to prove the
truth of Christian history. The very work which Dr. Tis­
chendorf pretends to quote is not even mentioned by Euse­
bius, in the list he gives of the writings of Hippolytus.
On page 94, Dr. Tischendorf states that Basilides, before ».
\ a.d. 138, and Valentinus, about a.d. 140, make use of
three out of four Gospels, the first using John and Luke,
the second, Matthew, Luke, and John. What words of
either Basilides or Valentinus exist anywhere to justify this ,
reckless assertion ? Was Dr. Tischendorf again presuming
’ on the utter ignorance of those who are likely to read his
pamphlet ? The Religious Tract Society are responsible
for Dr. Tischendorf’s allegations, which it is impossible to
support with evidence.
The issue raised is not whether the followers of Basilides
or the followers of Valentinus may have used these gospels,
but whether there is a particle of evidence to justify Dr.
'Tischendorf’s declaration, that Basilides and Valentinus

�WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

33

themselves used the above-named gospels. That the four
Gospels were well known during the second half of the first
century is what Dr. Tischendorf undertook to prove, and
statements attributed to Basilides and Valentinus, but which ■*
ought to be attributed to their followers, will go but little
way as such proof (see “ Supernatural Religion,” vol. ii., pp
41 to 63).
It is pleasant to find a grain of wheat in the bushel of
Tischendorf chaff. On page 98, and following pages, the
erudite author applies himself to get rid of the testimony of
Papias, which was falsified and put forward by Paley as of
great importance. Paley says the authority of Papias is com- 1
plete; Tischendorf declares that Papias is in error. Paley
says Papias was a hearer of John, Tischendorf says he was /
not. We leave the champions of the two great Christian
evidence-mongers to settle the matter as best they can. If,
however, we are to accept Dr. Tischendorf’s declaration
that the testimony of Papias is worthless, we get rid of the
chief link between Justin Martyr and the apostolic age. It
pleases Dr. Tischendorf to damage Papias, because that
father is silent as to the gospel of John ; but the Religious
Tract Society must not forget that in thus clearing away
&lt;1 the second-hand evidence of Papias, they have cut away
their only pretence for saying that any of the Gospels are
mentioned byname within 150 years of the date claimed for
the birth of Jesus. In referring to the lost work of Theo­
philus of Antioch, which Dr. Tischendorf tells us was a
kind of harmony of the Gospels, in which the four narra­
tives are moulded and fused into one, the learned Doctor
forgets to tell us that Jerome, whom he quotes as giving I
some account of Theophilus, actually doubted whether the ;
so-called commentary was really from the pen of that
writer. Lardner says : “ Whether those commentaries which »
&gt; St. Jerome quotes were really composed by Theophilus may |
be doubted, since they were unknown to Eusebius, and were ■
observed by Jerome to differ in style and expression from
his other works. However, if they were not his, they were
the work of some anonymous ancient.” But if they were
the work of an anonymous ancient after Eusebius, what be­
comes of Dr. Tischendorf’s “ as early as a.d. 170?”
1
Eusebius, who refers to Theophilus, and who speaks of his
using the Apocalypse, would have certainly gladly quoted

�34

WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN ?

the Bishop of Antioch’s “ Commentary on the Four Gos­
pels,” if it had existed in his day. Nor is it true that the
references we have in Jerome to the work attributed to
Theophilus, justify the description given by Dr. Tischendorf,
or even the phrase of Jerome, “gm quatuor Evangelistarum
in unum opus dicta comping ens. ” Theophilus seems, so far
as it is possible to judge, to have occupied himself not with a
connected history of Jesus, or a continuous discourse as to
his doctrines, but rather with mystical and allegorical eluci­
dations of occasional passages, which ended, like many pious
commentaries on the Old or New Testament, in leaving the
point dealt with a little less clear with the Theophillian com­
mentary than without it. Dr. Tischendorf says that Theo­
doret and Eusebius speak of Tatian in the same way—that
is, as though he had, like his Syrian contemporary, composed
a harmony of the four Gospels. This is also inaccurate.
Eusebius talks of Tatianus “having found a certain body
and collection of Gospels, I know not how,” which collection
Eusebius does not appear even to have ever seen; and so far
from the phrase in Theodoret justifying Dr. Tischendorf’s
explanation, it would appear from Theodoret that Tatian’s
Diatessaron was, in fact, a sort of spurious gospel, “The
Gospel of the Four” differing materially from our four
Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. Neither
Irenseus, Clement of Alexandria, or Jerome, who refer to
other works of Tatian, make any mention of this. Dr.
Tischendorf might have added that Diapente, or “the
Gospel of the Five,” has also been a title applied to this
work of Tatian.
, In the third chapter of his essay, Dr. Tischendorf refers
/' to apocryphal writings “which bear on their front the names
of Apostles” “used by obscure writers to palm off” their
forgeries. Dr. Tischendorf says that these spurious books
were composed “partly to embellish” scripture narratives,
and “ partly to support false doctrine ; ” and he states that
in early times, the Church was not so well able to distin­
guish true gospels from false ones, and that consequently
some of the apocryphal writings “ were given a place they
did not deserve.” This statement of the inability of the
Church to judge correctly, tells as much against the whole,
\ as against any one or more of the early Christian writings,
and as it may be as fatal to the now received gospels as to

I

�WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN ?

35

those now rejected, it deserves the most careful conside­
ration. According to Dr. Tischendorf, Justin Martyr falls
into the category of those of the Church who were “not so
critical in distinguishing the true from the false; ” for Justin,
says Tischendorf, treats the Gospel of St. James and the
Acts of Pilate, each as a fit source whence to derive mate­
rials for the life of Jesus, and therefore must have regarded
the Gospel of St. James and the Acts of Pilate, as genuine
and authentic writings; while Dr. Tischendorf, wiser, and a
greater critic than Justin, condemns the Gospel of St. James
as spurious, and calls the Acts of Pilate “a pious fraud ; ”
but if Dr. Tischendorf be correct in his statement that
* “Justin made use of this Gospel” and quotes the “Acts of
Pontius Pilate,” then, according to his own words, Justin
did not know how to distinguish the true from the false,
and the whole force of his evidence previously used by Dr.
Tischendorf in aid of the four Gospels would have been
seriously diminished, even if it had been true, which it
is not, that Justin Martyr had borne any testimony on the
subj’ect.
Such, then, are the weapons, say the Religious Tract
Society, by their champion, “which we employ against un­
believing criticism.” And what are these weapons ? We
have shown in the preceding pages, the suppressio veri and
the suggestio falsi are amongst the weapons used. The
Religious Tract Society directors are parties to fabrication
of evidence, and they permit a learned charlatan to forward
the cause of Christ with craft and chicane. But even this
is not enough ; they need, according to their pamphlet, “ a
new weapon; ” they want “to find out the very words the
Apostles used.”
True believers have been in a state of
delusion ; they were credulous enough to fancy that theft
authorised version of the Scriptures tolerably faithfully 1
represented God’s revelation to humankind. But no, says ‘
Dr. Tischendorf, it has been so seriously modified in the
copying and re-copying that it ought to be set aside alto-i
gether, and a fresh text constructed. Glorious news thisk
for the Bible Society. Listen to it, Exeter Hall 1 Glad tidings
to be issued by the Paternoster Row saints 1 After spending
hundreds of thousands of pounds in giving away Bibles to
soldiers, in placing them in hotels and lodging-houses, and
shipping them off to negroes and savages, it appears that

�36

WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

| the wrong text has been sent through the world, the true
version being all the time in a waste-paper heap at Mount
Sinai, watched over by an “invisible eye.” But, adds Dr.
| Tischendorf, “if you ask me whether any popular version
contains the original text, my answer is Yes and No. I
say Yes as far as concerns your soul’s salvation.” If these
are enough for the soul’s salvation, why try to improve the
matter? If we really need the “full and clear light” of
the Sinaitic Bible to show us “ what is the Word written
by God,” then most certainly our present Bible is not
believed by the Religious Tract Society to be the Word
written by God. The Christian advocates are in this
I dilemma : either the received text is insufficient, or the pro* posed improvement is unnecessary. Dr. Tischendorf says
( that “ The Gospels, like the only begotten of the Father,
will endure as long as human nature itself,” yet he says
“ there is a great diversity among the texts,” and that
the Gospel in use amongst the Ebionites and that used
’^amongst the Nazarenes have been “ disfigured here and
there with certain arbitrary changes.” He admits, more1 over, that “ in early times, when the Church was not so
critical in distinguishing the true from the false,” spurious
Gospels obtained a credit which they did not deserve. And
- while arguing for the enduring character of the Gospel, he
requests you to set aside the received text altogether, and to
try to construct a new revelation by the aid of Dr. Tischendorf’s patent Sinaitic invention.
We congratulate the Religious Tract Society upon their
manifesto, and on the victory it secures them over German
Rationalism and English Infidelity. The Society’s trans­
lator, in his introductory remarks, declares that “ circum­
stantial evidence when complete, and when every link in
the chain has been thoroughly tested, is as strong as direct
testimony; ” and, adds the Society’s penman, “ This is the
kind of evidence which Dr. Tischendorf brings for the
genuineness of our Gospels.” It would be difficult to
imagine a more inaccurate description of Dr. Tischendorf’s
work. Do we find the circumstantial evidence carefully
tested in the Doctor’s boasting and curious narrative of his
journeys commenced on a pecuniary deficiency and culmi­
nating in much cash ? Do we find it in Dr. Tischendorf’s
concealment for fifteen years of the place, watched over by

�WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

37

an invisible eye, in which was hidden the greatest biblical
treasure in the world ? Is the circumstantial evidence
shown in the sneers at Renan ? or is each link in the chain
tested by the strange jumbling together of names and con­
jectures in the first chapter ? What tests are used in the
cases of Valentinus and Basilides in the second chapter?
How is the circumstantial testimony aided by the references
in the third chapter to the Apocryphal Gospels? Is there
a pretence even of critical testing in the chapter devoted to
the apostolic fathers ? All that Dr. Tischendorf has done
is in effect to declare that our authorised version of the New
Testament is so unreliable, that it ought to be got rid of
altogether, and a new text constructed. And this declara­
tion is circulated by the Religious Tract Society, which
sends the sixpenny edition of the Gospel with one hand,
and in the other the shilling Tischendorf pamphlet, declaring
that many passages of the Religious Tract Society’s New
Testament have undergone such serious modifications of
meaning as to leave us in painful uncertainty as to what
was originally written.
The very latest contribution from orthodox sources to the
study of the Gospels, as contained in the authorised version,
is to be found in the very candid preface to the recentlyissued revised version of the New Testament, where the
ordinary Bible receives a condemnation of the most sweeping
description. Here, on the high authority of the revisers,
we are told that, with regard to the Greek text, the trans­
lators of the authorised version had for their guides “manu­
scripts of late date, few in number and used with little
critical skill.” The revisers add what Freethinkers have
long maintained, and have been denounced from pulpits for
maintaining, viz., “ that the commonly received text needed
thorough revision,” and, what is even more important,
they candidly avow that “it is but recently that materials
have been acquired for executing such a work with even
approximate completeness.” So that not only “ God’s
Word” has admittedly for generations not been “God’s
Word ” at all, but even now, and with materials not formerly
known, it has only been revised with “ approximate com­
pleteness,” whatever those two words may mean. If they
have any significance at all, they must convey the belief of
the new and at present final revisers of the Gospel, that, even

�38

WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

after all their toil, they are not quite sure that god’s reve­
lation is quite exactly rendered into English. So far as the
ordinary authorised version of the New Testament goes—
i and it is this, the law-recognised, version which is still used
in administering oaths—we are told that the old translators
“used considerable freedom,” and “ studiously adopted a
variety of expressions which would now be deemed hardly con­
sistent with the requirements of faithful translation.” This
I is a pleasant euphemism, but a real and direct charge of dis­
honest translation by the authorised translators. The new
revisers add, with sadness, that “ it cannot be doubted that
they (the translators of the authorised version) carried this
liberty too far, and that the studied avoidance of uniformity
in the rendering of the same words, even when occurring in
the same context, is one of the blemishes of their work.”
These blemishes the new revisers think were increased by
the fact that the translation of the authorised version of the
New Testament was assigned to two separate companies, who
never sat together, which “ was beyond doubt the cause of
many inconsistencies,” and, although there was a final super­
vision’, the new revisers add, most mournfully : “ When it
is remembered that the supervision was completed in nine
months, we may wonder that the incongruities which remain
are not more numerous.”
Nor are the revisers by any means free from doubt and
misgiving on their own work. They had the “ laborious
task ” of “ deciding between the rival claims of various
readings which might properly affect the translation,” and,
as they tell us, “ Textual criticism, as applied to the Greek
New Testament, forms a special study of much intricacy and’
difficulty, and even now leaves room for considerable variety
of opinion among competent critics.” Next they say: “ the
■ frequent inconsistencies in the authorised version have caused
| us much embarrassment,” and that there are “ numerous
passages in the authorised version in which .... the
studied variety adopted by the Translators of 1611 has pro­
duced a degree of inconsistency that cannot be reconciled
with the principle of faithfulness.” So little are the new
revisers always certain as to what god means that they
provide “alternative readings in difficult or debateable
passages,” and say “ the notes of this last group are
numerous and largely in excess of those which were ad­

�WHEN WERE OUR GOSPELS WRITTEN?

39

mitted by our predecessors.” And with reference to the
pronouns and other words in italics we are told that “ some
of these cases .... are of singular intricacy, and make
it impossible to maintain rigid uniformity.” The new
revisers conclude by declaring that “ through our manifold
experience of its abounding difficulties we have felt more
and more as we went onward that such a work can never be
accomplished by organised efforts of scholarship and criticism
unless assisted by divine help.” Apparently the new revisers r
are conscious that they did not receive this divine help in
their attempt at revision, for they go on: “We know full H
well that defects must have their place in a work so long and
so arduous as this which has now come to an end. Blemishes
and imperfections there are in the noble translation which 11
we have been called upon to revise ; blemishes and imper- ‘
fections will assuredly be found in our own revision; . .
. . we cannot forget how often we have failed in express- I
ing some finer shade of meaning which we recognised in the
original, how often idiom has stood in the way of a perfect
rendering, and how often the attempt to preserve a familiar
form of words, or even a familiar cadence, has only added ,
I another perplexity to those which have already beset us.”
J

THE END.

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CLERGE BELGE
EN 4881
D’APRES LES DEPOSITIONS FAITES SOUS LA FOI DU SERMENT
DANS L’ENQUETE PARLEMENTAIRE

DISCOURS
PRONONCE A LA CHAMBRE DES REPRESENTANTS DANS LA SEANCE DU 22FEVRIER
PAR

le comte GOBLET D’ALVIELLA

BRUXELLES
M. WEISSENBRUCH, IMPRIMEUR-EDITEUR
45, RUE DU POINCON, 45

1881

��d’apres les depositions f aites sous la foi du serment
DANS L’ENQUETE PARLEMENTAIRE

DISCOURS
PRONONCE A LA CHAMBRE DES BEPRESENTANTS DANS LA SEANCE DU 22 FEVRIER 1881

par le comte GOBLET D’ALVIELLA

Discussion du budget de la Justice pour Vexercice 1881
{chapitre des cudtesj
■ M. Goblet d'Alviella.-—Messieurs, je regrette et jem’applaudis a la
fois de devoir prendre la parole apres l’honorable membre qui vient de
se rasseoir. Je le regrette, car la sympathie et l’estime qui entourent la
parsonnalite de l’honorable chanoine de Haerne m’embarrassent un peu
dans les accusations que j’ai a diriger contre le corps dent il porte la
robe et dont il a pris la defense dans son discours. Mais, d’autre part,
,le tableau qu’il nous a tracb du clergd, tableau que justifie et sa propre
personne et peut-etre aussi ses souvenirs de 1830, ce tableau de ce que
devrait etre ou de ce qu’a ete le clergh beige est de nature d mieux
faire sentir le, contraste de la description que j’ai d vous en faire aujOUrd’hui.

�Je ne suivrai pas l’honorable membre dans tous les ddveloppements
par lesquels il s’est efforcd de prouver que les traitements du clergd
catholique etaient une simple indemnity, Equivalent des revenus eccldsiastiques supprim6s en 1790. Je congois qu’on considere le traitement
du clergy comme une indemnity si l’on reconnait a l’Eglise catholique
le caractere de socidt6 perpetuelle et autonome, existant par elle-meme
en presence de l’Etat. Mais pour nous autres qui nous inspirons du droit
moderne, du droit constitutionnel, qui ne voyons en presence de l’Etat
que des ministres du culte, et non une dglise ou meme des 6glises, nous
devons declarer, comme l’honorable M. Thonissen l’a lui-meme quelque
peu reconnu dans son rapport, que le clerg6 catholique comme les autres
clergds, doit etre rdmun^rd en proportion du service social qu’il rend.
Or, comment mesurerons-nous Etendue de ce service social? Il y a deux
elements A prendre en consideration A cet dgard: — d’abord le nombro
des fideles que l'e clerge est appele A desservir, — ensuite la convenance
avec laquelle il remplit sa mission religieuse.
C’est l’Etat qui paye les ministres du culte; l’Etat a done le droit
d’apprecier leurs services dans les limites de son droit constitutionnel.
En thdorie, beaucoup de gens pensent, et je suis de ce nombre, qu’il
ne faudrait r^mundrer aucune espece de clerge; mais je suis le premiei’ &amp; reeonnaitre que la Constitution de 1830 nous oblige &amp; rdmund»
rer le clergd proportionnellement aux services qu’il rend.
Pour apprdcier ces services, je compte done m’appuyer sur des docu»
ments officiels, sur des depositions faites sous la foi du serment, sur
les aveux du clerge lui-meme, en un mot sur toutes les revelations de
l’enquete scolaire.
Cette enquete ne fait que commencer. Elie ne s’est portee que sur
certains cantons, et cependant le jour qu’elle jette sur les paroles et les
actes du clerge me semble pleinement suffisant pour justifier les amendements que nous avons eu 1’honneur de proposer au budget des cultes.
J’avais commence a relever, dans ces depositions, toutes les attaques,
toutes l,es insinuations, toutes les calomnies que, d’apres certains temoignages, des ministres du culte, dans la plupart des paroisses, auraient
dirigees non pas seulement contre les liberaux, contre les institutcurs,
contre les peres de famille qui envoient leurs enfants aux ccoles communales, mais encore contre toutes les autorites qui, d’une fagon quelconque, cooperent A l’ex6cution de la loi scolaire : depuis les adminis­
trations des moindres villages jusqu’aux Chambres, aux ministres, au
Roi lui-meme, dont la personne n’a pas toujours dte respectee dans cette
triste campagne. Mais, au bout de quelques pages, je dois dire que,
devant l’abondance et surtout la qualite des materiaux, la plume m’est
tomb^e des mains de ddgout autant que de lassitude.

�— 3 —

■* . Je laisserai done le soin de poursuivre ces recherches A ceux qui
- veulent voir par eux-memes comment la majority de notre clergb professe l’amour du prochain et le respect de l’autoritb. Je me bornerai
pour le moment h montrer combien se sont trompbs les membres de la
droitequi, avec une parfaite bonne foi.je le veuxbien, —dans une excellente intention, je le veux bien encore, — mais induits en erreur par des
renseignements incomplets, et peut-etre sous l’empire de ces illusions
que favorise l’esprit de parti, sont venus prbtendro que les sacrements
btaient partout accordbs aux enfants des bcoles communales et h leurs
parents, ou du moins que le refus des sacrements A ces deux categories
btait la rare exception.
Je ne pense pas qu’apres avoir jetb les yeux sur les documents de l’en»
quote parlementaire, on puisse encore soutenir que ces refus soient l’exception, car ils constituent au contraire la regie presque invariable; c’est
l’octroi des sacrements qui est l’exception, la rare exception.
Commengons par les enfants.
Non seulement nous voyons les sacrements refuses aux Aleves des
-- deoles communales qui ont dbj^, fait leur premiere communion, mais
encore aux bleves des bcoles d’adultes et des bcoles dominicales, ou la
religion n’est pas et n’a pas btb enseignbe.
Quant h la premiere communion, on ne l’a pas refusbe directement,
mais on a tout fait pour arriver au meme but, soit en refusant de donner
l’enseignement du catbchisme aux enfants des ecoles communales, soit
en donnant cet enseignement exclusivement dans le local des bcoles
litres, soit meme en le donnant dans leglise aux heures qui contra, riaient le plus le programme de l’enseignement communal.
On vous a dbjh retracb le tableau de toutes les avanies que les min-rstres du culte prodiguent aux enfants des bcoles communales, depuis la
simple injure jusqu’aux sbvices dont les tribunaux ont du s’occuper.
Ainsi que l’honorable M. Bara l'avait dbjh affirme, l’an dernier, dans la
discussion du budget de la justice, on a vu, dans plus d’une locality, les
dlbves des bcoles communales arrachbs de leur banc au catbchisme et
forcbs de s’agenouiller sur les dalles nues, ou encore consignbs h la
porte de l’bglise et exposes A toutes les intempbries, uniquement pour
atteindre leurs parents qui les maintenaient aux bcoles offlcielles ou
peut-etre pour les dbgouter de cette frbquentation I
Ce n’est pas tout. Le clergb a trouvb un moyen plus radical encore
; d’empecher les enfants des bcoles communales de faire leur premiere
communion : il a tout simplement supprimb la premiere communion de
1’annbe derniere. C’est ce qui s’est passb a Gedinne, a Malvoisin, h
Patignies, a Fescheux, &amp; Bolinne, — car c’est ainsi que l’Eglise applique

'

s

�ddsormais la belle parole du Christ : « Laissez venir &amp; moi les petits
enfants. »
Quant aux parents, on a refuse l’absolution, non seulement aux peres
et aux meres des sieves, mais encore — comme &amp; Couvin et &amp; Focant —
aux grands-peres et aux grand’meres, aux oncles et aux tantes.
A Louette-Saint-Denis, le secretaire communal depose qu’il a ete
excommunie parce qu’ayant un enfant de 4 ans, il n’a pas voulu s’engager &amp; le mettre a lecole catholique, le jour ou il aurait atteint lage
d’ecole, si alors l'ecole catholique existait encore.
A Fagnolles, le bourgmestre a ete excommunie avecsa femme, parce
qu’il gardait chez lui le fils d’un ami et que ce jeune homme frequentait
l’ecole communale.
A Pondrome, on a etendu le refus des sacrements a ceux qui frequentaient les families dont les enfants suivaient l’hcole communale.
A Doel, on a excommunie un douanier parce qu’il recevait de 1’instituteur des repetitions de grammaire et d’arithmetique.
M. J.-B. Nothomb a hcrit un jour qu’il n’y avait pas plus de rapport
entre l’Etat et la religion qu’entre l’Etat et la geomdtrie. Il me semble
cependant que le clerge trouve aujourd’hui certains rapports entre
l’arithmetique et la religion.
Je ne parlerai pas de la commune de Seloignes, oule cure excommuniaitle conseil communal jusqu’kla quatrieme generation, parce qu’il
s'etait avise de nommer une institutrice laique qui lui dhplaisait. Le
fait se passait sous l’ancienne loi scolaire, bien qu’il ait ete seulement
revele dans la presente enquete.
Mais dans d’autres localites, notamment A Oisy, on est alle jusqu’A
menacer les parents qui enverraient des enfants aux ecoles communales
de ne plus baptiser leurs nouveau-nhs. Il semble que ce soit la une
menace en Fair, devant la doctrine formelie de l’Eglise romaine en
matiere de bapteme.
Il y a cependant un pretre qui a accompli &amp; peu pres ce veritable tour
de force, c’est le cure d’Oordeghem, dans le canton d’Alost.

M. Van Wambeke. — Dans le canton d’Alost?
M. Goblet d’Alviella. — Oui, monsieur Van Wambeke, dans votrc
arrondissement. Un sieur Van Impe avait ses enfants a l’ecole commu­
nale. Comme il venait deluiarriver un dixieme enfant, on avait projeth
de celebrer le bapteme avec une certaine solennite. Le Roi avait envoyb
une gratification et deux personnes notables de la commune etaient
designees pour parrain et marraine.
•» La veille du bapteme, depose le docteur Dooreman, le cure accom-

�^pagn6 du sacristain vint chez Van Impe et demanda &amp; voir l’enfant. On
le lui presenta; il tira de sa poche une petite dole pleine d’eau. La mere
. pensait qu’il voulait settlement assurer l’enfant; mais quand le lendemairi Van Impe alia demander a quelle lieure le bap terne aurait
lieu, le curt lui repondit : Ge n’est pas nhcessaire; l’enfant est dhjd
baptist. »
5 Le tour estjoli. Vous voyez que j’avais raison de le qualifier de tour
de force, ear c’est un veritable escamotage de bapteme.
Malheureusement, Messieurs, les pratiques du clergd ne sont pas toujours aussi inofiensives. Certes, il a le droit de refuser les sacrements
quand il lui plait, en toutes circonstances. Mais je ne maintiens pas
moins, en me plagant, sinon au point de vue religieux, du moins au
point de vue de l’humanith, que des refus de sacrements se sont produits
dans des circonstances ou ils constituent de vhritables actes de rtvoltante cruaute.
Jeveux parler du refus de sacrement a des agonisants, parce que leurs
enfants frtquentaient l’bcole publique. Ces cas sont si nombreux que je
dois renoncer &amp; les citer (1).
Je ne puis cependant ne pas citer ici la-deposition du bourgmestre de
Fagnolles.
Ecoutez cette deposition :
- « La femme Mouchette, etant au lit de mort, a fait appeler le cure.
- Le cure lui a dit -. Promettez-moi de mettre vos enfants d l’ecole catholique, ou pas de sacrements! La femme, qui avait encore de l’energie,
. a dit non. Il est revenu ala charge et a cssuyc le meme refus. Enfin,
une troisieme fois, il est revenu; la femme htait affaissde et sans force.
Il lui a demande la meme promesse, l’a obtenue et lui a donne l’absolution. La femme est morte une heure apres. Je tiens le fait du mari luimeme, La seconde fois que le curt s’est presente, la femme m’a demands
si elle serait enterrte en terre sainte si elle mourait sans sacrement. Je
lui ai promis que oui, dussc-je pour cela briser la porte du cimetiere. »
Dans bien des cas, il est aish de comprendre que ces actes de cruaute
aggravent l’htat des malades, si meme ils ne hatent leur fin. Ce sont les
mddecins meme qui en dhposent. M. le docteur Fhrier, de Florenville,
cite h lui seul plusieurs faits de ce genre dans sa clientele :
« J’ai 6th appelh un jour, d’urgence, chez Stevenot, Auguste, martchalferrant &amp; Sainte-Cecile. J’ai trouve la. maison investie par beaucoup
de personnes. Le malade avait l’air tout dgart. Les assistants htaient
(1) Rien que dans le 1" fascicule des documents, 4 Bohan p. 4, it Louette-SaintPierrep. 135, a Olloy p. 223, a Virton p. 533, a Florenville p. 631, it Beauraing. p.399,
Si Heyst p. 466, &amp; Oostcamp p. 557, etc., etc.

�6
effrayds et ils m’ont dit que le curd avait arrache du malade k promesse
de retirer ses enfants de l’dcole communale en le menagant dune inert
tres rapide. Il devait, disait-il, mourir dans les quatre heures. Le malade
dtait en proie &amp; une fievre violente, il dtait dans le ddlire et incapable de
prendre une resolution rdfldchie.
« Des scenes de ce genre faites aupres des malades sont regrettables
au point de vue medical. Je dirai, notamment, A ce propos, qu’une scene
analogue s’est passde chez l’institutrice de Chassepierre, M1Ie Dumont,
dont j’dtais le mddecin. Celle-ci dtait atteinte dune maladie mortelle, et
■ cette scene a exerce sur l’dtat de sa santd une influence ddfavorable. Ells
me l’a dit, du reste, spontandment. Le curd se promenait dans la
cbambre, frappant la table de son tricorne, lui disant qu’elle serait
enterrde dans le trou aux chiens, en un mot, il lui avait fait une seen©
de violence qui lui avait fait du mal. »
Avant d’abandonner ce sujet des refus de sacrement, je veux repro, duire une derniere ddposition ; celle-ci se passe de commentaires, car les
faits qu’elle rdvele parlent assez haut a quiconque conserve dans l’ame
quelque sentiment d’humanite et de justice.
Je ne connais pas dans l’enquete tout entiere de fait plus navrant et
plus profonddment ddplorable.
Il s’agit d’une pauvre vieille femme de 67 ans, menagere a Habay-kVieille; elle raconte comment le curd n’avait pas voulu confesser sa fill©
mourante, parce que celle-ci avait des enfants a l’dcole communale.
« La pauvre femme, disait-elle en parlant de la mourante, jgfa.it
- ' presque a bout, elle et moi. Chaque fois que la porte s’ouvrait, elle
crayait que c’etaitM. le curd. Aminuit, comme j’dtais tres fatigude, elk
me dit : « Allez vous coucher, maman. M. le curd viendra domain. ■»
J’dtais tres tourmentde. Je me suis rdveillee et je l’ai trouvee morte. J’ai
dtd saisie d’une telle douleur en la voyant ainsi morte sans confession,
que je suis tombde sans connaissance. Je suis restee dans cet dtat pen­
dant une heure et a la suite de ce triste dvdnement, je suis tombde
malade. J’ai eu une hydropisie des mains que j’attribue au saisissement
qui s’est empard de moi. — Au ddbut de sa ddposition, ajoute le proeds*
verbal, le tdmoin est en proie A une grande emotion et pleure. Il dit en
terminant : Depuis cette dpoque, je ne suis plus la meme personne, je.
pense toujours d ma pauvre fllie qui est partie sans confession. J’ai
dit encore au curd : Le bon Dieu vous tiendra, vous serrera et vous
- jugera. »
Encore le refus des sacrements n’est-il qu’un des nombreux moyens
employ ds par le clerge.
Ld, ou le pere de famille se rit de l’excommunication, on s’adresse d la
mere, &amp; la femme, qui subit plus aisdment l’influence du pretre, et pour

�arriver a ses fins, le clergd n’hSsitera pas A. jatei’ sciemment la discorde
dans les manages.
Rien que dans les quatre premiers cantons visiles par la commission
d’enqucte scolaire, je trouve ce fait rdpdtd dans vingt-cinq temoignages
rdparte dans presque toutes les communes (1).
« Il est b, ma connaissance et A la connaissance de tout le village, dit
notatanent le bourgmestre de Gros-Fays, que le curd a dtd jusqu’a de­
clarer en chaire que le devoir des femmes, dont les maris seraient
rebelles a ses conseils, dtait de rdsister &amp; leurs maris, et au besoin de les
ab&amp;ndonner. »
D’apres M. Julien Adam, A Naomd, le curd aurait dit en chaire -. “ Et
vous, meres de famille, il faut tourmenter vos maris jusqu’A ce que vous
soyez mattresses de vos enfants, vos obsessions dussent-elles meme amener de l’humeur dans le mdnage. »
Le curd d’Eghezde, d’apres la conversation que reproduit l’dpouse
Dohet, lui aurait dit de tourmenter son mari “ jusqud pendant la nuit »
pour le determiner A retirer ses enfants de l’dcole communale.
Toutes ces ddpositions sont terriblement uniformes et c’est le cas de
dire qu’on y a l’embarras du choix ■ en voici cependant une derniere qu’il
est bon de relever :
A Fraipont, la dame Octavie Dupont raconte une ddmarche analogue
du curd. « Il m’a dit que si je voulais, je parviendrais bien &amp; tourner mon
mari, que je n’avais qua revenir souvent A la charge. Je lui ai reprdsentd
quejene voulais pas, moi, faire mauvais mdnage. Il rdpondait que cela
ne faisait rien, qu’il fallait seulement A tout prix le tourner. Il disait qu’il
valait mieux que je misse mes enfants a l’dcole catholique et que je
laissasse mon mari boire une piece ou deux de cinq francs au cabaret;
quesije faisais cela, il se laisserait bien determiner A mettre 1’enfantA
1 ecole catholique. »
M. Bouvier. — Quelle belle morale 1

v M. Goblet d Alviella. — D’autant plus belle, — pour confirmer
1 interruption de l’honorable M. Bouvier, — qu’A cet dgard, j’ai dtd tres
surpris de lire bier, dans un des derniers numdros d’un journal que
MM. les dveques ne desavouent certainement pas, la phrase suivante -.
“ Nous, catholiques, — dit le Courrier de Bruxelles a propos de l’admission des femmes dans le service tdldgraphique — enfants de cette
civilisation que 1 Eglise a fondde et que nous voulons ddfendre, nous
avens du mariage une idde tout autre que celle dont le libdralisme se
372

iOO13^’ 42’ r6'

7°’ 71' 7?’ 98, 102,105, 126, 137, 231, 257, 2731 2'9’285’ 337 ’

�plait A nous faire un grossier Ctalage. Nous croyons que l’acte sacramentel est le point de depart terrestre dune union sainte qui doitse
- continuer dans le ciel; nous voyons dans l’Cpoux la tete de l’Cpouse,
- caput mulieris, comme dit saint Paul ; et nous croyons avec l’apotre
que, dans le respect et 1 amour, 1 Spouse doit etre soumise A l’Cpoux
comme l’Eglise est soumise au Christ: s/cut Ecclesia subjecta est Christo,
ita et mulieris viris suis in omnibus. *
Il parait, Messieurs, que le clerge de nos provinces tient pour les
idees de l'honorable M. Pirmez contre celles de l’honorable M. Nothomb
et du Courrier de Bruxelles. Pour ma part, j’en fhliciterais volontiers
notre clergd catholique, sije ne savais encore qu’il y a la une simple
. application de la morale constamment enseignCe par les jesuites, qu’un
mari, qu’un pere de famille perd tous ses droits lorsqu’il dbsobeit A
l’Eglise.
Il arrive, heureusement, que dans la plupart des cas ces incitations
odieuses viennent se heurter contre l’affecti on conjugate et le bon sens
des meres de famille. Alors, puisque peres et meres Cchappent A l’influence de l’Eglise, on s’adresse, en dhsespoir de cause, aux enfinte
eux-memes pour leur enseigner qu’ils doivent obhir a l’Eglise want
d’obdir &amp; leurs parents. Tel est, ici encore, le langage foimel qti’on
voit prefer au clerge dans la grande majorite des communes1. Permettez-moi d’en relever quelques exemples pris dans la masse.
“ Dans un catechisme qui a eu lieu il y a peu de temps, peut-etre
deux mois,—dit M. Ch. Francois, a Olloy,—le curd a recommandC aux
enfants de pleurer pour decider les parents a les envoyer a l’bcole catholique. Il leur disait qu’&amp; Dinant et &amp; Namur, il y avait des enfants
qui avaient fait la meme chose et dont les parents avaient fini par
cCder. »
“ A Rienne, — d’apres M. Brichet — le curb a notamment recoinmandh, en plein catCchisme, aux enfants qui l’Ccoutaient, de se laisser
battre, tuer s’il le fallait, plutot que de se laisser placer dans les Ceoles
officielles, disant qu’ainsi ils seraient agrhables &amp; Dieu. »
Encore une deposition sur ce sujet; c’est celle de M. Dropsy, institateur it Meirx-le-Chateau :
“ Le curb leur a dit qu’ils devaient desobeir it leurs parents et fail's
I’ecole buissonniere plutot que d’aller a l’Ccole communale. Les Cleves
me l’ont ddclarh. A un autre enfant, le curb a dit : Ne pretez pas atten­
tion aux lemons de votre maitre, ce sera un pretexte pour lui de vows’
renvoyer de la classe. A une autre, il a dit qu’eZ/e pouvait dtsobdir &amp; son
pere, parce que celui-ci etait remarid cwilement en secondes noces. »
(1) Pages 11, 19, 38, 42, 06, 70, 93, 110, 129, 222,229, 208, 278, 282, 290, 295, 413 (1« fascile&gt;.

�.

y

■

— 9 — -

Quelles belles applications du commandement du Ddcalogue:«Honore
ton pere et ta mere. »
Je sals bien ce qu’on object®, ce qu’on a objects a toutes ces deposi­
tions. Malgrd la golennitd du serment sous la foi duquel elles sont pro-duitesrm^g’rt leur universality et leur concordance, malgrd la naivetd
m&amp;nie qui en dtablit la sincbritd, nos adversaires ne manquent pas de
pi’Otendre que ce sont autant de calomnies, de parjures, d’inventions
liberates, diaboliques. Mais que peuvent-ils dire, lorsqu’il s’agit des aveux
du clergy lui-meme ou tout au moins des dypositions de certains
pretres qui, tout en se dyfendant d’avoir intentionnellement prechd la
dOsobdissance et la discorde, laissent cependant dchapper des aveux
oft la verity delate tout entiere pour quiconque se rend compte de la
situation?
Le cury de Musson est accusd dans plusieurs ddpositions d’avoir dit
aux enfants que, si les parents voulaient les envoyer a l’dcole communale, ils devaient formellement leur ddsobdir, et d’avoti ddclard aux
femmes que, si leurs maris voulaient envoyer leurs enfants a l’dcole
, coinmunale, il y avait la un cas de sdparation :
• Je nie, ddpose le curd, avoir dit que les enfants pouvaient manquer
; au respect d. leurs parents. J’ai dit, au contraire, qu’ils leur devaient le
respect, meme lorsqu’ils leur commandaient quelque chose de contraire
&amp; la loi de l’Eglise, mais pas I’obeissance. — Je nie avoir dit que si le
marl, contrairement a la volontd de sa femme, mettait son enfant dans
nn© dcole communale, il y aurait lieu de se sdparer de son mari. Mais
j’ai citd ce texte de l’Evangile : Celui qui ne hait pas son pere, ou sa
mere, ou son enfant, ou son epouse, a cause de moi, n’est pas digne de
moi. »
Voito, certes, des distinguo que ne ddsavoueraient pas les casuistes
citds dans les Provinciates.
D’apres M. J.-B. Lemaire, de Rulles, le curd de cette commune disait
.aux meres de famille « de se dresser comme des lionnes contre leurs
maria, plutot que de leur laisser envoyer leurs enfants dans les dcoles
communales » ; il ajoutait « qu’elles devaient se battre, s’il le fallait », et
d'apres un autre tdmoin, Hippolyte Hubert, il disait « que les enfants qui
dtaient envoyds par leurs parents aux dcoles communales avaient le droit
dene plus leur obdir ». — “ J’ai dit, ddpose le curd deRulles, qu’il valait
mieux obdir h Dieu qu’aux hommes, et cela a propos de la loi sur les
denies et tfes enfants que leurs parents envoient dans les ecoles commitnales. J’ai dit que les femmes devaient faire le possible et meme I’impossible pour amener leur mari a mettre leurs enfants dans les dcoles
catfaoliques. »
Ln wry de Hachy dtait accusd, entre autres extravagances, d’avoir

�— 40

dit qu’h partir de l’age de distinction, c’est-h-dire de lage de sept ans,
un enfant ne devait plus obdir &amp; ses parents, lorsqu’ils refusaient de l’envoyer a l’dcole catholique. « J’ai prechd, dit-il, que les enfants arrivds A
Page de distinction doivent savoir ce qu’ils font, et que si leurs parents
leur commandent une chose contraire a leur conscience, a la loi de
Dieu et de l’Eglise, ils ne clowent pas obeir. »
C’est le meme pretre qui, accusd par plusieurs tdmoins d’avoir dit que,
sile Roi signait la loi du ler juillet 1879, il serait un homme de paille
(brodjong), reconnait avoir prechd que, « si le Roi voulait agir en bon
catholique, en homme religieux, il devrait donner sa demission plutbt
que de signer la loi sur l’enseignement primaire ».
En rdalitd, c’est toujours le systeme du Syllabus, admirablement
rdsumd, d'ailleurs, dans cette meme enquete, par le curd Werrebrouck,
de Zedelghem. « Le tdmoin, constate le proces-verbal, ne croit pas avoir
dit que les seules lois a observer etaient les lois des dveques; mais, si
cela en venait la, je dirais que, si les lois humaines dtaient en opposition
avec les lois de l’Eglise, les lois de l’Eglise sont seules obligatoires.
« Chaque fois, depose, de son co th, le curd de Leuze-Longchamp, chaque .
fois que la loi de l’Eglise sera en contradiction avec la loi civile, je ddsobdirai h la loi civile. *
Ce sont la de veritables apologies du droit h l’insurrection sur lesquelles il est bon de greffer le commentaire du curd de Virginal: « J’ai
dit que c’dtait un moindre mal de tuer un homme que de voter pour
un liberal, parce que le libdralisme est une hdrdsie. »
Que prouvent toutes ces declarations, dont l’origine n’est pas suspects I
Elies prouvent une fois de plus que pour ces membres du clergd catho­
lique il n’existe hors de l’Eglise ni dquite, ni justice, ni morale, ni loismeme. Et notez que je n’ai relevd ici que les imputations dont le clergd
reconnait lui-meme le fondement; et je n’ai pas parld des faits extremament graves qui, a diverses reprises, ont dtd alldguds contre des mem­
bres du clergd, mais qui ne sont mentionnds que dans des depositions
isoIdes.
Les accusations que j’ai produites suffisent, du reste, pour faire de
cette enquete — au sujet de laquelle nous devons tdmoigner notre
reconnaissance d, l’honorable M. Malou, qui 1’a rdclamde le premier —
Pacte d’accusation le plus formidable qui ait jamais dtd formuld contre
le clergd salarid d’un pays lib re.
Et quelles sont les consdquences de cette monstrueuse croisade contre
nos institutions scolaires ? L’enquete nenous les rdvele que trop. Il n’est
plus une commune ou la vie privde et la vie publique ne soient profonddment troubldes. Le clergd a souffld la ddsobdissance dans l’ame des
enfants.

�— 11 —

Li ou les parents imposent leur volonth, les enfants suivent le consell de ceux qu’on leur a imprudemment representes comme les interpretes de Dieu sur la terre, ils pleurent, se regimbent, negligent leurs
devoirs, font l’eeole buissonniere, travaillent A se faire chasser de l’dcole,
bombent malades sous l’empire de la surexcitation qu’on a rdussi A leur
inspirer, et on voit desjeunes filles de dix-sept ans s’enfuir nuitamment
du toit paternel plutot que de frequenter une ecole reprouvde par leur
confesseur (1). —- LA ou les parents se montrent d’un caractere faible,
hcoutez ce qui se passe :
« Mes enfants, dit entre autres M. Jules Botte A Bievre, suivent
maij/remoz l’ecole catholique, etj’ai perdu toute autorith sureux depuis
qu’ils ont dtd retires de lecole communale. J’ai voulu, moi-meme, aller
rechercher mon fils qui est A l’ecole catholique. Il est agh de treize ans.
Il &amp; rdpondu en termes orduriers qu’il se moquait de moi. Il a ajoutd :
« Coupez-moi en morceaux si vous le voulez, je n’obdirai qu’A ce qui est
j-xiste et raisonnable; mais pour les ecoles communales je n’irai pas. »
Mon enfant s’est alors sauvh. »
La discorde est entr.be au sein des manages jusque-lA unis. Que de
tristes Episodes, de drames intimes viennent s’htaler, comme autant de
plaies faites par le clergd, dans les pages de l’enquete !
- « Depuis ces sermons, dbposeM. Pierre Ghrard, cultivateur A Naomh,
1&amp; discorde est entree dans le menage, ma femme ne cessant d’insister
pour que je mette mes enfants A l’bcole catholique; c’est A tel point que
j'ai pensb un moment A la renvoyer chez son pere. »
« Dans un sermon, dit le sieur Jacqmay A Hanret, le curb a dit que
les femmes devaient combattre jusqu’A la mort pour contraindre leur
mari A envoyer leurs enfants A 1’ecolc catholique. A la suite de ce ser­
mon, ma femme, A mon insu, a retire ma fille de lecole communale, et
l’a envoybe A l’hcole catholique. Mon manage, ou la paix regnal t avant
ch sermon, est aujourd’hui completement trouble. Depuis tout cela, mon
enfant n’a plus aucune obdissance envers moi. »
Ailleurs encore, ce sont des femmes qui, suivant A la lettre les conseite du cure, quittent le domicile conjugal et se refusent A y retourner
teat que leur mari n’aura pas pris l’engagement d’envoyer les enfants A
l’^cole catholique.
Du foyer domestique, la discorde s’est glissee dans les relations
aoeiales. Que de fois nous voyons se reproduire cette deposition sthrhotyphe : “ La commune etait autrefois calme et paisible : le trouble et la
division y sont entres par suite des violences du clergh. » Nos tribunaux
en savent d’ailleurs quelques chose, et, si ces divisions ne sont pas allbes
(1) Voirp. 93 ia deposition de M. P.-J. Clarinval, echevin de Gedinne,

�— 12 —

plus loin, dans bien des cas ce n’est pas faute des excitations parties du
haut de la chaire.
“ La conduite du curd a suscitd le trouble dans la commune, dit entee ?
autres un tdmoin de Robermont; les enfants des deux dcoles se sont:
battus les uns contre les autres, et peu sen est fallu que les parents
eux-memes n’en vinssent aux prises. »
Tout cela parce que, a Robermont comme ailleurs, le clergd, suivant
l’expression pittoresque d’un tdmoin de Sdloignes, a cessd d’etre le curd
de la paroisse pour devenir le curd dune dcole.

\.

Ces violences ont eu encore un autre rdsultat, et ici je rentre dans la
seconde partie de mon sujet; ce resultat, c’est, dans une grande partie
du pays, le ddpeuplement partiel des dglises, et j’appelle tout particu*
lierement sur ce point l’attention de l’honorable ministre de la justice.
Pour justifier l’augmentation du clergd catholique, l’honorable M. de
Haerne nous a parld tantdt de l’augmentation correspondante de la
population pendant la pdriode de 1830 h 1880.
Ici je dois tout d’abord placer une observation gdndrale : c’est que
l’augmentation du clergd n’a nullement suivi dans les diverses locality
une marche parallele h l’accroissement de la population.
Ainsi, en ce qui concerne les agglomdrations urbaines, — c’est-h-dire
lh ou l’on ne peut invoquer, pour justifier une augmentation dispropoi*tionnde du clergd, les espaces inhabites &amp; parcourir entre les diffdrents
points de la commune, la par consdquent ou c’est exclusivement le
chiffre de la population qui devrait ddterminer le chiffre des ministres
du culte, sans dgard pour l’dtendue du territoire, — nous pouvons
prendre comme type l’agglomdration bruxelloise, oil l’on ne dira
certes pas que le clergd est insuffisant pour les besoins religieux de la
population.
Eh bien, h Bruxelles, d’apres ce que nous disait, l’autre jour, l’honorable ministre de la j ustice, on compte 100 ministres du culte pour une
population de 400,000 habitants(l). Qu’a-t-on eu besoin des lors de porter
cette proportion — pour ne pas sortir du Brabant — dans la ville de
Hal h 1 pour 1,800 habitants, dans la ville de Louvain h 1 pour 1,300,
dans la ville de Wavre A 1 pour 1,400, — c’est-h-dire qu’h Wavre et
A Louvain un ministre du culte a trois fois moins de besogne qu’h
Bruxelles? A Louvain cependant on ne comptait que 11 ministres du
culte en 1842.
Dans certaines parties de nos campagnes, c’est mieux encore.
La Flandre liberate publiait dernierement une statistique fort curieuse, rddigde h l’aide d’dldments pris dans l’exposd de la situation
(1) Soit 1 pour 4,000 hab.

�— 13 —

■ -.

administrative de la province. On y remarque que dans l’arrondisse- ment de Gand un grand iiombre de local ires ont vu leur population
- dAcroltre depuis 1846 dans une proportion qui va de 8 A 20 p. c. Et
- 'cependant dans la meme periode le clerge catholique s’est accru de
77 nouveaux pretres salaries. A ce compte-lA, si nous ajoutons les
innombmbles convents qui se sont certainement htablis dans ces communesdA comme ailleurs, nous finirions, pour peu que la population
continue a decroitre en raison inverse du clergh shculier et rhgulier,
i par arri ver A cette situation peu enviable de certains pays bouddhistes
ou l’on trouve plus de clergh que de fideles.
Je maintiens que presque partout ou la population a augments dans
' fes proportions tithes par l’honorable M. de Haerne, le chiffre des fideles
r. n’ena pas moins diminuh depuis 1830, et je n'en veux pour preuve que
les revelations de l’enquete.
Non settlement nous voyons le clergh lui-meme refuser partout les
sacraments aux categories directement vishes par les instructions hpis■. copales, savoir les instituteurs et les institutrices qui donnent l’enseip; gnenaent religieux, les eleves des ecoles normales et les membres des
comites scolaires, mais nous voyons encore, dans la grande majority des
communes, cette phnalith s’htendre aux Cleves des hcoles communales et
A leurs parents, ainsi qu’aux membres des administrations communales
' qui font leur devoir en concourant A l'exhcution de la loi. Et ce n’est
■pas tout, car il convient d'y ajouter le nombre bien plus considerable de
- toils ceux que les violences du clergh ont systhmatiquement hloignhs de
l’Eglise.
Autrefois on ne trouvait guere dans cette cathgorie que les librespenseurs des grandes villes. Aujourd’bui, meme en pleine campagne,
nous voyons des groupes entiers de population s’hcarter d’une institution
qui fait trop de politique pour donner satisfaction A leurs besoins relii/' gieux. La commission d’enquete n’a pu visiter que quelques communes,
. ill® ne s’est pas occuphe de la frdquentation des hglises. Voyez, cepen■ dant, que de declarations spontanhes dhnongant l’htat de choses auquel
r ' je fais allusion I
Ainsi A Gros-Fays, —je choisis cette commune parce qu’elle est la
[
ou ait siegh la commission d’enquete, — le bourgmestre
dhpos® : « Autrefois il n’y avait A Gros-Fays que deux personnes qui
ne remplissaient pas leur devoir pascal. Aujourd’hui il y en a, A mon
avis, une centaine. »
- - * Depuis les violences de M. le curd Georges, dit un autre habitant
t de la meme commune, un tres grand nombre, environ cent cinquante,
. se sont abstenus d’accomplir leurs devoirs religieux. » Il faut savoir que
% x lacommune de Gros-Fays ne compte que 370 habitants.
Je releve des depositions analogues dans le canton de Gedinne, A

�— 14 —

Bievre, A Louette, a Petit-Fays, a Houdremont, &amp; Sart-Custinne, a Patignies. Dans le canton de Couvin, &amp; Cul-des-Sarts, &amp; Gonrieux, &amp; Frasnes, &amp; Petite-Chapelle, &amp; Fagnolles, A Bleid. Dans le canton de Beauraing, a Felenneet aFocant. Dans le canton de Florenville, 6 Chasse»
pierre, a Chiny, A Florenville, &amp; Grand-Reny, a Faurceulx. Dans le
canton d’Etalle, &amp; Bellefontaine, A Etalle, a Vance, a Thuillies. Dans le
canton de Louveignd, &amp; Louveignb, A Aywaille, &amp; Noncevaux. Dans le
canton d’Eghezde, &amp; Hanret, etc.
A Patignies, d’apres deux dhposants dont l’un a mdrno occupb les
fonctions de chantre &amp; l’dglise, » les trois quarts de la population ont
cesse de frequenter les sacrements. » Voila done l’Eglise romaine devenue l’Eglise de la minority.—Meme proportion &amp; Fblenne, d’apres l’bchevin et le bourgmestre.
« Autrefois, dans notre commune, dit un bchevin de Bleid, on comptait ceux qui n’allaient pas &amp; confesse; aujourd’hui on compte ceux qui
y vont. »
« Auparavant, dit le bourgmestre de Chiny, il y avait dans la com­
mune trois ou quatre personnes qui ne faisaient pas leurs paques, au­
jourd’hui, il y en a 300 ou 400. » Chiny est une commune de 1,041 ha­
bitants.
A Florenville, le bourgmestre depose : « Le doyen a tres mal fait de
diviser notre paroisse, qui btait une des plus belles de la Belgique. Au­
trefois, il n’y avait guere ici que deux individus qui ne faisaient pas leurs
paques ; aujourd’hui, il y en a 500 4 600. L’ancienne eglise, la petite^
serait diijd trop grande pour les besoms du culte. ”
M. Bouvier. — C’est general.
M. Goblet d’Alviella.— Florenville est une commune de 1,805 ha­
bitants ; elle compte un curb et un vicaire. Si les faits sont exacts, le
devoir du gouvernement n’est-il pas tout trace ?
Je lui adresserai la meme question a propos de la commune de SaintEdger, oil le bourgmestre depose -. « Jusque dans ces derniers temps,
il n'y avait point de vicaire a Saint-Lbger ; le cure suffisa.it parfaitement
aux besoins de la commune. Au mois d’oetobre de l’annee derniere, il
nous est arrive un vicaire qui s’occupe a peu pres exclusivement de
l’ecole catholique. »
En vdrite, messieurs, est-ce pour cette besogne-la que l’Etat paye des
vicaires la oil le besoin ne s’en fait pas sentir?
M. Bara, ministre de la justice. — C’est une erreur.
M. Goblet d’Alviella. — C’est la deposition du bourgmestre de
Saint-Ldger.

�— 15 —

M. Il ARA, minirtr® de la justice. — C’est un vicaire qui n est pas payb
?".. par 1’Etat.
’M. JBotviER. —C’est un rare avis. (Hilarite.)
M. Goblkt d’Alviklla. —Du reste, le meme argument peut sappliqner &amp; nombre de desservants qui semblent avoir des loisirs de plus
en. plus considerables pour s’occuper des bcoles catholiques.
_
• Le elergb de Binche, dbpose le bourgmestre de cette commune
li' importante, a refuse les sacrements aux parents des enfants de nos
- deoles. Cela diminuait sa besognp de phis de moitid. Aujourd’hui, une
z grande partie de notre population ne frbquente plus l’bglise, oil Ion ne
f preche plus que la revolte contre les lois. »
' “ Tous les parents des bleves des bcoles communales, dit bgalement
nn tbmoin dans la commune de Mont-Saint-Aldegonde, ne regoivent
plus l’absolution. Cela facilite d’autant la besogne de M. le curb, car
cette mesure frappe la moitie de la commune. »
Je ne vous parlerai pas de Rebecq-Rognon, ou, d’apres le bourg- mestre, on parle de huit it neuf cents personnes qui ne vont plus a
IMglise, ou pin tot qui ne regoivent plus les sacrements ; ni de Tubize
*
ou, d’apres la deposition du secretaire communal, tant de personnes se
f sont retirbes de l’bglise que la recette des chaises a diminub et que la
■ fabrique elle-meme a du rbduire le traitement du curd; ni de cette comt mune de Bellefontaine oil il y a actuellement pour une population de
1,362 habitants, deux desservants et un chapelain, bien que d’apres
Fenquete line grande partie des habitants de la commune ait cesse de
frequenter les sacrements; ni d’Aywaille, oil il y a 4 desservants pour
une population de 3,445 habitants et oil d’apres la deposition de M. Ed.
Cornesse, membre du comitb scolaire •—- j’ignore si c’est un parent de
| notre honorable collegue, — un grand nombre de personnes ne vont
plus a l’bglise, ni de Ceroux-Mousty, oil d’apres M. le notaire
Thibeau * la majority de la commune &amp; cessb de frequenter l’bglise »,
&lt; m enfin de Couture-Saint-Germain oil, d’apres le bourgmestre, « l’ex^Bdmjnunication a btb presque gbnbrale, la majority de la commune a
Kf; cessb de frequenter l’bglise. » Mais je dois cependant faire observer que,
I \‘ dans toute ces communes, le clerge a btb plus ou moins augmente depuis
L 1830, sinon depuis 1842.
■ Sous ce rapport, du reste, voici mieux encore, et ici les faits sont si
-z flagrants que je demande formellement h M. le ministre s’il ne pense pas
K ; qu’il y a des mesures immbdiates a prendre.
" Nivelles avait en 1842 •— les renseignements antbrieurs me manquent
—►Unolergb de cinq ministres rbtribubs pour une population de 7,884habitants, soit 1 par 1,637 habitants, — presque trois fois plus qu’a

�— 46 —

'

Bruxelles proportionnellement. — Depuis cette dpoque, la population
ne s’est accrue que de 2,000 habitants, c’est-h-dire un peu plus d’un cinquieme, et cependant dans la meme pdriode le chiffre de ses pretres rdtribuds a double; il est month de 5 a 10. Or, le plus beau de l’histoire, c’est
que, d’apres la deposition de M. Gheude, secretaire du parquet hNivelles,
il s’y est produit dans ces derniers mois un mouvement protestant et
« le nombre des personnes qui se rendent &amp; l’dglise diminue de jour en
jour »».
Voilh done une commune ou le nombre des fideles a diminue depuis
1842 et oil cependant on a double, dans la meme periode, le nombre du
clerge.
Cette situation n’est du reste point particuliere &amp; Nivelles; j’ai pu l’y
constater, graced, l’enquete. Maisje suis convaincu que M. le ministre,
avec les moyens d’investigation que lui fournissent ses bureaux, la retrouverait dans une grande partie du pays, qu’il s’agisse des villes ou des
campagnes.
On nous dira peut-etre : Prenez garde de blesser les populations ruv
rales qui tiennent au chiffre de leurs pretres, afin de ne pas se trouver
genees dans leurs habitudes religieuses, dans le nombre de leurs messes,
par exemple. Messieurs, tel n’est plus, on peut l’afflrmer hautement, tout
au moins dans la partie wallonne du pays, le sentiment de nos popula­
tions rurales.
« A la suite des faits cites, dit un dchevin de Grand-Reny, le village
autrefois uni est aujourd’liui divisd; c’est ce qui fait que je ne comprends
pas qu’on puisse encore salarier les personnes qui travaillent contre les •
lois du pays. »
A Estinne un temoin dit « qu’une faible minority s’est seule approchde
des sacrements » et le bourgmestre ajoute : « Le curd paye annuellement 1,500 francs pour soutenir les hcoles libres. J’insiste sur ce point
parce qu’il est inutile de donner de l’argent il des personnes qui en. ont
autant, que cela et qui ne rendent plus de services. »
Non settlement ce sentiment se manifeste par tout dans nos campagnes;
mais il y a meme nombre de communes qui ont sous ce rapport donnd
au gouvernement des exemples, pour ne pas dire des logons.
A Leval-Trahegnies, canton de Binche, le bourgmestre depose :
« Lors de la discussion du budget, il a dtd proposh de retirer le traitement accordh au clergh. Cette proposition, discuthe en seance publique,
a hth vothe a l’unanimitd. La dheision, jointe au proces-verbal, est motivhe par l’opposition systhmatique du curb A, la loi. »
Dans une autre commune de ce meme canton, h Anderlues, le conseil
communal a dgalement supprimd les suppldments de traitement au curd

�47

et au vicaire, « eeuX-ci », dit la decision jointe au proces-verbal de l’enquete, « s’attachant par leurs paroles et leurs actes a ddtruire, a amoindrir et a ddnigrer les institutions communales, les lois du pays et les
actes du gouvernement. » — Mais ce qu’il y a de plus curieux dans ce
Mernier fait, et j’avoue que c'est a peine croyable, c’est, d’apres la depo­
sition du bourgmestre, qua la seance du conseilcommunal oille budget,
aiilsi amende, fut vote a I’unanimite, il y avait cinq liberaux et quatre
catholiques.
Voila la solution de la difficult^ presente, fournie par le bon sens
Bellaire, un bon sens qui ne date pas d’hier. Je lisais l’autre jour dans
la Revuepolitique qu’au moyen age les bourgeois de Vezenay, ayant 6td
'sjcommunihs, se bornerent a repondre : « Puisque nous sommes excommunihs, nous devons agir en excommunihs et ne plus payer ni dimes ni
cens. »
M. Bouvier. — Ils avaient raison.
M. Gobuet d’Alviella. — Vous voyez, Messieurs, que nous avons
des logons a recevoir, meme de l’ancien regime.
r L’honorable M. Delcour nous disait triomphalement, l’autre jour, qu’il
y avail en Belgique cinq millions de catholiques. Le systeme est com­
mode. Quand il s’agit de payer, oh I alors, tous catholiques. Mais quand
il s’agit de beneficier des avantages spirituels que le clerge a pour
mission d’&amp;asurer aux fideles, oh, alors, il n’y a plus de catholiques que
eeux qui envoient leurs enfants dans les ecoles orthodoxes !
Ce systeme a deux poids et deux mesures est-il juste, est-il rationnel,
est-il conforme a la theorie qu’il faut mesurer le chiffre du clergh et le.
salaire de
chefs a l’htendue des services qu’ils sont appeles a rendre
et qu’ils rendent reellement au pays ?
Voix A DROIte : A demain! A demain !
M Goblrt d’Alviella. — Jusqu’ici, je n’ai guere citd que les rhsultatsdo l’enquete dans les pays wallons.
_ n faut reeonnaitre, en effet, qu’il y a une profonde difference dans les
depositions de l’enquete relatives aux cantons wallons et aux cantons
flamands. Dans les cantons wallons, l’esprit d’indhpendance, ou, si vous
voulez, l’esprit d’herhsie, ne perd jamais ses droits. « Si nous ne pouvons
plus nous eonfesser aux liommes, nous nous confesserons a Dieu, » dit
une brave femme a Sart-Custinne. Et elle ajoute : « ce qui est encore
meilleur. » — « Je suis excommunih, vient dhposer un vieillard de
Beh&amp;ne, mais ma conscience est tranquille, je crois que c’est la le pre-,
mier juge. »&gt;
Ces rhponses ne se rencontrent pas jusqu’ici dans les depositions des
populations flamandes. La, il faut bien le reconnaitre, si l’on excepte les

�— 18 —

grandes villes, ainsi que certains centres de population plus dclairds, le
silence est complet. Les dglises restent pleines et ce sont les dcoles qui
sont vides. Mais si l’orthodoxie y est victorieuse, elle y triomphe comme
I’ordre triomphait &amp; Varsovie, apres avoir fait autour d’elle la terreur et
la solitude.
Je ne connais, pour ma part, rien de plus navrant que la situation
des quelques malheureux assez osds pour rdsister, dans les campagnes
flamandes, a cette tyrannie spirituelle.
On a parld ici de la tyrannie des commissaires spdciaux. On dira.it
vraiment qu’en denongant cette tyrannie avec tant de grand fracas, on.
a voulu donner le change sur les vrais persdcuteurs et les vraies perse­
cutions. Et quand je parle de tyrannie spirituelle, ce n’est pas a dire
que le clergd se borne a employer des moyens spirituels pour assurer sa
domination. Lisez l’enquete. A chaque page, dans le pays flamand, vous
voyez reparaitre sur ses levres, a l’adresse des recalcitrants, cette phrase
odieuse : « Je vous ruinerai. »
Et ce qu’il dit, il lefait! Denonciations du haut de la chaire, appels a
l’intervention des bureaux de bienfaisance et des propridtaires, vdritables mises en quarantaine, il n’y a rien qui soit dpargnd pour fournir
a l’honorable M. Malou les elements de ces belles statistiques scolaires
qu'il a si triomphalement produites a la Chambre.
Ici, ce sont des ouvriers tonneliers forces de quitter leur commune ou
ils ne trouvent plus d’ouvrage, parce qu’ils ont un frere dans l’enseignement communal; la, c’est une malheureuse cabaretiere qui tenait uh pe­
tit cabaret ou, d’apres sa deposition, elle pouvait gagner 1,500 francs
par an et qui, apres avoir vu sa clientele l’abandonner sous la pression du
clerge, est forcde de quitter la commune et tombe a charge de son fils,
instituteur dans une commune voisine.
Ailleurs, c’est un boulanger que le clergd de sa commune a ruind,
parce qu’il maintenait ses enfants a l’dcole communale et qui a dtd rdduit
a s’engager comme domestique dans sa propre commune.
Je ne m’dtendrai pas sur tous ces faits qui sont d’tine monotonic 'vrai­
ment lugubre, je ne m’dtendrai pas sur les retraits de terres, les ddnonciations de baux, les pertes d’emplois, dus uniquement a l’intervenrion
du clergd; je ne m’dtendrai pas non plus sur la situation de ces malheu­
reux instituteurs isolds en plein pays fanatisd.
L’heure est avancde et, du reste, la question pourra revenir lorsquenous discuterons le budget de l’instruction publique.
Je dois cependant faire cette observation :
On a beaucoup discutd, j’aurais dit ergotd si le fait ne s’dtait pas pro/
duit dans cette Chambre, sur la distinction entre rexcommunication et

�le refus des sacrements. Que signifie le mot excommunier, sinon retrancher de la communaute des fideles? Des lors, les faits que j’ai rappelds
ne sont-ils pas des excommunications, et des excommunications sous
leur pire forme, vdri tables interdictions de l’eau et du feu?
Je n’hdsite pas &amp; le dire, si pareille situation dont je rougis pour mon
pays devait se perphtuer, il faudrait bien, coute que coute, recourir, —
et pas seulement en matiere hlectorale, — &amp; ces mesures que plusieurs
associations liberates ont deji rhclamdes pour rdprimer les abus de la
pression spirituelle et ce que les Anglais ont appele dans leur legislation
1’intimidation cleric ale.
x Je veux cependant espdrer que la situation s’ameliorera. Oh! je ne
m’attends pas a de la moderation de la part du clerge; il est trop tard;
ce serait s’avouer battu, et quand on se pretend infaillible, on n’avoue
pas sa defaite. Cette reaction, je l’attends du bon sens et de l’dnergie de
nos populations flamandes.
Ecoutez un de ces cris prophdtiques que l’exces de la misere, aux
dpoques troublees, met quelquefois dans la bouche des opprimes et des
faibles, Il s’agit encore une fois d’une pauvre femme tracassee, persecutee, pourchassee pai' le clerge, une cabaretiere de 70 ans, qui a du
renoncer A son commerce et abandonner sa commune.
Elle raconte un dernier entretien quelle a eu avec le vicaire de sa
paroisse et comme celui-ci, suivant l’habitude de ces messieurs, recourait
A l'ultima ratio de l’envoyer tout droit en enfer, elle se redresse enfin
sous la main qui la broie et apres avoir replique : « J’ai fait mon enfer
sur terre » elle se retourne et s’derie •. « Ces gens-la nous feront douter
de notre foi! » (Sensation.)
Que le clerge prenne garde! Quand la reaction se produira, elle sera
plus forte, en raison meme des violences dont on aura souffert et alors il
regrettera, trop tard, ses exces d’aujourd’hui.
Les Flandres qui en plein moyen age repondaient aux excommunica­
tions en brulant les bulles papales sur leurs places publiques, les Flandres,
qui au xvie siecle rdpondaient it l’inquisition en acclamant la rdforme, les
Flandres ne laisseront pas faire aux successeurs de Pie IX ce que les
papes les plus puissants du moyen age n’ont pu accomplir qu’avec le bras
de l’dtranger.
. Si je reclame la reduction des traitements du clerge supdrieur qui est
1 instigateur de toute cette croisade, si je rdclame, non pas la reduction
des traitements du clergd inferieur comme a sembld l’admettre tan tot
l’honorable M. de Haerne, mais la reduction du chiffre des ministres du
culte, partout ou, suivant l’expression du ministre de la justice, ils se
font de veritables agents de desordre, si je rdclame ces mesures avec
tent d insistance, c’est que j’ai la conviction de parler, non pas au nom

�de quelques libres-penseurs et de quelques dissidents, mais au nom de
centaines de mille de nos compatriotes qui sont aujourd’hui ecartes de
l’Eglise et qui ne veulent pas contribuer aux charges et aux frais d’unsj
organisation dont ils n’ont plus iji les droits ni les benefices. (Tres bien!
a gauche.')
On a parib de represailles. Il faut nous entendre sur ce mot. Si par la
on veut dire une rancune de parti, l’effet du ressentiment du parti liberaL
&amp; raison des invectives et des attaques du clergb, notre pai-ti est audessus dune pareille tactique, et la preuve s’en trouve bien dans cefait
que, depuis de nombreuses annbes, depuis que le parti liberal existe
pour ainsi dire, le Merge nous combat avec les memes moyens, et,
cependant, comme l’honorable ministre le rappelait l’autre jour, le
parti liberal a fait plus pour le clerge infbrieur que le parti catholique
lui-meme n’a osb faire pendant ses passages au pouvoir.

C’est le parti liberal qui, h tort ou a raison, a surtout augments le
nombre des ministres du culte dans nos campagnes. C’est au parti libe­
ral que le clergh infhrieur doit la principale augmentation de son traftement. C’est enfin le parti liberal qui a fait a Rome la dernier® tentative
pour assurer l’independance des desservants contre l'arbitraife episco­
pal. Nous sommes done au dessus d’un pared reproche.
Mais il ne s’agit pas ici d’injures de parti a venger, il s’agit de 1’inth- ;
grite de nos institutions, il s’agit de la majesty de la loi, il s'agit des.
droits les plus saerfis de la conscience irnpuntjment violes dans plusieurs
de nos provinces, et, puisque nous ne pouvons pas empecher -directe-'
ment de pareils attentats, montrons du moins que nous ne voulons
pas en accepter la complicite, en supprimant a ceux qui s’en rendent
coupables tous les avantages, toutes les faveurs que nous ne sommes pas
absolument obliges de leur accorder en vertu de la Constitution et des
lois.
Ce n’est done pas un acte de represaille, mais un acte de reparation et
de justice, un nouveau pas dans la voie des reformes inevitables dontle ’
clerge semble prendre lui-meme a tache de precipiter l’accomplissement,
comme s’il voulait justifier l’antique adage « Quos vultperclere Jupiter
demented ». (Applaudissements prolongds a gauche.)

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                    <text>CHRISTIANITY.
I.

THE ORIGIN OF CHRISTIANITY FROM A STRICTLY
H HISTORICAL POINT OF VIEW, •
BEING

DELIVERED BEFORE THE

SUNDAY LECTURE SOCIETY,
ON

SUNDAY, 21st NOVEMBER, 1880,
BY

Dr. G. G. ZERFFI, F.R.S.L., F.R.Hist.S.

PUBLISHED BY THE SUNDAY LECTURE SOCIETY.
1881.
PRICE THREEPENCE.

�How to obtain a clear and intelligible notion of the Origin of
Christianity.

The component elements of Christianity.
Some questions to be answered by Historians of other creeds.

Universalism pervading Christianity
The Finite and the Infinite in the East and West.
The Jews and their Sects. The Pharisees, Zaducees, Essenes,
Ebionites, Therapeutics and Samaritans, Hebraism and Hel­
lenism.
Description of the Social Condition of Humanity at the birth
of Jesus of Nazareth.

Universal Love the Essence of Christianity. An Arab Legend.
Christ’s conception of the Deity.

Reason, Science, and Truth.

The Historical Causes of the Spread of Christianity.

Buddha and Christ.
Difference between Christianity and Buddhism.
Early Christian Sects.—Dogmatists, Sophists, Talmudists,

Apologists, Fathers, Scholastics, Theologians. General History.
Justin Martyr.
Conclusion. The Second Lecture to treat of the Fathers
“ majorum gentium” and “minorum gentium.”

�CHRISTIANITY,
•------------- &lt;-----------------------

I.
The Origin of Christianity from a strictly Historical Point
of View.

ISTORIANS may be divided into three distinct
classes—
(1.) The Obstructives,
(2.) The Destructives, and
(3.) The Constructives.
Until recently almost all theological historians were,
by their very nature, Obstructives—that is, they were
compelled to abide by facts as transmitted to them by
tradition, or in sacred records, and were therefore neces­
sarily stationary. To inquire was in itself a dangerous
action—undermining the very foundations of faith. To
this class of historians belong the Brahmans, Bonzes,
Rabbis, Priests of the Romish Church, Ulemas, Clergy­
men of the Anglican Church, or other Protestant sects,
and their disciples, educated in the same stationary way,
forced to regard certain assertions concerning events, or
certain calculations concerning the time in which these
events happened as facts—though they may have been
anything but facts. We may best classify these writers
as Orientalists. The past, in the received form of some
Sacred Book, was everything with them. The very word
History signified to them a sacrilegious attempt to un­
settle the assumed truth of their particular facts,—which
alone could be true ; whilst they asserted with admirable
self-reliance and conceit that the records of all other
nations were nothing but falsehoods.
Next we have the Destructives, in whom doubt and
scepticism work supreme; who do not see how one and
the same fact could have happened in two different ways;
why one witness should be credited more than another;
or how two witnesses could have seen one and the same
fact happening in different places, under entirely different
circumstances, and with altogether different results.

H

�4

Christianity.

The Destructives began timidly to pull down, they shook
the foundation of credulity, they suddenly saw the whole
past tumble into ruins. Horrified at the havoc which
they had brought about, they stopped half-way, and the
past became nothing but a heap of dust, lumber, and
fact-rubbish. We may best classify these people as
Galileans. They are a necessary element in the progres­
sive development of Humanity, for unless the old tottering
building of assumed facts, cemented together with dog­
matic lime and sand were first destroyed, no new building
could be erected.
And last we have the Constructives—those who re-arrange
facts on the principles of probability and possibility; who
consult the ancient documents of different nations, not
with a mind filled with hatred and contempt for everything
not contained in their own sacred records, which they
were made to choose by mere chance of birth, education,
and established custom, but with an equal veneration for
those periods in which each tribe, race, and nation, had
their own sacred book—sacred because transmitted to them
from father to son ; and -what is more sacred to a son
than that which a kind and loving father has left him ?
That the ancient nations throughout the world, in the
fulness of their grateful hearts, should have assumed that
the first father who spoke to them was Gfod Himself,
proves only the Sameness and Oneness of Humanity, arti­
ficially divided into innumerable quarrelling sects, tribes,
and peoples. The Constructives, therefore, compare,
draw analogies, separate the separables, dissect myths,
explain symbols, connect equals, inquire, sift, and finally
build up their historical edifice on the firm basis of cau­
sation with facts that are facts, and cement them with
common sense—discarding all arbitrariness, all exceptional
providential interference in favour of Brahmans, Zoroastrians, Buddhists, Egyptians, Hebrews, Greeks, Bomans,
Scotch or Irish—anxious to discover what we have in
common as human beings—never fostering dissent, ani­
mosity, contempt or hatred, but sympathy, forbearance,
kindness, and love. We may best-elassify the Construc­
tive Historians as the Hellenic-Teuton element in Hu­
manity.
The spirit of these three groups of historians may be

�Christianity.

5

studied in three works recently published on the “ Life
of Jesus,” by an anonymous English Professor of one of
our Universities, by Renan, the Frenchman, and by Dr.
Strauss, the German.
The Englishman is obstructive, the Frenchman destruc­
tive, and the German constructive.
Dr. Strauss is learned, conscientious, and systematic.
He is full of veneration, and yet unflinchingly truthful
without predilection, bias, or prejudice, and gives us the
true history of the foundation of Christianity. His
great merit lies in his having drawn a distinction between
the historical and mythical Jesus of Nazareth. Histori­
cally he describes the birth of Jesus, His relation to John
the Baptist, the laws of Moses, the Gentiles, and the
belief in His being the expected Messiah. The mythical
account is divided into three chapters and twelve sub­
divisions concerning the pre-historic myths of Jesus, the
mythical account of the life of Jesus, and the mythical
record of His suffering, death, and resurrection. Dr.
Strauss wrote his work with the view of furthering
Protestantism on the firm basis of historical continuity,
and eliminating from the glorious teachings of Jesus of
Nazareth whatever was merely accidental, secondary,
symbolic, and allegorical, borrowed from more ancient
creeds, which at the time of Christ were in a state of
spontaneous and natural dissolution. For whoever
wishes to have a clear and unbiassed notion of the his­
torical Christ, must free Him and His doctrine from the
obscuring veil of dogmatism.
The Frenchman, Renan, is learned, but his learning- is
too much tainted with emotional outbursts of refined
phrases; his imagination outruns his criticism, and his
criticism loses itself in romantic dreams and visions. He
is far more bent on destroying an idol of the Romish
Church, than on discovering to what extent it had become
in time an entity, to dissolve which will need more than
the superficial pen-strokes of a witty Frenchman.
The English professor is grave—very grave. He pub­
lished his work under the title of “ Ecce Homo,” but he
has neither the learning nor the courage of Dr. Strauss,
nor the sprightliness and imagination of Renan. He has,
however, his inherited predilections, which are apparently

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shaken by his studies and the intellectual atmosphere of
the nineteenth century. He has heard of Strauss with
conventional horror; he has heard of Renan with in­
herited contempt, and he wishes to free his soul from all
doubts by arguing himself out of doubt; and yet, of the
three books, this one, written with apparent obstructive
faith, is the most destructive. It must necessarily lead to
a despairing scepticism, because the positive assertions are
made so timidly, that one sees the trembling writer afraid
to touch his subject, lest his dogmatic Christ might crumble
into dust under his own hands, and turn into a true
“ Bcce Homo,”—“ Behold a Man I ”
To be able to give a clear and intelligible picture of the
origin and spread of Christianity from a strictly historical
point of view, we must make ourselves acquainted with
the moral, political, religious, and intellectual elements
that pervaded Humanity at the advent of Christ. To
detach Christianity from the influences of the different
creeds that preceded its foundation, is to know nothing of
Christianity. The essence of the teachings of all law­
givers and founders of religious systems was the redemp­
tion of man from the bondage of his animal nature, and
the development and culture of his higher intellectual and
spiritual nature. To separate Christianity from the
causes of which its origin and working were a necessary
effect or sequence, is to transport it into the realm of
miracles. But in assuming Christianity to have been a
miracle, we raise terrible phantoms of doubt, or rather
of piety and veneration for the Diety, in the shape of
grave questions which necessarily present themselves to
the thinking mind:
Why was the advent of this miracle so long delayed ?
Why were millions and millions of creatures left with­
out salvation, and, as some pious divines will have it,
predestined to eternal damnation ?
Why should the sanguinary miracle of a self-sacrificing
God have had so partial and sloiv an effect 1
Why was the miracle not made universally known ?
Why had Christianity to be established in torrents
of blood, amidst the horrible shrieks of tortured and
martyred human sacrifices ?
Why was the efficacy of the miracle quite imperceptible,

�Christianity.

7

save in such progress as was natural to any creed, sup­
ported by fire and sword, by money, and state authority ?
Why should the early Christian authorities have deli­
berately destroyed all writings bearing on the origin,
growth, and development of Christianity, if it was a
miracle ordained by God ?
Why should the Emperor Theodosius have felt him­
self compelled to issue the following proclamation?:—
“We decree, therefore, that all writings whatever
which Porphyry, or any one else, has written against the
Christian religion, in the possession of whomsoever they
shall be found, should be committed to the fire; for we
would not suffer any of these things so much as to come
to men’s ears, which tend to provoke God and so offend
the minds of the pious.”
In a spirit of true tolerance, the same Emperor ordered,
“ that all those who should object to the dogma of the
Trinity, besides the condemnation of Divine justice,
would have to expect to suffer the severe penalties which
our authority, guided by heavenly wisdom, may think
proper to inflict upon them.”
Why should it have been an axiom of the Church
“ that it was an act of virtue to deceive and to lie, when by
that means the interest of the Church might be promoted?”
Why all these threatening laws, these anxious jealousies,
the falsifications of documents, the oppression of learning,
the abhorrence of our reasoning power, if this was a
miraculously ordained divine act, performed for the sal­
vation of Humanity ?
In historically analysing the elements which compose
Christianity, we cannot blind ourselves to the fact that it
has become the universal storehouse of all the different
creeds that have swayed the human mind from the first
dawn of its arising consciousness. We find in Christianity
the strictest Monotheism mixed with the Trinitarian mys­
teries of the Brahmans, Buddhists, and Egyptians; the
Incarnation and Atonement theories of the Indians and
Egyptians; the dualistic principle of the Avesta; the
Jewish and Persian assumptions of angels and devils; the
lofty moral enactments of Confucius and Sokrates; the
dreamy idealism of Plato, and the more practical realism
of Aristotle.

�8

Christianity.

Mystics and Rationalists, Believers and Free-thinkers,
Fanatics and Latitudinarians, Spirit-rappers and Philo­
sophers, rich and poor, mighty and weak, learned and
ignorant, may find in the tenets of Christianity some
congenial and sympathetic, some suggestive and comfort­
ing elements.
The most important fact with regard to the “ new
faith ” was that Christianity became but another name for
those universal principles and eternal laws which, if
recognised, and put in motion, stimulate the innate dor­
mant moral and intellectual forces of our human nature
into activity. This fact must explain the superior vitality
of Christianity, which has led Humanity in the West and
North-West of the world slowly, gradually, yet unin­
terruptedly on the path of progress in arts, discoveries,
inventions, and sciences to the very highest achievements.
The followers of any other creed must endeavour to
answer the following questions in their turn: Why did
empires and communities professing other beliefs remain
stationary in their development, in spite of their undoubted
priority in many useful arts and inventions ? and why
should the Christians have succeeded, by degrees, in
working out wise and beneficial laws, in producing poetical
works of unsurpassed excellence, and in raising sciences
to a climax never attained before ? Suns and planets are
measured by Christians ; the rays of light analysed; the
gradual formation of the earth’s crust is recognised; the
different chemical elements, in apparently indivisible
atoms, are traced; Christians speak by means of electri­
city at distances of thousands of miles, reducing space in
its dimensions; and travel by means of fire and water
at an unheard-of speed, reducing time in its duration.
The Universalism pervading true Christianity alone
can serve as an explanation of this phenomenon. As we
may trace in nature positive and negative electricity, so we
can see the working of positive and negative intellectual
currents in humanity.
The currents in the East were generally negative. To
look backwards, to hope, as it were, everything from the
past, was the characteristic of Oriental nations. The
intellectual currents in the West were positive ; to look to
and to trust in the future, whether worldly or spiritual,

�Christianity.

9

was and is the distinguishing feature of the Western
World. Man in the East shuns new spheres of thought,
and is content to move round and round in the ever
unchangeable circle of fixed notions, ceremonies, and
customs. Man in the West strives for freedom and an
eternal activity; he must have some goal to long for,
which presents itself in the form of religious enthusiasm,
chivalrous daring, a thirst for inquiry and learning, a
contempt for all danger, and a struggle with real or
imaginary monsters.
The finite submitted in humble acquiescence to the
infinite in the East. In the West the finite strove to
grasp the infinite, and to bring harmony into the dis­
cordant elements of good and evil, light and darkness,
mind and matter, God and nature. These contradictory
phenomena led the East very early to endeavour to cast
a light upon the mysterious nature of self-conscious man,
the mystic phenomena of nature, and to attempt the
solution of the riddle of life by means of allegories, sym­
bols, wild fictions, incredible fables, and inspired guesses.
The nation that felt the double nature of humanity
most keenly, and first proclaimed a more spiritual concep­
tion of a God, was the Jewish. In the mystic schools of
the priests of Egypt, their leaders were made acquainted
with the universal “ Monotheos,” but the Jews deprived
Him of his universality, and transformed Him into a
national Deity, who was only a merciful God to His
chosen people, under certain outward ceremonial con­
ditions, and a God of wrath and merciless persecution to
all those who had not the good fortune to belong by
mere chance of birth to that chosen people. The Chinese
taught Humanity filial love, and social order; the Indians
unravelled the beauties of the universe in the eternal
Trinitarian process of Creation, Preservation, and Trans­
formation ; the Egyptians established the “ I am I” mys­
tery; the Persians endeavoured to practice purity in
thoughts, purity in words, and purity in deeds; the
Greeks fostered taste and refinement in arts, exalted
humane feelings in their poetry, and manifested a deep
critical discernment in philosophy; the Romans organised,
regulated, conquered, and developed an unsurpassed
patriotism ; and the Jews ?—they taught humanity reli­

�10

Christianity.

gious exclusiveness, proud and fanatical intolerance, and
have had themselves to suffer under these curses for more
than 2,900 years.
Even at this very moment we see them harassed and
persecuted in Germany, a country which boasts of the
highest civilization, a country which produced a Lessing,
the Apostle of true Christian Tolerance, and a Herder,
the founder of “Humanism.” To the honour of that
country, it may be said that every distinguished German,
every learned Historian, and every true Christian abhors
the anachronistic movement of the Ultramontanes, which
is worthy of the dark middle ages of superstition and
gross ignorance. The Jews, as ever in the past, are
still at war with the Grentiles all over the world; they
use up the Gentiles for their special purposes, but never
look upon them as their equals. The Jews hoping
against hope, sublimely singing and prophesying in their
despair, loudly proclaiming their thirst after God, their
fervid longing for righteousness and holiness, formed
with their theological sentiments a terrible sanguinary
leaven of a new faith, which was a possibility only after
Persian ethics, Brahmanic tenets, Egyptian mysteries
and rituals, Buddhistic miracles and dogmas, Jewish
prophesies, Greek philosophical researches, and Boman
disciplinary organisations, had been pounded together by
the pestle of time in the mortar of History.
The Jews became the most important element in the
historical development of Humanity. They inherited the
dualistic theory of God and Devil from the Egyptians
and Persians, and worked it out theologically through
their deeply-learned prophets, who saw the terrible con­
flict manifested in virtue and sin, of which they became
conscious at an earlier period and in a higher sense. By
means of this consciousness they approached a state of
reconciliation ; for self-conscious virtue must be based on
a self-conscious knowledge of evil, bringing harmony into
man’s animal and spiritual nature, developing to the
utmost his moral and intellectual faculties. In spite of
this higher moral state, they found themselves cruelly
oppressed. They prayed, sighed, and mourned at Babylon,
and mingled their scalding tears with the waves of the
Euphrates; they were driven from state to state; they

�Christianity.

11

waited and watched; they fought like despairing lions;
they clung to their God, who had so few blessings, and so
many sufferings for them on earth. They were still con­
vinced “that the sceptre should not depart from Judah;
and unto him should the gathering of the people beand
yet they were trampled under foot by Boman Tetrarchs
and Praetors, had no political or social freedom, and were
themselves divided by religious sects and factions.
Amongst these were the Phabisees, who clung to the
dead letter of the law.
The Gaulonites or Galileans, a still more fanatical
branch of the Pharisees, who professed “that no one
must obey any mortal in authority, for God alone is our
Lord.” (This sentence enables us to understand those
Pharisaical survivals who, under the pretence of obeying
the self-constituted authority of their God, defy the law
of the land, and turn true religion into mockery.) These
fanatics hoped everything from the internal dissolution of
the Boman Empire. The Pharisees brought into religion
the most contemptible spirit of trading; they always
tried to make a profitable bargain with their God.
Plenty on earth was the reward of godliness. Their
piety had to manifest itself in eating and drinking. “ At
even ye shall eat flesh, and in the morning ye shall be
filled with bread, and ye shall know that I am the Lord
your God,” was the foundation of the egotistical creed of
the Pharisees. To eat and drink was, with the Jews, the
most solemn initiation and termination of all their reli­
gious ceremonies. The Greeks cultivated man’s higher
artistic and philosophical aspirations ; the Persians ruled,
the Bomans legislated; the Egyptians built imperishable
monuments; the Indians worked out mystic problems—
the Jews did eat and drink. When the seventy (properly
seventy-two) elders accompanied Moses on Mount Sinai
and saw the God of Israel, they did eat and drink. If
we do not correctly study the principles of the different
Jewish sects of this period, we can never properly under­
stand the peculiar fanatics, intolerant bigots, eating and
drinking pious hypocrites, who still grace our own social
organisation, as so many survivals in the flesh of a preChristian world.
The Sadducees (the just) were next in importance

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Christianity.

to the Pharisees; they were the broad-minded followers of
Zadak. They rejected all artificial explanations of the
Scriptures, and studied the prophets most diligently; they
had a supreme contempt for all those who continually
occupied their minds with mysterious benedictions, sancti­
fications, days of atonement, fasting and feasting, leavened
or unleavened bread, palm branches, trumpets, sacred
vessels, offerings, defiled or undefiled gifts, trespasses, red
cows, the blood of calves and goats, scarlet wool, hyssop,
and dead bodies; and despised all those who neglected
doing good to their fellow creatures. The Sadducees
believed neither in the immortality of the soul, nor in
punishment or reward after death. They denied the
existence of angels and devils—although they thoroughly
believed in the Scriptures. They were notorious for their
virtue, honesty, tolerance, learning, and, above all, for
their justice and humanity.
The Essenes, so called from the Hebrew “ asa ” or the
Chaldaean “ asaya,” meaning “to heal”—or according to
others “ the retired ”—were still more important. They
lived a solitary life ; they devoted themselves to the study
of medicine, to the art of working miracles, and to pre­
dicting the future. They practised baptism. In con­
formity with the ancient Indians and Egyptians, water
was with them the mysterious life-giving element.
Water had been the essence of life when the earth was
still barren and uninhabited. They considered water to
be the fountain of regeneration, the symbol of life ; man
to be good and free from sin was to be born anew of
water. Water mystically washed away the sins of the
world. Water made the Essenes, like the Indians, twice
horn. John the Baptist and Jesus of Nazareth were both
Essenes, and were both baptized. The opinions advanced
by Matthew Tyndal in a work, published 150 years ago,
entitled “ Christianity as old as the Creation,” are borne
out by Eusebius, who has a whole chapter under the title,
“The Religion published by Jesus Christ is neither new
nor strange; ” and this author also states, in the most
unqualified manner, in the 17th Chapter of his 2nd Book
that the ancient Therapeutics were Christians, and that
their ancient writings were our Gospels and Epistles.
The Therapeutics, Ebionites or Essenes were “ Chres-

�Christianity.

13

tianse,” from “ Chrestos,” good. They were Eclectics;
they held Plato in. the highest esteem, though they
scrupled not to add to his doctrines whatever they
thought conformable to reason in the tenets and opinions
of other philosophers. According to Thomas Burnet,
the Essenes were offshoots of the Brahmans and Bud­
dhists, devoting themselves to the contemplation of the
transitoriness of human life.
At last we must mention the Samakttans, who were
the independent among the Jews. They considered Jews
and Heathens equal, if good and kind, and because of
this very cosmopolitan sentiment were held in abomina­
tion by all the other Jewish sects, who most furiously
quarrelled both with the outer world and amongst them­
selves.—-When the Jewish Scriptures became more gene­
rally known through the Greek translation, the “ Septuagint ” there suddenly sprang into unparalleled activity—
Hebraism as the static, ’and Hellenism as the dynamic
force, working in Humanity, in History, and Religion.
Dogmatism and morals were so closely interwoven in
these Scriptures that the study of history became a
religious duty. The past was to be taken on faith ; the
assertions of the Hebrew writers were not to be doubted ;
everything was to be declared credible or incredible by
reference to some scriptural passage and inquiry, and
Scepticism was to be banished from the world. This
banishment aroused a mighty spirit of controversy; the
classic writers were looked upon as perverse liars, desti­
tute of light, since they had not known the True God
who had revealed Himself exclusively to the Jews. An
infinite number of lying spirits were assumed to have
deluded Humanity. The glorious works of art, sculp­
ture, architecture, poetry and philosophy of the numerous
nations of the Earth were suddenly decried as the out­
growths of sin, inherited from Adam. The Greeks had
been taught by Satan; the Persians, Assyrians, and
Babylonians had been annihilated by the God of Israel
for their idolatry; the Indians were children of Beelzebub;
the Buddhists horrible Atheists. All the monuments
of antiquity became objectionable works, conceived in
pride by the fallen angels ; all the historical writings and
records of all nations were considered false and untrue,

�14

Christianity.

and the Jewish records placed above them as the only
true revealed Word of God who had forsaken and
abandoned all His other creatures, and held communica­
tion exclusively with the Jews.
From that moment up to our own times, there has been
something wonderfully majestic in this terrible conflict
between Hebraism and Hellenism, keeping humanity in a
continuous exertion of its moral and intellectual forces ;
now devoting every thought to theology, then again pro­
moting the loftiest inquiries of science, leading us to a
state in which morals and knowledge will no more be
considered as antagonistic, but completing elements of
man’s progressive development.
We have to deal with the beginning of the new historical phase of a spiritual life that took its origin in
the Eastern provinces of the Boman Empire.
False prophets and philosophical teachers abounded
everywhere. Greek mock philosophers discussed the most
abstruse spiritual problems in the market-places. Egyptian
priests of Osiris, Isis and Horus, divulged the unintel­
ligible symbolisms of their ancient creed; and the Persian
worship of Mithras (meaning the Bedeemer or Inter­
mediator) was revived with all its deep mysticism.
Numbers of Boman legal casuists engaged in searching
for lawsuits, discussed everything, whilst knowing very
little of anything. The Jewish sects, in spite of their
dissensions and mutual hatred, were all equally oppressed
and plundered by Herod the Great; superstition, ignor­
ance, despair and credulity were the distinguishing fea­
tures of the Boman world.
The East was crowded with dreamers, visionaries,
traders in charms, augurs, horoscopists, miracle-workers
(Thaumaturgi), soothsayers, cabalists and priests of an
infinite variety of gods and goddesses. All was spiritual
chaos, like that at the dawn of the Creation of the
material world, when Jesus oe Nazareth was Born.
We have very little reliable historical information con­
cerning the life of “ Christ,” meaning the Anointed. So
much we do know, that we may make of Christ what we
please; we may comment upon His recorded teachings
exegetically or in any other form. We may altogether
deny the whole later Ecclesiastical structure, built upon

�Christianity.

15

His utterances. We may demonstrate that all that was
asserted of Him, was also believed of Melchisedech,
Krishna, Osiris, Buddha, Apollo or Mithras. We may
trace in Him and to Him all the legends of divine incar­
nations through which man, having become conscious,
wished to find an explanation of his own low animal
desires, and the lofty intellectual longings of his mind,
thus working out divine models of human beings, or gods
in human form.
We may study the Gospels and their contradictory
views, and critically wade through the still more contra­
dictory writings of the Bathers. We may show how
dogma after dogma was attributed to Christ, which He
neither enunciated nor ever could have thought of,
because, whatever contradictions may be recorded of Him,
there was no contradiction between His teachings, and
His own self-sacrificing life. We may prove how the
Councils of the Church changed the true doctrine of
Christ, misunderstanding it altogether; we may reject
the dictates of certain synods and accept others. We
may be Papists, Episcopalians or Methodists, Presby­
terians or Ritualists, Lutherans or Quakers, Dissenters
or Shakers, Idealists or Realists, Believers or Free­
thinkers ; we may quarrel and hate one another with the
same fervour as did the Jewish sects, and curse every one
who does not hold our own opinions as to the sensations
of the beatitude, the length of the wings of the angels
in heaven, or the horns of the devils in hell.
We may laugh at our petty controversialists who talk
of vestments and postures, candlesticks, crosses, rubrics,
grace, conscience, transubstantiation, real and unreal
presence, and the thousand and one unintelligible, anagogical, parabolical, allegorical and symbolic niceties and
difficulties, which may all be easily settled, if no one asks
questions, and if all men have faith, and do not use their
thinking and reasoning faculty, the brightest gift of the
Creator, under whatever name He be worshipped.
But we cannot deny the immense influence which
Christ’s teachings have exercised on the Western miud.
Let all the circumstances and details have been what they
may, historians must deal with Christ’s Spirit, as it pre­
sents itself, as one of the greatest of historical phenomena.

�16

Christianity.

For though we may divest Christ of all the miracles,
rightly or falsely attributed to Him, we cannot divest
Him of one grand immortal fact, “ That he died for Love,
murdered by those whom He taught with a heart full of
universal love—that the whole of humanity was one great
brotherhood ; that every human being was to love his
neighbour as himself; that every human being was the
cherished child of one Father, who loved all His children
equally, and who was in heaven ! ” Had but this simple
doctrine of mutual and universal love been taught for the
last 1880 years with the same fervour as the mystiff
dogmas with which Christ’s teachings were perverted,
and which were each and all borrowed from Egyptian,
Assyrian, Persian, Indian and Homan religious systems,
the world would undoubtedly be more Christian, and
humanity would have saved millions of precious lives
which have been wasted on the propagation, not of
Christianity, but “ of prejudiced credulity, and priestly
tyranny.” We have, unfortunately, failed to learn to look
upon Christ as He is characterised in the following ancient
Arab legend:—“ A dog had stolen some meat from a Jewish
butcher’s shop; the dog was stoned, then hanged, then
thrown into the street, and the angry Jews formed a circle
round the dog, spat on him and cursed him; all at once a
mild and gentle voice was heard asking the enraged crowd,
whether they could find nothing worthy of admiration in
the poor dead animal; there was suddenly a deep silence,
and the speaker pointed to the beautiful pearly-white
teeth of the dog. The people grumbled, and it was
whispered among them that the speaker must be Jesus of
Nazareth, for He alone was capable of finding something
good even in a dead dog! ”
This is Chbistiajstity.
The Deity of the Jews was a stem, and revengeful
Despot; Christ’s Gfod was a loving Father. The beginning
of wisdom with the Jews was fear; with Christ, the
beginning of wisdom was love. With the Jews, God was
a God of wrath, persecution and slaughter ; with Christ,
a God of mercy, forgiveness, and boundless love.
The God of the Jews, who, like the inexorable Fate of
the Greeks, or the sanguinary monsters enthroned in the
Imperial purple of Home, punished the sins of the

�Christianity.

17

fathers unto the third and fourth generation, and de­
manded holocausts of murdered sacrifices, was changed by
Christ into a God of infinite kindness, rejoicing over
one repentant sinner more than over ninety and nine
just persons. Christ’s doctrine in its primitive purity
was the ever true Law of Peace, Love and Tolerance,
satisfying Season, leading to Science, and to the Search
for Truth. These are the fundamental elements of Chris­
tianity, towards which, freed of all dogmatic unintelligi­
bilities, humanity is striving consciously or unconsciously,
in spite of the thousands of sects, and the numberless
commentators who have done their uttermost to destroy
the simplicity and universality of Christ’s teachings. But
Beason cannot be stifled by persecution ; Science cannot
be annihilated by superstition; and Truth cannot be
silenced by blind fanaticism. Christianity checked He­
braism, fostered Hellenism, brought life into the Ancient
World, and established Humanism, the last possible phase
in the development of Humanity.
If we look for the principal historical causes of the
sudden spread of Christianity, we have :
1st. The extent of the Boman Empire, with two prin­
cipal languages—Greek and Latin.
2nd. The scattering ofthe Jews and the Jewish Christians.
3rd. The general tendency to mysticism, fanaticism,
and symbolism, and the total absence of a correct know­
ledge of the Laws of Nature.
4th. The immense number of freed men, slaves, and
beggars. To such people equality was preached; equality
before a God in whose eyes the living visible God on
earth—the Emperor was no more than the lowest beggar.
The poor grew proud, and condescended to admit the
rich into their now blessed community; and the rich,
terrified by the hungry and haggard looks of the people,
enervated by profligacy and licentiousness, were glad to
be made partakers of a future kingdom of bliss, since
they did not feel very safe on earth, and trembled equally
before the covetousness of the tyrants in power, and the
daily increasing number of homeless slaves.
5th. The decline of faith in the old gods of the
classical world, who were now proved to have been
mere idols of stone, or brass, as otherwise they could

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not have permitted humanity to sink to such a depth of
immorality as was reached under the Emperors, for men’s
lives had no value, justice was nowhere to be found.
6th. The sanguinary political and religious persecution
which the Emperors repeatedly ordered against the everincreasing Christians.
The Greeks and Romans were in general extremely
tolerant in religious matters. They had either a personal or
a political interest in persecuting some single individual,
and used the religious fanaticism of the mob as the means to
attain their special political or worldly object. They
never had priests in our sense of the word. The early
Christians began slowly to find favour at Court in conse­
quence of their universalism. They proved that they did
not hold all the exclusive, national opinions of the Jews,
who would not recognise any other authority but that of
Javeh—they honestly referred to Christ’s command :
“ Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are
Caesar’s; and unto God the things that are God’s ”—
and the new Religion was at last introduced at Court
under the Emperor Alexander Severus, whose mother,
Mammsea, was said to have been a true Christian. Decius
tried in vain to stamp out the Christians. Under
Gallienus they enjoyed peace ; and the last vain attempts
to abolish Christianity by means of sanguinary persecu­
tions were made under the Emperor Diocletian. As is
invariably the case, cruelty only served the more to
develop the whole vitality of Christianity. At this
period certain causes were at work, which altogether
changed, if not the essence, at least the form of Chris­
tianity. Some sudden disturbances occurred in the
provinces, situated between China aud the Caspian Sea,
which had been conquered about the first Century of
the Christian Era. “ It appears that, in consequence
of these convulsions, the Samanseans, disciples of Buddha,
(who probably lived about the time of the Israelitish
Kingdom of the Ten Tribes,) departed from their former
seat, the ancient Aria, and took refuge in the mountains
of Cashmere and Thibet.” Some of these disciples must
have also settled in the more western parts of Asia, and
must have come into contact with the then more and
more spreading Christians, who endeavoured with all the

�Christianity.

19

activity of their intellectual power to bring Christianity
into a system—a dogmatic system. In many of their
details, the tenets of Buddha bear the greatest resem­
blance to certain superadded Christian dogmas; “Bor
the chief doctrine of the Sainansean Bonzes was, that
Buddha was of Royal descent, born of the Virgin Maja,
worthy of adoration as next in dignity to God whose
ninth incarnation he was, and that he would assume
at the end of all earthly things his tenth incarnation
as Kali, and appear on a white horse to judge the quick
and the dead.” The Samansean priesthood taught men
to prepare for this event, to lead a retired contemplative
life, to suffer persecution but never to persecute, humbly
to submit to any lay power, since this world was a mere
fleeting, transitory abode of misery and decay, prepara­
tory to a higher spiritual life to be enjoyed in Eternity in
Nirvana, the unceasing contemplation of the Deity in
His eternal peace and glory. Christianity absorbed ail
these elements, but with the Christians, the endeavour to
spread this belief in the bliss of redemption became a
sacred duty, which they thought themselves justified in
performing by means of violence, inexorable cruelty, cruci­
fixions, boilings and burnings, by fire and sword “Ad
majorem Dei gloriam.”
Here the striking difference between Buddhism and
Christianity becomes apparent. Buddhism is passive
contemplation ; Christianity is positive activity. The
one remained stationary, the other progressively developed
and is still developing. The one acquiesced in any form
so long as the worship of Buddha was the aim ; the other
devoted itself to an unparalleled spiritual activity, en­
dowing Christianity with mystic meanings, allegorical
beauties, dressed in the. shreds of myths and fables, col­
lected from all the religious systems of the ancient
world, adorned with Platonic dreams and visions, and
Aristotelian sophistries and dialectics. Intolerance and
fanaticism spread more and more; and delusion and
ignorance served to build up that glorious spiritual
Revolution which brought new life into the world.
Scarcely had Christ expired on the Cross when a host
of pious preachers and teachers inundated the world with
descriptions of the details of His private and public life.

�20

Christianity.

St. Luke informs us “ that many have taken in hand
to set forth those things which are most surely believed
among us.” There were about 146 independent sacred
writings, among which were 34 Gospels, 20 Epistles,
22 Acts, 5 Revelations, and 22 miscellaneous works ;
several books published under the name of James, and
books under the name of Peter. That these works existed,
is undeniable, for the various diverging and quarrellinosects of early Christianity were founded on the very
possession of these different sacred books. Letters were
forged, interpolations fabricated, omissions resorted to,
fictions invented, exaggerations propounded, miracles pro­
claimed, and interpretations given, so that it is exceed­
ingly difficult to gather any reliable facts. To prove how
far such deceptions went, we may point out that Gregory,
of Tours, in the sixth Century a.d., firmly believed that
he possessed the authenticated account of the miracles at
the death and resurrection of Christ in the very docu­
ment which Pilate had sent to the Emperor Tiberius.
Lucian, in the latter half of the second Century after
the birth of Christ, bitterly complained that the Christians
were so reserved respecting their mysteries.
Tacitus, Pliny, and others could not understand why
morals and truth should be proclaimed by miracle­
workers, magicians and necromancers, who began to
drive a very profitable trade. At first, Jewish and
Pagan priests had heaped opprobrious calumnies upon
the Christians on account of the simplicity of their
worship, esteeming them little better than Atheists,
because they had no temples, altars, sacrifices, priests nor
any of that external pomp in which the vulgar are so
prone to place the essence of religion. The rulers of the
Christians now adopted external, mystic ceremonies, and
suddenly the primitive simplicity which had characterised
the first followers of Christ was gone, and a multitude of
half-Jewish and half-Pagan enthusiasts, visionaries, theosophists, snake-charmers, and adepts abounded in the Chris­
tian communities, and proclaimed themselves to be Ascetic,
self-denying, miracle-working Christians. Mysticism and
symbolism became the leading elements in Christianity.
The mysteries engendered sects, in accordance with the
various explanations given ro the meaning of the different

�Christianity.

21

symbols, allegories, types, prophesies, gospels, epistles, or
any vague traditions. Sects persecuted sects, each stig­
matising their opponents as heretics. Every one of these
sects pretended to have received certain traditions from
the founder of Christianity Himself, or at least from
prophets, apostles, or pious men who had stood near to
Christ; yet subsequently, all their dogmas were declared
to have been heresies by later councils and synods.
The Gnostics, Ebionites, Marcionites, Alogians, Manichaeans, Novitians, Sabellians, Patripassians, and Arians,
&amp;c., may be adduced to prove that Christianity was at first
broad-hearted and broad-minded, so long as it was not
yet fettered by the inexorable power of the State. Dog­
matists were permitted to put forward new dogmas and
mysteries, but unfortunately Constantine, in the fourth
century a.d., adopted Christianity as a state religion, and
employed learned converted Talmudists and Sophists to
shape the simple tenets of Christ, and from that time down
to the Reformation everything received a theological basis,
and was looked upon from a one-sided religious point of
view. Gregory of Nazianzen says of this period ; “ the
learned diatribes of Stoics, Platonists, Aristotelians, and
even the teachings of the most important Fathers were
silenced, and every “shop-boy” preached and talked on
the Trinity in Unity of God the Father, the Son, and the
Holy Ghost, or on the “ Hypostasis,” meaning the subor­
dinate substances of the Trinity. The City of Constan­
tinople was full of working men and slaves who were
profound theologians, and preached in their workshops
and in the streets. If you wanted of anyone change for
a silver coin, he informed you of the distinction between
Father and Son; if you asked for the price of a loaf of
bread, you were lectured on the inferiority of the Son to
the Father; and if you asked whether the bread were
baked, the rejoinder was that the Son had been created
out of nothing.”
It was in vain that Justin Martyr, one of the most
zealous defenders of Christianity, proved with trenchant
conviction that Christ was the Logos, or “ Universal
Reason,” of which mankind were all partakers: and,
therefore, those who lived according to the Logos or
Reason, were Christians, notwithstanding that they

�22

Christianity.

might pass for Atheists. Such among the Greeks were
Sokrates and Herakleitos, and the like; and such among
the Barbarians were Abraham and Ananias, and many
others. So on the other hand, those who had lived in
former times in defiance of the Logos or Reason were
evil, and enemies to Christ, and murderers of such as
lived according to the Logos or Beason; but those who
made or make the Logos or Reason the rule of their
actions, were and are “ Christians, and men without fear
and trembling.”
It is deeply to be regretted that Christ’s teachings
were deprived of their charming simplicity. But it could
not be otherwise. By the daily increasing number of
theological Sophists, Greek and Roman Dialecticians,
converted Talmudists and Cabalists, who made it their
duty to obscure every intelligible passage in the Old and
New Testaments; to find types where there were none;
to take allegories and metaphors to the letter; and to
transform into deep symbols what had been the literal
record of some every-day occurrence. Man was to be
forced into the narrow Procrustean bed of Dogmatism,
and to know nothing but incomprehensible mysteries.
Orthodoxy and Heterodoxy raised their spiteful and
venomous heads, aud spread like dragons the fire of
destructive disunion throughout the world. Councils
and Synods denounced and persecuted, excommunicated
and succeeded in bringing about a dead silence in the
realm of thought, or submissive professions of the pre­
scribed religious formulae.
In the sixth century after Christ the Church, with the
aid of the lay power, at last was enabled to stamp out
by fire and sword all the so-called Heretics, and the
Bathers, Apologists, and the Church dignitaries began to
rule supreme. The writings of the Bathers are the only
important literary products of these times which throw a
considerable light on the gradual development of Chris­
tianity from the second to the twelfth century a.d.
The Bathers, like the ancient Patricians of Pagan
Rome, were divided into two classes. Those from the
second to the sixth century a.d. were the “ Patres majorum gentiumwhilst those from the seventh to the
twelfth century A.D. were the “Patres minorum gentium.”

�Christianity.

23

During the mediseval period of history the priests of the
Romish Church, occupying themselves with writing on or
discussing theology, were called “ Scholastics,” and only
since the Reformation the Clergy treating religious mat­
ters philosophically or ethically, assumed the title of
“ Theologians” (Scientists of God). We cannot fail to
perceive that the struggle between faith or religion, and
reason or science was the vital force that made it possible
for Christians to progress, morally as well as intellec­
tually.
The principal tendency of the most learned and most
honest theologians of our day (like Dean Stanley, Prin­
cipals Tulloch and Caird,—Stopford Brooke and many
others) is to restore to Christianity that universal spirit
of tolerance which will make culture and true civilisation
a common good, not dependent on rubrics, eastern postures,
vestments, or articles, but on a correct understanding of
our nature, humanising even the bigoted middle classes;
purifying society and making it a general philanthropic
brotherhood, turning capital into a blessing instead of a
curse ; and endowing our dogmatic and arbitrary educa­
tional institutions with one analogous system, fitted to
bring out all our higher reasoning faculties. Thus the
pure spirit of true Christianity will once more sway our
hearts and vivify our lifeless and cold, yet eternally
quarrelling, denominational sects. Science and art will
work together, spiritualising our higher nature, foster­
ing Hellenic-Teuton culture instead of Romano-Hebrew
narrow-mindedness, leading us to a universal bodily
and mental happiness, and establishing a practical—not
clerical—“ Millenium.”
We shall endeavour in future lectures to trace how the
historical development of Christianity commenced in a
controversial thunderstorm, fierce, terrible and destructive
at first; followed by a gloomy calm, silent, deadening
and oisZrucZwe; and at last arousing science, purifying
our moral and intellectual atmosphere, spreading the
broad daylight of culture in union with morals, enabling
humanity to be free, good, and truly constructive.

�The Society’s Lectures by Dr. Zerffi, which have been printed, are—
On “Natural Phenomena and their Influence on different Religious
Systems.”
On “The Vedas and the Zend-Avesta: the first Dawn of Religious Con­
sciousness in Humanity.”
On “The Origin aud the Abstract and Concrete Nature of the Devil.”
On “ Dreams and Ghosts.”
On “ Ethics and ^Esthetics.”
The above are out of print.
On “ The Spontaneous Dissolution of Ancient Creeds.”
On “ Dogma and Science.”
On “ The Eastern Question; from a Religious and Social point of view.”
On “Jesuitism: and the Priest in Absolution.”
On “ Pre-Adamites; or, Prejudice and Science.”
On “ Long and Short Chronologists; or Egypt from a Religious, Social,
and Historical point of view.”
All price 3d., or post-free 3|d.

SUNDAY LECTURE SOCIETY.
To provide for the delivery on Sundays in the Metropolis, and to
encourage the delivery elsewhere, of Lectures on Science,—
physical, intellectual, and moral,—History, Literature, and Art;
especially in their bearing upon the improvement and social well­
being of mankind.

THE SOCIETY’S LECTURES
are delivered at

ST. GEORGE’S HALL, LANGHAM PLAGE,
On SUNT)A Y Afternoons, at FO UR o’clock precisely.
(Annually—from November to May.)
Twenty-four Lectures (in three series), ending 24th April, 1881,
will be given.
Members’ £1 subscription entitles them to an annual ticket, trans­
ferable (and admitting to the reserved seats), and to eight single
reserved seat tickets, available for any lecture.
Tickets for each series (one for each lecture) as below,—
To the Shilling Reserved Seats—5s. 6d.
To the Sixpenny Seats—2s., being at the rate of Threepence each
lecture.
For tickets, and the printed Lectures, and for list of all the Lectures
published by the Society, apply (by letter) to the Hon. Treasurer,
Wm. Henry Domville, Esq., 15, Gloucester Crescent, Hyde Park, W.
Payment at the door:—One Penny;—Sixpence;—and (Reserved
Seats) One Shilling.
Kenny &amp; Co., Printers, 25, Camden Road, London, N.W.

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                <text>Place of Publication: London&#13;
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