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                    <text>SECOND ANNUAL ADDRESS
OF

THE PRESIDENT
/

TO THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
Delivered at the Anniversary Meeting, Friday, 16th May, 1873.

BY

ALEXANDER

J.

ELLIS,

Esq.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

Introduction
..........................................................................................................' ...
Report by the President on Phonology ...........
Report by the President on the Papers read before the Philological Society in
the three years ending 31st December, 1872 ............................
Report by the President, assisted by Prince Louis Lucien Bonaparte, on
Basque
..........................................
Report by A. J. Patterson, Esq., on Hungarian.....................
Report by J". Muir, Esq., of Edinburgh, on Sanscrit Lexicons ............
Report by Prof. Aufrecht, of Edinburgh, on Sanscrit Grammars ....................
Report by J. Peile, Esq., Tutor of Christ's College, Cambridge, on Greek ...
Report by Dr. W. Wagker, of the Johanneum, Hamburg, on Latin
......
Report by F. J. Furnivall, Esq., on Parly English, p. 35, with an Appendix
by Rev. W. W. Skeat ........................................................................................
Report by the President on the formation of an English Hialect Society
...
Report by the President on Professor Max Miiller’s latest views of the
Philosophy of the Origin of Language ........................

PAGE
1
3

9
12
16
19
22
26
29
45
47

48

�PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY
COUNCIL,

1873-4.

President.
ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

Vice-Presidents.
THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.
THE ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN.
THE BISHOP OF ST. DAVID’S.
EDWIN GUEST, ESQ., LL.D., Master of Caius College, Cambridge.
T. HEWITT KEY, ESQ.
WHITLEY STOKES, ESQ.
THE REV. DR. RICHARD MORRIS.
Ordinary
JOSEPH PAYNE, ESQ. (Chairman).
TH. AUFRECHT, ESQ.
E. L. BRANDRETH, ESQ.
C. CASSAL, ESQ.
C. B. CAYLEY, ESQ.
THE REV. B. DAVIES.
II. H. GIBBS, ESQ.
J. W. HALES, ESQ.
E. R. HORTON, ESQ.
THE REV. DR. KENNEDY.

Members.
HENRY MALDEN, ESQ.
J. MUIR, ESQ.
JAS. A. H. MURRAY, ESQ.
RUSSELL MARTINEAU, ESQ.
HENRY NICOL, ESQ.
J. PEILE, ESQ.
CHARLES RIEU, ESQ.
THE REV. W. W. SKEAT.
HENRY SWEET, ESQ.
HENSLEIGH WEDGWOOD, ESQ

Treasurer.
DAN BY P. FRY, ESQ., Local Govt. Board, Gwydr House, Whitehall, S.W.

Hon. Secretary.
FREDK. J. FURNIVALL, ESQ., 3, St. George’s Square, Primrose Hill, N.W.

Extracts from the Philological Society's Pules.
“The Philological Society is formed for the investigation of the Structure, the
Affinities, and the History of Languages; and the Philological Illustration of the
Classical Writers of Greece and Rome.”
“Each Member shall pay two guineas on his election, one guinea as entrance
fee, and one guinea for his first year’s contribution. The Annual Subscription
shall become due on the 1st of January in each year. Any Member may compound
for his contribution by the payment of Ten Guineas, exclusive of his entrance-fee.”

Members are entitled to a Copy of all Papers issued by the Society, and to
attend, and introduce a friend to, the Meetings of the Society, on the first and
third Fridays in every month, from November to June.
Subscriptions are to be paid to the Treasurer, or to the Society’s Bankers,
Messrs. Ransom, Bouverie, &amp; Co., 1, Pall Mall East, W.
Applications for admission should be made to the Honorary Secretary,
F. J. Furnivall, Esq., 3, St. George’s Square, Primrose Hill, N.W.

�SECOND ANNUAL ADDRESS
OF

THE PRESIDENT
TO THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
Delivered at

the

Anniversary Meeting, Friday, 16th May, 1873.

By ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, Esq.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.
PAGE

Introduction .............................
1
Report by the President on.
Phonology
............
3
Report by the President on the
Papers read before the Philo­
logical Society in the three
years ending 31st December,
1872
....................................
9
Report by the President, assisted
by Prince Louis Lucien
Bonaparte, on Basque
...
12
Report by A. J. Patterson, Esq.,
on Hungarian............................
16
Report by J. Muir, Esq., of Edin­
burgh, on Sanscrit Lexicons ...
19
Report by Prof. Aufrecht, of
Edinburgh, on Sanscrit Gram-

Report by J. Peile, Esq., Tutor
of Christ’s College, Cambridge,
on Greek...............
Report by Dr. W. Wagner, of
the Johanneum, Hamburg, on
Latin
...............
Report by F. J. Furnivall, Esq.,
on Parly English, p. 35, with
an Appendix by Rev. W. W.
Skeat .....................................
Report by the President on .the
formation of an English Dialect
Society
...........
Report by the President on
Professor Max Muller’s latest
views of the Philosophy of the
Origin of Language
......

26

29

45

47

48

Introduction.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Members of the Philological Society,—

The address I delivered at the last Anniversary was con­
fessedly merely an introduction to that series of Annual
Reports upon the Progress of Philology which our late
esteemed President, Dr, Groldstiicker, bequeathed as an obliga­
tion to his successors in this Chair. In endeavouring to carry
out his views, I feel how just was his estimation of the diffi­
culties of the task proposed, which are indeed sufficient to
prevent any President from carrying it out single-handed.
The necessity for seeking assistance from others who should
1

�2

THE PRESIDENT’S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

be Members of the Society was in Dr. Goldstiicker’s eyes the
very essence of his plan. I have not been able to carry out
this limitation strictly, but, as an experiment, I have en­
deavoured to do so as far as possible. On other occasions
circumstances may induce your President to seek assistance
in any accessible quarter rather than abstain from laying
desirable information before the Society. On the present
occasion I have been very careful in distinguishing con­
tributed adornments from my own web.
My original intention was to supplement the valuable
summary given by Pott in the last edition of his “ Etymologische Forsch ungen” at the close of 1869, and bring down
the account of philological research to the close of 1872.
This intention I soon abandoned. I found not only that it
would require special laborious research, for which my other
duties left me no leisure, but that, if I attempted to compress
the account into the limits of an address, it would probably
result in a mere catalogue of books, tedious to listen to, and
impossible to remember. It then occurred to me that as this
was to be practically the first Report presented to the Society,
it should rather deal with the present state of philology,
than with its special progress during the last three years.
But even this design I have been unable to carry out as I
could have wished. On future occasions it will be open to
my successors either to review the whole history of the pre­
ceding year, or to take up some special parts, which may
have become prominent during that time, or to which the
President has been naturally led to pay more attention. We
must, I think, never attempt too much. Few things are more
tedious to listen to than a scramble over a wide subject.
Notwithstanding the kind assistance of many friends, to
whom I here tender my best thanks on the part of the
Society, my present Report, although almost unreasonably
long, is very defective and even fragmentary. Our Homer
is too plethoric for any nutshell. The illness or other en­
gagements of Members from whom I hoped to receive
assistance have also led me to abandon several special
branches, some of which will I hope be taken up next year.

�(DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

3

My present Report is therefore merely an attempt, not a
model.
“ On le peut; je l'essaye; un plus savant le fasse.”

But enough of exordium which threatens to bear a whaleshead
proportion to the body of my address.
Phonology.

Phonology (to begin with my own department) is the side
where philology touches physics. Philology overflows into
many regions. Language is essentially the visible symbol
of man’s views of natural relations. It teems with incunabular metaphysics and logic. It bears the impress of
changing civilisation. It is the only indisputable tradition.
And the science of language, when constituted, must meander
through all these regions. But language is first of all a col­
lection of audible sounds generated by a special apparatus.
How it is generated, and how when generated it is appre­
ciated, is consequently the first problem of philology, and
it is purely physical and physiological. Until it is solved,
better than by the first cunning alphabet-maker, we cannot
understand how it has been solved by his numerous com­
peers, each no doubt with his own theory founded on his own
narrow knowledge and local habits. And until this is ac­
complished, we do not know the-words we see, that is, we do
not know the most rudimentary facts on which the science
we contemplate must be established. How far are we ad­
vanced towards the solution of this problem ?
The research is almost entirely of modern growth in
Europe, and it has had much to contend with in the passage
of an Aryan language through a Semitic symbolisation
utterly inadequate to represent any of the numerous phonetic
systems which are in practical daily European use. Men
first attacked the problem for its practical value—to teach
the deaf and dumb to speak, to teach a foreigner to pro­
nounce, to make a child learn reading more easily. Kempelen’s speaking machine, which has been reproduced by
Wheatstone, and to which Faber’s was mainly due, made
the sounds of language a physical phenomenon, independent ’

�4

THE PRESIDENT’S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

of life. Johannes Muller’s researches, followed by those of
Willis, Briicke, Merkel, Helmholtz, and Donders, aided by
the beautiful apparatus of Konig, have made them a physio­
logical phenomenon. The especial requirements of the
singer led to Garcia’s laryngoscope, which in the hands
of Czermak, Merkel, Madame Seiler, and Herr Behnke of
Birmingham,1 has quite recently thrown new light upon
some of the obscurest problems of speech-sounds, by making
the actual motions of the glottis visible. The necessities of
correcting defective utterance have given occasion for the
closest observations upon convulsive, nervous actions in the
various mobile cavities whence speech issues, and in their
natural interceptors. None seem to have turned their obser­
vations on these matters to better account than Mr. Melville
Bell, whose Visible Speech marks an era in phonology, and
contrasts most favourably with the purely physiological
contemporary alphabets of Briicke and Merkel. The neces­
sities of missionary enterprise have rendered imperative the
actual reduction of unwritten languages to a visible form,
and no system has found more favour in this respect than
Lepsius’s. In the pure interest of comparative linguistics,
Prince Louis Lucien Bonaparte has endeavoured to find
signs for all the sounds which he has heard actually pro­
nounced. But his most recent collection of sounds, far
larger than any of those hitherto formed by his predecessors
in the same field of research, has not yet been published.
The great care with which these sounds have been actually
ascertained to form parts of spoken language, as distinguished
from the possibilities of theorists, makes them an indispens1 See Czermak’s papers read before
the Vienna Academy, especially: Sitzungsberichte, Matb. Cl. Band xxix,
No. 12, 29th April, 1858, pp. 557-584,
and Band lii, Abth. 2, Heft x, 7th
Dec., 1865, pp. 623-641. Merkel: Die
Funktionen des menschlichen Sehlundund Kehlkopfes, 1862. Mad. Seiler:
Aites und Neues uber die Ausbildung
des Gesangorganes, 1861, of which a
revised English translation was pub­
lished in Philadelphia, U.S., in 1871,

under the title of: The Voice in Sing­
ing. Herr Emil Behnke has twice lec­
tured on this subject before the Tonic
Sol-fa College: once to the medical
students of University College (re­
ported in the Lancet for Feb. 8, 1873),
and once to a musical audience there.
He has the rare power of shewing his
glottis reflected in the laryngoscope
while he is in the act of singing, and
of hence demonstrating the meaning of
the registers of the human voice.

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

5

able thesaurus for future phonologists, the value of which
is greatly increased by its skilful arrangement. It is to be
hoped that the key-words at least of this tabular arrange­
ment will be made accessible to all phonologic students. I
have personally to thank the Prince for the kindness with
which he has made it accessible to me, both in a laborious
transcription, and by oral communication. With the Russian
extensions of the Cyrillian alphabet to meet the wants of
their comparative philologists, I am unfortunately not ac­
quainted. Lepsius’s alphabet is also meant for philology,
but both his, Prince L. L. Bonaparte’s and the Russian
system—as also Bell’s, Briicke’s, and Merkel's, in a still
greater degree—labour under typographical difficulties. It
was to obviate these, without proposing any system of
phonology, that I introduced my own Palaeotype, from
which the commonest jobbing printer can set up a repre­
sentation of sounds, that can be transliterated almost exactly
into Bell’s, and, with certain modifications, into Lepsius’sj
Briicke’s, or Merkel’s. But we have within the last few
years reached such an advanced stage of phonological re­
search, that the fundamentally different habits and views of
nations respecting speech-sounds, formerly quite overlooked,
become sensible. It is the inability of English and Germans
to understand one another as to the most common sounds in
their own languages which creates the difficulty. The dif­
ference is really one of great philological importance. It is
at the base of the whole difficulty of mediae et aspiratae. It
will, when thoroughly overcome, probably lead to the ex­
planation of Grimm’s law. The difficulty is not indeed felt
only between England and Germany; German phonologists
in different districts misunderstand each other.1 Naturally
1 The following passage contained in
a note from Mr. Henry Sweet, received
(Sth March, 1873) while I was en­
gaged in preparing this address, forcibly
illustrates my meaning. “ I find that
Ivar Aasen (who has written the first
■Norwegian Grammar) actually takes
the description given by the Danes of
their glottal catch, and by a little

alteration makes it so utterly unin­
telligible, that he is able to apply it
to the modulative Norse tones! This
shews us what we may expect from .
written accounts of sounds. I may
note that Aasen is on the whole de­
cidedly above the philological average
in describing sounds.” Now the Nor­
wegian modulation (consisting in a

�6

THE PRESIDENT S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

we Northern Europeans all misunderstand Romance and
Indian phonologists.
Now I think this very satisfactory—of course not as an
end, but as a means. The present stage of phonology is that
of an acknowledged and felt necessity for more inquiry, more
observation, more experiment, especially more internation­
ality. Writers like Rumpelt and Scherer/ who seek to turn
Brucke to philological account, because he is an acute physi­
ologist, are rather too hasty. It is a healthy sign that
philologists should seek such help, but it is a pity that they
do not also go beyond their own national, or rather local
habits. Philology deals especially with geographical trans­
missions, and with hereditary tendencies to pronounce in
certain ways, at least as marked as other linguistic and racial
characteristics. We shall never understand comparative
philology till these are properly weighed and understood.
We are still seeking the path through a shifting bog of
ignorance.
This also complicates some phonological questions which
are exciting much interest at the present day. How did
our ancestors speak in Europe ? In other words, what is
the value of their letters ? Grimm was unfortunately no
phonologist. “ Die Luft ist zu diinn,” was his celebrated
phrase. Hence the whole Gothic, Teutonic, and Scandinavian
languages have still to be investigated. Mr. Sweet’s recent
paper on Danish pronunciation will serve to shew you what
difficulties have to be here encountered, and the necessity of
attending to what outsiders are apt to consider as absurdly
minute distinctions, forgetting that all beginnings are minute,
and that development must be studied in cell-growth, not in
adult forms. Corssen’s ponderous work on Latin pronuncia­
tion is a great mine, but is deficient in comparative phonology;
he is evidently a German speaking Romance. Roby’s Latin
change of pitch while uttering sounds)
is a substitute for the Danish glottal
catch (consisting in a momentary
stoppage of voice by complete closure
of the glottis), but is of an utterly
different character. Mr. Sweet is for­
tunately familiar with both, and hence

can detect the confusion. But fancy
an uninformed Englishman endeavour­
ing to discover the facts amid this
fog!
1 Rumpelt: Das natiirliche System
der Sprachlaute, 1869. Scherer: Zur
Geschichte der deutschen Sprache, 1868.

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

7

grammar endeavours to make use of the most recent English
phonology, but (as he so often quotes my own writings, I feel
a right to say as much) modern English and ancient Latin
sounds had probably such different bases, that the modern
restoration may be very unlike the ancient edifice. The
investigation is going on. . The Oxford and Cambridge profes­
sors have issued a syllabus of Latin Pronunciation for schools,
and we shall probably soon be speaking in a way which a
Roman Rip van Winkel, with sinological anticipations,
might call “ pigeon Latin.” Still all these are steps in the
right direction. The danger is dogmatism. In modern
languages I may mention in passing my own attempts to
reach Early English, which have this vantage-ground, that
the modern and ancient phonological systems in this case are
at least genealogically related. Much still remains to be
done in the Romance languages, Diez notwithstanding.
Greek is almost a terra incognita. We talk of the glorious
sounds of that language, which we read in a way that
would be, no doubt, as unintelligible to ancient, as it certainly
is to modern Greeks, and about as pleasant to both as is to us
a Frenchman’s attempt at reading English before he has
learned the alphabet. And all Europe utters equally insane
cries, and thinks it spouts Homer and Aeschylus.
One word on the direction of phonological inquiry which
is now specially needed. It is not so much more analysis
and systematisation that we require. In fact we rather
labour under a load of systems of universes, themselves un­
explored. It is a careful examination of the synthesis of
sounds in different nations, and even small localities, that is
principally wanted. Whether in proceeding from (p) to
(aa), we commence with an open or closed glottis, and, if
with the latter, whether we insert a dull non-vocal intrapharyngeal thud, or whether we come on the vowel smoothly
or explosively, or even with a jerk accompanied by a puff,—
these are questions of real philological importance. These
varieties in progression from sound to sound generate new
sounds, which lead to various linguistic transformations.
Hence we should obtain information about them if possible

�8

THE PRESIDENT’S ANNEAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

first hand, by observations on the life. The different theories
hitherto propounded by philologists, from the depths or
rather the shallows of their own limited experience, are
mere ignes fatui. Alphabetists have uniformly shirked the
whole inquiry. The various actual results produced from
the same apparent combinations of letters under different
national habits are as surprising as they are important for
comparative philologists to understand with accuracy.
It is with great satisfaction that I can turn to two papers
read before our own Society, as exemplifying in the happiest
manner the kind of phonetic research which philology now
urgently requires,—the intelligent, practical, minute, ex­
haustive analysis of existing usage. Of Mr. Jas. A. H.
Murray’s treatise on “ The Dialect of the Southern Counties
of Scotland,” read at the close of 1869, but only just pub­
lished as the Second Part of the Philological Transactions
for 1870-2, further mention will be made in the Report on
Early English, as respects its linguistic value. But I would
here draw attention to the admirable manner in which the
real Scotch sounds have been for the first time presented to an
English reader, their historical relations considered, and their
dialectal differences explained, on pp. 93 to 149, and 237 to
248 of that work. The only piece of phonological work
on dialects comparable with this is Schmeller’s Mundarten
Bayerns, 1821, which is, however, greatly inferior in phonetic
knowledge and powers of discrimination, though more minute
in local details. The two works together form models on
which to base future dialectal work.
The paper of Mr. Henry Sweet on Danish Pronunciation
'{Philological Transactions for 1873-4, pp. 94-112), which I
have already mentioned in passing, is one of the acutest
phonological investigations of recent times. Mr. Murray
was writing of his own native pronunciation, and comparing
it with Southern English, with which he had been for years
familiar. Mr. Sweet spent a summer over an entirely new
language, in which the orthography offered no assistance,
and pronouncing dictionaries did not exist. He had with
his own spade, as it were, to dig the pronunciation of every

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

9

word out of the native mine; first to bring his ear to recog­
nize the novel sounds and their very remarkable synthesis,
and then to determine when and where they had to be used.
Mr. Sweet fortunately began his phonetic career by a study
of Mr. Bell’s Visible Speech, and he was already a good
Scandinavian scholar before he attacked the modern lan­
guage. This paper shews what we may look for from such
a combination. It will, I hope, some day be enlarged to the
dimensions of a book. The clear account of the Danish and
Norwegian systems of tones, their contrast and relation;
the discrimination of the exceedingly curious anomalies in
the labialised vowels; the original rules, deduced from ex­
haustive lists made by himself, for the peculiar distinctive use
of close and open vowels; the degradations of the consonants
into the second elements of diphthongs; the whole treatment
of initial and final consonants; the remarkable determinations
of the comparative lengths of consonants after long and
short vowels in Danish and English; each observation
enough to make an observer’s reputation;—will stamp this
paper as a classical example of the phonological treatment
of language.

Philology

in the

Philological Society.

Our own Society has certainly developed a decided inclina­
tion for phonologic research. Of the 51 papers which have
been read during the three years ending last December, 15
or nearly 30 per cent, are more or less closely connected with
Phonology. Prof. Hewitt Key gave us three papers on
Latin Accent and Rhythm. Mr. Sweet criticised the late
Prof. Koch’s theory of the Anglo-Saxon ea, and gave us that
valuable paper on Danish pronunciation already characterised.
Mr. Cayley treated the hard and soft consonants and discre­
pancies in early alphabets. Dr. Weymouth raised a theory
of old English and Anglo-Saxon pronunciation, in opposition
to one I had ventured to propose. Mr. Brandreth expatiated
on vowel-intensification. Mr. Nicol selected the old French
labials, and Prof. Cassal the modern French accent tonique.

�10

THE PRESIDENT’S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

And finally I troubled the Society with my paper on Glossic
and some conversational remarks on accent, quantity, and
diphthongs. My Glossic paper was indeed related to one by
Mr. Fry on improving English orthography ; and these two
papers, arising out of many meetings in committee, finally
gave rise to a two-nights’ discussion, which confessedly left
the matter where it would have probably continued to lie
whatever had been our decision—namely with the conservativism,
negligence, fancifulness, pedantry, purism,
or radicalism of individual scribes.
As to the languages with which we dealt during the same
time, Prof. Hewitt Key’s papers on Latin accent and rhythm,
already referred to, and three others on some errors and
omissions in Latin dictionaries, with another on the com­
pression of Latin words (which I might have classed among
the phonetic papers), and a short paper on an ode of Horace
by Mr. Schonemann, gave Latin the preference over English.
But our own language had several papers by Prof. Joseph
Payne, especially in relation to the origination of many pro­
vincial English words through the Norman. Mr. Murray
illustrated Shakspere’s usages from modern dialects, and re­
marked on the dialectic varieties of the prose works attributed
to Hampole. Mr. Fry dealt with “ Chinee” and kindred words;
Dr. Morris read some notes on English grammar and the old
Kentish dialect, and amused us with detailing various
eccentricities in the older and newer forms of our language;
and Mr. Wedgwood contributed a few additional etymolo­
gies. Mr. Yates wrote on the orthography of past tenses
and participles. Mr. Sweet finally gave us an interesting
paper on the special characteristics of the Anglo-Saxon
language of the time of Alfred.
These were our main subjects. But French in its old form
was treated by Dr. E. Mall in a paper on Marie de France,
and in its modern form by Mr. Dawson, and afterwards by
Prof. Cassal for genders, in addition to his phonetic re­
searches. The Celtic and Sanscrit were the only other
languages which had more than a single contribution. We
had a paper on the accusative plural in the British language

�DEmVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

11

and on the Irish verb by Dr. Whitley Stokes, and one on
Welsh affixes by Mr. Powell. I think that my passing
notice on scoring sheep in Yorkshire belongs rather to
this head.
Sanscrit was treated two or three times by Dr. Goldstiicker,
Pennsylvania German by Prof. Haldeman, Danish by Mr.
Sweet, the Mosquito dialect by Messrs. Charnock and Blake.
The other papers were more general. Mr. Wheatley gave
us some more reduplicated words, Dr. Weymouth treated
Euphuism, Dr. Goldstiicker spoke of the derivation of words
from sound, Dr. Oppert discussed the Graal, and I read my
address on the relation of thought to sound.
As our friend Dr. Wagner’s extra volume on Mediaeval
Greek does not come under consideration, we have nothing
in our list relating to Greek or Hebrew, nothing about
Gothic, Teutonic, or Old Horse, almost nothing about the
older Romance languages, and nothing at all about aggluti­
native or monosyllabic languages. Native Asiatic, African,
and American are ignored. Egyptian and Assyrian re­
searches have had no interest for us. It is evident therefore
that several of our Members who are well qualified to give
us the result of their studies on some of these languages,
have been either absent or too busy to prepare papers. The
fifty-one papers have been read by or for twenty-seven
authors, all of whom, however, were not Members of our
Society.1 This summary shews the active state of philology
among ourselves. The passive mine is much richer, but
owing to circumstances not workable. There will always be
some prevalent study in such societies. We began with
classics. For the last three years we have not cared to
touch Greek. The First Part of our Transactions for 1873-4,
which has just been delivered to Members, contains three
,

1 The following is an alphabetic list
of the authors, the figures annexed
shew the number of the papers.
When a paper was divided into parts
read on different evenings, each part
has been counted as a separate paper,
The two evenings devoted to discus­
sions have not been reckoned:—Bran-

dreth 1, Cassal 2, Cayley 2, Charnock
and Blake 1, Dawson 1, Ellis 5, Fry
2, Goldstiicker 3, Haldeman 1, Jere­
miah 1, Key 7, Mall 1, Morris 2, C.
Murray 1, J. A. H. Murray 2, Nicol 1,
Oppert 1, Payne 5, Powell 1, Schonemann 1, Stokes 2, Sweet 3, Wedgwood
1, Weymouth 1, Yates 1.

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THE PRESIDENT’S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

papers read this year, and omits many of those already menJ
tioned. This partly arose from the circumstance that many
of the other papers were not ready for press, and it was
desirable to issue this Part before our anniversary. But as
our year terminates in December, it will be convenient to
defer noticing such papers as have been read subsequently,
till the next address of the President. And now let us look
to the outside world.

Basque.
Education in English schools was contrived when I was
a boy,—and though somewhat improved, I am glad to think,
during the intervening forty years, yet, like the tree, it
preserves its old bend, and may therefore be still regarded as
contrived, undesignedly of course, and perhaps unconsciously
(which makes amendment not particularly hopeful),—to bring *
up a boy’s mind in the one Aryan faith, of the one Aryan
linguistic mode of thought. The instrument was mainly the
Latin grammar, to which even all other Aryan heresies were
made to succumb. Boswell reports a speech of Johnson
which puts the feeling thus generated in a very strong light.
“I always said,” quoth the oracle, “ Shakspere had Latin
enough to grammaticise his English” (anno 1780, aet. 71).
We know now what to conclude of Johnson’s own knowledge
of English grammar. Latin and Greek, eternally ground
in, with French as an “ extra,” and English merely as a
medium for “ construing,” is the received English prepara­
tion for linguistic study. Well, we have got out of it a
little. Thanks to Christianity, some people had to learn
Hebrew, and the Semitic verb at least ought to have opened
our eyes. But if any philologist wishes to see how truly all
Aryanism and Semiticism are merely the favoured literary
dialects of the world, how extremely remote they are from
representing all logical connections of thought, to indicate
which inflections and insertions, reduplications, guna, and
umlaut and ablaut, conjugational forms and voices, and the
other paraphernalia developed by these systems of language in
different proportions, are supposed to have been constructed,

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

13

in ways which different scholars have wanted words laudatory
enough to characterise ; if any philologist wishes to see radiearianism and hereditary preservation of forms of words
break utterly down, and find a system of language which
preserves its individuality by its mere mode of grammatical
construction, let him study the Basque. We are indebted to
the personal labour, critical acumen, and unwearied perse­
verance of Prince Louis Lucien Bonaparte, for our only
trustworthy knowledge of this extraordinary language.
Gifted with great power of appreciating sounds, and having
long studied their representation, he has been able to write
them down intelligibly from oral delivery. The phonetie
peculiarities of Basque, especially in the sibilants, are such
as never occurred to our a priori alphabetists, and require
considerable phonetic acrobatism to imitate. The Prince has
lately presented our Society with his linguistic maps of the
Basque provinces, which he has promised to explain at our
next meeting, and he has also furnished us with copies of
almost all his publications on the Basque languages, in­
cluding his recent remarkable studies on the Basque verb,
perhaps the most complicated in existence, some of the
peculiarities of which he will, doubtless, point out, as they
form the criteria for dialectic separation. These I will not
anticipate. The Society is, as I have said, through the
kindness of the Prince, in possession of these works, usually
extremely difficult to procure, and can therefore peruse them
at leisure. That Aryan scholars should be put into a position
to study such remarkable phenomena in their libraries, in­
stead of hunting them through mountain and vale, from
village to village, and mouth to mouth, is a great gain to
philology. The Prince has not completed his task, although
he has completed his collections, and it must be the desire of
all linguistic scholars that he will have life and health, as
he has the desire and the intellectual power and requisite
patience, to accomplish a task he has so worthily begun.1
1 Besides his account of the Basque
verb and his map of the Basque dialects,
the Prince has published numerous

works, either written hy himself or by
his direction, forming materials for the
study of the language. His second

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THE PRESIDENT’S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

The Basque language is one of the most ancient in the
world; but it has no literature. The oldest existing trace
of the Basque language is a list of forty words, incidentally
introduced into a work by Marineo Siculo in 1530. The
oldest book is a short set of poems, in rhyme, by Bernard
Dechepare, rector of St. Micbel-le-Vieux, partly devotional,
partly erotic, printed at Bordeaux in 1545, of which only
one copy is known to exist, being Y 6194 P in the
National Library at Paris.1 The next in date, and the
only one really of value, is a Protestant translation of the
New Testament, with Liturgy and Catechism, printed at
Rochelle in 1571.2 Another edition of the Catechism with
Calendar was printed the same year, with a different form
of the so-called dative plural, which is extremely rare. The
more recent Basque works seem to be chiefly prayers, hymns,
catechisms, and devotional or ascetic works. Many, though
not the most important, of its words have materially changed
in the course of time. It has a power of adopting and in­
corporating new and foreign words with ease. Its' different
dialects sometimes use totally different words for even the
commonest objects, such as sun and moon. But the immense
majority of words are of course common, with mere variations
of form, to all the dialects. The Basque is an agglutinative
language, but is widely different from the other great agglu­
tinative families, with which it scarcely shares more than the
negative properties of being non-Aryanic and non-Semitic.
The peculiar construction of its verb, which, with sharply
marked distinctions, runs through all the dialects, binds
catalogue, extending to the year
1862, has 25 entries respecting Basque,
and I find 24 more in the additions
to that catalogue. These consist of
translations into various Basque dia­
lects of the Song of the Three Children,
the Lord's Prayer, a text of John,
Dialogues, Genesis to Leviticus, the
whole Gospel of St. Matthew, the Re­
velations, Doctrina Cristiana, the Books
of Ruth and Jonah, Song of Songs,
Miserere, Catechism, the whole of the
French-Basque Bible, together with a
Vocabulary, Comparison of Basque and
Finnish, Basque Sermon preserved at

Arbonne, Note on supposed genitives
and datives plural, and the great work
on the Basque verb, with maps, already
mentioned. It is the labour of a life­
time devoted to linguistic science.

1 Reprinted and translated into
French, so far as decency allowed, in
1847.
2 The first complete Bible in the
Basque language, comprising both the
Old and New Testaments, is that in
the dialect of Labourd, brought out by
Prince L. L. Bonaparte, begun m 1859
and concluded in 1865.

�DEuJpvERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

15

them firmly together, and separates them clearly and defi­
nitely from all other languages.1 These investigations
into Basque mark then a great step in philology. . They
give us a new visual instrument for seeing the circula­
tion of the blood corpuscules of language. We must not be
in too great a hurry to systematise and genealogise. It is
said that Adam and Eve spoke Basque in Paradise. I can’t
disprove it. But if so, the descendant tongues of to-day are
not so like their parents as man is to the gorilla.
I cannot conclude this reference to Prince Louis Lucien
Bonaparte’s labours on Basque, without special reference to
the magnificent donation which he has made to our Society,
not merely of his works on this particular subject, but of an
almost unique collection of all his linguistic works on Uralian, Albanian, Celtic, French, Spanish, Italian, and English
dialects, phonetics, and other linguistic researches, comprising
138 out of his 162 distinct publications, the missing twentyfour being generally such as were printed in very limited
numbers, or consisting of cancelled editions.2 Even of those
which are presented, there are many that he could not replace
if lost. Probably no such collection of his works exists in
England, except at the British Museum, the Athenaeum Club,
1 Not being myself acquainted with the Basque, I have submitted the above
statement of characteristics to Prince Louis Lucien Bonaparte; and I believe
that it will be found substantially correct.
2 An analysis of the numbers in the printed catalogues of the Prince’s works
gives the following results. A “number” is any distinct paper or work, from
a single page to 1376 pages (as in the case of the French Basque Bible). For
the classification of these languages see below, p. 17 note.
Polyglot
Basque
Celtic
Modern Greek
Albanian
Italian
Spanish
Portuguese
French
German
English
Friesic
Russian
Uralian

Total in
Presented to
Catalogue. Philo. Soc.

5
49
7
1
3
36
1
2
7
1
35
3
1
11

3
35
5
1
3
35
1
1
6
1
32
3
1
11

Catalogues, etc.
Maps, Verb, Dialects, Bible, etc.
Cornish, etc.
Corsican Mai’not.—St. Matthew.
St. Matthew.
Italian and Sardinian.—St. Matthew.
Asturian.—St. Matthew.
Galician.—St. Matthew.
Picard, Provenqal, etc.—St. Matthew.
Transylvanian.—Song of Solomon.
St. Matthew and Song of Solomon.
St. Matthew.
Song of Solomon.
Karelian, Livonian, Syrjanian, Permic,
etc.—St. Matthew.

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THE PRESIDENT’S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

and on his own shelves; nor could he form another. Originally
destined for the Library of the Louvre, the Prince determined,
after the burning of that Library during the time of the
Commune, to present this collection to a linguistic society.
We must all feel much gratified at the choice which he has
made ; and I hope that we shall be stimulated to return our
thanks to the donor in the way which, I am sure, will be
most pleasing to himself,—by prosecuting the studies for
which he has given us such ample materials.

Hungarian.

There is another non-Aryan tongue, surrounded by Aryanism, but unlike the last, with a literature full of life, the
language of a nation which is growing into political im­
portance, becoming indeed, as the principal portion of the
Austrian empire, one of the great powers of Europe. The
Magyar or Hungarian language is very little known or
studied by linguists. But it is the most accessible and literary
of the so-called agglutinative languages, with speakers pos­
sessing all European culture, and perfectly acquainted with
the principal European tongues—men who can speak in
English as Kossuth spoke to us awhile ago—and it is
written with Roman letters after a system readily under­
stood, which puts our own orthography to shame, whereas its
Dravidian congeners, which are scarcely studied by any but
Madras officials, have entirely new systems of writing, and its
Turkish cousin is of all tongues spoken in Europe the worst
spelled. Our Society, thanks to a former member, Mr.
Pulszky, possesses a fine collection of Magyar books, and I
should be glad to find some member taking up so important
a study, and furnishing us with a comparative view of Hun­
garian and Aryan forms of thought as traceable in linguistic
structure. Thus the absence of grammatical gender, the
same word d serving for he, she, or it, must correspond to a
direction of thought entirely different to the Aryanic. The
Hungarians have devoted much attention to their own philo­
logy, 80 that materials are abundant. I am indebted to Mr.
Arthur J. Patterson, an eminent English authority on this

�17

DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

remarkable language, which, by the bye, presents several
curious phonetic characters, for the following account of the
recent philological activity of the Hungarians.
tf Perhaps the most fruitful advance that has been made in
philological study in Hungary during the last two years has
been the establishment, at the commencement of 1872, of a
new philological periodical, entitled Magyar Nyelvor. Its
title is formed on the analogy of the German compound
Sprachwart, and may be translated Watchman of the Hunga­
rian Language. As it concerns itself with Hungarian
etymology, questions of Hungarian grammar, corrections of
mistakes made in the current literature of the day, the ex­
amination of remains of old Hungarian literature, and the
recording of popular songs, proverbs, dialectical peculiarities,
etc.,—reference to the cognate Ugrian languages 1 being
1 In a brochure recently published,
summing up the researches that have
been made in the field of the FinnUgrian family of languages, Dr.
Donner, of Helsingfors, divides that
family into five branches: (1) the
Finnish proper, including the Karelian,
Estonian, etc.; (2) the Lapp dialects;
(3) the Syrjanian; (4) the Permic
dialects; (5) the Ugrian, properly so
called, comprising the Ostiak, Vogul,
and Magyar languages. Dr. Donner’s
brochure has been carefully analyzed
by M. Edouard Sayous in the Revue
Critique for the first quarter of 1873.—
A. J. P.
Prince Louis Lucien Bonaparte’s
classification is as follows, shewing
more exactly the position of this
group of languages. It is taken from
his “ Classification Morphologique des
Langues Europeennes,” with MS. ad­
ditions. “ Premiere Classe. A. Souche
basque: 1 Basque. B. Souche altaique.
. . a. Famille ouralique.—a) Sousfamille tchoude: i. Branche finnoise :
2 Finnois. 3 Esthonien. 4 Livonien.
n. Branche laponne: 5 Lapon.—b)
Sous-famille permienne: 6 Permien
et zyriain. 7 Votiak.-c) Sous-famille
volgaique: i. Branche tche'remisse:
8 Tcheremisse. ii. Branche morduine:
9 Morduin.-«Z) Sous-famille oi'goure :
I. Branche hongroise : 10 Hongrois.
ii. Branche Vogoule: 11 Vogoule. iii.

Branche ostiaque : 12 Ostiaque. (N.B.
Le finnois avec 1’esthonien et le li­
vonien, different du lapon a peu pres
comme le grec differe du latin. Il en
est de meme du tchdremisse par rapport
au morduin, et du hongrois, du vogoule
et de 1’ostiaque entre eux.) . ... fl.
Famille samoyede, y. Famille tartare,
8. Famille tongouse, e. Famille mongole, avec leur sous-familles et leur
branches. C. Souche Dravidienne, etc.
D. Souche caucasique occidental?, etc.
E. Souche Caucasique orientale, etc.
F. G. H., etc., etc. Autres Souches
tres-diffdrentes entre elles, quoique appartenant a cette pbemi^re classe.”
The remainder of this classification
is subjoined, as being important to the
Members of the Philological Society, in
connection with the works presented
to them by the Prince, and analyzed
in the footnote to p. 15. “ Deuxieme
classe. A. Souche indo-germanique.
(N.B. Les noms des langues mortes
sont imprimes en caracteres italiques.)
. ... a. Famille celtique: i. Branche
gaelique: 13 Gaelique. n. Branche
bretonne :—a. 14 Gallois.—b. 15 Cornouaillais.—c. 16 Breton................ j9.
Famille greco-latine: i. Branche albanaise: 17 Albanais. ii. Branche
grecque: 18 Grec. 19 Grec moderne.
iii. Branche latine :—a. 20 Latin.—
b. 21 Italien. [22. Espagnol. 23
Portugais].—c. 24 Franqais. 25 Ro-

2

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THE PRESIDENT’S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

strictly subordinated to the above objects,—it is of a more
popular character and appeals for support to a wider public
than the philological journal of an older standing—Philologiai Kozlony (Philological Gazette), which came to an end
with the year 1872. The editor of Magyar Nyelwr, Mr.
Szarvas, whose speciality is the study of the remains of
mediaeval Hungarian, has published during the last year a
treatise on the tenses of the Hungarian verb.
“ Dr. Budenz has, during the period in question, read some
interesting papers before the Hungarian Academy, one of
them being an elaborate critique of Dr. Vambery’s treatise
on the words common to the Hungarian and Turkish lan­
guages. But it is understood that he has in an advanced
stage of preparation a work on the words common to
the Hungarian and Ugrian languages, somewhat on the
model of Curtius’ Griechische Etymologie. Dr. Budenz is
also preparing a short Finnish Grammar and Beading-book,
for the use of Hungarian students, which will soon be pub­
lished.
“ Another Ugrian scholar, Mr. Paul Hunfalvy, has recently
brought out a book on the dialect of the Vogul language
spoken on the banks of the Konda, in Siberia. It contains a
grammar and glossary of the translation of the Gospel of
St. Matthew into the Konda Vogul dialect, executed by M.
Popov, and revised by Professor Wiedemann, of St. Peters­
burg, and published by Prince Louis Lucien Bonaparte.1
Before this translation the only specimens of the Vogul
language that Mr. Hunfalvy had to work on were two series
of questions and answers on the Lord’s Prayer and the Ten
Commandments, communicated by Satigin, the representaman. 26 Rhetique.—d. 27 Valaque.
. . . y. Famille germano-scandinave.
i. Groupegermanique.—a. 28 Gothique.
29 Allemand ancien. 30 Bas-allemand
ancien. 31 Anglo-Saxon. 32 Frison.
—b. 33 Allemand. [34 Bas-allemand.
35 Hollandais.] 36 Frison moderne.
—c. 37 Anglais, ii. Groupe scandinave.—a. 38 Islandais.—b. [39 Suedois. 40. Danois]............... 8. Famille
slavo-lettonienne. i. Branche slave.—

a. 41 Slavon. 42 Russe. [43 Illyrien. 44 Slovene.] 45 Bulgare.—
b. 46 Polonais. 47 Boheme. 48
Lusaeien.
49 Folabe.
(N.B. Le
dialecte cassubien est encore parle.)
ii. Branche lettonienne.—a. 50 Li­
thuanian.—b. 51 Frussien.— c. 52
Letton.”—A. J. E.
1 This work is among those pre­
sented to the Philological Society by
the Prince.—A. J. E.

�BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

19

Bye of the independent Vogul princes, to. the Hungarian
traveller, Reguly. In his preface Mr. Hunfalvy shews that
although the translator of the Gospel is a Russian, the
Vogul of the version is much less Russianised than that of
Satigin, and consequently proportionably more valuable for
philologists. Of course, too,, the Gospel affords a much
larger store of linguistic materials.
“ Lastly it may be mentioned,, as a sign of increased in­
terest in philology, that a translation of the Finnish epic
Kalevala into Hungarian verse, by M. Barna, appeared in
1871. It was reviewed by Dr. Budenz in the Academy,
September 15th, 1871, with especial reference to the lin­
guistic side of the work, and the relation of Magyar to
Finnish.”
Sanscrit.
Passing at once to the Aryan languages, we naturally
turn first to Sanscrit. As my predecessor, Dr. Goldstiicker,
was an eminent Sanscrit scholar, who had devoted himself
especially to Sanscrit lexicography, on which he held pecu­
liar opinions with great tenacity, I was anxious to secure a
communication on this especial subject from one in whom
Dr. Goldstiicker himself had confidence. Mr. John Muir,
of Edinburgh, a Member of our Council, a friend of Dr.
Goldstucker, and an eminent .Sanscrit scholar, has kindly
furnished me with the following contribution on this sub­
ject.
“In 1843 a ‘Notice of European grammars and lexicons
of the Sanskrit language,’ written by the late Prof. H.. H.
Wilson, appeared in our Transactions. Since that time
contributions to Sanskrit lexicography have been made by
Professors Benfey,. Goldstiicker, Max Muller, Aufrecht,
Grassmann, and others. But I must pass over the labours
of these scholars, in order to be able to notice at more length
the Sanskrit Worterbuch of Messrs. Bohtlingk and Roth,
compiled with the co-operation of Professors Weber, Whitney,
Schiefner, Stenzler, Kuhn, and Kern, and at one time of
Prof. Aufrecht, begun in 1852 and steadily .continued to the

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THE PRESIDENT’S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

present time. Of this work six quarto volumes have alreadyappeared, and it will apparently be completed in one other
volume. This great and epoch-making Thesaurus, by far
the most important work of its kind which has yet been
published, whether as regards its compass or its intrinsic
.value, contains, as far as it has come out, 7976 columns^:
3988 pp. Not only is the number of words greatly in excess
of those in Wilson’s second edition (though a few are omitted,
and some of the significations of those retained are excluded
as without authority), but the senses of the words are more
systematically and scientifically arranged. In particular,
the compound verbs, which are ranged alphabetically after
the simple roots, are far more copiously expounded. Refer­
ences are given either to the native Dictionaries in which
the words are found, or to the passages of the books in which
the different meanings occur.
“The most interesting feature in this work is, perhaps,
the interpretation of words occurring in the hymns of the
Veda, many of them obsolete, or employed in different senses,
in later Sanskrit. For this portion of the work Prof. Roth
is avowedly responsible. The principles upon which he
proceeds are stated in the introduction to the first volume.1
He asserts that the native interpreters of the Vedic hymns,
living in comparatively modern times, when the ideas, re­
ligion, and institutions of the people of India had undergone
a long series of modifications, and holding all the opinions
current in their own age,—destitute (it may be added) of the
faculty (only recently acquired even by European thinkers)
of transporting themselves into the past, of entering into its
feelings, and thinking its thoughts,—did not possess the quali­
fications requisite for the correct comprehension of those
hymns, which not only represent a far more ancient set of con­
ceptions and beliefs, but are full of obsolete words. He con­
siders that the writings of these commentators do not form a
rule for the scientific expositor, but are merely one of those
1 See a translation of his remarks in
the Journal Royal Asiatic Society, vol.
ii., new series, pp. 307 ff, and Prof.

Roth’s article, Reber GelehrteTradition
u.s.w. in the Zeitschrift der morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, xxi. 1, ff.—J. M.

�DELIVERED B¥ ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

21

helps of which the latter will avail himself for the execution of
his difficult task, a task which is not to be accomplished at the
first onset, or by any single individual. He therefore seeks to
proceed philologically to derive from the texts themselves the
sense which they contain by a juxtaposition of all the passages
which are cognate in diction and contents. This method
is no doubt a correct one, though everything depends on its
proper application. This scheme of interpretation, though
approved by all, or most, other eminent Sanskritists,1 was
emphatically condemned by our late President,2 who main­
tained that the Indian commentators were quite as able as
European scholars to bring together and compare all the
passages in which particular words occur, that in the case of
hapax legomena the guesses of the former were as good as those
of the latter, and that their methods of procedure were not
purely ^etymological, but involved a reference to an ancient
and genuine tradition. In support of his own views on the
interpretation of the Veda, Prof. Goldstiicker read a paper
before the Koyal Asiatic Society in answer to one by my­
self, of which nothing more than a meagre abstract (pub­
lished in the Athenceum at the time) ever appeared. It is to
be regretted that this paper was never elaborated by the
author, and his views supported by the great learning and
ingenuity of which he was master, as, although it may be
doubted if he would have gained many converts among
scholars able to form a correct judgment, he would prob­
ably have brought together much important information,
and thrown additional light on many questions connected
with Indian antiquity.
1 To the previous supporters of this
view may now be added Mr. A. C.
Burnell, who, in the valuable preface
to his edition and translation of the
VamQa Brahmana (Mangalore, 1873),
—in which he gives much information
regarding Sayana, and identifies him
with Madhava and Vidyaranya,—ex­
presses himself as follows: “ The great
controversy which has prevailed so long
respecting Sayana’s competence to ex­
plain the Vedas, is fast approaching its
end; the above sketch of his life and

works will shew that the followers of
the ‘ German school ’ are historically
right. That they are so theoretically,
is established by an amount of proof
offered by Max Miiller, Weber, Whit­
ney, Roth, Muir, and others that has
long vanquished all reasonable hesita­
tion on the part of the Sanskritists who
were once inclined to prefer Sayana and
Indian precisians to the results of com­
parative philology.”—J.M.
2 See his Panini, pp. 241 ff.—J. M.

�22

the president’s annual ADDRESS FOR 1873

“Prof. Goldstiicker’s own Dictionary, ‘extended and im­
proved from the second edition’ of Wilson’s, has unfortunately
remained a mere fragment, embracing only a portion of the
words beginning with the first letter of the alphabet. The
first fasciculus was published in 1856, and the sixth and last
in 1864. The scale on which it is composed, as compared
with Wilson’s, may be understood from the fact that its 480
pages reach no further than p. 66 of the latter. The number
of words is greatly increased, and the explanations of many
of them are far more elaborate than in Wilson. Some of the
articles are of encyclopaedic dimensions. Perhaps the most
important parts of the work are those which define the mean­
ings of the technical terms of Indian philosophy, in which
the author was a high proficient. But the entire work, so
far as it goes, is of great value.
“The only other work calling for notice is that of Prof.
Monier Williams, published last summer (containing 1186
4to. pp., much more closely printed than the 988 pp. of
Wilson’s), which supplies, in a practical manner, the want,
so long felt, of a complete Sanskrit and English Dictionary,
and will tend greatly to facilitate and promote the study of
Sanskrit in this country. It includes an immense number
of words not to be found in Wilson, and embodies in a con­
densed form the new materials to be found in the parts of
Bohtlingk and Roth’s work published up to the time of its
appearance.”
Prof. Aufrecht, of Edinburgh, who is also a Member of
our Council, has kindly supplemented the preceding lexico­
graphical remarks of Mr. Muir by the following relating to
Sanscrit Grammaticography.
“ Sanskrit Grammar is based on the grammatical aphorisms
of Panini, a writer now generally supposed to have lived in
the fourth eentury b.c. At that time, Sanskrit had oeased to
be a living language, and was only kept up artificially by
being made the vehicle for the education of the upper classes.
It would be interesting to know what style of language
Panini chose as the standard of his observations. It was
certainly not the idiom of the Vedas, as he seldom treats

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

23

this with his usual accuracy, and only mentions it in order
to show its discrepancies from the classical style, or, as he
terms it, the language of the world. We believe that long
before his own time a scientific and poetical literature had
already sprung up, and that a certain number of writers were
chosen by him and his predecessors as the representatives
and patterns of the classical language. Panini was himself
a poet, and the great commentary on his grammatical rules
contains many fragments of early poetry. Treatises on law,
long anterior to the law-book of Manu, are still in existence,
and names of ancient writers on other than sacred subjects
are frequently cited. However this may be, it is quite
certain that the so-called classical Sanskrit, as taught by
Panini and his numerous commentators and imitators, is not
a language which had its foundation in the colloquial usage
of an entire nation or the educated portion of it, but rather
in the confined sphere of grammatical schools which fed
themselves on the rich patrimony of previous illustrious ages.
This development of the Sanskrit finds a striking analogy in
the Rabbinic language, which’also is to be traced back to
the endeavours of religious scholars to endue with new life
an idiom rapidly dying out.
“ The introduction of Sanskrit lore into Europe forms
a new epoch in the study of the language. The European
Grammarians tried from the very first to arrange Sanskrit
grammar, not according to the chaotic manner of the Natives,
but after the models of their own Greek and Latin grammars.
They used more or less fully and accurately the native sources,
but tried to free themselves from the trammels of a system
which for its comprehension required years of study. It is
principally owing to the genius of Bopp that Sanskrit
grammar has become as lucid as that of any other
ancient or modern language which we are in the habit of
studying. But Bopp was not satisfied with the compara­
tively easy task of digesting the principles of Sanskrit
grammar according to European models ; this had been done
before him in a very satisfactory way by Wilkins. But his
principal merit consists in having brought to bear on his

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subject the light of his philological discoveries, and in basing
his rules on purely scientific principles. His aim was to
trace everywhere the genesis of the grammatical forms, not
to content himself with a mere classification. Advanced
scholars might from time to time discover, and have some­
times too severely criticised, the want of a thorough know­
ledge of the native grammarians, and the mistakes which in
consequence here and there disfigured his grammar. Never­
theless, it may be said that all the distinguished Sanskrit
scholars of the present time have learned from him their
Sanskrit; and Bopp was not slow to correct in subsequent
editions any mistakes which had been pointed out to him.
Bopp’s Grammar appeared in six editions,1 five in German,
and one in Latin. Its principal defect is the absence of
Syntax. Wilson and Williams are the only scholars who,
to some extent, have tried to supply this deficiency.
“ Bohtlingk, the editor of Panini, published in 1843 and
1844 two essays on Sanskrit Declension and Accent, both
based solely on native sources. The latter essay is of some
historical importance, as having first called attention to a
subject entirely unknown before. Benfey, in a review,
entered more fully on the latter topic, availing himself for
this purpose of the few then accessible accentuated texts of
the Vedas. Bopp, in a separate book, showed the agreement
between the Sanskrit and Greek accent. Aufrecht published
an essay on the accent in Sanskrit Compounds, and Whitney
wrote a treatise on the system of accentuation in the Atharva
Veda.1
2
“Professor Boiler, of Vienna, published in 1847 a Sanskrit
Grammar, in which an attempt was made to give the ma­
terial, as supplied by the native grammarians, in some
completeness, and to accentuate every part of the grammar.
This work does not seem to have attracted much notice,
although it is done both accurately and systematically.
“ A more ambitious aim was pursued by Professor Benfey
1 The fourth edition of his smaller
Grammar appeared after his death in
1868.
2 An account of Prof. Whitney’s

view of Sanscrit accent is given in the
last footnote to my paper on “Accent and
Emphasis,” in the Philological Trans­
actions for 1873-4, p. 163.—A. J. E.

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

25

in his Complete Grammar of Sanskrit, Leipzig, 1852. Ac­
cording to his own statement, it was his object to show
precisely and clearly all that is forbidden and allowed in
Sanskrit, and to render fully the native exposition of gram­
mar. There can be no doubt that Benfey has brought
together a heap of material for the erection of a palace, but,
unfortunately, in endeavouring to outvie all that had been
done before him, he has not sufficiently separated cumbersome
rubbish from the really valuable bricks and stones. The
beginner, wishing to learn Sanskrit from this book, would
arrive at the conviction that it is a language in which the
exception forms the rule; and the advanced scholar will find
it an easier task to consult his Panini, than to have recourse
to this exposition of the native system. We have to speak
with more praise of the Practical Grammar by the same
author, brought out in English by Messrs. Trubner, although
experience has proved to us that the epithet ‘practical’ is
hardly justified. A grammar in which declension is placed at
the end of the book, and which in all earnest contains a de­
clension of sutus, said to mean ‘ well shining,’ a word sprung
up in the muddled brain of a crazy grammarian, would, at
least in this country, not be called practical.
“ Professor Stenzler has put together in 42 pages (Breslau,
1868) the Essentials of Sanskrit Grammar in a most satisfactory
manner, and we know of no other book so well adapted to the
use of those who wish to learn the elements of the language.
“ Within the last thirty years, several grammars have
been published in England, and have gone through new
editions. The grammars of Professors Wilson, Williams,
and Muller are too well known to require a special criticism.
But we cannot conclude without drawing attention to Pro­
fessor Kielhorn’s Grammar, printed at Bombay in 1870.
Both for clearness and accuracy we consider it the best gram­
mar hitherto published in the English language.
“ The books we have hitherto spoken about were written for
practical purposes. But a historical grammar, after the
model of Grimm’s Deutsche Grammatik, still remains a de­
sideratum. We should like to see a work which would trace

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the language through the different stages of the Vedical
writings down to the great Epics and Puranas, and show
the gradual development of Sanskrit into the ancient and
modern popular dialects, which have arisen on its ruins.
Materials for such a task are gradually accumulating, and it
requires only a master-spirit to complete and properly digest
them.”
•

Greek.

For the following account of recent researches on Greek
I am indebted to Mr. John Peile, Tutor of Christ’s College,
Cambridge, a Member of our Council. Allow me in especial
to direct your attention to the phonetic questions which arise
in them, and to the concluding observations upon general
syntactical transformation in language: the former shew
the impossibility of advancing in philology without much
increased knowledge of phonology; the latter bring the
solidarity of languages strikingly before us, and warn us
against the confusion of development with decay.
“ A careful discussion of the Ionic dialect has been given
by Erman in Curtius’ Studien. This has been long wanted.
The results are not very full, but they at least shew how
much can be certainly known. Erman has printed all the
prose Ionic inscriptions which we possess: those of the
Corpus, and those edited more lately by Newton, and by
Lenormant: he has also availed himself of the labour of
Kirchhoff (Studien zur Gfeschichte des Gfriechischen Alphabets}.
We thus have the inscriptions of the sixth and fifth centu­
ries—those of Magna Graecia and Euboea, of the twelve
Ionic cities, and of Thasos, Halicarnassus, etc.: then those
of the fourth century, in number 40. To these inscriptions
he rightly attributes much greater importance than to the
MSS. of Herodotus, which sometimes shew Atticisms, some­
times hyper-Ionicisms. His principal conclusion is, that the
later Ionic dialect differed much less from the Attic than is
commonly supposed. But he shews considerable divergence
(as might be expected) among the western Ionians from the
typical form : and in that form itself some slight variations,

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

27

the natural result of time. Among other results of his in­
vestigation is a clear proof that the v e^eX/cvo-rifcov was
found in older Ionic (a fact commonly denied), with precisely
the same irregularity as in Attic, and more rarely in the
later inscriptions. . The Euboean inscriptions shew the
natural influence of Hellas proper, in the preservation of a
in some words where Ionia weakened it into y. He thinks
that a difference of sound underlies the variants e and ei
found nross-wise in both Attic and Ionic, though not com­
monly, ei being the usual spelling : one sound he thinks
belonged to the true diphthong arising from the meeting of
e and t, or from the intensification of i; the other to the
merely compensatorily lengthened e. It is not probable that
the diphthongal sound was long preserved pure : it possibly
sank first into the close e-sound followed by a glide, though
denoted still by ec: while e probably denoted the close e
pure, and
the open e. With respect to the absence of
contracted vowels, which is commonly assumed to be peculiar
to Ionic, Erman has shewn conclusively that contraction
was common to all the branches, except that of Thasos, as
early as the 5th century.
u In the same journal Siegismund has an exhaustive paper
on Greek metathesis. The facts are admirably arranged.
In Greek, as in other languages, the greater number of the
sounds so transposed are liquids; and Siegismund rightly
explains the fact by the nature of the sound. He thinks it
probable that the liquid expanded itself (so to speak) into a
liquid and vowel: it thus stood between two vowels,—the
original vowel of the root, and its own offspring:1 and either
of these could be dropped: so that the place of the liquid
was altered if the original vowel was the one that suffered.
Undoubted examples of vowels thus engendered are seen in
1 “ An r is combined -with a halfrnora [or measure, svaramo.tra] in the
middle of the vowel mora of the rvowel, just as a nail is with the finger;
like a pearl on a string, some say;
like a worm in grass, say others.”
Native commentator on the rule i. 37

in the Atharva-Veda Prati&lt;;akhya, as
translated by Prof. Whitney. This in­
terposition of an r in the midst of a
vowel, ready therefore to obliterate
either end, as in old Sanscrit ar and
later ri, corresponds precisely to the
view in the text.—A. J. E.

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rap{a))(r]—fromVrap^, and paX(a)Kos—fromVpaXtc: but here
both vowels remained. Other cases of metathesis are excel­
lently explained by Siegismund as due to a principle which
we see in daily operation, i.e. that in pronouncing a word
hastily, when we have each component part of it in our
mind, we sometimes in our hurry anticipate one element,
and so bring it forward out of its proper place: thus,
e.p., he would explain the curious form apidpos for apifipos
attributed to Simonides, and found (in the form of a verb
aptOpeoy) in Callimachus and Theocritus. No doubt this
is but one operation of the ordinary principle of phonetic
change.
“ Prof. Campbell, in the preface to his edition of Sophocles,
has called attention to the character of the Greek language
in the fifth century, which differs from the uniformity found
alike in Epic construction and (rather differently) in the
Attic orators. It was (as he says) a creative period, when
the resources of the language were fully felt, and not yet
limited by grammarians; when each author developed, not
only his thought, but also the instrument of its expression, as
he pleased;—a transition-time, when the original instinct of
language breaks forth afresh, and throws the old materials
into new combinations impossible in a more advanced literary
period. Striking examples of this force are to be seen in
Pindar, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Thucydides : in all of
these we see creative power, not merely of thought, but also
of language, breaking out in a tentative, irregular, and often
incomplete way. Written composition was still a novelty:
the writers were conscious of their manner of expression, as
well as of their matter: they analyzed their language; and
thus arose a mass of minute distinctions in expression be­
longing rather to the language than to the thought: they
concentrated their language ; whence came considerable
obscurity : lastly they gave free play to their language ; and
thus came change of construction in the very middle of a
sentence, so that the connection of the words is natural,
rather than grammatical. No doubt, each of these authors
struck out a different path from each of the others: but all

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

29

were subject to the same influences, and the common result is
very noticeable.
tf Much light may be thrown by studies like these, not only
upon the syntax of a particular language, but also on the history
of syntax as a whole: that is upon the limits in expression
imposed upon itself by human thought. In Greek we thus
ascertain approximately the accretions of the Sophoclean era:
we may apply the same kind of calculus to the Epic dialect,
so far as is possible under the uncertainty of the age of some
of the poems: and in the Iliad and Odyssey, whatever the
age of each poem may be, it seems to me at least certain that
the syntax is old. We may thus eliminate from each of
these periods the special, and ascertain their common,
element; and so find out the simply Greek form of expres­
sion natural to it from its earliest beginnings as a separate
language. We might then compare this residuum with a
similar (not equally rich) result to be gained from the
Latin: then compare this Graeco-Italian form of expression
with the result of tracing the much simpler development of
Sanskrit syntax from the plays back to the Vedas. Lastly a
still smaller representation of the growth of North Europe
might be gained from the Lithuanian: no Teutonic language
is at once sufficiently pure from foreign admixture and in
possession of a sufficiently rich inflexional system. We
should thus arrive at a starting-point, from which to investi­
gate the common syntax of the Indo-European family.”

Latin.
Our old colleague in the Council, Dr. W. Wagner, whose
absence we have had much cause to regret since he has been re­
called to his own country to hold a position at the Johanneum
in Hamburg, has kindly consented to come among us in
spirit if not in body, and has sent us a short resume of Latin
philology. And we must be the more indebted to him, that
he has not hesitated to rewrite it for us, after his original
paper miscarried by post, and undaunted by this misfortune,
promises a longer contribution on another occasion. He
says:—

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“.Latin philology has been advancing steadily within the
last year. The powerful impulse given to a more careful
study of the Latin language and its literature by Ritschl and
Lachmann is still producing new effects, and the school of
philologers trained by Ritschl are developing a surprising
activity. The great collection of inscriptions originally
undertaken at the suggestion of Ritschl and Mommsen is
proceeding with a rapidity far surpassing the rival publica­
tion of the Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum. A collection of
the Pompeian inscriptions, executed by Dr. Zangemeister,
appeared only two years ago, and we have already received a
new instalment of the work, comprising the inscriptions of
the regio decima of Italy, edited by Th. Mommsen himself.
Besides its linguistic interest, this volume may also be con­
sidered an important contribution to the ancient geography
of the district, as it has been possible to. ascertain the exact
situation of more than one place by means of these in­
scriptions.
“ Among the various editions of authors published last
year, we may mention in the first place Lucian Muller’s
edition of the fragments of Lucilius, a stout volume with a
most careful index and prolegomena. A collection of the
important fragments of the earliest Roman satirist, the model
of Horace, had been promised by Lachmann, but his prema­
ture death had not allowed him to publish more on the
subject than a few very suggestive treatises prefixed to the
indices lectionum of the Berlin University. Other scholars
having been deterred from the attempt by M. Haupt’s re­
peated insinuations that he was going to publish Lachmann’s
edition left in MS., L. Muller has done wisely not to delay
his work, as the more than twenty years elapsed since Lach-I
mann’s death and the procrastination peculiar to Haupt
rendered vain any further hope to obtain Lachmann’s work.
In an author so difficult as Lucilius, it is but natural that we
should not always agree with the Editor’s suggestions and
emendations, but we owe him a debt of gratitude for fur­
nishing us with a scholarly edition of Lucilius.
“ The editions of Horace, Catullus, Tibullus, Propertius,

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

31

and Rutilius Numatianus, lately published by the same
scholar, are merely intended as forerunners of his contem­
plated great Corpus poetarum latinorum, which is to supersede
the antiquated Corpus by Weber, and the unscholarly work
of Sidney Walker generally current in England. L. Muller’s
criticism in his edition of the erotic poets will of necessity
frequently provoke contradiction, but there still remains a
great deal of what is new and original, much that is sugges­
tive, and some that is true. His Propertius seems to be the
least satisfactory part; but this is a most difficult author, and
one that requires repeated study to become familiar with his
peculiar manner. Mr. Paley’s edition of Propertius, with
English notes, is convenient for practical use, but lacks actual
scholarly insight, and displays a peculiar want of critical
faculty in an editor who seems to be so thoroughly at home
in his tragedians, but less familiar with Latin scholarship.
“ In speaking of Latin literature, we must needs mention
the firm of Teubner at Leipzig, to whose exertions so many
valuable works are due. They have lately published a new
volume of the Latin grammarians (by Keil), containing that
most important writer Marius Vic.torinus, whose work in­
cludes such valuable notices on archaic Latin. Among the
new publications of the Bibliotheca Scriptorum Lat. et Graec.
Teubneriana, we notice chiefly an excellent edition of the
Controversiae of the elder Seneca (Seneca rhetor) by Pro­
fessor M. Kiessling of Greifswald, an edition containing
many sagacious emendations of the text, and excellent in­
dexes ; an important edition of Cicero’s Letters (in two
volumes) by the Danish scholar Wesenberg, whose separate
treatises and occasional observations communicated to his
friend Madvig had previously excited much interest, and
who has now placed before us what may be called a sur­
prising performance in point of familiarity with Cicero’s
diction and Latin style in general. This edition , is to be
followed up by a fasciculus containing the arguments justi­
fying the principal emendations. The editions of Dictys and
Dares, the two fabulous historians of the Trojan War, by
F. Meister, belong likewise to the Bibl. Teubn. The edition

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of Dares contains an interesting review of the influence
exercised by this author upon the writers and poets of the
middle ages, and will therefore be acceptable to a wider
circle of readers.
“ In the Tauchnitz collection of Latin authors we may
mention A. Riese’s edition of Ovid, the second volume of
which contains a valuable edition of the Metamorphoses,
with the best and most concise critical commentary to be had
for this work.
“ In the grammatical investigation of the Latin language
a new system has been successfully adopted of late. The
comprehensive works of Vossizts and Rudimanmis, which
seem to embrace the whole of Latin literature, belong to a
naive period which held it still possible that one man should
exhaust the whole literary life of the language ; of late, we
have preferred detailed and minute investigation to issuing
new grammars of the whole language. The pronunciation
and letter-changes of Latin have been carefully investigated
by Corssen, Latin spelling has been historically revised by
Brambach (who has also made his results accessible to teachers
in his Kulfsbuclilein fur lateinische Rechtschreibung'), and two
important monographs have been published on the syntax of
quom by Lubbert and Autenrieth. Liibbert’s method is sta­
tistical, and has led to important results. The distinction
made by our grammars between quom causal and quom tem­
poral did not, as he shews, exist in early Latin; it was only
gradually forming in the time of Plautus and Terence, neither
of whom ever uses quom temporal with the subjunctive im­
perfect and pluperfect. The historical and statistical method
is also employed in Drager’s Kistorische Syntax, a work
greatly to be recommended for its accuracy and careful elabo­
ration. The author gives nothing but what he himself has
collected, and this is perhaps the only point to which excep­
tion might be taken. His work would be more complete had
he also utilised the labours of his predecessors. By the same
author we possess a valuable monograph on the style of
Tacitus, and a very good work on Apuleius and African Latin
has lately been published by Koziol, an Austrian scholar.

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DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

The best work, however, of this kind, is Kuhnast’s Hauptpunkte der Livianischen Syntax (Berlin, Weber, 1872), quite
a masterly work in every respect. A similar work on Cicero
would be quite a boon to the student of Latin. It is in­
credible how many erroneous statements concerning Cicero
and classical Latin keep floating through our grammars, one
of which always carefully copies the errors of its predecessors.
Kiihnast shews that many phrases and constructions, dis­
dained by over-anxious purists, are most excellent Latin, but
somehow have not got admitted into dictionaries and grammars.
“ The texts of the principal authors of the Latin language
have been so much changed and improved by the labours of
this Century, that there is now a wide field for energetic
young philologers in cultivating the historical grammar of
the language. In return, textual criticism will also be bene­
fited by these detailed investigations, and the nice shades of
thought will be brought out by this kind of study. We
have passed the stage of a sentimental admiration of the
ancient authors, such as we find it in the editions of Heyne
and his school; our eyes are fully open to the shortcomings
and failings of Latin literature when considered aestheti­
cally, nor do we any longer attribute to this literature the
‘ humanizing ’ influence so naively believed in by former
centuries—there is among us very little of that which may
be termed elegant scholarship—which is all very nice, but
perfectly useless—in fact, we do not work like ladies, but
like men mindful of a serious purpose, which is in the first
line : to trace the intellectual life of the great Roman nation
in its literature; and secondly to shew and follow the con­
necting links between this literature and the other nations
of Europe and Asia. To attain this end it is necessary to
pursue the most minute investigations, but not to generalize
without sufficient data and foundations. But the days in
which it was held the height of Latin scholarship to write a
splendid Ciceronian style, and to turn neat Latin verses,
are past, and will never return.”1
Owing most probably to some incompletness in the expression of my

intentions, Dr. Wagner has confined
his remarks to the contributions to

3

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Our friend Dr. Wagner gauges woman’s work by the old
standard. But when we find a lady, like Miss Anna Swan- 1
wick, translating JEschylus; another, like Miss Stockwell,
taking the first Greek prize at Antioch College, U.S., against
all the 700 young men there; and another, like Miss White,
at the same College, solving a problem in mathematics in
which 1500 male students had failed; we may remember
past times when Hypatia taught at Alexandria, or more
recent days when Mrs. Somerville translated Laplace, and
own that superficiality does not depend on sex, but on habits
of civilization, which may change, and we hope will change
for the better—if indeed it be true that two heads are better
than one, and that in literature and science as well as
sociality, it is not good for man to be alone.
The above account of the two American ladies is given on
the authority of Miss Beedy, herself a graduate of Antioch,
who justly remarked that of course such successes did not
necessarily represent the general powers of American women,
as naturally only the most capable had as yet availed them­
selves of the recently granted University privileges. But as
it was suggested to me that some information should be
obtained respecting the progress of ladies at Cambridge in
England—Cambridge in America is still closed to them—I
applied to Mr. Henry Sidgwick himself, whose name is
widely known in connexion with ladies’ studies at Cambridge,
and he has kindly sent me the following account:
“ The facts as to our young ladies are these. Two have
been examined by the examiners for our Classical Tripos,
• one of whom would have obtained a second class and the
other a third; one other, similarly, by the mathematical
examiners, who would have obtained a second class. So the
result is not exactly triumphant, though sufficiently en­
Latin Philology in 1872. Hence his
omission of all English publications
except Paley’s Propertius. He, how­
ever, wishes me to state that there are
very few English scholars for whom he
entertains a higher respect than Prof.
Munro, whose Lucretius was published
in 1866. Roby’s grammar, of which

the first volume in its first edition came
out in 1871, and the second has not
yet appeared, Conington’s Virgil, and
Robinson Ellis’s Catullus, have conse­
quently been passed over. It was im­
possible to alter this arrangement in
time for the anniversary.—A. J. E.

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

35

couraging. It ought, however, to be borne in mind, that
they had not been to classical schools, like the young men.
I believe the quality of their work was in all cases better
than what would be expected from their places, as they had
not learnt to answer questions as quickly as the young men.
The quality of Miss Cook’s work (the 2nd class classic) was
especially commended. I have not myself taught any
classics to ladies, but my experience of two years’ teaching
of philosophy is that they (my pupils at least) quite equal
the best young men in the closeness and thoroughness of
their study.”
Mr. Peile, who informed me that he has taught Greek, by
correspondence only, to a few ladies during the past two
years, although of course finding it difficult to arrive at any
definite conclusion from such small data, has been led to
“ believe that with a similar training women could become
fully as good scholars as most of our first-class men at Cam­
bridge,” although, under the circumstances, of course, he
“ cannot prove it.”
It would be out of place to go into the general question of
the intellectual rivalry of the sexes, but the preceding re­
marks and information respecting the aptitude of the female
mind for the severer forms of University study in comparison
to that displayed by young men of the same age engaged on
the same subjects, although suggested by a passing allusion
in Dr. Wagner’s contribution, while enforcing an opinion in
which all earnest philologists must cordially agree, cannot be
considered inappropriate in addressing a Philological Society,
which, like our own, numbers ladies among its members.
Early English.

The great attention which our Society has paid to the
early stages of our home-grown language, from the time that
it was more or less distinctly separable from the imported
tongues whence it was elaborated, as a cultivated plant from
a wild flower, requires me to devote a large section of this
Report to its consideration, and this I have been more easily
able to effect, owing to the necessity of deferring especial

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reference to its incunabula, Anglosaxon (including Gothic
and the other Teutonic branches), Old Norse (including the
other Scandinavian forms), and Old Norman (with the older
Romance languages). The Members of our Society could
not desire a better reporter on Early English than their
own Honorary Secretary, Mr. Eurnivall, the Director of
the Early English Text and Chaucer Societies; and I have
great pleasure in presenting them with the following sketch
from his pen.
“As the revival of the study of Early English, which has
been such a marked feature of linguistic inquiry of late years,
originated with the Philological Society, I may, perhaps,
be allowed to reach back some years, and remind our
Members that delay on the part of our late much-lamented
President, Prof. Goldstiicker, in producing his Sanskrit Affix
paper for our Transactions of 1858, led to the printing
of my Early English Poems and Lives of Saints early in
1862; that this encouraged Dr. Richard Morris to edit the
Liber Cure Cocorum later in 1862; and in 1863 to begin, with
Hampole’s Pricke of Conscience, that series of dialectal texts,
accompanied by treatises on their peculiarities, which has
done so much for his own renown, and for the firm founda­
tion of Early English work. In 1862 Dr. Whitley Stokes
edited for the Society The Play of the Sacrament; in 1864
Dr. Weymouth followed with his critical edition of the
Castel off Loue; and in the latter year was-founded the Early
English Text Society, to carry on the publication of Early
English Texts, which the Philological Society had so well
begun, but, from want of funds, had been forced to abandon.
“ Since that time the work at Early English, viewed
philologically or linguistically, has been continued mainly
in four directions :—I. the development of the characteristics
of our early dialects ; II. the clearing-up of the limits
and ‘ notes ’ of the several periods of our language ; III.
its lexicography; IV. its pronunciation at different periods.
“ I. Dialectal Characteristics.—As in his Preface to Ham­
pole’s Pricke of Conscience Dr. Richard Morris had, in 1863,
gathered together the distinctive marks of the great Northern

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

37

dialect, so, in 1864, in his Early English Alliterative Poems
(written perhaps about 1360 a.d., and edited from the
unique MS. Cotton Nero A x.), he collected the characteristic
signs of the Western division of that Midland dialect,1 which
afterwards became the groundwork of our standard English
speech. In 1865 Er. Morris edited, from the unique MS. in
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, The Story of Genesis and
Exodus, written about 1250 a.d. in the East-Midland dialect;
and in his Preface to this work he shewed, not only what
were the differences between the Eastern and Western divi­
sions of the Midland dialect, but also those' between the
Southern and Northern parts of the East-Midland speech.
He assigned the Genesis and Exodus1 to the Southern section.
2
By contrasting both Southern and Northern East-Midland
forms and vocabulary with those of the Southern dialect, he
was able to shew the large influence of Danish in the lan­
guage of our Mid-Eastern counties.
“ In 1866&gt; Er. Morris dealt with the third great division
of our dialects, the Southern (in which he included the
speech of the district formerly called Western), as shewn by
the Kentish treatise of Dan Michel, of St. Austin’s, Canter­
bury, The Ayenbite of Inwyt, 1340 a.d. As this was written
in the South, just about the time that Richard Rolle of
Hampole wrote his Pricke of Conscience in the North, Dr.
Morris, in a long Grammatical Introduction to the Ayenbite,
carefully contrasted the distinctive peculiarities of the
Southern and Northern dialects,—a task to which he devoted
70 pages,—and then,, after shortly noticing the lexicogra­
phical differences of the two dialects, gave, in pp. 72-85,
full ‘ Outlines of Kentish Grammar, a.d. 1327-40.’
“Dr. Morris’s results were soon summarized, and addi1 An extract from the West-Midland,
version of the Cursor Mundi is printed
in Dr. Morris’s “ Legends- of the Moly
Hood," 1871, pp. 108-161. In his
First Series of Old English Homilies,
“The Wooing of our Lord” contains
West-Midland peculiarities which are
discussed in the Preface.—F. J. F..
2 The Bestiary, from the unique
Arundel MS., re-edited by Dr. R. Morris

in his Old English Miscellany, 1872, be­
longs also to the Southern section of
the East-Midland dialect, while the
Ormulum belongs to the Northern. A
fragment on p. 200 of this Old English
Miscellany is like in dialect to the
Genesis and Exodus; and a copy of the
Moral Ode in Dr. Morris’s Old English
Homilies, Series II., 1873, has EastMidland peculiarities.—F. J. F.

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tional illustrations of his positions added, in a short treatise
by Dr. Wm. T. P. Sturzenbecker, of Copenhagen, called
‘ Some Notes on the leading Grammatical Characteristics of
the principal Early-English Dialects.’ This was drawn up
at the suggestion of Prof. George Stephens, the well-known
Professor of English in the University of Copenhagen, of
whom Dr. Sturzenbecker had been a pupil. But in 1867 Dr.
Morris had the opportunity of summing-up his own results
in the Grammatical Introduction to his ‘ Specimens of Early
English, selected from the chief English Authors, a.d.
1250-1400,’ in the Clarendon Press Series of School and
College Class-books, which gave the English public for the
first time in their history a general view of their early gram­
mar and language, and introduced them to a number of
authors and works they had hardly heard of before. On the
edition becoming exhausted, Dr. Morris arranged to increase
the book in size, and extend it upward to Anglo-Saxon
times, so as to join on to Thorpe’s Analecta. He therefore
divided the work into two parts, and put the second into
the Rev. W. W. Skeat’s hands to re-edit. A second edition
of this second part (which was itself a second edition) is
now in the press ; but the re-edited enlarged edition of Part I.
has not yet appeared, though the text of it is all printed.
In 1872 Dr. Morris made a further contribution to our
knowledge of the early Southern dialect by his short sketch
of the grammatical forms in five Old Kentish Sermons of the
13 th century, which he edited from the unique MS. Laud
471, in his Old English Miscellany, 1872. He also pointed
out the differences between the forms in these Sermons and
those in the Ayenbite a hundred years later.
“A very valuable sketch of the Northern dialect as a
whole, and its subsequent fortunes in Scotland, to which
country it was, as a literary language, confined after the
fifteenth century, is contained in Mr. J. A. H. Murray’s
Historical Introduction to his ‘Dialect of the Southern
Counties of Scotland,’ forming Part II. of the Society’s
Transactions for 1870-2.
The merits of Mr. Murray’s
thorough discussion and description of the South-Scotch

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

39

dialect, its history and present characteristics, are too well
appreciated by our Members to need further confirmation
by me. Dr. Kaufmann, in his Inaugural Dissertation1 for
■his Doctor’s degree last year, summarized and discussed the
grammatical and phonetic characteristics of the language of
the Scotch poet William Dunbar, who wrote in the beginning
of the 16th century.
“ II. Linguistic Periods.—The second part of Dr. Morris’s
great services to the knowledge of English historically was
seen in 1867, when he produced his First Series of Old
English Homilies and Homiletic Treatises of the 12th and
13th centuries. In his Grammatical Introduction to this
work he dealt with the specially transitional period of the
formation of English inflexions, which Sir Frederic Madden
had termed Semi-Saxon,2 as being half-way between AngloSaxon and Early English. Dr. Morris showed that the lan­
guage of the 12th century must be divided into two halves, in
the former of which the older Anglo-Saxon forms prevailed,
while in the latter the modern forms had the predominance;
and that in the former the unsuspected and unobserved
phenomenon appeared, of a number of different endings (five
for the genitive only) struggling for ascendancy, till the
language settled down into the comparative peace of the
first version of Layamon’s Brut, the early period of the
victorious final e, which had been before supposed to repre­
sent the preceding fermenting period as well as its own.
“ In 1872 Dr. Morris laid the results of his ten years’ work
before the public in a much condensed form, in his ‘ Historical
Outlines of English Accidence,’ which—with appendices based
on the admirable work of our late Honorary Member, Dr.
C. Friedrich Koch, ‘Die Historische Grammatik der Englischen
Sprache,’ 1863-1869, and incorporating much of the excellent
Grammars of Matzner and Sachs and Fiedler—has far
1 Traite de la Langue du Poete
Ecossais William Dunbar, precede d’une
Esquisse de sa Vie et de ses Poemes, et
d’une Choix de ses Poesies: par Johannes
Kaufmann, Docteur en Philosophie a El­
berfeld. Bonn,E. Weber, 1873.—F.J.F.

2 This name has been much ridiculed
by a newspaper writer, whose know­
ledge of the details of English histori­
cally is ludicrously beneath what Sir
Frederic’s was.—F. J. F.

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THE PRESIDENT S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

surpassed any work of like kind in English, and proved the
superiority of the historical treatment over all others.1 This
book is to be followed by ‘ Historical Outlines of English
Syntax’; and then I trust that Dr. Morris will enlarge his
Accidence by a series of examples of every word and con­
struction in each of our three dialects, somewhat after
Burguy’s manner in his Grammaire de la Langue d'O'il.
“Mr. Murray’s researches have likewise resulted in the
establishment of distinct stages in the development of the Low­
land Scotch, which he has designated the Early, the Middle,
and the Modern periods respectively; the first of these ends
about 1475, the second with the union of England and
Scotland, and the disuse of the Scotch as a literary medium. Mr.
Murray has pointed out numerous characteristics by which
genuine specimens of the early period may be at once distinguishedfrom those of the 16th century, and thus works which
have been vaguely thrown together as ‘ Old Scots ’ satisfactorily
arranged in chronological order. In many respects this is
perhaps the most important result of his investigations.
“ In the present year Dr. Morris has issued a Second Series
of Old English Homilies, from the unique MS. in Trinity
College, Cambridge, which he has shewn to have been
copied by a scribe who adapted them to his own dialect,8
that of the Southern division of the East Midland, so that
these Homilies rank with the Bestiary, Genesis and Exodus,
and Havelok.
“To the many other publications of the Early English
Text Society, Mr. Skeat’s excellent edition of the FourText St. Mark,3 etc., I do not allude, as they rather offer
material for the philologist to deal with hereafter, than
advance his knowledge now, save so far as they work out
Dr. Morris’s views. Still, in Mr. Skeat’s Prefaces to his
Havelok, William of Palerne, Partenay, and Joseph of
1 Compare the latest Grammar by
Dr. Wm. Smith and Mr. T. D. Hall,
in which muster is given as an example
of the feminine ending ster; and kine is
called a contraction of cow-en!—F.J.F.
2 The original version of these

Homilies was in the Southern or
West-Saxon dialect.—F. J. F.
3 The latest of these Texts, the
Hatton MS. 38, illustrates the same
period as the First Series of Old
English Homilies.—F. J. F.

�DEWOSKED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

41

Arimathie, will be found very valuable independent discus­
sions of the dialectal and grammatical peculiarities of these
several Texts, while in his Preface to Text B of ‘William’s
Vision of Piers the Plowman,’ Mr. Skeat has shewn how
widely the practice of his author and the best scribes of the
B Text, in their treatment of the final e of the perfect tense,
etc., differs from the accepted theories on this subject. Mr.
Henry Sweet’s important essay on the characteristics of the
Anglo-Saxon of Alfred’s time, Prof. March’s Anglo-Saxon
Grammar, etc., belong to the subjects deferred.
“ III. Dictionaries.—The admirably full Glossaries of the
late Sir Frederic Madden to Havelok, William and the Were­
wolf, Sir, Gfawayne, Layamon, the Wicliffite Versions of the
Bible, etc., together with those of Dr. Morris, Mr. Skeat, Mr.
Brock, and other Early-English-Text-Society editors, offered
a capital foundation for any scholar to build up a Dictionary
on. The first1 to raise such a structure was Dr. F. H. Stratmann, of Krefeld, the second edition of whose ‘ Dictionary of
the Old English Language, compiled from writings of the
xn, xm, xiv, and xv centuries,’ 1871-3, is just completed.
So far as the Vocabulary goes, the book is admirably trust­
worthy and careful; but unluckily Dr. Stratmann did not
conceive that his duty was to register all the words found in
our printed texts from MSS. of the dates assigned in his title:
and I believe that his book must be at least trebled in bulk
(or number of entries), before it can supply the student with
all he requires in a real Early-English Dictionary. Dr.
Stratmann is now hard at work on a Supplement to his
excellent book, so that the defect I have pointed out is
in course of being remedied. Of Dr. E. Matzner’s EarlyEnglish Dictionary only the first part has yet appeared. It
1 Our friend Herbert Coleridge’s
‘ Glossarial Index to the printed Eng­
lish Literature of the Thirteenth Cen­
tury,’ Triibner &amp; Co. 1859, led the
way; but it was confined to the half
century 1250-1300 a.d. Mr. Way’s
profusely annotated and excellently
edited Promptorium, and Mr. Thomas
Wright’s Volume of Vocabularies for

Mr. Joseph Mayer, are universally
known as most valuable contributions
to Early English Lexicography. Mr.
Wright’s second volume of Vocabularies
from the 10th to the 15th century is
just ready. "Ultimately the two are
to be amalgamated, and sold to the
general public.—E. J. F.

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the president’s ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

unfortunately has a misleading title: 1 Altenglische Sprachproben, nebst einern Worterbuche. Zweiter Band: Worterbuch. Erste Lieferung.’ This has led many people to sup­
pose that it is only a dictionary to the words in the editor’s
excellent Altenglische Sprachproben, or Specimens of Early
English (Part I. in verse, Part II. in prose, the only desidera­
tum in which is, that the texts should have been compared
with their MSS.). But such is not the case. The Worterbuch
covers the whole range of Early English, and is refreshingly
full in vocabulary and quotations, with careful distinctions
of the shades of meaning in the uses of every word—a point
in which Dr. Stratmann’s work is defective. The only fault
that I see in Dr. Matzner’s book is, that the quotations are
not arranged in either strictly chronological or dialectal
order, so that the student gets confused as to the history and
locality of the forms of a word; and the only drawback I
know to an Englishman’s use of the book is, that the
meanings of the early words are given in Grennan only,
instead of both German and English. But it is very grati­
fying to us Englishmen to see how soon, and how zealously,
our Teutonic brethren have come forward to share our work
at our own branch of the common tongue. If only we can
persuade our German kin to abstain from “ re-writing ” all
Early English texts, and turning them, full of the variations
of individuality and nature, into monstrosities of uniformity,
impossibilities of systematic spelling and form, we shall have
nothing but cause to rejoice at the help of the grand German
legion of learning whose fame fills the world.
“ To general English Lexicography many important con­
tributions have of late years been made. The first edition
of Mr. Hensleigh Wedgwood’s English Etymology was fol­
lowed by Eduard Mueller’s excellent etymological English
Dictionary, Kothen, 1865-7. This, by the revised edition of
Webster, to which Dr. E. Mahn, of Berlin, contributed the
etymologies — a wonderful improvement on the author’s,
making the new Webster the most generally useful Dic­
tionary that I have come across. This again, by Mr. Wedg­
wood’s second and thoroughly revised and enlarged edition

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

43

of his ‘Dictionary of English Etymology? a book which,
notwithstanding occasional weaknesses,—though departing
from the historical method that it generally pursues,—is yet full
of suggestiveness, of research, and happy insight, and points
always to the discovery of those answers which the philo­
logist longs to find, for his questions to every root, ‘ Where
did you spring from ? What did you first mean ? Tell me
for help to know the history of mind and man.’ Dr.
Latham’s new edition of Todd’s Johnson scarcely calls for
notice here, as hardly any Early English was added to it,
and its etymology is miserably meagre; but its enlarged
vocabulary and additional quotations (though these are not
always arranged chronologically) are points in its favour.
The small dictionaries of Mr. Donald for Messrs. Chambers,
and Mr. Stormonth for Messrs. Blackwood, are, on the whole,
creditable performances.
“ In special English Lexicography, the most noteworthy
books are Mr. J. C. Atkinson’s Glossary of the Cleveland
Dialect, 1868; those in our Society’s Transactions—Mr.
Barnes’s Grammar and Glossary of the Dorset Dialect,
1864; Mr. Gregor’s Dialect of Banffshire and Glossary of
Words not in Jamieson’s Dictionary, 1866; Mr. Edmon­
ston’s Glossary of the Shetland Dialect, 1866; Mr. Peacock’s
Glossary of the Lonsdale Dialect, 1867. The ‘ Etymological
and Comparative Glossary of the Dialect of East Anglia,’ by
John Greaves Hall (London, 1866), I have not seen.1
“IV. Pronunciation.—Mr. Bichard Grant White made an
exaborate attempt to ascertain Elizabethan pronunciation by
means of rhymes, puns, and misspellings, in 1861,2 and
1 The Manchester Literary Club
have printed and circulated, for com­
ments and additions, sheets of the A,
B, and C words of the collections for
their “ Glossary of the Lancashire
Folk-Speech”; and state that having,
“since the issue of the B sheets, re­
ceived from Mr. James Pearson, of
Milnrow, a manuscript list of dialectal
words current in the Fylde of Lanca­
shire, the Club Committee intend in
future lists, as in the C sheets, to mark
those words which are believed to be

peculiar to the Fylde, Furness, Lons­
dale, and other districts, leaving it
to be understood that the words not
specially so denoted are current either
in South and East Lancashire or
generally throughout the county.”—
F. J. F. Arrangements have been
made for placing copies of this Glossary
in the hands of members of the English
Dialect Society, mentioned on p. 47.—
A. J. E.
s A full abstract of Mr. Grant
White’s appendix to vol. 12 of his

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THE PRESIDENT’S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

Messrs. Noyes and Peirce applied the works of the 16th
century orthoepists to the same purpose in 1864; although,
unfortunately, these two writers were not acquainted with
the best of them, Salesbury.1 But a connected history of
the pronunciation of English had never been attempted—
probably never thought of—until our present President, Mr.
Ellis, took it up, and in 1867 produced the First Part of his
‘Early English Pronunciation, with Especial Reference to
Shakspere and Chaucer,’ followed in 1869 by Part II., and in
1871 by Part III., while it is confidently anticipated that
Part IV., completing the work, will appear early in 1874?
Considering that Mr. Ellis has to read this Report himself, I
will confine myself to saying that I rejoice that our Society
has been the means of producing it. These phonetic investi­
gations have been worthily supplemented by Mr. J. A. H.
Murray’s treatise, lately issued by our Society, on the Dialect
of the Southern Counties of Scotland.”
You will have doubtless noticed one curious omission in
Mr. Furnivall’s contribution. The American abolitionist,
Garrison, is reported to have said, that he had so much to do
in saving the bodies of the slaves that he had no time to
think of his own soul. Mr. Furnivall has been so much
occupied in recording the work done by others that he has
had no time to think of the mainspring, his own unceasing
labours in setting others to work, and in setting others the
example of how to work, on Early English. The extra
volumes of our Society are mainly due to his suggestion, and
have been produced under his stimulus. The Early English
Text, the Chaucer, and the Ballad Societies are really his
creations, and live by his life. I omit to notice his editions
edition of Shakspere, containing these
researches, is given in my Early English
Pronunciation, pp. 966-973.—A. J. E.
1 In the North .Amer. Rev., April,
1864, pp. 342-369. All the authorities
cited by them are mentioned in my E.
E. Pron., p. 917, note, and all their re­
sults are given in the footnotes to pp.
975-980 of the same work.—A. J. E.
2 The state of the work is as follows.
Part IV. will consist of four chapters
and the indexes. The two first of these

will be sent for press on 1 June. The
third will probably be completed in MS.
by the end of June. One of the most
laborious sections of the last is com­
plete in draft. How long the indexes
will take it is impossible to say, but I
hope, if the many adverse circumstances
which I am obliged to allow for as
possible, are good enough to permit me,
to have the text printed by 1 Sept., and
if so the fourth part ought to be ready
before our next Anniversary.—A. J. E.

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

45

of Robert of Brunne, the Babees Book, and other minor
works, to draw especial attention to his great contribution to
accurate English philology, the magnificent Six-Text Edition
of Chaucer, still in progress, which I regard as entirely his
own in conception and execution. Mr. Furnivall has in this
work inaugurated a new era in philology. No one will
henceforth be satisfied with collations of important works.
An editor may patch up a text to shew his own particular
views, and defend them in elaborate comments. But students,
who wish to know what the works are like, will now require
the lively counterfeits of their oldest existent forms placed
side by side for actual comparison one with another and each
part with its whole; not a mosaic presentment of disaccordant
patches. This is what Mr. Furnivall has done for our first
English poet, mostly with his own hand, entirely by his own
thought, and no notice of Early English philology read from
this Chair can be complete without fitting mention of this
great philological work accomplished by our own Honorary
Secretary.
Mr. Skeat, whose admiration for the English language
is certainly not founded on ignorance, for few have ex­
amined its documents more minutely, has supplemented Mr.
Furnivall’s sketch by the following plea for the due position
of English scholarship :—
“ The careful and acute researches of Dr. Morris with
respect to questions of dialect well illustrate the new method
which has arisen of regarding our old literature, not as a
compilation of unintelligible monstrosities of forms, but as
representing modes of speech which were actually in the
mouths of men in the olden times. Yet this is only one side
of the matter. Equally careful work has been expended
upon questions of etymology, both by Dr. Morris and by
other editors. Perhaps few have contributed so much to
forming habits of strict scholarly accuracy as the late Sir
Frederic Madden. He clearly regarded our English speech
as worthy of the same kind of exact critical study—both in
kind and degree—as it has generally been the English habit
to reserve for the study of the “ classical languages ” only.

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This principle has been conscientiously followed out by most
of the editors for the Early English Text Society, with the
hope that wild etymological speculations and guess-work
derivations that set at defiance all known laws of language
may soon become things of the past. The due recognition
of this important principle, now that it has once been per­
mitted to see the light, must never more be lost sight of. It
is not for us to make premature guesses, but patiently to in­
vestigate. Our own tongue yields to none other in copious­
ness, in versatility, in many-sidedness; and there is no reason
why English scholarship should not be as critical, as exact,
as minute, and in every way as sound as any other. It is just
because our English editors have at last begun both to per­
ceive this and to act upon it, that the Glossaries to our texts
have also begun to have a solid value, very different from
that of those in some old editions wherein the editor fre­
quently refrained from indicating by references to what
passages his explanation referred ; in order, we may suppose,
that the reader might not so easily be enabled to catalogue,
and in some cases to rectify, his blunders.”
Finally, English takes a prominent place in the Proceed­
ings of the American Philological Association. In those for
1871, there is an important paper by the late Prof. James
Hadley, of Yale College, Connecticut, U.S., on “English
Vowel Quantity in the Thirteenth Century and the Nine­
teenth,” and another by Prof. Francis A. March, of Easton,
Pennsylvania, on “Anglo-Saxon and Early English Pro­
nunciation.” In those for 1872, Prof. Hadley, who was then
a Vice-President, read a paper on “ The Byzantine Pronun­
ciation of Greek in the Tenth Century, as illustrated by a
Manuscript in the Bodleian Library,” which I had adduced
as collateral evidence of Anglo-Saxon Pronunciation (Early
English Pronunciation, pp. 516-527). This was Professor
Hadley’s last paper. Prof. Whitney, of Yale College, in
sending me a copy of it, says: “You will see what a loss
English studies, as well as classical and comparative philplogy, have suffered by his death. No more painful and
disabling blow, certainly, could have fallen on our com­

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

47

munity of American scholars.” To Prof. Hadley we owe,
according to Prof. Whitney, “ a clear and succinct view of
the history and connections of English Speech, prefixed to
the latest edition of Webster’s Dictionary,”1 and I must record
my personal obligations to him for an appreciative and disc.riminating review of the first two parts of my Early English
Pronunciation in the North American Review (April 1870,
pp. 420-437). English philology can ill spare so able a
worker in her vineyard. Among other papers read before
this American Philological Association in 1871, I notice
Dr. Fitz Edward Hall on “the imperfect tenses of the
passive voice in English,” presented by Prof. Whitney,
notes on my Early English Pronunciation by Mr. Bristed,
and Mr. Trumbull on “ a mode of counting, said to have
been used by the Wawenoc Indians of Maine,” which is my
Yorkshire Sheep-scoring, already referred to. In the session
for 1872, we have Mr. Bristed on “ erroneous and doubtful
uses of the word such’' Mr. W. Worthington Fowler on
“ the derivation of English monosyllabic personal surnames,”
Mr. Trumbull on “ English words derived from Indian lan­
guages of North America.” Prof. March inquires: “Is
there an Anglo-Saxon Language ? ” and follows this up by
a paper on “ some irregular verbs in Anglo-Saxon,” shewing
that he had no doubt on his own mind. Finally Prof. S. S.
Haldeman read a paper on “Some Points of English Pro­
nunciation and Spelling.”
English Dialects.

In connection with English studies, I am delighted to have
’it in my power to announce that the Rev. W. W. Skeat, a‘
Member of our Council, to whom our own and the Early
English Text Society are so deeply indebted for long, la­
borious, and accurate work, has started, and with his usual
promptitude and vigour actually set on foot, an English
Dialect Society. Many of you are aware that I mooted
this question in the introduction to the Third Part of my
1 “Language and the Study of Language,” 1867, p. 211. See also the last

two lectures of this work with reference to
Prof. Max Miiller’s theories, infra p. 49.

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Early English Pronunciation.
But I have never felt
vigorous enough to carry it out. It is to me a matter of
faith that we cannot at all properly understand varied Early
English—which consists solely of dialects—without under­
standing the varied English of to-day, whether in phonetical
or grammatical construction, and I have long felt that time
is running distressingly short. Intercommunication is draw­
ing a wet sponge over the living records of our nascent
tongue. The intentions of the English Dialect Society
started by Mr. Skeat are—1) to bring together those in­
terested in Provincial English, that is, every one interested
in the history of our language, 2) to combine the labours
of collectors by providing a common centre and means of
record, 3) to publish, subject to proper revision, MS. col­
lections of words, and 4) to supply information to collectors.
One of the first labours of the Society will be to form a
complete catalogue of all existing works on the subject, and
I am greatly pleased to announce that Prince Louis Lucien
Bonaparte has agreed to allow his private collection of nearly
700 works—from little pamphlets to large books—in, on, and
about the English dialects, to be catalogued for the use of
this Society. I am sure that merely to mention the launching
of such a scheme under such guidance, is to recommend it to
every Member of our own Society, and I hope that there will
not only be a general cry of good speed! but an early and
general promise of co-operation.1
Origin

of

Language.

In my last year’s address considerations of the relations of
thought to sound as the pivot of philological research, natu­
rally brought me face to face with some of the theories of
the origin of language, as the pooh pooh I bow wow ! and ding
1 The Treasurer is the Rev. J. W.
Cartmell, Christ’s College, Cambridge;
the Subscription, half a guinea only;
Tankers, J. Mortlock &amp; Co., Cam­
bridge, whose London correspondents
are Messrs. Smith, Payne, &amp; Smith,
1, Lombard Street; Hon. Secretary,

Rev. W. W. Skeat, 1, Cintra Terrace,
Cambridge, to whom all communica­
tions on dialects are to be addressed,
and who will supply printed rules of
directions for collecting and recording
words. Early adhesions are of great
importance.

�49

DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

together with the notion of roots. In this country
Prof. Max Muller has long been favourably and popularly
known as the defender of radicarianism, or the hypothesis
of roots. He has just completed a course of lectures at the
Royal Institution (22 and 29 March, and 5 April, 1873), on
what he termed “ Mr. Darwin’s Philosophy of Language,”
but which, after hearing, I think should have been entitled:—
■ the Annihilation of Mr. Darwin’s theory of evolution, by
Prof. Max Muller’s philosophy of language.” The object of
the lectures was indeed to shew that language, as conceived
by Prof. Max Muller, formed an impassable barrier between
the ape and man. i( Ho animal speaks,” said the lecturer,
quoting with serious approval Schleicher’s joke, “ if a pig
were to say to me, I am a pig, he would thereby cease to be
a pig.” In which case, perhaps, a logician might doubt
whether it was a pig before it spoke. But in order to arrive
at this result, Prof. Max Muller had to separate language
into two domains, emotional and rational. The first he
admitted to be common to man and animal. The second he
considered the appanage of man. But this rational language
he made to consist in using phonetic forms to represent
general concepts. These general concepts were asserted to
be in fact the peculiarity of man. The Professor seems to
consider that they are obtained a, priori. “ You cannot say,
this is green, unless you have first the idea of green,” were
the words he used. In this case I fear that when I, for one,
say “this is green,” I speak like a parrot. I own not to
having “the idea of green,” not even to guessing what it is.
I know of course the disputes about primary colours, whether
green is simple or mixed, primary or secondary. I know
grass green, pea green, sea green, arsenical green. When I
bought penny colours as a child I knew bice green, chrome
green, sap green. When I mixed prussian blue and gam­
boge I made blue greens and yellow greens. I have since
learned to recognize red greens, brown greens, purple greens,
neutral greens; in fact, a whole bunch of greens. But I
have no “idea of green,” that is, of “green absolutely,”
nothing separable from light passing into and being reflected
4

�50

THE PRESIDENT’S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873

from a definite absorber, or passing through a definite re­
fracting medium with a definite angle of incidence, or from
a mixture, natural or artificial, of several such beams. And
when I look upon all these greens I see that the name has
passed from one to another by a process of joint consimilation and differentiation, all entirely a posteriori, nothing at
all a priori. And I have had several friends who, through
colour-blindness, saw resemblances wher,e I saw differences,
and put among the greens what I put among the reds, and
conversely. So having no general concept of green, I doubt
whether I have a general concept of anything else. And
then I come to think, whether upon Prof. Max Muller’s
theory, the people who class me among men may not be
committing a mistake entirely similar to that of my colour­
blind friends, whether in fact I am not a gorilla myself, or
at most the missing link. Seriously, these questions are not,
so far as I can see, to be solved d priori. Animals, to my
mind, have concepts, with quite as much a right to be
termed general as any which I possess myself, the difference
being one of degree. As to the impossibility of speechless
animals ever becoming speaking men, I feel that this is a
mere postulate. The embryonic man passes through foetal
stages of lower animalism.1 The born man passes from
1 See, M. Serres, Principes d’ Embryogenie, de Zoogenie et de Teratogenie, forming vol. 25 of the M emoires
de l’Academie des Sciences de l’lnstitut
Imperial de France, 1860, 4to. pp. 942,
with 25 plates. On p. 380 we find:
“ S’il est curieux de voir, comme nous
venons de l’indiquer, l’anatomie comparee reproduire 1’embryogenie humaine, combien n’est-il pas plus im­
portant de voir celle-ci repeter a son
tour, sur d'autres points, l’organisation
des animaux! Quoi de plus remarquable et de moins remarque, avant
nos travaux, que ce singulier prolongement caudal que presente l’embryon
de l’homme de la cinquieme a la
sixieme et septieme semaine ? Si un
caractere saillant distingue l’homme
des mammiferes et des quadrumaines,
c’est assurement l’absence du prolongement caudal. Or voici que l’embryon
nous reproduit ce prolongement, nous

decelant, pour ainsi dire, par un signe
tout exterieur, les ressemblances qui le
lient plus profondement a la chaine des
etres dont il constitue le dernier anneau.
Ce caractere presente meme cette particularite veritablement saississante,
que c’est lors de sa manifestation et
pendant sa dure'e que se reproduisent
les repetitions organiques de l’anatomie
comparee. . . . c’est alors enfin que
l’encephale humain se deguisent sous
les formes de'volues aux poissons, aux
reptiles et aux oiseaux. Et ce qui
complete la chose, c’est que ce pro­
longement caudal n’a qu’une existence
dphemere, comme toutes les ressem­
blances organiques de l’embryon, il
disparait dans le cours du troisieme
mois; et c’est aussi a partir de cet
instant que l’homme, laissant derriere
lui tous les etres organises, s’avance a
grands pas vers le type d’organisation
qui le constitue dans sa vie exterieure.”

�DELIVERED BY ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, ESQ.

51

speechlessness to speech—provided he can hear, and with
Prof. Whitney I put in a plea for the deaf and dumb. The
rapidity with which the bom man, his transitional stages
passed, develops into a speaking animal under favourable
circumstances of audition and environment, is what the evo­
lutionary hypothesis would lead us to anticipate. But, with
all that, he is usually twelve months dumb, less amenable to
command at first than most adult dogs. Then in another
twelve months he slowly acquires extremely concrete or par­
ticular concepts. The general concepts, under favourable
circumstances, grow rapidly, but in twenty years they are
seldom very distinct or numerous. After forty years he
begins to clarify them. At sixty, which I am fast approach­
ing, he ceases to be surprised at their paucity, but rather
wonders at their mere existence, and sometimes doubts that.
Yet he has then conversed, according to the usual accept­
ation of the term, for half a century. The belief in a
necessity of general concepts for the formation of roots,
and thence of language (itself to be considered as connate
with thought, so that all four, general concepts, roots, lan­
guage, and thought, are but phases of one act, which is the
theory I understand Prof. Max Muller to maintain), seems
to me dissipated by the mere history of talking man.
Space does not allow me to treat such a subject with the
necessary detail or necessary seriousness. I mention it, as
one of the most recent statements put forth by a well-known
philologist. But I conceive such questions to be out of the
field of philology proper. We have to investigate what is,
we have to discover, if possible, the invariable unconditional
relations under which language, as we observe it, forms, de­
velops, changes, or at least to construct an empirical state­
ment of definite linguistic relations, and ascertain how far
that statement obtains in individual cases. Real language,
the go-between of man and man, is a totally different organism
from philosophical language, the misty ill-understood expo­
nent of sharp metaphysical distinctions. Our work is with
the former. We shall do more by tracing the historical
growth of one single work-a-day tongue, than by filling

�52

THE PRESIDENT’S ANNUAL ADDRESS FOR 1873.

waste-paper baskets with reams of paper covered with specu­
lations on the origin of all tongues. What enormous work
is wanted for the historical investigation of one single branch
of philology is shewn by the labours of Grimm and his
compatriots in Germany, supplemented by the existing inves­
tigations of Early English explorers. What still greater
work is required for the comparison of a single family of
related languages, is shewn by the work which Bopp initiated
and Pott is unweariedly carrying on for Aryanism. The
danger is that we should shut ourselves up in one little
“clearing,” and not see the primeval forest in which we
work for the fine trees that immediately surround us.
Societies like ours are intended to obviate this defect, and
addresses like the present are meant in some small degree to
focus inquiry, that we may better see one in all and all in
one. I regret much that the work has not fallen at first into
abler hands, but I would raise up my own feeble voice, which
I feel acutely to be the voice of an outsider in philology,
to beg philologists to relegate these philosophical questions
on origins to a period when more is known of actualities and
development, and to work, with “ a long pull, a strong pull,
and a pull altogether,” to make the real living organism
intelligible, and to track its growth day by day as it can now
be watched, in order to understand not only-how it has
reached its present state from anterior conditions traceable in
existing monuments and documents, but how its present
state will hereafter change, whether such changes have or
have not conduced to the improvement of language as the
expression of thought, and what connection there is between
the development of man, and the chief instrument by which
it can be recorded. When I think of what all this implies,
I may well repeat the Horatian invocation, recalling the
Queen of Fair Speech from the heaven of speculation to the
earth of investigation, from the trump divine to the pipe
human, and proclaiming the comparative endlessness of the
task before her—
“Descende caelo, et die, age, tibia
Regina longum, Calliope, melos.”

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                    <text>God the Image of Man. Man’s Dependence upon
Nature the last and only Source of Religion.

BY

LUDWIG FEUERBACH,
_A.uth.or of “The Essence of Christianity,” &amp;o., &amp;o.

TRANSLATED BY

ALEXANDER LOOS,

-----

♦

3VE,

------------

New York :
K. BUTTS &lt;&amp; CO.,

No. 36 DEY STREET

�Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1873, by
ASA K. BUTTS,

in the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C.

�nxao

■;

LUDWIG FEUERBACH,
A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

In submitting to the American public the subsequent
argument for the natural origin of religion, by a thinker
whose name has, during the last year, received a well-de­
served but long withheld prominence on this side of the
Atlantic, by the eloquence of"one of his noblest peers in
the realm of thought, as well as by the lamentable news
of his recent death: we consider it not altogether su­
pererogatory to introduce it by a brief sketch of the
author’s life, especially for the sake of assigning to the
following paragraphs their true place in his life work.
Ludwig Feuerbach was the fourth of the five sons of the
celebrated German criminalist Anselm von Feuerbach,
born July 28th 1804, at Landshut in Bavaria. The vi­
cissitudes of his simple life do not present any sensation­
al features, and neither his position in life, nor his incli­
nation tended to bring him prominently before the pub­
lic. His life was eminently a life of thought, and his
writings are his real biography.
What Feuerbach was at any time of his fife, he was
with his whole soul. In his youth, as a pupil of the Gym­
nasium at Anspach, he was a pious Christian—pious with
all the energy of his character. In the fervor of his piety,
he devoted himself from free choice to the study of the­
ology at the University of Heidelberg, but without find­
ing there any satisfactory nourishment for the restless
cravings of his aspiring mind. He therefore left Heidel-

�li

LUDWIG FEUERBACH.

berg in 1824 for Berlin, whence he wrote to his father as
follows : “ I have abandoned theology, not however wan­
tonly or recklessly or from dislike, but because it does
not satisfy me, because it does not give me what I indis­
pensably need. I want to press Nature to my heart, from
whose depth the cowardly theologian shrinks back; I
want to embrace man, but man in his entirety.” Feuer­
bach could not resist the power with which Hegel then
attracted the young students ; but he possessed too inde­
pendent a mind to swear upon the master’s word, and
gradually not only emancipated himself from Hegel’s
philosophy, but determined to throw off speculative phil­
osophy altogether and to exclusively devote himself to the
only true science, that of Nature. But the death of
King Max the First of Bavaria, whose liberal patronage
had enabled Anselm von Feuerbach to give to each of his
five talented sons a liberal education, frustrated this inten­
tion, and prevented Ludwig Feuerbach from continuing
his studies. He accordingly settled in 1828 as a private
tutor at the University of Erlangen and lectured on
Logic, and Metaphysics, but he soon realized that the
prevailing scholasticism of a royal university was not a
congenial atmosphere for his independent mind, and
throwing up all official connection with licensed institu­
tions and systems, he retired into the rural solitude of
Bruckberg, a small villagenear Anspach,where Nature and
Science absorbed all the fervor of his enthusiasm and in­
spired him, during a residence of 25 years, with the most im­
portant of his literary creations—a residence that was in­
terrupted only by a short visit at Heidelberg in 1848,
whither he had been invited by the student youth to give
a course of lectures before a promiscuous audience on
“ The Essence of Religion.” The feelings with which
he hailed this self-emancipation from the thraldom of of­
fice and scholastic influences can best be realized from the
words in which he gave vent to his exultation, when in
1838 he had been united in blissful wedlock to the sisterin-law of the friend who had secured for him the asylum
at Bruckberg: “Now I can do homage to my genius; now

�LUDWIG FEUERBACH.

I can devote myself independently, freely, regardlessly
to the development of my own being !”
Among his writings which have been published in a
uniform edition comprising ten volumes, the following
deserve especially to be mentioned: Thoughts on Death
and Immortality, (1830); History of Modern Philosophy
from Bacon of Verulam to Spinoza, (1833); Representa­
tion, Development and Criticism of Leibnitz’s Philosophy,
(1837); Pierre Bayle, (1838); Essence of Christianity,
(1841, second edition 1843, third edition 1848—trans­
lated by Marion Evans); Essence of Religion, (1845).
This last named work which is here for the first time
presented to the American public in translation, forms
the principal basis for the thirty lectures on “ The
Essence of Religion,” which Ludwig Feuerbach, as before
stated, held in the winter of 1848-1849 at Heidelberg
before a promiscuous audience, and in which he endeavor­
ed to fill a gap left in his “Essence of Christianity,” by
enlarging the argument of the latter, according to which
“all theology is anthropology” by the addition of “and
physiology,” so that his doctrine and conception of religion
is embraced in the two words Nature and Nan. The
last principal work of Ludwig Feuerbach is “Theogony
according to the sources of Classic, Hebrew and Christian
antiquity,” which forms the 9th volume of his works;
the 10th volume (1866) consisting of a promiscuous col­
lection of essays on “ Deity, liberty and immortality from
the stand-point of anthropology.”
Afterwards Feuerbach transferred his residence from
Bruckberg to Rechenberg near Nuremberg, where he
lived exclusively to his family and a small circle of inti­
mate friends. Solely devoted as he had been to the ser­
vice of science, he had not hoarded up any riches and in
consequence suffered toward the evening of his life from
severe and annoying deprivations. A due sense of grat­
itude on the part of his contemporaries in Europe and
America, secured the success of a national subscription,
intended to relieve him and his family from want and
cares for the rest of his life. But his health, undermined

�.iv

LUDWIG FEUERBACH.

by severe mental labor and deprivation, failed more and
more rapidly and disabled him even from fully realizing
the enjoyment of a nation’s grateful recognition, when
a repeated stroke of apoplexy overshadowed his existence
with the gloom of partial unconsciousness, until, on the
12th of Sept., 1872, he died at Rechenberg.
In trying to briefly point out, in conclusion, the sub­
stance of Ludwig Feuerbach’s writings in general and
of the subsequent argument in particular, we do not
know how to do this better or more strikingly, than in
his own words in which he speaks of his life-work as
follows:
“ My business was, and above everything is, to illu­
mine the dark regions of religion with the torch of
reason, that man at last may no longer be a sport to
the hostile powers that hitherto and now avail them­
selves of the mystery of religion to oppress man­
kind. My aim has been to prove that the powers
before which man crouches are creatures of his own
limited, ignorant, uncultured, and timorous mind, to
prove that in special the being whom man sets
over against himself as a separate supernatural existence
is his own being. The purpose of my writing is to make
men tmzJ/iwpologians instead of /Aeologians ; man-lovers
instead of God-lovers ; students of this world instead of
candidates of the next; self-reliant citizens of the earth
instead of subservient and wily ministers of a celestial
and terrestrial monarchy. My object is therefore any­
thing but negative, destructive, it is positive : I deny in
order to affirm. I deny the illusions of theology and re­
ligion that I may affirm the substantial being of man.”

�THE

ESSENCE OF RELIGION,
GOD THE IMAGE OF MAN.
MAN’S DEPENDENCE UPON NATURE THE LAST AND ONLY
SOURCE OF RELIGION.

[The following treatise forms the basis and substance
of the author’s larger work, published under the same
title, as a complement to his previous: “Essence of
Christianity” (translated into English by Marion Evans,
the translator of Strauss’ “Life of Jesus.” It will re­
commend itself to the unbiased reader as by far the most
striking and powerful argument for the human origin of
religion in general, and Christianity in particular, before
which all claims and pretensions of dogmatism sink into
naught.—Translator.]
§ 1. That being which is different from and inde­
pendent of man, or, which is the same thing, of God, as
represented in the “ Essence of Christianity,”—the being
without human nature, without human qualities and
without human individuality is in reality nothing but
Nature.^)
§ 2. The feeling of dependence in man is the source
of religion; but the object of this dependence, viz., that

�2

THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

upon which man is and feels himself dependent, is orig­
inally nothing but Nature. Nature is the first original
object of'religion, as is sufficiently proved by the history
of all religions and nations.
§ 3. The assertion that religion is innate with and
natural to man, is false, if religion is identified with
Theism ; but it is perfectly true, if religion is considered
to be nothing but that feeling of dependence by which
man is more or less conscious that he does not and can­
not exist without another being, different from himself,
and that his existence does not originate in himself.
Religion, thus understood, is as essential to man as light
to the eye, as air to the lungs, as food to the stomach.
Religion is the manifestation of man’s conception of him­
self. But above all man is a being who does not exist
without light, without air, without water, without earth,
without food,—he is, in short, a being dependent on Na­
ture. This dependence in the animal, and in man as far
as he moves within the sphere^of the brute, is only an un­
conscious and unrefiected one; but by its elevation into
consciousness and imagination, by its consideration and
profession, it becomes religion. Thus all life depends
on the change of seasons; but man alone celebrates this
change by dramatic representations and festival acts.
But such festivals, which imply and represent nothing
but the change of the seasons, or of the phases of the
moon, are the oldest, the first, and the real confessions of
human religion.
§ 4. Man, as well as any individual nation or tribe
considered in its particularity, does not depend on nature
or earth in general, but on a particular locality—not on
water generally, but on some particular water, stream or
fountain. Thus the Egyptian is no Egyptian out of

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

3

Egypt; the Indian is no Indian out of India. For this
very reason those ancient nations which were so firmly
attached to their native soil, and not yet attained to the
conception of their true nature as members of mankind,
but which clung to their individuality and particularity
as nations and tribes, were fully justified in worshiping
the mountains, trees, animals, rivers and fountains of
their respective, countries as divine beings; for their
whole individuality and existence were exclusively
based upon the particularity of their country and its
nature—just as he who recognizes the universe as his
home, and himself as a part of it, transfers the universal
character of his being into his conception of God.
§ 5. It is a fantastic notion that man should have
been enabled only by “Providence,” through the assist­
ance of “superhuman” beings, such as Gods, Spirits,
Genii and Angels, to elevate himself above the state of
the animal. Of course man has become what he is not
through himself alone; he needed for this the assistance
of other beings. But these were no supernatural creat­
ures of imagination, but real, natural beings—no beings
standing above but below himself, for in general every
thing that aids man in his conscious and voluntary actions,
commonly and pre-eminently called human, every good
gift and talent, does not come from above, but from
below; not from on high, but from the very depths of
Nature. Such assistant beings, such tutelary genii of
man, are especially the animals. Only through them
man raised himself above them; only by their protection
and assistance, the seed of human perfection could grow.
Thus we read in the book of Zendavesta, and even in
its very oldest and most genuine part, Vendidad:
“ Through the intellect of the dog is the world upheld.

�4

THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

If he did not protect the world, thieves and wolves would
rob all property.” This importance of the animals to
man, particularly in times of incipient civilization, fully
justifies the religious adoration with which they are
looked upon. The animals were necessary and indis­
pensable to man ; on them his human existence depended
—but on what his life and existence depends, that is his
God. If the Christian no longer adores Nature as God,
it is only because in his belief his existence does not
depend on Nature, but on the will of a being different
from Nature; but still he considers and adores this being
as a divine, i. e. supreme being, only because he deems
it to be the author and preserver of his existence and life.
Thus the worship of God depends only on the self-ad­
oration of man, and is nothing but the manifestation of
the latter; for suppose I should despise myself and my
life—and man originally and normally does not make
any distinction between himself and his life—how should
I praise and worship that upon which such pitiful and
contemptible fife depends ? The value which I con­
sciously attribute to the source of life reflects therefore
only the value which I unconsciously attribute to life
and myself. The higher therefore the value of life, the
higher also the value and dignity of those who give fife,
viz. of the Gods. How could the Gods possibly be
resplendent in gold and silver, unless man knew the
value and the use of gold and silver ? What a differ­
ence between the fullness and love of life among the
Greeks, and the desolation and contempt of life among
the Indians—but at the same time what a difference be­
tween the Greek and Indian mythology, between the Olym­
pian father of the Gods and of man and the huge Indian
opossum or the rattlesnake—the ancestor of the Indians J

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

5

§ 6. The Christian enjoys life just as much as the
Heathen, but he sends his thankofferings for the enjoy­
ments of life upward to the father in Heaven: he accuses
the Heathen of idolatry for the very reason that they
confine their adoration to the creature and do not rise to
the first cause as the only true cause of all benefits. But
do I owe my existence to Adam, the first man? Do I
revere him as my parent ? Why shall I not stop at the
creature ? Am I myself not a creature ? Is not the
very nearest cause which is equally defined and individ­
ual with myself, the last cause for me, who myself am
not from afar, as I myself am a defined and individual
being ? Does not my individuality, inseparable and
undistinguishable as it is from myself and my existence,
depend on the individuality of my parents ? Do I not,
if I go further back, at last lose all traces of my existence ?
Is there not a necessary limit to my thus going back in
search of the .first cause ? Is not the beginning of my ex­
istence absolutely individual ? Am I begotten and con­
ceived in the same year, in the same hour, with the same
disposition, in short under the same internal and exter­
nal conditions as my brother? Is not therefore my
origin just as individually my own as my life without
contradiction is my own life ? Shall I therefore extend
my filial love and veneration back to Adam ? No, I am
fully entitled to stop with my religious reverence at those
things which are nearest to me, viz., my parents, as the
cause of my existence.
§ 7. The uninterrupted series of the finite causes or
objects, so-called, which was defined by the Atheists of
old as an infinite and by the Theists as a finite one, exists
only in the thoughts and the imagination of man, like
time, in which one moment follows another without

�6

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

interruption or distinction. In reality the tedious mon­
otony of this causal series is interrupted and destroyed
by. the difference and individuality of the objects, which
individuality causes each by itself to appear new, inde­
pendent, single, final and absolute. Certainly water,
which in the conception of natural religion is a divine
Oeing, is on the one hand - a compound, depending on
hydrogen and oxygen, but at the same time it is some­
thing new, to be compared to itself only, and original,
wherein the qualities of its two constituent elements, as
such, have disappeared and are destroyed. Certainly
the moonlight, which the Heathen, in his religious sim­
plicity, adored as an independent light, is derived from
the immediate light of the sun, but at the same time, dif­
ferent from the latter, the peculiar light of the moon,
changed and modified by the moon’s resistance, and
therefore a light which could not exist without the moon,
and whose particularity has its source only in her.
Certainly the dog, whom the Persian addresses in his
prayers as a beneficial and therefore divine being on ac­
count of his watchfulness, his readiness to oblige and his
faithfulness, is a creature of Nature, which is not what
he is through himself; but still it is only the dog himself,
this particular and no other being, which possesses those
qualities that call for my veneration. Shall I now in
recognition of these qualities look up to the first and
general cause, and turn my back on the dog ? But the
general cause is without distinction just as much the
cause of the friendly dog as of the hostile wolf, whose
existence I am obliged to destroy, in spite of the general
cause, if I will sustain the better right of my own
existence.
§ 8. The Divine Being which is revealed in Nature,

�THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

is nothing but Nature herself, revealing and representing
herself with irresistible power as a Divine Being. The
ancient Mexicans adored among their many Gods alfeo a
God ( or rather a Goddess ) of the salt. This God of the
salt may reveal to us in a striking exemplification the
God of Nature in general. The salt ( rock-salt) repre­
sents in its economical, medicinal and other effects, the
usefulness and beneficence of Nature, so highly praised
by the Theists ; in its effect on the eye, in its colors, its
brilliancy and transparency, her beauty ; in its crystalline
structure and form, her harmony and regularity ; in its
composition of antagonistic elements, the combination of
the opposite elements of Nature into one whole — a
combination which by the Theists was always considered
as an unobjectionable proof for the existence of a ruler
of Nature, different from her, because in their ignorance
of Nature they did not know that antagonistic elements
and things are most apt to attract one another and com­
bine into a new whole. But what now is the God of the
salt ? That God whose domain, existence, manifestation,
effects and qualities are contained in the salt ? Nothing
but the salt itself which appears to man on account of its
qualities and effects as a divine, i. e., as a beneficent,
magnificent, praiseworthy and admirable being. Homer
expressively calls the salt divine. Thus, as the God of
the salt is only the impression and expression of the
deity or divinity of the salt, so also is the God of the
world or of Nature in general, only the impression and
expression of Nature’s divinity.
§ 9. The belief that in Nature another being is mani­
fested, distinct from Nature herself, or that Nature is
filled and governed by a being different from, herself, is
in reality identical with the belief that spirits, demons.

�8

THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

devils &amp;c. manifested themselves through man, at least
in a certain state, and that they possess him ; it is in
very truth the belief, that Nature is possessed by a
strange, spiritual being. And indeed Nature, viewed in
the light of such a belief, is really possessed by a spirit,
but this spirit is the spirit of man, his imagination, his
soul, which transfers itself involuntarily into Nature and
makes her a symbol and mirror of his being.
§ 10. Nature is not only the first and original object
but also the lasting source, the continuous, although
hidden background of religion. The belief that God,
even when he is imagined as a supernatural being, differ­
ent from Nature, is an object existing outside of man,
an objective being, as the philosophers call it; this belief
has its only source in the fact, that the objective being,
which really exists outside of man, viz., the world or Na­
ture, is originally God. The existence of nature is not,
as Theism imagines, based upon the existence of God
but vice versa, the existence of God, or rather the belief
in his existence, is only based upon the existence of Na­
ture. You are obliged to imagine God as an existing
being, only because you are obliged by Nature herself to
pre-suppose the existence of Nature as the cause and con­
dition of your existence and consciousness, and the very
first idea connected with the thought of God is nothing
but the very idea that he is the existence preceding your
own and presupposed to it. Or, the belief that God
exists absolutely outside of man’s soul and reason, no
matter whether man exists or not, whether he contem­
plates him or not, whether he desires him or not—this
belief or rather its object, does not reflect anything to
your imagination but Nature, whose existence is not
based upon the existence of man, much less upon the

�ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

9

action of the human intellect and imagination. If, there­
fore, the theologians, particularly the Rationalists, find
the honor of God pre-eminently in his having an exist­
ence independent of man’s thoughts, they may consider
that the honor of such an existence likewise must be at­
tributed to the Gods of blinded Heathenism, to the stars,
stones and animals, and that in this respect the existence
of their God does not differ from the existence of the
Egyptian Apis.
Those qualities which imply and express the difference
between the divine being and the human being or at
least the human individual, are originally and implicitly
only qualities of Nature. God is the most powerful or
rather the almighty being, i. e., he can do what man
is not able to do, what infinitely surpasses his powers,
and what therefore inspires him with the humiliating
feeling of his limitedness, weakness and nullity. “ Canst
thou,” says God to Job, “bind the sweet influences of
Pleiades or loose the bands of Orion ? Canst thou send
lightnings, that they may go unto thee and say, here we
are ? Hast thou given the horse strength ? Does the
hawk fly by thy wisdom; Hast thou an arm like God, or
canst thou thunder with a voice like Him?” No, that
man cannot do, with the thunder the human voice can­
not be compared. But what power is manifest in the
power of the thunder, in the horse’s strength, in the
flight of the hawk, in the restless course of the Pleiades ?
The power of Nature.
God is an eternal being. But in the Bible itself we
read: “ One generation passeth away and another gener
ation cometh : but the earth abideth forever.” In the
books of Zendavesta, sun and moon are expressively
called “ immortalf on account of their duration. And

�10

ESSENCE OK RELIGION.

a Peruvian Inca said to a Dominican monk, “ You adore
a God who died on the cross, but I worship the Sun
which never dies.”
God is the all-kind being, “for he maketh the sun to
rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the
just and on the unjust;” but that being which does not
distinguish between good and evil, between just and un­
just, which distributes the enjoyments of life not accord­
ing to moral merits ; which in general impresses man as
a kind being, because its effects, such as for instance the
refreshing sunlight and rain-water are the sources of the
most beneficial sensations : that being is Nature.
God is an all-embracing, universal and unchangeable
being; but it is also one and the same sun which shines
for all men and beings on the earth; it is one and the
same sky which embraces them all; one and the same
earth which bears them all. “ That there is one God,”
says Ambrosius, “is proved by common Nature: for
there is only one world,” “ just as the sun, the sky, the
moon, the earth and the sea are common to all,” says
Plutarch, “ although they are differently called by each
one, so exists also one spirit, who rules the universe, but
he has different names and is worshipped in different
ways.”
God “ dwelleth not in temples made with hands,” but
Nature neither. Who can enclose the light, the sky, the
sea, within human limits? The ancient Persians and
Germans worshipped only Nature, but they had no tem­
ples. The worshipper of Nature finds the artificial, wellmeasured halls of a temple or of a church too narrow,
too sultry; he feels at his ease only under the lofty,
boundless sky which appears to the contemplation of his
senses.

�ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

11

God is that being which cannot be defined with human
measure, a great, immeasurable, infinite being; but he
is such a being only because his work, the universe, is
great, immeasurable and infinite, or at least appears to
be so. The work praises its master: the magnificence of
the creator has its origin only in the magnificence of his
product. “ How great is the sun, but how much greater
is he who made, it ?”
God- is a superterrestrial, superhuman, supreme
being, but even this supreme being is in its origin and
basis nothing but the highest being in space, optically
considered: the sky with its brilliant phenomena. All
religions of some imagination transfer their Gods into
the region of the clouds, into the ether of the sun, moon
and stars: all Gods are lost at last in the blue vapor
of heaven. Even the spiritual God of Christianity has
his seat, his basis above in heaven.
God is a mysterious, inconceivable being, but only
because Nature is to man, especially to religious man, a
mysterious inconceivable being. “ Dost thou know,”
says God to Job, “ the balancings of the clouds ? Hast
thou entered into the springs of the sea ? Hast thou
perceived the breadth of the earth ? Hast thou seen the
treasures of the hail ?”
Finally, God is that being which is independent of the
human will, unmoved by human wants and passions,
always equal to himself, ruling according to unchange­
able laws, establishing his institutions unchangeable for
all time. But this being again is nothing but Nature,
which remains the same in all changes, never exhibiting
the vacillations of an arbitrary, willful ruler, but subject
in all her manifestations to unalterable laws: inexorable,
regardless Nature. (3)

�12

ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

§ 12. Although God, as the author of Nature, is
imagined and represented as a being different from
Nature, still what is implied and expressed by this being,
its real contents, is nothing but Nature. “Ye shall
know them by their fruits,” we read in the Bible, and
the apostle Paul points expressively to the world as to
the work wherein God’s existence and being can be un­
derstood, for what one produces, that contains his being
and shows what he is able to do. What we have in
Nature, that we have in God, only imagined as the
author or cause of Nature—therefore no moral and
spiritual, but only a natural, physical being. A worship
founded only upon God as the author of Nature, without
attributing to him any other qualities, derived from man,
and without imagining him at the same time as a poli­
tical and moral, i. e. human lawgiver—such worship
would be a mere worship of Nature. It is true that the
author of Nature is thought to be endowed with intellect
and will; but what his will desires, what his intellect
thinks, is just that which requires no will nor intellect,
but only mechanical, physical, chemical, vegetable and
animal forces and impulses.
§ 13. As little as the formation of the child in the
womb, the pulsations of the heart, digestion and other
organic functions are effects of the intellect and will, so
little is Nature in general the effect or production of a
spiritual being, i. e. of a being that wills and knows or
thinks. If Nature was originally a product of the mind,
and therefore a manifestation of mind, then also the
natural phenomena of the present time would be spiritual
effects and manifestations. A supernatural commence­
ment necessarily requires a supernatural continuation.
For man thinks intellect and will to be the cause of

�THE ESSENCE OK RELIGION.

13

Nature only where the effects defy his own will, and
surpass his intellect, where he explains things only
through human analogies and reasons, where he knows
nothing of the natural causes, and therefore derives also
the special and present phenomena from God, or—as
for instance the movements of the stars which he cannot
understand—from subordinate spirits. But if now-a-days
the fulcrum of the earth and of the stars is no longer the
almighty word of God, and the motive of their move­
ment no spiritual or angelic but a mechanical one: then
the first cause of this movement is also necessarily a
mechanical, or, in general, a natural one. To derive
Nature from intellect and will, or in general from the
mind, is to reckon without the host, is to bringforth the
saviour of the world from the virgin without the co­
operation of a man, through the Holy Ghost,—-is
to change water into wine,—is to appease storms with
words, to transfer mountains with words, to restore sight
to the blind with words. What weakness and narrow­
mindedness does it betray to do away with the secondary
causes of superstition, such as miracles, devils, spirits
etc., in explaining the phenomena of Nature, but to
leave untouched the first cause of superstition !
§ 14. Several of the ancient ecclesiastical writers as­
sert, that the Son of God is not a product of God’s will,
but of God’s nature ; that the product of Nature is ear­
lier than the product of the will, and that, therefore, the
act of begetting, as an act of Nature, precedes the act of
creation as an act of the will. Thus the acknowledg­
ment of Nature and her omnipotent laws prevails even
within the sphere of the belief in the supernatural God,
although in the plainest contradiction of his own will
and being. The act of begetting is presupposed to the

�14

THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

act of the will; the activity of Nature is considered as
preceding the activity of thought and will. This is per­
fectly true. Nature must necessarily exist before any­
thing exists which distinguishes itself from Nature, and
which places Nature, as an object of the act of thinking
and willing, in opposition to itself. The true way of
philosophy leads from the want of intelligence to intel­
lect ; but the direct way into the madhouse of theology,
goes from the intellect to the want of intellect. To base
the mind not upon Nature, but, vice versa, Nature upon
the mind, is the same as to place the head, not upon the
abdomen, but the latter upon the former. Every higher
degree of development presupposes the lower one, not
vice versa, (4) for the simple reason, that the higher one
must have something below it, in order to be the higher
one. And the higher a being stands and the greater its
value or dignity is, the more it presupposes. Eor this
very reason not the first being, but the latest, the last,
the most depending, the most needful, the most compli­
cated being is the highest one, just as in the history of
the earth’s formation, not the oldest and first works, such
as the slate and granite, but the latest and most recent
products, such as the basalts and the dense lavas, are the
heaviest and weightiest ones. A being which has the
honor of presupposing nothing, has also the honor of
being nothing. But it is true that the Christians under­
stand well the a_t of making something out of nothing.
§ 15. “ All things come from and depend upon God.”
—so the Christian says in harmony with his godly faith—
“ but,” he adds immediately with his ungodly intellect,
“only indirectly^ God is only the first cause after
which comes the endless host of subordinate Gods, the
regiment of intermediate causes. But the intermediate

�THE ESSENCE OB RELIGION.;

15

causes, so-called, are the only real and effective ones, the
only objective and sensible causes. A God who no
longer casts down man with the arrows of Apollo, who
no longer arouses the soul with Jove’s thunder and
lightning, who no longer threatens the sinner with
comets and other fiery phenomena, who no longer with
his own high hand attracts the iron to the loadstone, pro­
duces ebb and tide, and protects the Continent against
the overbearing power of the waters which always threat­
en another deluge—in short, a God driven from the em­
pire of the intermediate causes is only a cause by name,
a harmless and very modest creature of imagination—a
mere hypothesis for the purpose of solving a theoretical
problem, for explaining the commencement of Nature or
rather of organic life. For the assumption of a being
different from Nature, with the purpose of explaining
her existence, lias its origin only in the impossibility—
although this is only a relative and subjective one—of
explaining organic and particularly human life from Na­
ture, inasmuch as the Theist makes his inability to ex­
plain life through Nature, an inability of Nature to
produce life out of herself, and thus extends the limits
of his intellect to limits of Nature.
§ 16. Creation and preservation are inseparable. If,
tnerefore, a being different from Nature—-a God— is
our creator, he is also our preserver, and not the power
of the air, of heat, of the water or of bread, but the power
of God sustains and preserves us. “In him we live and
move and have our being.” “ Not bread ” says Luther,
“ but the word of God nourishes also the body naturally,
as it creates and preserves all things.” “Because it
exists, he ( God ) nourishes by it and under it, so that
we do not see it, and think that the bread does it. But

�16

THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

where it does not exist, he nourishes without the bread,
through his word only, as he does it by the bread.” “In
fine, all creatures are God’s masks and mn mm cries
which he permits to assist him in all kind of work that
he otherwise can, and really does perform without their
co-operation.” But if, instead of Nature, God is our
preserver, Nature is a mere disguise of the Deity, and,
therefore, a superfluous and imaginary being, just as vice
versa, God is a superfluous and imaginary being if Nature
preserves us. But now it is manifest and undeniable
that we owe our preservation only to the peculiar effects,
qualities and powers of natural beings, therefore we are
not only entitled, but compelled, to conclude that we
owe also our origin to Nature. We are placed right in
the midst of Nature, and should our beginning, our origin,
lie outside of Nature ? We live within Nature, with Na­
ture, by Nature, and should we still not be of her ? What
a contradiction!
§ 17. The earth has not always been in its present
state, on the contrary, it has come to its actual condition
through a series of developments and revolutions, and
geology has discovered that in the different stages of its
development several species of plants and animals existed,
which no longer exist nor even have existed for ages.
Thus, for instance, there exist no longer any Trilobites
nor any Encinites or Ammonites or Pterodactyles or
Ichthyosauri, or Plesiosauri, or Megatheria or Dinotheria, &amp;c. And why not ? Apparently because the
condition of their existence no longer exist. But if the
end of any life coincides with the end of its conditions,
then also the beginning, the origin of such life coincides
with the origin of its conditions. Even now-a-days
where plants, at least those of higher organizations,

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

17

come to life only by organic procreation, they can—in a
very remarkable, yet unexplained manner—be seen to
appear in numberless multitudes as soon as the pecu­
liar conditions of their life are given. The origin of or­
ganic life cannot, therefore, be thought of as an isolated
act, as an act after the origin of the conditions of life, but
rather as the act by which and the moment in which the
temperature, the air, the water, the earth in general, re­
ceived such qualities, and oxygen, hydrogen, carbon, nit­
rogen entered into such combinations as were necessary
for the existence of organic life — this moment must
also be considered as the moment when these elements
combined for the formation of organic bodies. If, there­
fore, the earth, by virtue of its own nature, has in the
course of time developed and cultivated itself to such a
degree that it adopted a character , agreeable to the exist­
ence of man and suitable to man’s nature, or so to say,
a human character: then it could produce man also by
its own power.
§ 18. The power of Nature is not unlimited like the
power of God, i. e. the power of human imagination ; "she
cannot do everything at all times and under all circum­
stances—her productions and effects on the contrary
are dependent on conditions. If, therefore, Nature now-adays cannot or does not produce any organic bodies by
generatio cequivoca, this is no proof that she could not
do it in former times. The present character of the earth
is that of stability; the time of revolutions is gone by,
the earth has done raging. The volcanoes only are some
single turbulent heads which have no influence on the
masses, and which therefore do not disturb the existing
order of things. Even the grandest volcanic event with­
in the memory of man, viz., the rising of Jorullo in

�18

THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

Mexico, was nothing but a local rebellion. But as man
manifests only in extraordinary times extraordinary
powers, or as he can do only in times of the highest
exultation and emotion what at other times is impossible
for him, and as the plant only at certain epochs, such as
the period of germinating, blooming and impregnation
produces heat and consumes carbon and hydrogen, thus
exhibiting an animal function, which is directly in con­
tradiction to its ordinary vegetable functions; so also
the earth only in the time of its geological revolutions,
when all its powers and elements were in a state of
highest fermentation, ebullition and tension, developed
its power of producing animals. We know Nature only
in its present state; how then could we conclude that
what does not happen now by Nature, might not happen
at all—even at entirely different times, under entirely
different conditions and relations ?5)
§ 19. The Chi’istians have not been able to express with
sufficient strength their astonishment that the heathen
adored created beings as divine ones, but they might
rather have admired them on that account, for such ado­
ration was based on a perfectly true contemplation of
Nature. To be produced, to come into life, is nothing
else but to be individualized. All individual beings are
produced, but the general fundamental elements or be­
ings of Nature which have no individuality are not
produced. Matter is not produced. But an individual
being is of a higher, more divine quality than that with­
out individuality. It is true that birth is disgraceful
and death painful, but he who does not wish to begin and
to end may resign the rank of a living being. Eternity
excludes life, and life excludes eternity. Certainly does
the individual presuppose another being which pro­

�the essence

or

religion.

19

duces it; but the latter does not stand above, it
stands below its product. True, the producing being
is the cause of existence and in that respect the first
being; still it is at the same time the mere means
and material; the basis of another being’s existence, and
therefore a subordinate being. The child consumes the
mother, disposes of her strength and of her substance to
his own advantage, paints his cheeks with her blood.
And the child is the mother’s pride; she places it above
herself, subordinating her existence and welfare to that
of the child; even the animal mother sacrifices her own
life for that of her young ones. The deepest disgrace of
any being is death, but the source of death is the act of
begetting. To beget is nothing but to throw one’s self
away, to make one’s self common, to be lost among the
multitude, to sacrifice one’s singleness and exclusiveness
to other beings. Nothing is more full of contradiction,
more perverse and void of sense, than to consider the
natural being as produced by a supreme, perfectly spirit­
ual being. According to such a process, and in consis­
tency with the creature’s being only an image of the
creator, also the human children ought not to originate
in the disgraceful, lowly placed organ of the womb, but
in the highest organization, the head.
§ 20. The ancient Greeks derived all springs, wells,
streams, lakes and oceans from Oceanos ; and the ancient
Persians made all mountains of the earth originate in the
mountain Albordy. Is the derivation of all beings from
one perfect being any tiling different or better ? No, it is
based upon the same manner of thinking. As Albordy
is a mountain like all those which have their origin in it,
so also the divine being, as the source of those derived
from it, is like them, not different from them as to

�20

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION

species; but as the Albordy is distinguished from all
other mountains ■ by preserving their qualities preemin­
ently, i. e. in a degree exaggerated by imagination to the
utmost, up to heaven, beyond the sun, moon and stars, so
also the divine being is distinguished from all other beings.
Unity is unproductive; only dualism, contrast, difference
is productive. That which produces the mountains is not
only different from them, but something manifold in
itself. And those elements which produce water, are
not only different from the water, but also from them­
selves, nay, even antagonistic to one another. Just as
genius, wit, acumen and judgment are produced and de­
veloped only by contrasts and conflicts, so also life was
produced only by the conflict of different, nay, of
antagonistic elements, forces and beings.
§ 21. “ How should he who made the ear not hear ?
How should he who made the eye not see ?” This
biblical or theistical derivation of the being endowed
with the senses of hearing and seeing from another being
endowed with the same senses, or to use an expression of
the modern, philosophic language, the derivation of the
spiritual and subjective being from another spiritual and
subjective being, is based upon the same foundation, and
expresses the same as the biblical explanation of the
rain from heavenly masses of water collected beyond or
in the clouds, or the Persian derivation of the mountains
from the original mountain, Albordy, or the Grecian ex­
planation of fountains and rivers from Oceanos. Water
from water, but from an immensely great and all-embrac­
ing water; mountain from mountain, but from an infinite
all-embracing mountain; so spirit from spirit, life from
life, eye from eye—but from an infinite, all-embracing
eye, life and spirit.

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

21

§ 22. When children inquire about the origin of
babes, we give them the explanation that the nurse
takes them from the well where they swim like fishes.
The explanation which theology gives us of the origin of
organic or natural beings in general is not much differ­
ent. God is the deep or beautiful well of imagination in
which all realities, all perfections, all forces are contained,
in which all things swim already made like little fishes.
Theology is the nurse who takes them from this well, but
the chief person, Nature, the mother who brings forth
the children with pangs, who bears them during nine
months under her heart, is left entirely out of considera­
tion in such an explanation, which originally was only
childlike, but now-a-days is childish. Certainly such an
explanation is more beautiful, more pleasant to the
heart, easier, more intelligible and conceivable to the
children of God than the natural way, which only by
degrees and through numberless obstacles rises from
darkness to fight. But also the explanation which our
pious forefathers gave of hailstorms, epidemics among
cattle, drought and thunderstorms, by tracing them to
the agency of weather-makers, sorcerers, and witches, is
far more practical, easier, and, to uneducated men even
now-a-days much more intelligible than the explanation
of these phenomena from natural causes.
§ 23. “The origin of life is inexplicable and incon­
ceivable.” Be it so; but this incomprehensibility does
not justify us in drawing from it the superstitious conse­
quences which theology draws from the deficiencies of
human knowledge, nor in going beyond the sphere of
natural causes: for we can only say, “we cannot explain
life from these natural phenomena and causes which are
known to us, or as far as they are known to us”—but

�22

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

we cannot say, “life cannot be explained at all from
Nature, without pretending to have exhausted al­
ready the ocean of Nature even to the last drop.
This incomprehensibility does not justify us in explain­
ing the inexplicable by the supposition of imagined be­
ings, and in deceiving and deluding ourselves and others
by an explanation which explains nothing. It does not
justify us in changing an ignorance of natural material
causes into a non-existence of such causes, and in deify­
ing, personifying, representing our ignorance in a being
which is to destroy such ignorance, and which yet does
not express anything but the nature of such ignorance,
the deficiency of positive, material reasons of explana­
tion. For what else is the immaterial, incorporeal, not
natural, extramundane being to whom we thus try to
trace back all lite, but the precise expression of the
intellectual absense of material, corporeal, natural,
cosmical causes? But instead of being so honest and
modest as to say frankly: “We do not know any reason,
we do not know how to explain it, we have no data nor
materials,” you change these deficiencies, these nega­
tions, these vacancies of your head by the activity of
your imagination into positive beings, into immaterial
beings, i. .e into beings which are not material nor
natural, because you do not know of any material or
natural causes. While 'ignorance however is contented
with immaterial, incorporeal, unnatural beings, her in­
separable companion, wanton imagination, which al­
ways and exclusively indulges in the intercourse with
beings of the highest perfection, immediately elevates
these poor creatures of ignorance to the rank of super­
material, supernatural beings,
§ 24. The idea that Nature or the universe in general

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

23

has a real beginning, and that consequently at sometime
there was no Nature, no universe, is a narrow idea,
which seems acceptable to man only as long as he has
a narrow, limited conception of the world. It is an
magination without sense and foundation—this imagin­
ation that at some time nothing real existed, for the
universe is the totality of all reality. All qualities or
definitions of God which make him an objective, real
being are only qualities abstracted from, Nature, which
presuppose and define Nature, and which therefore
would not exist if Nature did not exist. It is true, if
we abstract from Nature : if in our thoughts or our ima
gination we destroy her existence, i. e. if we shut our
eyes and extinguish all images of natural things reflected
by our senses and conceive Nature not with our senses
(not in concreto as the philosophers say) there is left a
being, a totality of qualities such as infinity, power,
unity, necessity, eternity; but this being which is left
after deducting all qualities and phenomena reflected by
our senses is in truth nothing but the abstract essence
of Nature, or Nature ££ in abstract? in thought. And
such derivation of Nature or the universe from God is
therefore in this respect nothing but the derivation ci
the real essence of Nature, as it appears to our senses,
from her abstract, imagined essence, which exists only in
our idea—a derivation which appears to be reason­
able because in the act of thinking we are accus­
tomed to consider the abstract and general as that which
is nearer to thought, and which therefore must be pre­
supposed to the individual, the real, the concrete, as that
which is higher and earlier in thought, although in
reality just the reverse takes place, inasmuch as Nature
exists before God, i. e. the concrete before the abstract

�24

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

that which we conceive with our senses before that
which is thought. In reality, where everything passes
on naturally, the copy follows the original, the image
the thing which it represents, the thought its object—
but on the supernatural, miraculous ground of theology,
the original follows the copy, the thing its own likeness.
“ It is strange ” says St. Augustine, “ but nevertheless
true, that this world could not exist if it was not known
to God.” That means: the world is known and thought
before it exists; nay, it exists only because it was
thought of—the existence is a consequence of the knowl­
edge or of the act of thinking, the original a conse­
quence of the copy, the object a consequence of its
likeness.
§ 25. If we reduce the world or Nature to a totality
of abstract qualities, to a metaphysical, i. e. to a merely
imagined object, and consider this abstract world as the
real world, then it is a logical necessity to consider it as
finite. The world is not given to us through the act of
thinking, not at least through the metaphysical and hy­
perphysical thinking which abstracts from the real world
and founds its true and highest existence upon such ab­
straction—the world is given to us through life, by per
ception, by the senses. For an abstract being which
only thinks there exists no light, because it has no eyes,
no warmth, because it has no feeling, in general no world
because it has no organ for its perception; for such a
being there exists in reality nothing. The world, there­
fore, exists for us only because we are no logical or meta­
physical beings, because we are other beings, because
we are more than mere logicians and metaphysicians.
But just thisj?Zw&lt;s appears to the metaphysical thinker as
a minus, this negation of the art of thinking as an abso­

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

25

lute negation. Nature to him is nothing but the oppo­
site of mind. This merely negative and abstract definition
he makes her positive definition, her essence. Conse­
quently it is a contradiction to consider as a positive
being that being, or rather that nonentity which is only
the negation of the act of thinking, which is an imagined
thing, but according to its nature an object of the senses,
that is antagonistic to the act of thinking and to the
mind. The being which exists in thought is for the
thinker the true essence, therefore it is self-evident to
him that a being which does not exist in thought cannot
be a true, eternal, original essence. It implies already a
contradiction for the mind to think only of its opposite ;
it is only in harmony with itself when it thinks only itself
( on the standpoint of metaphysical speculation,) or at
least (on the standpoint of theism) when it thinks an es­
sence which expresses nothing but the nature of the act
of thinking, which is given only by thought, and which
therefore in itself is nothing but an imagined being.
Thus Nature disappears into nothing. But still she exists,
though according to the thinker she neither can nor
should be. How then does the metaphysician explain
her existence ? By a self-privation, a self-negation, a self­
denial of the mind which apparently is a voluntary one?
but which in very truth is contradictory to, and only en­
forced upon his inner nature. But if Nature on the
standpoint of abstract thinking disappears into nothing,
on the other hand on the standpoint of the real observa­
tion and contemplation of the world, that creative mind
disappears into nothing. On this standpoint all deduc­
tions of the world from God, of Nature from the mind,
of physics from metaphysics, of the real from the ab­
stract, are proved to be nothing but logical plays.

�26

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

§ 26. Nature is the first and fundamental object of
religion, but she is such an object even where she is the
direct and immediate object of religious adoration, as e.
g. in the natural religions so-called, not as such, as
Nature, i. e., in the manner and in the sense in which
we regard her from the standpoint of theism or of
philosophy and of the natural sciences. Nature is to
man originally, i. e., where he regards her with a relig­
ious eye, rather an object of his own qualities, a person­
al, living, feeling being. Man originally does not dis­
tinguish liimself from Nature, nor consequently Nature
from himself, therefore the sensations which any object
in Nature excites in him appear to him immediately as
qualities of the object. The beneficial, good sensations
and effects are caused by good and benevolent Nature,
the bad, painful sensations, such as heat, cold, hunger,
pain, disease, by an evil being, or at least by Nature in a
state of evil disposition, of malevolence, of wrath. Thus
man involuntarily and unconsciously, I. e., necessarily—
although this necessity is only a relative and historical
one—transforms the essence of Nature into a feeling,
i. e. a subjective, a human being. No wonder that he
then also expressively, knowingly and willingly trans­
forms her into an object of religion, of prayer, i. e. an
object which can be influenced by the feelings of man,
his prayers, his services. Really, man has made Nature
already subservient and subdued her to himself by
assimilating her to his feelings and subduing her to his
passions. Besides, uneducated natural man does not
only presuppose human motives, impulses and passions
in Nature, he sees even real men in natural bodies.
Thus the Indians on the Orinoco think the sun, the moon
and the stars, to be men—“ those up there,” they say “are

�THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

27

men like unto usThe Patagonians think the stars to
be “ former Indiansthe Greenlanders think the sun,
moon and stars, to be their ancestors, who at a particular
occasion were translated into heaven.” Thus also the an­
cient Mexicans believed that the sun and the moon which
they adored as gods had been men in former times.
Behold thus the assertion made in my “ Essence of
Christianity ” that man in religion is in relation to an
intercourse with himself only, and that his God in reality
reflects only his own essence—this assertion is confirmed
even by the most uncultivated, primary manifestations
of religion ; where man adores things the most distant
from and most unlike to himself, such as stars, stones,
trees, nay, even the claws of crabs, and snail shells ; for
he adores them only because he transfers himself into
them, because he believes them to be such beings, or at
least to he inhabited by such beings as himself. Re­
ligion therefore exhibits the remarkable contradiction,
which however is easily understood, nay, even necessary,
that, while on one hand (from the standpoint of theism
or anthropologism) she worships the human essence as a
divine one, because it appears to her as different from
man, as an essence not human—on the other hand (from
the materialistic standpoint) she adores vice versa the
essence which is not human as a divine one, because it
appears to her as a human one.
§ 27. The mutability of Nature, especially in those
phenomena which most of all cause man to feel his de­
pendence on her, is the principal reason why she appears
to man as a human, arbitrary being, and why she is re­
ligiously adored by him. If the sun stood always in the
sky, he would never have kindled the fire of religious
passion in man. Only when he disappeared from man’s

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THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

eye and inflicted upon him the terrors of night, and when
again he re-appeared, man fell down on his knees before
him, overcome by joy at his unexpected return. Thus
the ancient Apalachites in Florida greeted the sun with
hymns at his rising and setting, and prayed to him at
the same time that he might return and bless them with
his light. If the earth always produced fruits, where
would there be a motive for religious celebrations of the
time of sowing and harvesting? Only in consequence of
her now opening, now closing her womb, her fruits ap­
pear to be her voluntary gifts which oblige man to be
grateful. The changes in Nature make man uncertain,
.humble, religious.. It is uncertain, whether the weather
to-morrow will be favorable to my undertakings; is it
uncertain whether I shall harvest what I sow, and there­
fore I cannot depend upon the gifts of Nature as upon a
tribute due, or an infallible consequence. But where
mathematical certainty is at an end, there theology
commences, even now-a-days in weak minds. Religion
is the conception of the necessary—or of the accidental
—as of something arbitrary, or voluntary. The opposite
sentiment, that of irreligion and ungodliness, on the
other hand, is represented by the Cyclops of Euripides,
when he says: “Earth must produce grass for feeding
my flock, whether she be willing to do so or not”
§ 28. The feeling of dependence upon Nature in
combination with the imagination of her as of an arbi­
trarily acting, personal being, is the motive of the sacri­
fice,. the most essential act of natural religion. The de­
pendence upon Nature is particularly sensible to me by my
want of her. The want is the feeling and expression of
my nothingness without Nature; but inseparable from
want is enjoyment, the opposite feeling, the feeling of

�THE ESSENCE OE BELTGION.

29

my self-existence, of my independence in distinction from
Nature. Want, therefore, is pious, humble, religious—
but enjoyment is haughty, ungodly, void of respect, fri­
volous. And such frivolity, or at least want of respect
in enjoyment, is a practical necessity for man, a necessi­
ty upon which his existence is founded—but a necessity
which is in direct contradiction to his theoretical respect
for Nature as for an egotistic, sensible being, which
suffers as little as man that anything be taken from her.
The appropriation or the use of Nature appears therefore
to man, as if it were an encroachment upon her right, as
an appropriation of another one’s property, as an outrage.
In order now to propitiate his conscience as well as the
object of his imaginary offence; in order to show that his
robbery has its origin in want, not in arrogance, he dimin­
ishes his enjoyment and returns to the object a part of
its plundered property. Thus the Greeks believed that
if a tree were cut down, its soul, the Dryad, lamented
and cried to Fate for revenge against the trespasser.
Thus no Roman ventured to cut down a tree on his ground
without sacrificing a farrow for • the propitiation of the
god or goddess of this grove. Thus the Ostiaks, after
having slain a bear, suspend its skin on a tree, pay to it
all sorts of reverences, and. apologize as well as they can
to the bear for having killed him. “ They believe in this
manner politely to avert the damage which the spirit of
the animal possibly could inflict upon them.” Thus
North American tribes by similar ceremonies propitiate
the departed souls of slain beasts. Thus the Philippines
asked the plains and mountains for their permission, if
they wished to cross them, and deemed it a crime to cut
down any old tree. And the Bramin hardly dares to
drink water or to tread upon the ground with his feet,

�so

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

because each step, each draught of water causes pain and
death to sentient beings, plants as well as animals, and
he must therefore do penance “in order to atone for the
death of creatures which he possibly, although unconsci­
ously might destroy by day or night.” (6)
§ 29. The sacrifice makes perceptible to the senses
the whole essence of religion. Its source is the feeling
of dependence, fear, doubt, the uncertainty of success, of
future events, the scruples of conscience on account of
a sin committed; but the result, the purpose of the sacri­
fice is self-consciousness, courage, enjoyment, the cer­
tainty of success, liberty and happiness. As a servant of
Nature I observe tlie sacrifice; as her master I depart
from it. Therefore, although the feeling of dependence
upon Nature is the source and motive of religion: its
very purpose and end is the destruction of such feeling,
the independence from Nature. Or, although the divin­
ity of Nature is the basis, the foundation of religion
generally and of Christian religion in particular, still its
end is the divinity of man.
§ 30. Religion has for its presupposition the contra­
diction between will and ability, desire and satisfaction,
intention and success, imagination and reality, thought
and existence. In his desire, in his imagination, man is
unlimited, free, almighty—God; but in his ability, in
reality, he is bound, dependent, limited—man] man in
the sense of a finite being, in contradistinction from God.
“Man proposes, God disposes,” as the saying is. “Man
plans and Jove accomplishes it differently.” The
thought, the will is mine; but what I think and will is
not mine, is outside of me, does not depend on me. The
destruction of such a contrast or contradiction is the ten­
dency, the purpose of religion; and that being in which

�THE ESSENCE OK RELIGION.

31

it is destroyed, and wherein that which I wish and imag­
ine as possible, which however my limited power proves
to be impossible for me, is possible, nay even real—that
being is the divine being.
§ 31. That whieh is independent from the will and
the knowledge of man is the original, proper, character­
istic cause of religion—the cause of God. “ I have
planted” says Paul, “Apollos watered, but God gave
the increase. So then neither is he that planteth any­
thing, neither he that watereth, but God that giveth the
increase.” And Luther says: “We must praise and
thank God that he suffers grain to grow, and acknowl­
edge that it is not our work, but his blessing and his
gift, if grain and wine and all sorts of fruit grow which
we eat and drink to satisfy our wants.” And Hesiod
says, that the industrious husbandman will richly harvest
if Jove grants a good end. The tilling of the soil then,
the sowing and watering of the seed, depends on me, but
not the succes. This is in God’s hand, therefore it is
said: “ God’s blessing is the main thing.” But what is
God? originally nothing but Nature, or the essence of
Nature ; but Nature as an object of prayer, as an exorable and consequently willing being. Jove is the cause
or the essence of meteorological phenomena; but this
does not yet constitute his divine, his religious charac­
ter ; also he who is not religious assumes a cause of the
rain, of the thunder storm, of the snow. He is God
only, because and in so far as these phenomena de­
pend on his good will. That which is independent
of man’s will is, therefore, by religion, made depen­
dent upon God’s will as far as the object itself is con­
cerned (objectively); but subjectively (as far as man is
concerned,) it is made dependent on prayer, for what

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THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

depends on will is an object of prayer and can be
changed. “Even the Gods are pliable. A mortal can
change their minds by incense and humble vows, by li­
bations and perfume.”
§32. The only or at least the principal object of re­
ligion is an object of human purposes and wants, at least
where man has once risen beyond the unlimited arbi­
trariness, helplessness and accidentalness of Fetishism
proper. For this very reason those natural beings which
are most necessary and indispensable to man enjoyed al­
so the most general and the highest religious adoration.
But whatever is an object of human wants and purposes,
is for the same reason an object of human wishes. I
need rain and sunshine for the successful growth of my
seeds. In times of continuous drouth I therefore wish
for rain; in times of continuous rain I wish for sunshine.
This wish is a desire whose gratification is not within my
power ; a will, but without the might to prevail, although
not absolutely so, yet at least at a given time, under cer­
tain circumstances and conditions, and such as man
wishes it on the stand point of religion. But just what
my body, my power in general, is unable to do, is within
the power of my wish. What I ask and wish for, that I
enchant and inspire by my wishes. (7) While under the
influence of an affect—and religion roots only in affect,
in feeling—man places his essence without himself; he
treats as living what is without life, as arbitrary what
has no will; he animates the object with his sighs, for he
cannot possibly in a state of affect address himself to an
insensible being. Feeling does not confine itself within
the limits prescribed by intellect; it gushes over man ;
his breast is too narrow for it; it must communicate it­
self to the outer world and by so doing make the insensi­

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

33

ble essence of Nature a sympathetic one. Nature en­
chanted by human feeling, Nature agreeing with and as­
similated to man’s feeling, i. e., Nature herself endowed
with feeling, is Nature such as she is an object of reli­
gion, cl divine being. The wish is the origin, the very
essence of religion—the essence of the G-ods is nothing
but the essence of the wish. (8) The Gods are superhu­
man and supernatural beings; but are not wishes also of
a superhuman and supernatural nature ? e. g. am I in
my wish, in my imagination still a man, if I wish to be
an immortal being, free from the fetters of the earthly
body? No ! He who has no wishes has no gods either.
Why did the Greeks lay such a stress upon the immor­
tality and happiness of the Gods ? Because they them­
selves did not wish to be mortal and unhappy. Where
no lamentations about man’s mortality and misery are
heard, no hymns are heard in honor of the immortal and
happy Gods. Only the water of tears shed within the
human heart evaporates in the sky of imaginatian into
the cloudy image of the diVine being. From the univer­
sal stream, Oceanos, Homer derives the Gods ; but this
stream abounding with Gods is in reality only an efflux
of human feelings.
§ 33. The* irreligious manifestations of religion are
best adapted to disclose in a popular manner the origin
and essence of religion. Thus it is an irreligious mani­
festation of religion and therefore most severely criticized
already by the pious heathen, that as a general thing
man takes recourse to religion, that he applies to God
and thinks of him, only in times of misfortune ; but this
very fact reveals to us the source of religion. In times
of misfortune or distress, no matter whether it be his
own or another one’s, man realizes the painful experience

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THE ESSENCE OK RELIGION.

of his.inability to do what he wishes—he finds his hands
tied. But the palsy of the motory nerves is not at the
same time also the palsy of the sensory nerves; the fetters
of my physical power are not also at the same time the
fetters of my will, of my heart. On the contrary, the
more my hands are tied, the more boundless are my
wishes, the more ardent is my desire for redemption, the
more energetic my strife after freedom, my will not to
be limited. The power of the human heart or will which
by the influence of distress has been exaggerated and
overexcited to a superhuman one, is the power of the
Gods for whom there is no necessity nor limit. The
Gods are able to do what man desires, i. e. they obey
the laws of the human heart. What man is only in re­
gard to his soul, the Gods are also physically; what he
can do only within his will, his imagination, his heart, i.
e., mentally, as e. g. to be in the twinkling of an eye at
a distant place, that the Gods are able to do physically.
The Gods are the embodied, realized wishes of man—
the natural limits of man’s heart aud will destroyed—
creatures of the unlimited will, creatures whose physical
powers are equal to those of the will. The irreligious
manifestation of this supernatural power of religion is
the practice of witchcraft among uncivilized nations,
where in &amp; palpable manner the mere will of man ap­
pears as God, commanding over Nature. But when the
God of Israel at Joshua’s command bids the sun stand
still or suffers it to rain in compliance with Elijah’s
prayer, and when the God of the Christians for the sake
of proving his divinity, i. e., his power to fulfill all wishes
of man, by his word alone appeases the raging sea, cures
the sick, raises the dead : here as well as in the practice
of witchcraft, the mere will, the mere wish, the mere

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

35

word is declared a power that overrules Nature. The
only difference is that the sorcerer realizes the end of re­
ligion in an irreligious manner, whilst the Jew and the
Christians do it in a religious manner, inasmuch as the
former places within himself, what the latter transfers
into God, inasmuch as the former makes the object of
an expressive will or command what the latter make the
object of a still submissive will, of a pious wish; in short
inasmuch as the former does by and for himself, what
the latter do by and with God. But the common say­
ing : “quod quis per alium fecit ipse fecisse putaturf
i. e. what one does through another one that is imputed to
him as his own deed, finds its application also here:
what one does through God, that he does in reality
himself.
§ 34. Religion has—at least originally and in rela­
tion to nature—no other office and tendency than to
change the unpopular and haunted essence of Nature into
a familiar and known one; to melt Nature, who in her­
self is impliant and hard as iron, in the glowing fire of
the heart for the sake of human purposes; i. e., it has the
same end as civilization or culture, whose end also is no
other than to make Nature theoretically an intelligible
and practically a pliable being, agreeable to the wants of
man—with this only difference, that what culture tries to
attain by means, and that too by means learned from Na­
ture, religion attains without means, or what is the same,
through the supernatural means of prayer, of faith, of
sacraments, of witchcraft. Thus we find that everything
which with the progress of the civilization of mankind
became a cause of activity, of self-activity, of anthropol­
ogy, in former times was a cause of religion or theology ;
as, for instance, jurisprudence, politics, medicine, which

�36

THE THENCE OF RELIGION.

latter even now-a-days among uncivilized nations is a
thing of religion. (9) It is true, culture and civilization
always come short of the wishes of religion, for it cannot
destroy those limits of man which have their foundation
in his Nature. Thus culture succeeds for instance in
improving the science of prolongating life (Macrobio­
tics) but it never attains to immortality. This as a
boundless wish which cannot be realized is left to re­
ligion.
§ 35. In natural religion man addresses himself to an
object directly antagonistic to the original will and sense
of religion; for here he sacrifices his feelings and his
intellect to a being which in itself is without feeling and
intellect; he places above himself what he would like to
have below himself; he serves what he wishes to govern,
adores what in reality he abhors, entreats for assistance
that against which he seeks assistance. Thus the Greeks
at Titane sacrificed to the winds in order to appease
their rage; thus the Romans dedicated a temple to the
Fever in order to render it harmless; thus the Tungusians at the time of an epidemic pray devotionally and
with solemn bows to tke disease that it may pass by
their huts (according to Pallas.) Thus the Widahians
in Guinea sacrifice to the raging sea in order to prevail
upon it that it may be calm and not prevent them from
fishing; thus the Indians at the approach of a storm ad­
dress the Manitou (z. e. Spirit, God, Being) of the air,
at the crossing of water the Manitou of the waters, that
he may preserve them from all danger ; thus in general
many nations expressively do not adore the good but the
evil essence (10) of Nature, or at least what appears to
them, as such. Upon the standpoint of natural religion
Iman declares his love to a statue, to a corpse; no wonder

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

37

therefore, that in. order to make himself heard he resorts
to the most desperate, most insane means; no wonder
that he divests himself of his humanity in order to ren­
der Nature humane, that he even sheds the l&gt;lood of man
in order to inspire her with human feelings. Thus the
northern Germans believed expressly that “ sanguinary
sacrifices were apt to bestow human language and feel­
ings to wooden idols and to endow with the gifts of
language and divination the stones which they adored
in the houses devoted to gory sacrifices.” But in vain
are all attempts to imbue her with life ; Nature does not
respond to man’s lamentations and questions ; she throws
him inexorably back upon himself.
§ 36. As the limits which man imagines or at least such
as he imagines them on the standpoint of religion (as e. g.
the limit which is the cause that he does not know the
future, or does not live forever, or does not enjoy happi­
ness without interruption and molestation, or has no body
without weight, or cannot fly like the Gods, or cannoi
thunder like Jove, or cannot add anything to his size
nor make himself invisible at will, or cannot, like the
angels, live without sensual wants and impulses, or in
short cannot do what he wills and desires)—as all these
limits are such only in his imagination and mind, while
in reality they are no limits, because they have their
necessary foundation in the essence, in the nature of
things; so also is that being which is free from such
limits, the unlimited divine being, only a creature of
imagination, of reflection, and of a mental disposition
which is governed by imagination. Whatever therefore
may be the object of religion, be it even only a snail
shell or pebble, it is such an object only in.its quality as
a creature of the heart, of reflection, of imagination.

�38

THE ESSENCE OK RELIGION.

This justifies the assertion that men do not adore the
stones, the trees, the animals, the rivers themselves, but
the Gods within them, their manitous, their spirits. But
these spirits of natural objects are nothing but their re­
flected images or they as reflected objects, as creates
uf imagination in distinction from them as real, sen­
sual objects, just as the spirits of the dead are nothing
but the imagined images of the dead which live in our
remembrance—beings that once really existed, as imag­
ined beings, which however by religious man, i. e. by
him who does not discriminate between the object and
its idea, are considered to be real, self-existing beings.
Man’s pious, involuntary self-deception upon the stand­
point of religion is therefore within the natural religion
an apparent, self-evident truth ; for here man gives to
his religious object eyes and ears which he knows and
sees to be artificial eyes and ears of s e or wood, and
yet believes to be real eyes and ears. Thus religious
man has his eyes only in order not to see, to be stoneblind, and his reason only in order not to reason, to be
block-headed. Natural religion is the manifest contra­
diction between idea and reality, between imagination
and truth. What in reality, is a dead stone or log, is in
the conception of natural religion a living individual;
apparently, no God, but something entirely different,
yet invisibly, according to belief, a God. For this rea­
son, natural religion is always in danger of being most
bitterly undeceived, as it requires only a blow with an
axe in order to satisfy her, &lt;?. g. that ,no blood flows from
adored trees, and that therefore no living, divine being
dwells within them. But how does religion escape these
strong contradictions and disappointments to which she
is exposed by adoring Nature? Gnly by making her

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

39

object an invisible, not sensual one, by making it a
being that exists only in faith, reflection, imagination—
in short, within the mind, which therefore itself is a
spiritual being.
§ 37. As soon as man from a merely physical being
becomes a political one, or in general a being distinguish­
ing himself from Nature, and concentrating himself
within himself, his God is also changed from a merely
physical being into a political one, different from Na­
ture. That which leads man to a distinction of his
essence from Nature, and in consequence to a God dis­
tinguished from Nature, is therefore only his association
with other men to a commonwealth, wherein the objects
of his consciousness and of his feeling of dependence
are powers distinguished from those of Nature and ex­
isting only in thought or imagination; political, moral,
abstract powers, such as the power of law, of public
opinion, (u) of honor, of virtue—while his physical ex­
istence is subordinated to his human, political or moral
existence, and where the power of Nature, the power
over death and life, is degraded to an attribute and in­
strument of political or moral power. Jove is the God
of lightning and thunder; but he possesses these terrible
weapons only in order to crush those who disobey his
commandments, the perjurer, the perpetrators of vio­
lence. Jove is father of the kings—“from Jove are
the kings.”
With lightning and thunder therefore Jove sustains
the power and dignity of the Kings. (12) “The King,”
we read in the law-book of Menu, “ burns eyes and
hearts like the sun, therefore no human creature upon
earth is able even to look upon him. He is fire and air,
he is sun and moon, he is the God of criminal laws.

�40

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

Fire burns only a single one who by carelessness may
have approached too near to it, but a King’s fire when
he is in wrath, burns a whole family with all their cattle
and property-------------------- In his courage dwelleth con­
quest and death in his wrath” In a similar manner
the God of the Israelites commands amid lis-htnine’ and
thunder his people to walk in all ways which he has
commanded them “in order that they may prosper and
live long in the land.” Thus the power of Nature as
such and the feeling of dependence on her disappears
before political or moral power! Whilst the slave of
Nature is so blinded by the brilliancy of the sun, that he
like the Katchinian Tartar daily prays to him: “do
not kill me,” the political slave on the other hand is so
much blinded by the splendor of royal dignity, that he
prostrates himself before it as before a divine power, be­
cause it commands over death and life. The titles of the
Soman Emperors, even still among the Christians were:
“Your divinity,” “Your eternity.” Nay, even now-adays among Christians “Holiness” and “Majesty,” the
titles and attributes of the Deity, are titles and attributes
of kings. It is true the Christians try to justify this
political idolatry with the notion that the king is nothing
but God’s representative upon earth, God himself being
the King of kings. But such a justification is only a
self-deception. Not considering that the king’s power is
a very sensible, direct and sensual one which represents
itself, while that of the King of kings is only an indirect
and reflected one—God is defined and regarded as the
world’s ruler, as a royal or political being in general,
only where the royal being occupies, influences and rules
man so as to be considered by him as the supreme being.
“Brahma” says Menu, “formed in the beginning of time

�THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

41

for his service the genius ofpunishment with a body of
pure light as his own son, nay even as the author oi
criminal justice, as the protector of all things created.
Fear ofpunishment enables this universe to enjoy its
happiness.” Thus man makes even the punishment of
his criminal code divine, world-governing powers, the
criminal code itself the code of Nature, no wonder that
he makes Nature to sympathize most warmly with his
political sufferings and passions, nay, that he even makes
the preservation of the world dependent on the preserva­
tion, of a royal throne or of the Holy See. What is im­
portant to him, naturally is also of importance for all
other beings ; what dims his eye, that also dims the bril­
liancy of the sun; what agitates his heart, that also
moves heaven and earth—his being to him is the univer­
sal being, the world’s being, the being of beings.
§ 38. Why has the East not a living, progressive
history such as the West? Because in the East to man
Nature is not concealed by man, nor the brilliancy of
the stars and precious stones by the brilliancy of the eye,
nor the meteorological lightning and thunder by the
rhetorical “ lightning and thunder,” nor the course of
the sun by the course of daily events, nor the change of
the year’s seasons by the change of fashion. It is true,
the eastern man prostrates himself into the dust before
the magnificence of royal, political power and dignity,
but this magnificence itself is only a reflex of the sun and
the moon; the king is an object of his adoration not as
an earthly and human, but as a heavenly and divine
being. But man disappears by the side of a God; only
where the earth is. depopulated of Gods, where the Gods
ascend into heaven and change from real beings to imagined ones; only there men have space and room for

�42

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

themselves, only there they can show themselves without
any restraint as men and put themselves forward as such.
The eastern man bears the same relation to the western
man as the husbandman to the inhabitants of the city.
The former depends on Nature, the latter on man; the
former is led by the barometer, the latter by the state
of the stock-market; the, former by the ever equal con­
stellations of the zodiac, the latter by the ever fluctuating
signs of honor, fashion and public opinion. Only the
inhabitants of cities, therefore, make up history, only
human “vanity ” is the principle of history, only he who
can sacrifice Nature’s power to that of opinion, his life
to his name, his physical existence to his existence in
the mouth and in the remembrance of generations to
come—he only is capable of historical deeds.
§ 39. According to Athenaeus, the Greek writer of
comic plays, Anaxandrides addresses the Egyptians as
follows: “I am not fit for your society; our manners
and laws do not agree,—you adore the ox which I sacri­
fice to the Gods; the eel to you is a great God, but to
me a great dainty; you shun pork, I enjoy it with a
relish; you revere the dog, I beat him if he snaps a
morsel from me; you are startled if something is the
matter with the cat, I am glad of it and strip off her skin;
you give a great deal cf importance to the shrew-mouse,
I none.” This address perfectly characterizes the con­
trast between the bound and the unbound, i. e. between
the religious and irreligious, free, human consideration of
Nature. There Nature is an object of adoration, here
of enjoyment; there man exists for Nature’s sake, here
Nature for man’s sake, there she is the end, here the
means; there she stands above, here below man.(13) For
this very reason man is there eccentric, out of himself, out

�THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

43

of the sphere of his destination which points mm only to
himself; here, on the other hand, he is considerate, sober,
within himself, self-conscious. There man degrades him­
self consistently even to coition with animals (accord­
ing to Herodotus), in order to prove his religious humil­
ity before Nature; but here he rises in the full conscious­
ness of his power and dignity up to amalgamation with the
Gods as a striking proof that even in the heavenly Gods
courses no other than human blood, and that the peculiar
ethereal blood of the Gods is only a poetical imagination
which does not hold good in reality and practice.
§ 40. As the world, as Nature appears to man, so
she isi. e. for him, according to his imagination; his
sensations and imaginations are to him directly and un­
consciously the measure of truth and reality; and Nature
appears to him just as he is himself. As soon as man
perceives that in spite of sun and moon, heaven and
earth, fire and water, plants and animals, man’s life re­
quires the application and even the just application of his
own powers; as'soon as he perceives that “the mortals
unjustly complain of the Gods, and that they themselves
in spite of fate, through imprudence, produce their
misery,” that the consequences of vice and folly are di­
sease, unhappiness and death, but those of virtue and wis­
dom, health, life and happiness, and that, therefore, those
powers which influence man’s destiny, are intellect and
will; as soon, therefore, as man no more like the savage,
is a being governed by the habits of momentary impres­
sions and effects, but becomes a being which decides him­
self by principles, rules of wisdom, laws of reason, i. e. a
thinking, intelligent being—then also Nature, the world
appears and is to him a toeing dependent on, and influ.
enced by, intellect and will.

�44

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

§41. When man with his will and intellect rises
above Nature and becomes a supematuralist, then also
God becomes a supernatural being. When man estab­
lishes himself as a ruler “ over the fishes in the sea, and
over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle, and over all
the earth, and over every creeping thing that creepeth
over the earth,” then the Government of Nature is to
him the highest idea, the highest being ; the object of his
adoration, of his religion therefore, the creator of Na­
ture, for creation is a necessary consequence, or rather
presupposition, of Government. If the Lord of Nature is
not also her author, then she is independent of him as to
her origin and existence, his power is limited and de­
ficient ;—-for if he had been able to create her, why
should he not have created her ?—his government is only
an usurped one, no inherent, legal one. Only what I
produce and make is entirely within my power. Only
from authorship the right of property is to be derived.
Mine is the child, because I am his father. Therefore,
only in creation government is acknowledged, realized,
exhausted. The Gods of the heathen were also already
masters of Nature, it is true, but no or :ators of hers,
therefore they were only constitutional, limited, not ab­
solute monarchs of Nature, L e. the heathen were not
yet absolute, unconditional, radical sup ernaturalists.
§ 42. The Theists have declared the doctrine of the
unity of God a revealed doctrine of supernatural origin,
without considering that the source of Monotheism is
in man, that the scource of God’s unity is the unity of
the human conscience and mind. The world is spread
before my eyes in endless multitude and diversity, but
still all these numberless and various objects : sun, moon
and stars, heaven and earth, the near and the distant,

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

45

the present and the absent, are embraced by my mind,
my head. This being of the human mind or conscience,
so wonderful and supernatural for religious, i. e. unedu­
cated man, this being which is not restrained by any
limits of time or space, which is not limited to any par­
ticular species of things, and which embraces all things
and beings, without being himself an object or visible
being—this being is, by Monotheism, placed at the head
of the world, and made its cause. God speaks, God
thinks the world and it is, he says that it is not, he
thinks and wills it not, and it does not exist, i. e. I can
in my imagination cause at will all things and conse­
quently also the world itself to come and to disappear, to
originate and to pass away. That • God has also created
the world from nothing, and, if he will, thrusts it again
into nothing, is nothing but the personification ofthe human power of abstraction and imagination,
which enables me at will to imagine the world as exist­
ing or not existing, and to affirm or deny its existence.
This subjective or imagined non-existence of the world,
is by Monotheism made its objective, real non-existence.
Polytheism and natural religion in general make the
real objects imagined ones. Monotheism, on the other
hand, makes imagined objects and thoughts real objects,
or rather the essence of intellect, will and imagination
die most real, absolute, supreme being. The power of
God, says a theologian, extends as far as the imaginative
power of man, but where is the limit of this power ?
What is impossible to imagination ? I can imagine every­
thing that is, as not existing, and everything that does
not exist as real; thus I can imagine “this” world as
not existing, and on the other hand, numberless other
worlds as existing. What is imagined as real is possible.

�46

the essence oe religion.

But God is the being to whom nothing is impossible,
he is the creator of numberless worlds, as far as his
power is concerned, thepossibility of all possibilities, of
everything that can be imagined ; i. e. in reality, he is
nothing but the realization or personification of human
imagination, intellect and reflection, thought or im­
agined 4 as real, nay, as the most real, as the absolute
being.
§ 43. Theism, properly so-called, or Monotheism, arises
only where man refers Nature only to himself, because
she suffers herself to be used without will and conscious­
ness, not only to his necessary, organic functions, but
also to his arbitrary, conscious purposes and enjoyments,
and where he makes this relation her essence, conse­
quently making himself the purpose, the centre and uni­
ty of Nature. (14) Where Nature has her end outside of
herself, she necessarily has also her cause and beginning
without herself; where she exists only for anotherbeing, she necessarily exists also by another being, and
that by a being whose intention or end at the time of
her creation was man, as that being who was to enjoy
and to use Nature for his good. The beginning of Na­
ture coincides therefore with God only where her end
coincides with man, or in other words, the doctrine that
God is the creator of the world has its source and sense
in the doctrine that man is the end of creation. If you
feel ashamed of the belief that the world is created,
made for man, then you must feel ashamed of the belief
that it is created, made at all. Where it is written:
“In the beginning God created the heaven and the
earth,” there it is also written: “ God made two great
lights. He made the stars also, and set them in the fir­
mament of the heaven, to give light upon the earth, and

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

47

to rule over the day and the night” If you declare the
belief in man as the end of Nature to be human pride,
then you must also declare the belief in the creator of
Nature to be human pride. That light only which
shines on account of man is the light of theology, that
light only which exists exclusively on account of the
seeing being, presupposes also a seeing being as its cause.
§ 44. The spiritual being which man places above
Nature and presupposes as her founder and creator, is
nothing but the spiritual essence of man himself, which,
however, appears to him as another one, different from
and incomparable to himself, because he makes it the
cause of Nature, the cause of effects which man’s mind,
will and intellect cannot produce, and because he conse­
quently combines with that spiritual essence of man, the
essence of Nature which is different. (15) It is the di­
vine spirit who makes the grass grow, who forms the
child in the womb, who holds and moves the sun in his
course, who piles up the mountains, commands the winds,
incloses the sea within its limits. What is the human mind
compared with this spirit! How small, how limited, how
vain ! If therefore the rationalist rejects God’s incarna­
tion, the union of the divine and human nature, he does
so particularly because the idea of God in his head hides
only the idea of Nature, especially of Nature such as she
was disclosed to the human eye by the telescope of astron­
omy. How should—thus he exclaims provoked—how
should that great, infinite, universal being, which has its
adequate representation and effect only in the great, in­
finite universe, descend for man’s sake upon the earth,
which certainly disappears into nothing before the im­
measurable greatness and fullness of the universe ? What
unworthy, mean, “ human” imagination ! To concentrate

�48

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

God upon earth, to plunge God into man, is about the
same as to try to condense the ocean into one drop, to
reduce the ring of Saturn into a finger-ring. Truly it is
a rather narrow idea to think the universal being as
limited only to earth or man, and to believe that Nature
exists only on his account, that the sun shines only on
account of the human eye. You do not see, however,
short-sighted rationalist, that it is not the idea of God, but
the idea of Nature, which within yourself objects to a
union of God and man, and shows it to be a nonsensical con­
tradiction; you do not see that the centre of union, ter­
tium comparationis, between God and man is not that
being to which you directly or indirectly attribute the
power and effects of Nature, but rather that being which
sees and hears, because you see and hear, which possesses
consciousness, intellect and will, because you possess
these faculties, or, in other words, that being which you
distinguish from Nature, because you distinguish your­
self from her. What, then, can you really object if this
being finally appears as areal man before your eyes?
How can you reject the consequences if you adhere to
the premises ? How can you deny the son if you ac­
knowledge the father ? If the God-man to you is a creat­
ure of human imagination and self-deification, then you
must acknowledge, also, the creator of Nature to be a
creature of human imagination and self-exaltation over
Nature. If you wish for a being without any anthro­
pomorphism, without any human additions, be they addi­
tions of the intellect, or the heart, or of imagination,
then be courageous and consistent enough to give up
God altogether, and to appeal only to pure, naked, god­
less nature as to the last basis of your existence. As
long as you admit a difference, so long you incarnate

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

49

in God your own difference, so long you incorporate
your own essence and, nature in the universal and
primary being ; for as you do not have nor know in
distinction from human nature any other being than
Nature, so, on the other hand, you neither have nor
know any other being in distinction from Nature than
the human one.
§ 45. The conception of man’s essence as an objective
being different from man, or, in short, the personification
of the human essence, has for its presupposition the in­
carnation of the objective being which is different from
man, i. e. the conception of Nature as of a human
being. (16) Will and intellect therefore appear to man as
the primary powers or causes of Nature only because the
unintentional effects of Nature appear to him in the light
of his intellect as intentional ones, as ends and purposes;
Nature herself consequently as an intelligent being (or at
least as a mere thing of intellect). As everything is seen
by the sun—the God of the sun, “ Helios ” hears and sees
everything—because man sees everything in the sunlight,
sc everything in itself has been thought, because man
thinks it; a work of intellect, because for him an object
of his intellect. Because he measures the stars and their
distances, they are measured; because he applies mathe­
matics in order to understand Nature and her laws, they
have also been applied to her production; because he
sees the end of a certain motion, the result of a certain
development, the function of a certain organ, this end,
function or result is in itself a foreseen one ; because he
can imagine the opposite of the position or direction of
a heavenly body, nay even numberless other directions,
while at the same time he perceives that if this direction
were changed, also a series of fruitful, benevolent con­

�50

THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

sequences would be made impossible, so that he com
siders this series of consequences as the motive of that
very direction: therefore such direction has really and
originally been selected with admirable wisdom, and
only with regard to its benevolent consequences, from
the multitude of other directions which also exist only
in man’s head. Thus the principle of thinking is to man
directly and without discrimination the principle of exist­
ence ; the thing thought, the thing existing; the idea of
the object, its essence, (the a posteriori the a priori))
Man thinks Nature otherwise than she really is; no won­
der that he also presupposes as her cause and the cause of
her existence another being than herself, a being which
exists only in his mind, nay, which is even only the es­
sence of his own mind. Man reverses the natural order
of things; he founds the world in the very sense of the
word upon its head, he makes the apex of the pyramid
its basis—the first thing in or for the head, the reason
why something is, the first thing in reality, the cause
through which it exists. The motive of a thing precedes
in the mind the thing itself. This is the reason why to
man the essence of reason or intellect, the essence of
thinking not only logically, but also physically, is the
first, the primary being.
§ 46. The mystery of teleology is based upon the con­
tradiction between the necessity of Nature and the ar­
bitrary will of man, between Nature such as she really
is and such as man imagines her. If the earth were
placed somewhere else, if e. g. it were placed where Mer­
cury now is, everything would perish in consequence of
insupportable heat. How wisely, therefore, is the earth
placed just where it appears best according to its quality.
But in what does this wisdom consist ? Only in the con­

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51

tradiction, in the contrast to human folly, which arbi­
trarily in thought places the earth somewhere else than
where it is in reality. If you first tear asunder what in
Nature is inseparable, as for instance the astronomical
place of a heavenly body from its physical quality, then
certainly the unity in Nature must afterwards appear
to you as expediency, necessity as plan, the real and
necessary place of a planet which agrees with its nature
in contrast to the unfit one which you have thought of
and chosen, as the reasonable one which has been justly
chosen and wisely selected. “ If the snow had a black
color, or if such color prevailed in the arctic regions, all
the arctic countries of the earth would be a gloomy
desert, unfit for organic life. Thus the arrangement of
the colors of bodies offers one of the most beautiful proofs
for the wise arrangement of the world.” Certainly, if
man did not change white into black, if human folly
had not disposed arbitrarily of Nature, no divine wisdom
would rule over Nature.
§ 47. “Who has told the bird that it has only to
raise its tail if it wants to fly downward, or to depress it,
if it wants to ascend ? He must be perfectly blind, who,
in observing the flight of birds, does not perceive any
higher wisdom
has thought in their stead” Cer­
tainly he must be blind, not for Nature, but for man,
who makes his nature the original of Nature, Xkw, power
of intellect the original power, who makes the birds’
flight dependent upon the insight into the mechanical
laws of flying, and who elevates his ideas abstracted from
Nature into laws which the birds apply to .their flight,
just as the rider applies the rules of the art of riding, or
the swimmer the rules of the art of swimming; with the
only difference that to the birds the application of the

�52

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

art of flying is created with them. But the flight of birds
is founded on no art. Art is only where also the oppo­
site of art is to be found, where an organ performs a
function which is not directly and necessarily connected
with it, which does not exhaust its essence, and is only a
particular function by the side of many other real or
possible functions of the same organ. But the bird can­
not fly otherwise than it does, nor is it at liberty not to
fly; it must fly. The animal always knows how to do
only that whicli it is able to do, and for this very reason
it can do this one thing so perfectly, so masterly, so unsurpassably, because it does not know anything else, be­
cause its power is exhausted in this one function, because
this one function is identical with its nature. If we
therefore are unable to explain the actions and functions
of the animals, especially those of the lower ones, which
are endowed with certain artistic impulses, without pre­
supposition of an intellect which has thought in their
stead, this is only because we think that the objects of
their activity are objects to them in the same manner as
they are objects to our consciousness and intellect. As
soon as we consider the works of the animals as work of
arty as arbitrary works, we must necessarily also con­
sider the intellect as their cause, for a work of art pre­
supposes choice, intention, intellect, and consequently, as
we know by experience that animals do not think them­
selves, another being as thinking in their behalf. (17)
“ Do you know how to advise the spider how it is to
carry and to fasten the threads from one tree to another,
from one housetop to another, from a height this side of the
water to another one on the other side ?” Certainly not;
but do you indeed believe that there is any advice needed
in this instance, that the spider is in the same condition

�THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

53

in which you would be, if you were to solve this problem
theoretically, that for it, as well as for you, there is any
difference between “ this side ” and “ that side ?” Between
the spider and the object to which it fastens the threads
of its net, there is as necessary a connection as between
your bone and muscle; for the object without it is for
it nothing but the support of its thread of life, as the
support of its fangs. The spider does not see what you
see; all the separations, differences and distances which,
or at least such as your intellectual eye perceives them,
do not at all exist for it. What therefore to you is an
insolvable theoretical problem, that is done by the spider
without any intellect, and consequently without all
those difficulties which exist only for your intellect.
“Who has told the vine-fretters that they find their
food in the fall of the year in greater abundance at the
branch and at the bud than at the leaf? Who has shown
them the way to the bud and to the branch? For the
vine-fretter which was born upon the leaf, the bud is not
only a distant but an entirely unknown province. I
adore the creator of the vine-fretter and of the cochineal
and remain silent.” Certainly you must be silent if you
make the vine-fretters and cochineals preachers of
Theism, if you endow them with your thoughts, for only
to the vine-fretter viewed from the standpoint of man
is the bud a distant and unknown province, but not
to the vine-fretter itself, to which the leaf and the bud
are objects not as such, but only as matter which can be
assimilated and is chemically related to it. It is there­
fore only the reflex of your eye which shows you Nature
as the work of an eye, which obliges you to derive the
threads the spider draws from its hind part, from the
head of a thinking being. Nature is for you only a

�54

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

spectacle, a delight of the eye; therefore you think that
what delights your eye, also rules and moves Nature.
Thus you make the heavenly light in which she appears
to you, the heavenly being which has created her ; the
rays of the eye the lever of Nature ; the optic nerve the
motory nerve of the universe. To derive Nature from a
wise creator is to produce children with a look; to sat­
isfy hunger with the perfume of food; to move rocks by
the harmony of sounds. If the Greenlander derives the
shark’s origin from human urine because it smells to
man like it, this zoological genesis has the same founda­
tion as as the cosmological genesis of the Theist, when
he derives Nature from intellect, because she makes upon
man the impression of intellect, and intention. Certainly
the manifestation of Nature for us is reason, but the
cause of such manifestation is as little reason as the cause
of light is light.
§ 48. Why does Nature produce monsters? Because
the result of a formation to her is not the object of a pre. existing purpose. Why supernumerary limbs ? Because
she does not number. Why does she place at the left
hand side what generally lies on the right hand side, and
vice versa ? Because she. does not know what is right or
left. Monsters are therefore popular arguments, which
for this very reason have been insisted on already by the
Atheists of old, and even by such Theists as emancipated
Nature from the guardianship of theology, in order to
prove that the productions of Nature are unforeseen,
unintentional,’ involuntary ones; for all reasons which
are adduced for the sake of explaining monsters, even
those of the most modern naturalists, according to which
they are only consequences of diseases of the foetus,
would be done away with, if with the creative or pro­

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

55

ductive power of Nature at the same time will, intellect,
forethought and consciousness were connected. But
although Nature does not see, she is not therefore blind;
although she does not live (in the sense of human, that
is subjective, sensible life) she is not dead; and although
she does not produce according to purposes, still her
productions are not accidental ones; for where man de­
fines Nature as dead and blind, and her productions as
accidental ones, he defines her only so in contrast to him­
self, and declares her to be deficient because she does not
possess what he possesses. Nature works and produces
everywhere only in and with connection—a connection
which is reason for man, for wherever he perceives con­
nection, he finds sense, material for the thinking, “suf­
ficient reason,” system—only from and with necessity.
But also the necessity of Nature is no human, i. e. no
logical, metaphysical or mathematical, in general no ab­
stracted one; for natural beings are no creatures of
thought, no logical or mathematical figures, but real,
sensual, individual beings; it is a sensual necessity and
therefore eccentric, exceptional, irregular, which, in con­
sequence of these anomalies of human imagination, ap­
pears even as freedom, or at least as a product of free will.
Nature generally can be understood only through herself;
she is that being whose idea depends on no other being; she
alone admits of a discrimination between what a thing is
in itself and what it is for our conception; she alone
cannot be measured with any human measure, although
we compare and designate her manifestations with analo­
gous human manifestations in order to make them intelligi­
ble for us, and although in general we apply, and are obliged
to apply to her, human expressions and ideas, such as
order, purpose, in accordance with the nature of our

�1)6

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

language, which is founded only upon the subjective ap­
pearance of things.
§. 49. The religious admiration of divine wisdom in
Nature is only an incident of enthusiasm ; it refers only
to the means, but is extinguished in reflecting on the
purposes of Nature. How wonderful is the spider’s web,
how wonderful the funnel of the ant-lion in the sand 1
But what is the purpose of these wise arrangements ? No­
thing but nourishment—a purpose which man in regard
to himself degrades to a mere means. “ Others,” said
Socrates—but these others are animals and brutish men—
“ others live in order to eat, but I eat in order to live.”
How magnificent is the flower, how admirable its struc­
ture I But what is the purpose of this structure, of this
magnificence ? Only to magnify and protect the genitals
which man in himself either hides from shame, or even
mutilates from religious zeal. “ The creator of the
vinefretters and of the cochineals'1'’ whom the naturalist,
the man of theory adores and admires, who has only
natural life for his purpose, is therefore not the God and
creator in the sense of religion. No! only the creator of
man, and that of man such as he distinguishes himself
from Nature, and rises above Nature, the creator in
whom man has the consciousness of himself, in whom
he finds represented the qualities which constitute his
nature in distinction from external Nature, and that in
such a manner as he imagines them in religion, is the
God and creator such as he is an object of religion.
“ The water” says Luther, “ which is used in baptism
and poured over the child is also water not of the crea­
tor but of God the SaviourS Natural water I have in
common with animals and plants, but not the water of
baptism ; the former amalgamates me with the other nat-

�THE ESSENCE OE KELIGrlON.

57

ural beings, the latter distinguishes me from them. But
the object of religion is not natural water, but the water
of baptism; consequently not the creator or author of
natural, but of baptismal water is an object of religion.
The creator of natural water is necessarily himself a nat­
ural, and therefore no religious, i. e. supernatural being.
Water is a visible being, whose qualities and effects there­
fore do not lead us to a supernatural cause ; but the
baptismal water is no object for the corporeal eye,', it is
a spiritual, invisible, supersensuous being, i. e. one that
exists and works only for faith, in thought, in imagina­
tion—a being which therefore requires also for its cause
a, spiritual being that exists only in faith and imagination.
Natural water cleanses me only of my physical, but
baptismal water of my moral impurities and diseases;
the former only quenches my thirst for this temporal,
transient life, but the latter satisfies my desire for life
eternal; the former has only limited, defined, finite ef­
fects, but the latter infinite, all-powerful effects which
surpass the nature of water, and which therefore repre­
sent and show the nature of the divine being, which is
bound by no limit of Nature, the unlimited essence of
man’s power to believe and to imagine, bound to no limit
of experience and reason. But is not also the creator of
baptismal water the creator of natural water ? In what re­
lation therefore does the former stand to the latter ? In the
very same as baptismal to natural water; the former can­
not exist if the latter does not exist; this one is the con­
dition, the means of that one. Thus the creator of Na.
ture is only the condition for the creator of man. How
can he who does not hold the natural water in his hand
combine with it supernatural effects ? How can he who
does not rule over temporal life give life eternal ? How

�58

THE ESSENCE OE RELIGION.

can he whom the elements of Nature do not obey,
restore my body turned to dust ? But who is the master
and ruler of Nature unless it be he who had power and
strength to produce her from naught by his mere will ?
He, therefore, who declares the union of the supernatural
essence of baptism with natural water a contradiction,
without sense, may also declare the union of the super­
natural essence of the creator wkh Nature such a con­
tradiction ; for between the effects of baptismal and com­
mon water is just as much or as little connection as
between the supernatural creator and natural Nature.
The creator comes from the same source from which the
supernatural, wonderful wate® of baptism gushes forth.
In the baptismal wrater we see only the essence of the'
creator, of God, jn a sensible illustration. How there­
fore can you reject the miracle of baptism and other
miracles, if you admit the essence of the creator, i. e. the
essence of the miracle ? Or in other words: how can you
reject the small miracle if you admit the great miracle
of creation ? But it is in the world of theology just as in
the political world; the small thieves are hanged, the
great ones are suffered to escape.
§ 50. That providence which is manifested in the
order, conformity to purpose and lawfulness of Na­
ture, is not the providence of religion. The latter is
based upon liberty, the former upon necessity; the latter
is unlimited and unconditional, the former limited, de
pending on a thousand different conditions; the latter is
a special and individual one, the former is extended only
over the whole, the species, while the individual is left
to chance. A theistic naturalist says: “ Many (or rather
all those in whose conception God was more than the
mafrhematioal, imagined origin of Nature) have imagined

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

59

the preservation of the world and especially of mankind,
as direct and special., as if God ruled the actions of all
creatures, and led them according to his pleasure. But
after the consideration of the natural laws, we are unable
to admit such a special government and superintendence
over the actions of men and other creatures. . . We learn
this from the little care which Nature takes of single
individuals. (1§) Thousands of them are sacrificed with­
out hesitation or repentance in the plenty of Nature. . .
Even with regard to man we make the same experience.
Not one half of the human race reach the second year of
their age, but die almost without having known that
they ever lived. We learn this very thing also from the
misfortunes and mishaps of all men, the good as well as
the bad, which cannot well be made to agree with the
special preservation or co-operation of the creator.”
But a government, a providence which is no special
one, does not answer to the purpose, the essence, the idea
of providence; for providence is to destroy accident, but
just that is upheld by a merely general providence which
therefore is no better than no providence at all. Thus,
e. g. it is a “law of divine order in Nature,” i. e. a conse­
quence of natural causes, that according to the •number of
years also the death of man occui’s in a definite ratio ; that
' for instance, in the first year one child dies out of from
three to four children, in the fifth year one out of twentyfive, in the seventh one out of fifty, in the tenth one out
of one hundred, but still it is accidental, not regulated by
this law, depending on other accidental causes, that just
this one child dies, while those three or four others sur­
vive. Thus marriage is an “institution of God,” a law
of natural providence, in order to multiply the human
race, and consequently a duty for me. But whether I

�60

THE ESSENCE OK RELIGION.

am to marry just this one, whether she is not perhaps in
consequence of an accidental organic deficiency unfit or
unproductive, that I am not told. But just because
natural providence, which in reality is nothing but
Nature herself, does not come to my assistance when I
come to apply the law to the special, single case, but
leaves me to myself just in the critical moment of decis­
ion, in the pressure of necessity; I appeal from her to a
higher court, to the supernatural providence of the
Gods whose eye shines upon me just where Nature’s
light is extinguished; whose rule begins just where that
of natural providence is at an end. The Gods know and
tell me, they decide what Nature leaves in the darkness
of ignorance and gives up to accident. The region of
what commonly, as well as philosophically, is called ac­
cidental, “positive,” individual, not to be foreseen, not
to be speculated upon, is the region of the Gods, the
region of religious providence. And oracles and prayer
are the religious means by which man makes the acci­
dental, obscure, uncertain, an object of certainty, or at
least of hope. (19)
§ 51. The Gods, says Epicurus, exist in the intervals
of the universe. Very well; they exist only in the void
space, in the abyss which is between the world of imagi­
nation and the world of reality, between the law and its
application, between the action and its result, between
the present and the future. The Gods are imagined
beings, beings of imagination which therefore owe also
their existence, strictly speaking, not to the present but
only to the future and the past. Those Gods who owe
their existence to the past, are those who no longer exist,
the dead ones, those beings which live only in mind and
imagination? whose worship among some nations consti­

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61

tutes the whole religion, and with most of tnem an im­
portant essential part of religion. But far more might­
ily than by the past, is the mind influenced by the future;
the former leaves behind only the quiet perception of re­
membrance, while the latter stands before us with the ter­
rors of hell or the happiness of heaven. The Gods which
rise from the tombs are therefore themselves only shades
of Gods; the true living Gods, the rulers over rain and
sunshine, lightning and thunder, life and death, heaven
and hell, owe their existence likewise only to the powers
fear and hope, which rule over life and death, and
which illuminate the dark abyss of the future with beings
of the imagination. The present is exceedingly prosaic,
ready made, determined, never to be changed, final, ex­
clusive ; in the present, imagination coincides with real­
ity ; in it therefore there is no place for the Gods; the
present is godless. But the future is the empire of
poetry, of unlimited possibility and accident—the future
may be according to my wishes or fears; it is not yet
subject to the stern lot of unchangeableness; it still
hovers between existence and non-existence, high over
“ common ” reality and palpability; it still belongs to
another a invisible ” world which is not put in motion
by the laws of gravitation, but only by the sensory
nerves. This world is the world of the Gods. Mine is
the present, but the future belongs to the Gods. I am
now; this present moment, although it will immediately
be past, cannot be taken any more from me by the
Gods; things that have happened cannot be undone
even by divine power, as the ancients have already said.
But shall I exist the next moment ? Does the next mo­
ment of my life depend on my will, or is it in any neces­
sary connection with the present one ? No ; a number­

�62

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

less multitude of accidents; the ground under my feet,
the ceiling over my head, a flash of lightning, a bullet,
a stone, even a grape which glides into my windpipe in­
stead of passing into the eesophagus, can at any moment
tear forever the coming moment from the present one.
But the good Gods prevent this violent breach; they
fill with their external, invulnerable bodies, the pores of
the human body which are accessible to all possible de­
structive influences; they attach the coming moment
to the one that is past; they unite the future with the
present; they are, and possess in uninterrupted con­
tinuity, what men—the porous Gods—are and possess,
only in intervals and with interruptions.
§ 52. Goodness is an essential quality with the Gods ;
but how can they be good if they are not almighty and
free from the laws of natural providence, i. e. from the
fetters of natural necessity, if they do not appear in the
individual instances which decide between life and
death, as masters of nature, but friends and I)enefac­
tors of men, and if they consequently do not work any
miracles'? The Gods, or rather Nature, has endowed man
with physical and mental powers in order to be able to
sustain himself. But are these natural means of sustain­
ing himself always sufficient ? Do I not frequently come
into situations where I am lost without hope if no super­
natural hand stops the inexorable course of natural order?
The natural order is good, but is it always good ? This
continuous rain or drought e. g. is entirely in order; but
must not I or my family, or even a whole nation perish
in consequence of it, unless the Gods give their aid and
stop it ? (20) Miracles therefore are inseparable from
the divine government and providence; nay, they are the
only proofs, manifestations and revelations of the Gods,

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63

as of powers and beings distinguished from Nature ; to
deny the 'miracles is to deny the Gods themselves. By
what are Gods distinguished from men ? Only by their
being without limits, what the latter are in a limited
manner, and especially by their being always what the
latter are only for a certain time, for a moment. (21)
Men live—living existence is divinity, essential quality
and primary condition of the Deity—but alas ! not for
ever; they die—but the Gods are the immortal ones
who always live; men are also happy, but not without
interruption as the Gods; men are also good but not
always, and just this constitutes according to Socrates
the difference between Deity and humanity, that the
former is always good; according to Aristotle, men
also enjoy the divine happiness of thinking, but their
mental activity is interrupted by other functions and
actions. Thus the Gods and men have the same quali­
ties and rules of life, only that the former possess them
without, the latter with limitations and exceptions. As
the life to come is nothing but the continuation of this
life uninterrupted by death, so the divine being is no­
thing but the continuation of the human being uninter­
rupted by Nature in general—the uninterrupted, un­
limited nature of man. But how are miracles distin­
guished from the effects of Nature ? Just as the Gods are
distinguished from men. The miracle makes an effect
or a quality of Nature which in a given case is not good,
a good or at least a harmless one; it causes that I do not
sink and drown in the water, if I have the misfortune of
falling into it; that fire does not burn me; that a stone,
falling upon my head, does not kill me—in short, it
makes that essence which now is beneficent,' then de­
structive now philanthropic, then misanthropic, an essence

�64

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

always good. The Gods and miracles owe their exist­
ence only to the exceptions of the rule. The Deity is
the destruction of the deficiencies and weaknesses in man
which are the very causes of the exceptions; the miracle
is the destruction of the deficiencies and limits in Nature.
The natural beings are defined and consequently limited
beings. This limit of theirs is in some abnormal cases
the cause of their injuriousness to man ; but in the sense
of religion it is not a necessary one, but an arbitrary one,
made by God and therefore to be destroyed if necessity,
i. e. the welfare of man requires it.—To deny the mir­
acles under the pretext that they are not becoming to
God’s dignity and wisdom in virtue of which he has fixed
and determined everything from the beginning in the
best manner, is to sacrifice man to Nature, religion to
intellect, is to preach Atheism in the name of God. A
God who fulfills only such prayers and wishes of men as
can be fulfilled also without him, the fulfillment of which
is within the limits and conditions of natural causes,
who therefore helps only as long as art and Nature help,
but who ceases helping as soon as the materia medica is
at an end—such a God is nothing but the personified ne­
cessity of Nature hidden behind the name of God.
§ 53. The belief in God is either the belief in Nature
(the objective being) as a human (subjective) being, or
the belief in the human essence as the essence of Nature.
The former is the natural religion, polytheism, (22) this
one spiritual or human religion, monotheism. The poly­
theist sacrifices himself to Nature, he gives to the human
eye and heart the power and government over Nature ;
the polytheist makes the human being dependent on
Nature, the monotheist makes Nature dependent on the
human being; the former says: if Nature does not

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

65

exist, I do not exist ; but the latter says vice versa: if
I do not exist, the world, Nature does not exist. The
first principle of religion is : Iam nothing compared with
Nature, everything compared with me is God ; every­
thing inspires me with the feeling of dependence ; every­
thing can bring me, although only accidentally, fortune
and misfortune, welfare and destruction, (but man origi­
nally does not distinguish between cause and accidental
motive); therefore everything is a motive of religion.
Religion on the stand-point of such non-critical feeling
of dependence is fetishism so-called, the basis of poly­
theism. But the conclusion of religion is : everything is
nothing compared with me—all the magnificence of the
stars, the supreme Gods of polytheism disappear before
the magnificence of the human soul; all the power of
the world before the power of the human heart; all the
necessity of dead unconscious Nature, before the neces­
sity of the human, conscious being; for everything is
only a means for me. But Nature would not exist for
me, if she existed by herself, if she were not from God.
If she were by herself and therefore had the cause
of her existence in herself, she would for this very
reason have also an independent essence, an original
existence and essence without any relation to myself,
and independent from me. The signification of Nature
according to which she appears to be nothing for
herself, but only a means for man, is therefore to
be traced back only to creation; but this signification is
manifested above all in those instances where man—as
e.. g. in distress, in danger of death—comes into collision
with Nature, which however is sacrificed to man’s wel­
fare— in the miracles. Therefore the premiss of the
miracle is creation ; the miracle is the conclusion, the

�66

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

consequence, the truth of creation. Creation is in the
same relation to the miracle, as the species to the single
individual; the miracle is the act of creation in a
special, single case. Or, creation is theory ; its practice
and application is the miracle. God is the cause, man
the end of the world i.e. God is the first being in theory,
but man is the first being in practice. Nature is nothing
for God—nothing but a plaything of his power—but
only in order that in an exigency, or rather generally, she
is and can do nothing against man. In the creator man
drops the limits of his essence, of his “ soul,” in the mira­
cle the limits of his existence, of his body; there he makes
his invisible, thinking and reflected essence, here his in­
dividual, practical, visible essence, the essence of the
world; then he legitimates the miracle; here he only per­
forms it. The miracle accomplishes the end of religion
in a sensual, popular way—the dominion of man over Na­
ture, the divinity of man becomes a palpable truth.
God works miracles, but upon man’s prayer and although
not upon an especial prayer, still in man’s sense,in agree­
ment with his most secret innermost wishes. Sarah
laughed when in her old age the Lord promised her a
little son, but nevertheless even then descendants were
still her highest thought and wish. The secret worker of
miracles therefore is man, but in the progress of time—
time discloses every secret—he will and must become the
manifest, visible worker of miracles. At first man re­
ceives miracles, finally he works miracles himself; at first
he is the object of God, finally God himself', at first God
only in heart, in mind, in thought, finally, God in flesh.
But thought is bashful, sensuality without shame; thought
is silent and reserved, sensuality speaks out openly and
frankly; its utterances therefore are exposed to be ridi­

�THE ESSENCE OK RELIGION.

67

culed if they are contradictory to reason, because here
the contradiction is a visible, undeniable one. This is
the reason why the modern rationalists are ashamed to
believe in the God in the flesh i. e. in the sensual, visible
miracle, while they are not ashamed to believe in the
not-sensual God, i. e. in the not sensual, hidden miracle.
Still the time will come when the prophecy of Lichten­
berg will be fulfilled, and the belief in God in general,
consequently also the belief in a rational God will be con­
sidered as superstition just as well as already the belief
in the miraculous Christian God in flesh is considered as
superstition, and when therefore instead of the church light
of simple belief and instead of the twilight of rational­
istic belief, the pure light of Nature and reason will en­
lighten and warm mankind.
§ 54. He who for his God has no other material than
that which natural science, philosophy, or natural obser­
vation generally furnishes to him, who therefore con­
strues the idea of God from natural materials and con­
siders him to be nothing but the cause or the principle
of the laws of astronomy, natural philosophy, geol­
ogy, mineralogy, physiology, zoology and anthropology,
ought to be honest enough also to abstain from using the
name of God, for a natural principle is always a nat­
ural essence and not what constitutes the idea of a G-od.
(23) As little as a church which has been turned into a
museum of natural curiosities, still is and can be called
a house of God, so little is a God really a God, whose
nature and efforts are only manifested in astronomical,
geological, anthropological works; God is a religious word,
a religious object and being, not a p/hysical, astronomi­
cal, or in general a cosmical one. “ Deus et cultus” s&amp;ys
Luther in his table-discourses, “ sunt relativaf God

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THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

and worship correspond to one another, one cannot be
without the other, for God must ever be the God of a
man or of a nation and is always in prraedicamento
relationis, both being in mutual relation to each other.
God will have some who adore and worship him; for to
have a God and to adore him correspond to each other,
sunt relativa, as man and wife in marriage—neither
can be without the other.” God therefore presupposes
men who adore and worship him; God is a being the
idea or conception of whom does not depend on Nature
but on man, and that on religious man; an object of
adoration is not without an adoring being, i. e. God is
an object whose existence coincides with the existence of
religion, whose essence coincides with the essence of
religion, and which therefore does not exist apart from
religion, different and independent from it, but in whom
objectively is contained no more than what religion con­
tains subjectively. Iff) Sound is the objective essence,
the God of the ear; light is the objective essence, the
God of the eye; sound exists only for the ear, light only
for the eye; in the ear we have what we have in sound:
trembling, waving bodies, extended membranes, gelatin­
ous substances; but in the eye we have organs of light.
To make God an object of natural philosophy, astronomy
or zoology, is therefore just the same thing as making
sound an object of the eye. As the tone exists only in
the ear and for it, so God exists only in religion and for
it, only in faith and for it. As sound or tone as the
object of hearing expresses oidy the nature of the ear, so
God as an object which is only the object of religion
and faith, expresses the nature of religion and faith. But
what makes an object a religious one? As we have
seen, only man’s imagination and mind, Whether you

�THE ESSENCE CE RELIGION.

69

worship Jehovah or Apis, the thunder or the Christ, your
shadow, like the negro on the coast of Guinea, or your
soul like the Persian of old, the flatus ventris or your
genius—in short, whether you worship a sensual or spirit­
ual being, it is all the same; something is an object of
religion only in so far as it is an object of imagination
and feeling, an object of faith ; for just because the object
of religion, such as it is its object, does not exist in real­
ity, but rather contradicts the latter, for this very reason
it is only an object of faith. Thus e. g. the immortality
of man, or man as an immortal being is an object of re­
ligion, but for this very reason only an object of faith,
for reality shows just the contrary, the mortality of man.
To believe, means to imagine that something exists which
does not exist; e. g. to imagine that a certain picture is
a living being, that this bread is flesh, wine blood, i. e.,
something which it is not.
Therefore it betrays the
greatest ignorance of religion if you hope to find God
with the telescope in the sky of astronomy, or with a
magnifying glass in a botanical garden, or -with a miner­
alogic hammer in the mines of geology, or with the ana­
tomic knife and microscope in the entrails of animals and
men—you find him only in man’s faith, imagination and
heart; for God himself is nothing but the essence of
man’s imagination and heart.
§ 55. “As your heart, so is your God.” As the
wishes of men, so are their Gods. The Greeks had
limited Gods—that means: they had limited wishes.
The Greeks did not wish to live forever, they only
wished not to grow old and die, and they did not ab­
solutely wish not to die, they only wished not to die
now — unpleasant things always come too soon for
man—only not in the bloom of their age, only not of a

�70

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

violent, painful death ;
they did not wish to be saved
in heaven, only happy, only to live without trouble and
pain; they did not sigh as the Christians do, because
they were subject to the necessity of Nature, to the wants
of sexual instinct, of sleep, of eating and drinking; they
still submitted in their wishes to the limits of human na­
ture ; they were not yet creators from nothing, they did
not yet make wine from water, they only purified and
distilled the water of Nature and changed it in an or­
ganic way into the blood of the Gods; they drew the
contents of divine and blissful life not from mere imagi­
nation, but from the materials of the real world; they
built the heaven of the Gods upon the ground of this
earth. The Greeks did not make the divine, i. e. the
possible being, the original and end of the real one, but
they made the real being the measure of the possible
one. Even when they had refined and spiritualized
their Gods by means of philosophy, their wishes were
founded upon the ground of reality and human nature.
The Gods are realized wishes; but the highest wish, the
highest bliss of the philosopher, of the thinker as such,
is to think undisturbed. The Gods of the Greek philos­
opher—at least of the Greek philosopher par excellence,
of the philosophical Jove, of Aristotle—are therefore un­
disturbed thinkers; their happiness, their divinity, con­
sists in the uninterrupted activity of thinking. But this
activity, this happiness is itself a happiness, real within
this world, within human nature—although here limited
by interruptions—a defined, special, and therefore, in
the conception of Christians, limited and poor happiness
which is contradictory to the essence of true happiness;
for Christians have no limited but an unlimited God, sur­
passing all natural necessity, superhuman, extramundane

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

71

transcendental, i. e. they have unlimited, transcendental
wishes which go beyond the world, beyond Nature, beyond
the essence of man — i. e. absolutely fantastic wishes.
Christians wish to be infinitely greater and happier
than the G-ods of the Olympus ; their wish is a heaven
in which all limits and all necessity of Nature are de­
stroyed and all wishes are accomplished; (26) a heaven
in which there exist no wants, no sufferings, no wounds,
no struggles, no passions, no disturbances, no change
of day and night, light and shade, joy and pain, as
in the heaven of the Greeks. In short the object of their
belief is no longer a limited, defined God, a God with
the determined name of Jove, or Pluto, or Vulcan, but
God without appellation, because the object of their
wishes is not a named, finite, earthly happiness, a deter­
mined enjoyment, such as the enjoyment of love, or of
beautiful music, or of moral liberty, or of thinking, but
an enjoyment which embraces all enjoyments, yet which
for this very reason is a transcendental one, surpassing all
ideas and thoughts, the enjoyment of an infinite, unlim­
ited, unspeakable, indescribable happiness. IT :ppiness
and divinity are the same thing. Happiness as an object
of belief, of imagination, generally as a theoretical object,
is the Deity, the deity as an object of the heart, of the
will, (27) of the wish as a practical object generally, is
happiness. Or rather, the deity is an idea the truth and
reality of which is only happiness. As far as the desire
of happiness goes, so far, and no further, goes the idea of
the deity. He who no longer has any supernatural
wishes, has no longer any supernatural beings either.

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

(1) The theme of this treatise, or at least its starting point, is Religion, Inas­
much as its object is Nature, which I was obliged to disregard in my “Essence of
Christianity,” since the centre of Christianity is not God in Nature, but Godin
man.—[Author’s note].
(2) Nature, according to my conception, is nothing but a general word for
denoting those beings, things and objects which man distir guishes from himself
and his productions, and which he embraces under the common name of “Na­
ture,” but by no means a general being, abstracted and separated from the real
objects and then personified into a mystical existence.
(3) All those qualities which originally are derived only from the contempla­
tion of Nature, become in later times abstract, metaphysical qualities, just as
Nature herself becomes an abstraction or creation of human reason. On this
later standpoint, where man forgets the origin of God in Nature, when God no
longer is an object of the senses, but an imag:nary being, we must sav: God
without human qualities, who is to be distinguished from the properly human
God, is nothing but the essence of reason. So much as regards tbe relation
between this work and my former ones “ Luther” and “The Essence of Christi­
anity.”
(4) This may be true in a logical sense, but never as far as the real genesis is
concerned.
(5) It is self-evident that I do not intend to finally dispose in these few words of
the great problem of the origin of organic life; but they are sufficient for my
argument, as I give here only the indirect proof that life cannot have any other
source but Nature. As regards the direct proofs of natural science, we are still
far from the end, but in comparison with former times—especially in consequence
of .the lately proved identity of organic and inorganic phenomena—at least far
enough to be able to be convinced of the natural origin of life, although the man­
ner of this origin is yet unknown to us, or even if it never should be revealed
unto us.
(6) Under this head we may also mention the many rules of etiquette which the
ancient religions lay upon man in his intercourse with Nature, in order not to
pollute or to violate her. Thus, e. g. no worshiper of Ormuzd was permitted to
tread barefoot on the ground, because earth was sacred; no Greek was allowed
to ford a river with unwashed hands.
(7) The expression for to wish is in the ancient German language the same as
that for to “enchant."
(8) The Gods are blissful beings. The blessing is the result, the fruit, the end
of an action which is independent from, but desired by me. “To bless” says Lu­
ther, “means to wish some thing good." “If we bless, we do nothing else but to
wish something good, but we cannot give what we wish ; but God's blessing sounds
fulfillment and toon proves its effect.” That means : men are desirii.g beings;
the Gods are those beings which fulfill the desire. Thus even in common life the
word God, so frequently used is nothing but the expression of a wish. “ May God
grant you children!” That means : I wish you children, with the only difference
that the latter expression contains the wish as a subjective, not religious one,
while the former implies it as an objective religious one.
(9) Thus in uncultivated times and among uncivilized nations religion may be a
means of civilization, but in times of civilization religion represents the cause of
rudeness, of antiquity, and is hostile to education.

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

73

(10) Under this head we may also consider the adoration of pernicious animals.
(11) Hesiod expressly says ; also pheme (i. e., fame, rumor, public opinion) is a
deity.
(12) The original kings, however, are well to be distinguished from the legiti­
mate ones, so-called. The la tt&lt;r, except in some extraordinary instances, are
ordinary individuals, insignificant in themselves, while the former were extraor­
dinary, distinguished, historical individuals. The deification of distinguished
men, especially after their death, forms therefore the most natural transition
from the properly naturalistic religions to the mythological and anthropological
ones, although it may also take place at the same time with natural adoration.
The worshiping of distinguished men, however, is by no means confined to fab­
ulous times. Thus the Swedes deified their king Erich at the time of Christianity
and sacrificed unto him after his death.
(13) I range here the Greeks with the Israelites, while in my “Essence of
Christianity” I contrast them with each other. This is by no means alogical con­
tradiction, for things which, when compared with one another are different, coin­
cide in comparison with atnird thing. Besides, enjoyment of Nature includes also
her aesthetic, theoretical enjoyment.
(14) An ecclesiastical writer expressively calls man “the tie of all things”
{syndesmon hapanton), because God in him wished to embrace t.l.e universe into a
unity, and because, therefore, in him all things as in their end are combined, and
result in his advantage. And certainly man, as Nature’s individualized essence,
is her conclusion, but not in the anti-natural and supernatural sense of teleology
and theology.
(15) This union, or the amalgamation of the “ moral" and "physical" of the
human and not human being, produces a third, which is neither Nati.re norman,
but which participates of both, like an amphibial, and which, for this very mystery
of its nature, is the idol of mysticism and speculation.

(16) Viewed from this standpoint the creator of Nature is therefore nothing but
the essence of Nature, which, by means of abstracting from Nature, has been dis
tinguished and abstracted from Nature, and such as she is anobject of the senses
and by the power of imagination has been changed into a human or man-like
being, and thus popularized, anthropomorphized, personified.
(17) Thus, generally, in all syllogisms from Nature tb a God, the antecedent,
the presupposition, is a human one; no wonder therefore that their result is a human
being or being similar to man. If the world is a machine there must necessarily be
an architect. If the natural beings are as indifferent toward one another as the
human individuals which can be employed and uni cd only by means of higher
power for any arbitrary purpose of state, as for instance war, there must natu
rally also be a ruler, a governor, a chief general of nature—a captain of the cloud—if she shail not be dissolved into nothing. Thus man first makes Nature un­
consciously a human work, i. e. he makes his essence her fundamental essence,
but as he afterwards or at the same time perceives the difference between the
works of Nature and those of human art, his own essence appears to him as an
other, but analogous, similar one. All arguments for God’s existence have there­
fore only a logical or rather anthropological signification, since also the logical
forms are forms of human nature.
(18) Nature however “cares’’ just as little for the species or genus. The
latter is preserved because it is nothing but the totality of the individuals which

�Y4

-

THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

by coition propagate and multiply themselves. While single individuals are ex­
posed to accidental, destructive influences, others escape them. The plurality is
thus preserved. But still, or rather from the same reasons which cause the single
individual to perish, even species die away. Thus the Dronte has disappeared,
thus the Irish gigantic deer, thus even now-a-days many animal species disappear
in consequence of man’s persecution and of the evermore extencing civilizati n
from regions where they once or even a short time ago still existed in great
numbers, as, e. g. the seal from some inlands ; and in time will disappear entirely
from the earth.
(19) Compare in regard to this matter the expressions of Socrates in Xen­
ophon’s writings as to oracles.

(20) The Christians pray likewise to their God for rain as the Greeks did to
Jove, and believe that they are heard with such prayers. ‘‘There was,” says
Luther, in his table-discourses, “ a great drought, as it had notrained fora long
time, and the grain in the field began to dry up when Dr. M. L. prayed continu­
ally and said finally with heavy sighs: O, Lord, pray regard our petition in behalf
of thy promise.......... I know that we cry to thee and s'gh desirously; why dost
thou not hear us ? And the very next night came a very fine fruitful rain.”

(21) It is true the omission of the limits has increase and change for its conse­
quences ; but it does not destroy the essential identity.
(22) The definition of polytheism generally and without further explanation as
natural religion, holds good only relatively and comparatively.

(23) Arbitrariness in the use of words is unbounded. But still no words are
used so arbitrarily, nor taken in so contradictory significations as the words God
and religion. Whence this arbitrariness and confusion ? Because people from
reverence or from fear to contradict opinions sanctioned by age, retain the old
names (for only the name, the appearance, rules the world, even the world of believers
in God), although they connect entirely different ideas with them which have been
gained only in the course of time. Thus it was in regard to the Grecian Gods
which in the course of time received the most contradictory significations; thus
in regard to the Christian God, Atheism calling itself theism is the religion,
anti-Christianity calling itself Christianity is the true Christianity of the present
day.—Mundus vult decipi.
(24) A being therefore which is only a philosophical principle, and conse­
quently only an object of philosophy, but not of religion, of worship, of prayer,
of the heart; a being that does not accomplish any wishes, nor hear a&gt;'y prayers,
is only a nominal God, but not a God in reality.

(25) While therefore in the paradise of Christian phantasms man could not
die and would not die if he had not sinned, with the Greiks man died even in the
blissful age of Kronos, but as easily as if he fell asleep. In this idea the natural
wish of man is realized. Man does not wish for immortal life; he only wishes
for a long life of physical and mental ht alth and a painless death agreeable to Na­
ture To resign the belief in immortality requires nothing less than an inhuman
Stoic resignation ; it requires nothing but to be convinced that the articles of
the Christian cr&lt; ed are founded only upon supematuralistic, fantastic wishes,
and to return to the simple real nature of man.

�THE ESSENCE OF RELIGION.

75

(26) Luther e.g. says: ‘‘But where God is (i.e. in heaven) there must also he all
good things which even we may possibly wish for.’’ Thus in the Koran, accord­
ing to Savary’s translation it is said of the inhabitants of Paradise : “ Tous leurs
desirs seront combles." (All their wishes will be accomplished.) Only their
wishes are of a different kind.

(27) The will however, especially in the sense of the moralists, does not consti­
tute the specific essence of religion ; because what I can attain by my will, for
that I need no Gods. To make morals the essential cause of religion is to retain
the name of religion, but to drop its essence. One can be moral without God, but
happy—in the supernaturalistic, Christian sense of the word—one cannot be
without God ; for happiness in this sense lies beyond the limits and the power
of Nature and mankind, it therefore presupposes for its realizition a supernatural
being which is and can do, what is impossible to Nature and mankind. If Kant
therefore made morals the essence of religion, he was in the same or at least a
similar relation to Christian religion as Aristotle to the Greek religion, when the
latter made theory the essence of the Gods. As little as a God who is only a spec­
ulative being, nothing but intellect, still is a God, so little a merely moral being
ora “personified law of morals” is still a Ged. It is true, Jove already is also
a philosopher, when he looks smilingly dowu from Olympus upon the struggles of
the Gods, but he is still infinitely more; certainly also the Christian Gad is a
moral being, but still infinitely more ; morals are onlv the condition of happiness.
The true idea which is at the bottom of Christian happiness, especially in contrast
to philosophic heathenism, is however no other than the one, that true happi­
ness can be found only in the gratification of man's whole nature, for which reason
Christianity admits also the body, the flesh, to the participation in the divinity
or what is the same thing, in the enjoyment of happiness. But the development
of this thought does not belong here, it belongs to the “Essence of Christianity.”

�Seleot List of Books published and for sale by Asa K. Butts &amp; Co.

-A. NEW ZKTDITIOUST OF*

BY

O. B. FROTHINGHAM.
‘With Fine Steel Portrait.

One Volume, IQ JVEo. Olotb., $1.50.
“ It is rich, strong, weighty, fresh, original—not merely in the sense of
saying new things, but of stating old tilings in the new light of to-day. *
* * * His book is brave, healthful and heroic from beginning to end.
The two closing chapters are, “The Soul of Good in things Evil/'and
“ The Soul of Truth in Error.” They will help many a sensitive and no­
ble nature in its struggle to save itself from a relapse into Romanism or
Calvinism.”—The Index.
“Frotningham has his feet always on the earth; he knows precisely what
he means to say, and says it. When it is said, he finds—so clear is his
brain, and firm and consecutive his thought- -that it is precisely the state­
ment for which many are waiting, and in which many can sympathize.
“ The careful student must recognize in Frothingham a more original,
more continuous, and far better trained thinker than Parker. Heis intel­
lectually far closer grained; rivets his thoughts together; whereas Parker
was discursive, popular and repeated himself profusely. More than any
man in America, Frothingham occupies the middle ground between Emer­
son and Parker,—sharing the high literary standard of the one with the
other’s hearty allegiance to men and to affairs; and uniting a systematic
method which is all his own.”—T. W. Higginson.

The Influence of Christianity upon Civilization.
BY B. F. UNDERWOOD,
12mo. PAPER, 88 PAGES, 25 CKNTTS.

For Distribution, 10 copies Two Dollars.

By the same Author,

Christianity and. Materialism Contrasted.
12mo. PAPER, 4-3 PAGES, 15 CENTS.

For Distribution, 10 copies One Dollar, 50 copies $4.50.
Any of the above sent free bv mail on receipt of price,

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                <text>The essence of religion : God the image of man. Man's dependence upon nature the last and only source of religion</text>
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                <text>Place of publication: New York&#13;
Collation: iv, 75 p. ; 18 cm.&#13;
Notes: "Forms the basis and substance of the author's larger work, published under the same title, as a complement to his previous: 'Essence of Christianity'."--p. [1]. First published in German in 1845. Publisher's advertisements on back cover. Part of the NSS pamphlet collection.</text>
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                <text>Loos, Alexander (tr)</text>
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.

THE FREE-WILL CONTROVERSY.

BY

THOMAS DANCER HUTCHISON, Ex-Siz. T.C.D.

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS SCOTT,
NO. 11, THE TERRACE, FARQUHAR ROAD,

UPPER NORWOOD, LONDON, S.E.

Price Sixpence.

��ON THE FREE-WILL CONTROVERSY.

HATEVER may be thought of the interest and
importance hitherto attaching to the Problem of
the Human Will, whether regarded as the subject of
religious or of metaphysical disputation, it is certain
that at no period in its history has it come forward
with such weighty and urgent claims to the serious
attention of all thinking men, as in our own immediate
times. Emerging into notoriety some fourteen hun­
dred years ago, in the celebrated Pelagian controversy
concerning human freedom, it was not until the middle
of the seventeenth century that it escaped from the
dark and bewildering mists of theological discussion,
into the higher and serener atmosphere of purely
philosophical enquiry. Eor our own time was reserved
the further step which it was destined to take, and
whereby it has descended from the remoteness of
abstract speculation, to take its place among the
importunate problems of practical life, challenging
with an ever increasing emphasis the exertion of our
highest efforts in its solution.
Tremendous as were the issues that hung upon the
decision of the theological phase of the Free-Will
controversy, it must not be supposed that these issues
were any of them of a distinctively practical character.
Terrible and repugnant as it might well seem to be
forced to regard man “ as incurably wicked—wicked
by the constitution of his flesh, and wicked by eternal
decree—as doomed, unless exempted by special grace

W

�4

On the Free-Will Controversy.

which he cannot merit, or by any effort of his own
obtain, to live in sin while he remains on earth, and to
be eternally miserable when he leaves it,—to regard
him as born unable to keep the commandments, yet
as justly liable to everlasting punishment for break­
ing them,” *—nevertheless these, and all other such
conclusions of theology, left the men by whom they
were entertained, for all practical purposes pretty much
in the same position as that in which they found them.
We do not observe that the possession of a fatalist
creed exercised any blighting or paralysing influence on
the active nature of the great leaders ou the Calvinistic
side: indeed, if we are to believe Mr Froude, “they
were men possessed of all the qualities which give
nobility and grandeur to human nature,—unalterably
just when duty required them to be stern, but with the
tenderness of a woman in their hearts ; frank, true,
cheerful, humorous, as unlike sour fanatics as it is pos­
sible to imagine any one.”
However stupendous, then, the questions involved in
the Arminian controversy concerning Human Freedom,
this much is certain, that these questions had, one and
all' of them, little or no bearing upon the conduct of
men in this present life. As far as external behaviour
went, you would have had no grounds for distinguish­
ing between Libertarian and Calvinist,—between the
man who believed himself to be the arbiter of his own
destiny, and the man who regarded himself as a mere
puppet in the hands of an irresistible and unyielding
external Power.
In a word, the differences which
separated the Calvinist from the Arminian were
theological, not moral,—points of belief, and not of
practice. In matters involving considerations purely
ethical,—good or evil, virtue, responsibility, wrong­
doing—the two antagonistic parties met on common
ground.
While it is thus manifest that the theological phase
* Froude, “ Short Studies,” vol. ii. p. 3.

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

5

of this great controversy is open to the charge of a
want of practical interest, it must at the same time be
allowed that the Problem of the Will, when viewed in
the aspect which it presents to us of the present day,
comes home to men’s business and bosoms with a
cogency and force which are unquestionable. The
main controversy now-a-days lies between those who
uphold the Principle of Determinism, or the uniformity
of Sequence between motive and action, on the one
hand, and the defenders of the metaphysical theory
*
of Pree-Will, on the other. The Determinists maintain
(to use the words of one of the ablest of their number)!
that “ an invariable sequence exists between the sum
of motives present in the mind of a given individual,
and the action (or attempted action) which follows ; ”
and that consequently the phenomena of human voli­
tion constitute a legitimate subject for scientific
explanation, calculation and prediction.
Thus the
great department of human action is brought under the
sway of the law of causation ; and as a necessary result
following the recognition of the correlation between
mental and cerebral changes, the vast principle of the
transformation and equivalence of forces is seen to
embrace and pervade, not only the action, organic and
inorganic, of the external world, but also the widelyextended field of volitional agency, whether individual
or in the aggregate.| It may readily be imagined how
numerous and how momentous are the results of the
application of this Determinist principle or doctrine to
the subjects of morality and education; but its import­
ance does not rest on this alone.
It is made the basis
of a science of politics or sociology, which, applying
the laws of mind to the scientific explanation of the
* We say metaphysical theory, as opposed to the practical feeling
of freedom, which, as J. Stuart Mill points out, (Logic, Bk. vi. ch.
ii.) is in no wise inconsistent with the Determinist, or (as it is
often improperly called), the Necessitarian theory.
+ See
Review for October 1873.
t Cf. Herbert Spencer’s work “ On the Study of Sociology,” p. 6.

�6

On the Free-Will Controversy.

actions of mankind in the aggregate, seeks thereby to
arrive at a system of general principles for the guidance
of the politician. Nay more,—-this principle is at the
very root of the science of Psychology itself; for if we
refuse to acknowledge uniformity of succession in the
phenomena of volition,—if we believe that the normal
action of motives is liable to be at any time neutralised
and superseded, in a manner wholly irregular and un­
foreseeable by us,—then indeed the attempt to establish
any even approximate general principles or laws of the
association and reproduction of ideas becomes as absurd
as it would be to set about developing a science of
mechanics “ on a planet where gravitation was liable to
fits of intermission.” Annihilate the principle of
Determinism, and Mental Science becomes the baseless
fabric of a vision.
Thus it is quite clear that the principle of Determinism,
if admitted to be true, carries with it practical results
of wide and deep importance. To the Determinist, the
ordinary notions of responsibility and punishment will
appear to be merely the vague and unreal products of
the imagination; virtue will be simply good luck, and
vice misfortune, while punishment will be regarded
simply as a means to an end—the end being the refor­
mation of the criminal and the protection of society.
For him, the science of education opens a prospect of
unlimited advancement in the condition of the indi­
vidual ; while Sociology, through the long vista of
future years, gives glimpses of a coming golden age.
He is possessed with the idea “ of the gradual develop­
ment of the human mind—of the spiritual unity of the
human race; ” and throughout the troubles and
anxieties that attend the fluctuating and often appar­
ently retrogressive movement of his day, he is sustained
and cheered by a firm belief in the mighty “ human
organism, fraught with the vast results of ages, and big
with a life which stretched over myriads of years,” *
* WWwi winter Review for October 1860, p. 308.

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

7

ever slowly growing more and more unto the light of
perfect day.
It need hardly be said that all this is absolutely
incompatible with the Libertarian’s creed. He believes
that the phenomena of volition are marked out in the
strongest manner from all other phenomena whatever ;
that whereas by reason of the uniformity of sequence
which is permitted to prevail in the material world, the
whole of the vast department of physical phenomena
forms a legitimate subject for scientific explanation and
prediction, the individual and collective action of man­
kind, on the contrary, admits neither “ scientific calcu­
lations before the fact,” nor “scientific explanations
after the fact.” His theory maintains that there is
inherent in man a mysterious power, completely inde­
pendent of motives, and capable of acting against the
preponderance of them—“ as if ” (to quote the words of
Dr Carpenter), “ when one scale of a balance is inclining
downwards, a hand placed on the beam from which the
ocher scale is suspended, were to cause that lighter
scale to go down.” It arrogates for man a faculty of
■undetermined Choice, called forth indeed into active
operation on the presentation of some motive or
motives to the mind, but in no wise conditioned or
coerced by their influence. This notion of an undeter­
mined power of choice is regarded by those who hold
the doctrine of Dree Will as a necessary factor in our
common emotions of admiration, disapprobation, and
contrition. “ If there is no free choice ” (says Mr
Froude), “ the praise or blame with which we regard
one another are impertinent and out of place.”
Of course, those who maintain this theory ipso facto
deny the possibility of the sciences of Psychology and
Sociology, together with the fair hopes which they
hold out to us. Mr Froude talks of the time 11 when
the speculative formulas into which we have mapped
out the mysterious continents of the spiritual world
shall have been consigned to the place already thronged

�8

On the Free-Will Controversy.

with the ghosts of like delusions which have had their
day and perished ”—thus contemplating the possible
collapse of Psychology at some future day. He scouts
at the notion of a science of History (i.e., a social
science developed after the Deductive or Historic
method) so long as “ natural causes are liable to be set
aside and neutralised by what is called volition.” True,
men are “ at least half animals, and are subject in this
aspect of them to the conditions of animals. So far as
those parts of man’s doings are concerned, which
neither have, nor have had, anything moral about
them, so far the laws of him are calculable. . . . But
pass beyond them, and where are we 1 In a world
where it would be as easy to calculate man’s actions by
laws like those of positive philosophy as to measure
the orbit of Neptune with a foot-rule, or weigh Sirius
in a grocer’s scale.”
After what has been already said, it will be readily
admitted that the decision of the Pree Will question
at the present day, carries with it results of no small
practical importance, and that it is manifestly incuim
bent on us to put forth our best efforts in the attempt
to solve it. In some quarters, indeed, our endeavours
would meet with small encouragement. Many persons
—notably, Professor Huxley—believe that the battle
between Libertarian and Necessitarian is destined for
ever to remain a drawn one. But it is only right that
before we acquiesce in so disheartening an opinion, we
should ourselves review with some carefulness the con­
troversy as it stands at present, and try to find out
whether after all the battle does not afford us indica­
tions, however faint, of a definite issue.
“The advocate of Eree Will appeals to conscience
and instinct—to an b priori sense of what ought in
equity to be. The Necessitarian falls back upon the
experienced reality of facts.” * It is admitted on all
hands that the testimony of experience is in favour of
* Froude, “Short Studies,” vol. i. p. 4.

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

9

necessity. Thus even Mr Mansel writes :—“ Were it
not for the direct testimony of my own consciousness
to my own freedom, I could regard human actions only
as necessary links in the endless chain of phenomenal
cause and effect/ * This fact, when taken in connec­
tion with the extremely unique and exceptional nature
of the Free Will theory (according to which there is,
as Herbert Spencer says, “ one law for the rest of the
universe, and another law for mankind ”), seems fully
to justify the enquiry whether in thus denying the
universality of the law of uniform Succession, men may
not be under the influence of some bias which misleads
their judgment. Now, it is a well known fact that
the universality of this law has often been denied, both
in ancient and in modern times, the supposed excep­
tions to it being always some one or other of the more
mysterious and apparently unpredictable phenomena of
nature. Thus Sokrates denied that Astronomy or
Physical Philosophy in general were fit subjects for
human study, maintaining that these two departments
were under the immediate and special control of the
gods. We are all familiar with that type of the pietist
which sees the handiwork of an all-wise and doubt­
less retributory Providence in each of the petty acci­
dents of life —so long as these be advantageous to
himself or calamitous merely to his neighbour.t This
attitude of mind is well illustrated by the following
story, which Dean Stanley relates as having been told
of a late dignitary of the Church by himself :—“ A
friend,” he used to relate, “ invited me to go out with
him on the water. The sky was threatening, and I
declined. At length he succeeded in persuading me,
and we embarked. A squall came on, the boat
lurched, and my friend fell overboard. Twice he sank,
* “ Metaphysics,” p. 168.
t “ Think ye that those eighteen upon the tower of Siloam fell,”
is the characteristic lesson of the Gospel on the occasion of any
sudden visitation. Yet it is another reading of such calamities
which is commonly insisted upon.”—“ Essays and Reviews,” p. 365.

�IO

On the Free-Will Controversy.

and twice he rose to the surface. He placed his hands
on the prow, and endeavoured to climb in. There was
great _ apprehension lest he should upset the boat.
Pt ovidentially I had brought my umbrella with me.
I had the presence of mind to strike him two or three
hard blows over the knuckles. He let go his hand,
and sank. The boat righted itself, and we were saved.”
Mr Huxley reminds us of the vast difference between
our mode of accounting for the Great Plague and the
Great Fire which devastated London in the 17th cen­
tury, and that which recommended itself to our ances­
*
tors.
It can hardly be asserted even of the most
cultivated classes of this country, that there prevails
amongst them a unanimous belief in the uniformity of
physical phenomena. The Prayer Book of the Estab­
lished Church of England still contains prayers for
rain and for fair weather ; and a public Thanksgiving
was celebrated not long since on the recovery of the
heir to the Throne from a dangerous illness ; though
in this latter case (as Herbert Spencer points out) a
different interpretation of the issue would seem to be
indicated by the conferring of a baronetcy upon the
attendant physician. The doctrine of a particular
providence, as it is preached from our pulpits, while
conceding the prevalence of law in all those phenomena
which are familiar and thoroughly understood, main­
tains that in the as yet unexplained mysteries of nature
(such as the changes of the weather, the process of
deliberative thought, &amp;c.), the Deity may and does
direct the course of nature according to his pleasure.
We see then that there is, and always has been, in the
human mind a tendency to refer all the apparently
irregular and unforeseeable phenomena of nature to the
agency of some free and unconditioned power. Viewed
in the light of this fact, the undoubtedly complex and
(to all appearance) variable nature of volitional action
“ Lay Sermons: Essay pn the Advisableness of Improving'
Natural Knowledge.”

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

11

assumes at once a deep significance in the explanation of
the origin of the Free Will hypothesis.
Another influence modifying our conceptions of the
will is to he found in the conservative power which
language exercises over our thoughts and beliefs. It
is notorious that the Libertarian theory can claim a far
higher antiquity than its rival; indeed, even during
the period in which speech was in process of formation,
some conception more or less crude of Indeterminism
must have prevailed amongst mankind. This concep­
tion has by means of language become fixed and
crystallised in the general mind, to such a degree that
it is only by means of a considerable effort, and after
some practice, that we can entertain the notion of an
unbroken sequence of antecedent and consequent in the
world of human action. Thus it is seen that a potent
influence on the side of the Free-Will theory is con­
stantly at work in the language of every-day life.
Here too we must call attention to the unfortunate
complication which has been introduced into the Pro­
blem of the Will by the general adoption of the figure
embodied in the terms “ Freedom of the Will,”
“ NecessityI’ and others of like nature. This metaphor
originated with the Stoics, who declared the virtuous
man to be free, the vicious man to be a slave. It was
subsequently adopted, and applied in a similar sense,
by Philo Judaeus and the early Christian Fathers. It
need hardly be said that this figure was addressed to
the heart rather than to the understanding; “as
regards appropriateness in everything but the associa­
tions of dignity and indignity” says Professor Bain,
“ no metaphor could have been more unhappy. So far
as the idea of subjection is concerned, the virtuous man
is the greater slave of the two.” * The epithet “ free ”
was subsequently adopted by those who controverted
the Predestinarian theories of Augustine.
This
theologian taught that all men were the slaves of some
* Bain, “Mental and Moral Science,”p. 398.';

�12

Qn the Free-Will Controversy.

external constraining power—the elect being subject
to irresistible grace, and the reprobate to original sin.
As opposed to this notion of external compulsion, the
term Free-Will had a definite intelligible meaning.
Augustine maintained that for every man there existed
a certain class of motives, the due operation of which
in arousing him to volitional action was hindered by
some external force—that the elect were restrained
from sinning, and the reprobate from doing what was
good. This was evidently to suspend volitional action,
quite as much as it is suspended when men are thrown
into prison; and in opposition to this notion, any
conscious being “under a motive to act, and not
interfered with by any other being, is to all intents
free ; ” * and this moreover is the only meaning which
can possibly be attached to the word Freedom. But,
most unhappily, after the emergence of the theory of
determinism in the writings of Hobbes and his followers,
this term “ Freedom of the Will ” was borrowed from the
ancient theological controversy by the opponents of the
new philosophical system, and, carrying with it all the
inveterate and potent associations of dignity which had
belonged to it in its former employment, thus intro­
duced an emotional bias of immense force into the
question now at issue. The Determinists were called
Necessitarians, and their antagonists were men who
upheld the Freedom of the Human Will. In conse­
quence of the associations attaching to these words,
necessity and freedom, it came to pass that “ the
doctrine of causation, when considered as obtaining
between our volitions and their antecedents, was almost,
universally conceived as involving more than uniform
sequence.................Even if the reason repudiated, the
imagination retained, the feeling of some more intimate
connection, of some peculiar tie, or mysterious con­
straint exercised by the antecedent over the consequent.
Now this it was which, considered as applying to
the human will, conflicted with men’s consciousness
* Bain, “ Mental and Moral Science,” p. 398.

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

13

and revolted their feelings. They were certain that, in
the case of their volitions, there was not this mysterious
constraint. They felt, that if they wished to prove
that they had the power of resisting the motive, they
could do so (that wish being, it needs scarcely he
observed, a new antecedent;) and it would have been
humiliating to their pride, and (what is of more import­
ance) paralysing to their desire of excellence, had they
thought otherwise. But neither is any such mysterious
compulsion now supposed, by the best philosophical
authorities, to be exercised by any other cause over its
effect. Those who think that causes draw their effects
after them by a mystical tie, are right in believing that
the relation between volitions and their antecedents is
of another nature. But they should go further, and
admit that this is also true of all other effects and their
antecedents. If such a tie is considered to be involved
in the word necessity, the doctrine is not true of human
actions ; but neither is it then true of inanimate objects.
It would be more correct to say that matter is not
bound by necessity, than that mind is so.” *
There is a further emotional influence tending to
foster the belief in Free-Will which must be briefly
noticed here. It is manifest that when men claim to
have a direct consciousness of liberty, they are thinking,
not so much of their past conduct as of their future and
yet unrealised volitions. With regard to the past, as has
already been remarked, most persons are ready to admit
that experience proves their actions to have uniformly
followed some preponderating motive. Now the con­
templation of a man’s past history does not, in the
majority of cases, bring with it any keen emotions of
pride or satisfaction ; too often it is but the record of
the conquest of temporary fleeting solicitations of the
present over the permanent interests embodied in our
more comprehensive and ideal motives. Hence the
belief that our course of action will be pretty much the
* J. S. Mill, “ Logic,” Bk. vi., Chap, ii., § 2.

&gt;

�14

On the Free-Will Controversy.

same in the future as it has been in the past is one
which administers a heavy blow to our feelings of self­
satisfaction and of power ; and we are apt under the
influence of these feelings to imagine that in our future
course of life the higher and more permanent aims will,
through the operation of our hitherto inactive power of
Free Choice, predominate over the more sensual and
transient motives,—“the fleeting actualities of pleasure
and pain.” Here also, then, it is evident that the
notion of an undetermined Will finds strong support in
the natural instincts of emotion.
In concluding this portion of our subject, it will be
necessary to call attention to a well-known infirmity of
thought, which plainly operates in favour of the per­
sistence of Libertarianism. We allude to the strong
tendency existing in the mind to objectify, or ascribe
separate existence to, its abstractions. “ Mankind in
all ages have had a strong propensity to conclude that
wherever there is a name, there must be a distinguish­
able separate entity corresponding to the name ; and
every complex idea which the mind has- formed for
itself by operating upon its conceptions of individual
things, was considered to have an outward objective
reality answering to it. Fate, Chance, Nature, Time,
Space, were real beings, nay, even gods. In ancient
times to the vulgar and to the scientific alike, whiteness
was an entity, inhering or sticking in the white sub­
stance : and so of all other qualities.” * Language
favours this fallacious tendency of the mind; the
abstract name (“alike the facility and the snare of
general expression,” as it has been aptly described), is
generally understood to denote something more than
the bare fact of similarity between a number of objects,
some mysterious entity wherebij they resemble each
other as they do, and which resides in each and all
of them. We are inclined to believe that for every
name there must be a corresponding thing. In this
* Mill, “ Logic,” Bk. v., Chap, iii., § 4.

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

*5

manner, after that men had fonnd it convenient to
frame a general term which should embrace all volitional
phenomena, the constant employment of this term
(velle “to will,”) easily generated a belief in some
mysterious entity or power, underlying all volitional
action, and originating within itself all those effects of
“deliberating, weighing, and choosing,” which con­
stituted the most obvious common element originally
embodied in the abstract idea of Will. Just as the
Eleatic Philosophy taught that a peculiar entity or sub­
stance, to sv or Oneness, inhered in all things which are
said to be one, so did men frame for themselves
“ the conception of an underlying substantive power,
the will, from which all single acts of volition were
supposed to emanate.”*
Having now enumerated some of the principal
psychological causes for the wide and early prevalence,
and the long continuance of the doctrine of Free-Will,
we will now proceed to pass in review some of the de­
finitions of freedom which have been advanced by the
upholders of this doctrine. In doing so, we shall pass
over without comment the theological phase of the
controversy, as conducted on principles, and proceed­
ing by a method wholly alien to the spirit of scientific
enquiry, and we shall commence with a notice of
Descartes, who may be said to be the first of the purely
philosophical libertarians.
Descartes was a cotemporary of Hobbes, the first
philosopher who consistently taught and believed the
doctrine of Determinism. It would be a mistake, how­
ever, to suppose that in writing on the subject of the
Will, Descartes had any conception of this doctrine in
his mind; for the pamphlet in which Hobbes made
known his system to the world was not published until
* Westminster Review, July 1871. Whoever desires to attain to an
adequate conception of the various causes of the genesis and per­
sistence of Libertarianism, cannot do better than read the masterly
article on the subject contained in this number of the Review.

�16

On the Free-Will Controversy.

after the year 1655, while the writings in which
Descartes’ opinions concerning the Will are chiefly
found, appeared at Paris in the year 1641. As might
have been expected, then, Descartes’ doctrine of FreeWill was set up in opposition, not to Determinism, but
to that system of Necessitarianism or Fatalism with
which Bishop Butler deals in his Analogy, and which,
it need hardly be said, is altogether distinct from and
incompatible with the Determinist theory. Accord­
ingly, Descartes’ definition of Freedom is such as might
be conscientiously adopted by the most scrupulous of
Determinists. “ The power of will,” he says, “ consists
in this alone, that in pursuing or shunning what is
proposed to us by the understanding, we so act that
we are not conscious of being determined to a particular
action by any external force.
*
This is a perfectly
truthful, though inadequate, definition of the Will,
and it is with strict justice that Descartes replies to
Hobbes (who had remarked on the passage quoted
above, that it assumed, without proving, the doctrine
of Free-Will) • “ I have assumed or advanced nothing
concerning Freedom, save that which we experience to
be true every day of our lives, and which the light of
nature plainly teaches us.” * That Descartes was not
far off from Determinism in his views is seen from his
remarks on Indifference. “ In order to be free,” he
says, “ it is not necessary that I should be indifferent
as to the choice of one or other of two contrary things.
Nay, rather, the more I incline towards one .thing
(whether because I see clearly that right and truth agree
in it, or because God has so ordered the course of my
feelings), with so much the greater freedom do I make
my choice and adhere to that thing. And assuredly the
grace of God and my natural understanding, far from
diminishing my freedom, augment it and strengthen it
ratherj so that the indifference which I feel when I
am not led away on one side more than on the other by
♦ Q.uatrieme Meditation.

+ Troisieme Response.

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

17

the influence of any motive, is the lowest kind of
liberty, and indicates rather a defect in knowledge than
a perfection of the will. For if I always knew clearly
what was true and what was good, I would never have
to go to the trouble of deliberating what decision and
what choice I should make; and so I should be per­
fectly free without ever being indifferent.
*
Accord­
ing to Descartes, then, “ every sentient being, under a
motive to act, and not interfered with by any other
being, is to all intents freef’t and thus “the fox
impelled by hunger, and proceeding unmolested to the
poultry yard, would be a free agent.But this, it
needs hardly be said, is precisely the teaching of De­
terminism. Indeed Descartes has fallen short of that
system merely in so far as he has admitted the con­
ception of a liberty of indifference. This is, of course,
to give a double sense to the word liberty, and so to
confuse the question not a little. But we have already
seen that on this point Descartes speaks with hesitation,
and we may safely agree with Professor Bain in regard­
ing him as “ willing to give up the liberty of in­
difference,” while anxious to establish the internal feel­
ing of freedom.
While Descartes is thus to be regarded merely as the
exponent of the popular practical feeling of liberty
protesting against the paralysing creed of fatalism, or
of an overruling and irresistible external power which
guides men’s actions irrespective of their will; Clarke,
Price, and Reid, on the other hand, have each framed
definitions of Freedom, having special reference to, and
combating, the doctrine of Determinism. Clarke and
Price agree in making freedom to consist in a power of
self-motion or self-determination, -which in all animate
agents, is spontaneity, in moral agents, is liberty. How,
they asked, can it be supposed that motives are the
immediate cause of action ? It is true that our faculty
* Quatrifeme Meditation.
I Bain, “Mental and Moral Science,” page 398.
t Bain, “Mental and Moral Science,” p. 398.
B

�18

On the Free-Will Controversy.

of self-determination is never called forth into action
save on the presentation of some end or design to the
mind. But it is unmeaning to make such ends or
motives the physical causes of action. “ Our ideas may
be the occasion of our acting, but are certainly
not mechanical efficients.” “ If,” says Clarke, “ every
action of man is to be regarded as determined by some
motive, then either abstracted notions (t.e. motives)
have a real subsistence (which would be Realism),
or else what is not a substance can put a body in
motion.”* According to Leibnitz, the will is to be
compared to a balance, whose motion one way or an­
other is determined by the weights in the scales (the
motives). In the opinion of Clarke and his followers,
however, the true comparison would be to a hand
placed on either side of the beam, and determining the
motion of the scales irrespective of, and possibly in
opposition to, the preponderance of weights.
In thus assimilating Spontaneity and Freedom,
Clarke and Price laid themselves open to the severe
criticism of Sir W. Hamilton, who writes (note to
Reid on “The Active Powers”):—“The Liberty from
Co-action or Violence—the Liberty of Spontaneity—is
admitted by all parties; is common equally to brutes
and men; is not a peculiar quality of the Will; and
is, in fact, essential to it, for the will cannot possibly
be forced.
The greatest spontaneity is the greatest
necessity. Thus a hungry horse, who turns of necessity
to food, is said, on this definition of liberty, to do so
with freedom, because he does so spontaneously; and,
in general, the desire of happiness, which is the most
necessary tendency, will, on this application of the
term, be the most free. The definition of liberty
given by the celebrated advocate of moral freedom,
Dr Samuel Clarke, is in reality only that of the liberty
of spontaneity.”
But while Clarke and Price, by incautiously identi* For an explanation of the misconception involved here, see
Bain “ Mind and Body,” pp. 76, 132.

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

i9

fying spontaneity and liberty, were guilty of confusing
together the freedom of self-determination with the
freedom which is opposed to external constraint (i.e.,
the “ liberty from co-action” of Hamilton, Reid is
careful to withhold from the brute creation the posses­
sion of any faculty analogous to our volitional power.
Reid, Clarke, and Price, however, unite in regarding
this power as a faculty of self-determination. “ By the
liberty of a Moral Agent,” says Reid, “I understand
a power over the determinations of his own will.” “A
free agent,” says Clarke, “when there is more than one
perfectly reasonable way of acting (i.e., when there is
a perfect equilibrium of motives), has still within itself,
by virtue of its self-motive principle, a power of acting.”
This notion of a self-determining agent has been criti­
cally examined both by Edwards and Hamilton, a brief
outline of whose remarks on the subject will next he given.
Edwards starts by proclaiming the inconceivability
of such a notion as that of self-determination. The
Will, he says, is said to determine its own acts. Now, /
it is manifest that it can do this solely by means of an
act of volition ; for (to quote Hamilton’s words) “ it is
only through a rational determination or volition that
we can freely exert power.” But if this be so, then it
follows that every free volitional act requires a preceding
volition to constitute it free; and so on ad infinihtm.
This evidently is to bring the matter to an absurdity.
If it be answered that the act of determining the
volitional action, and the act of willing, are one and
the same, then the obvious rejoinder is, that a free
action is determined by nothing, and is entirely un­
caused. Self-determinism, therefore, is a misnomer,
and the correct name for such a creed is Indeterminism.
Now Indeterminism teaches that the actions of our will
do not originate in any causes. It therefore contradicts
the law of causality. But if this law be made void,
then the foundation of all reasoning—nay, the only
possible proof for the existence of God—will have
vanished; and there will remain nothing save the

�20

On the Free-Will Controversy.

fleeting thoughts present to our consciousness, of the
existence of which we can be certain.
*
Nor is Sir William Hamilton less emphatic when he
exposes the inconsistent and inconceivable character of
Heid’s definition of Freedom. “According to Reid,” he
writes, “ Moral Liberty does not merely consist in
doing wliat we will, but in the power of willing what
we will. For a power over the determinations of our
will supposes an act of will that our will should deter­
mine so and so. . . . But here question upon question
remains (and this ad infinitum)—Have we a power (a
will) over such anterior will ? And until this question
shall be distinctively answered, we must be unable to
conceive the possibility of the fact of Liberty I’
To those Libertarians who endeavoured to evade the
charge of denying causality by affirming that the per­
son was the cause of his volitions, Hamilton puts the
question :—“ Is the person an original undetermined
cause of the determination of his will ? If he be not,
then he is not a free agent, and the scheme of Necessity
is admitted. If he be, in the first place, it is imposs­
ible to concewe the possibility of this; and, in the
second, if the fact, though inconceivable, be allowed, it
is impossible to see how a cause, undetermined by any
motive, can be a rational, moral, and accountable cause.”
But while Sir William Hamilton insisted so unspar­
ingly on the inconceivability of the liberty of a moral
agent as defined by Reid, and on the fact that, if
conceived, it could only be conceived as morally worth­
less, it is nevertheless notorious that he regarded this
* “To show that any doctrine contradicted the law of cause and
effect was, Edwards conceived, a perfect reductio ad absurdum. He
did not anticipate that anyone would impugn the universality of
cause and effect.” Some Libertarians, endeavouring to save the
law of causation by a verbal quibble, asserted that the soul was the
cause of its volitions. “Edwards answers, that this may explain
why the soul acts at all, but not why it acts in a particular manner.
And unless the soul produce diverse acts, it cannot produce diverse
effects, otherwise the same cause, in the same circumstances, would
produce different effects at different times.”—Bain, Mental and
Moral Science, page 417.

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

21

definition as correct, and that he was a strenuous
upholder of the doctrine of self-determination. Hamil­
ton adopts a peculiar attitude towards the controversy
of the Will, and his positions on this subject cannot be
understood without a reference to his general philo­
sophical system. In this system a very prominent
place is assigned to what he calls the Law of the
Conditioned, which is expressed thus :—“ All that is
conceivable in thought lies between two extremes,
which, as contradictory of each other, cannot both be
true, but of which, as mutual contradictories (by the
Law of Excluded Middle), one must.’" This law
Hamilton illustrates by adducing our conceptions of
Space and Time. “ Space must be bounded or not
bounded, but we are unable to conceive either alter­
native. We cannot conceive space as a whole, beyond
which there is no further space.
Neither can we
conceive space as without limits. Let us imagine space
never so large, we yet fall infinitely short of infinite
space. But finite and infinite space are contradictories ;
therefore, although we are unable to conceive either
alternative, one must be true and the other false. The
conception of Time illustrates the same law. Starting
from the present, we cannot think past time as
bounded, as beginning to be. On the other hand, we
cannot conceive time going backwards without end ;
eternity is too big for our imaginations. Yet time had
either a beginning or it had not. Thus ‘ the con­
ditioned or the thinkable lies between two extremes or
poles ; and these extremes or poles are each of them
unconditioned, each of them inconceivable, each of
them exclusive or contradictory of the other.’ ” *
To apply this doctrine to the subject of the Will;
the two unconditioned extremes or poles are here
represented by the contradictory doctrines of Deter­
minism and Casualism (or the self-determinist theory
of Liberty). These two contradictory schemes are
* Bain’s Compendium of Mental and Moral Science, Appendix
B, p. 68.

�22

On the Free-Will Controversy.

equally inconceivable. “ For, as we cannot compass
in thought an undetermined cause, an absolute com­
mencement—the fundamental hypothesis of the one ;
so we can as little think an infinite series of determined
causes—of relative commencements,-—the fundamental
hypothesis of the other. The champions of the opposite
doctrines are thus at once resistless in assault and
impotent in defence. The doctrine of Moral Liberty
cannot be made conceivable, for we can only conceive
the determined and the relative.
*
All that can be
done is to show, (1.) That, for the fact of Liberty, we
have immediately or mediately, the evidence of con­
sciousness ; and (2.) that there are, among the
phenomena of mind, many facts which we must admit
as actual, but of whose possibility we are wholly unable
to form any notion.” Thus according to Hamilton,
the inconceivability of the self-determinist scheme is
counterbalanced by a co-equal inconceivability in the
doctrine of determinism, and the scale is turned in
favour of self-determinism by the testimony, mediate
or immediate, of consciousness.
If Sir William Hamilton has displayed no small
stringency in his destructive criticisms upon the defini­
tions of Freedom coming from Clarke and Reid, and
has thus saved his adversaries a considerable amount
of trouble by vigorously demolishing his friends, his
own peculiar doctrines, on the other hand, have been
subjected to an examination no less searching and no
less destructive, by the illustrious philosopher recently
gone from among us, John Stuart Mill. In one of the
concluding chapters of his masterly work, the
“ Examination of Sir W. Hamilton’s Philosophy,”
Mill enters upon a minute and exhaustive discussion
on the subject of the Will, and of the Libertarian
theories of it. After severely censuring Hamilton for
his attempt to give a fictitious importance to his
doctrine of Freedom by representing it as affording the
* It has already been pointed out that Hamilton rejects the
evasive quibble that the soul is the cause of our volitions.

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

23

only valid argument in support of the existence of God,
he proceeds :—“ Let us concede to Hamilton the co­
equal inconceivability of the conflicting hypothesis, an
uncaused commencement and an infinite regress. But
this choice of inconceivabilities is not offered to us in
the case of volitions only. We are held, as he not only
admits but contends, to the same alternative in all
cases of causation whatever. But we find our way out
of the difficulty, in other cases, in quite a different
manner. In the case of every other kind of fact, we
do not elect the hypothesis that the event took place
without a cause : we accept the other supposition, that
of a regress, not indeed to infinity, but either generally
into the region of the unknowable, or back to a
universal cause, regarding which, as we are only con­
cerned with it in relation to what it preceded, and not
as itself preceded by anything, we can afford to make
a plain avowal of our ignorance.” Now why do we
thus, in all cases save only our volitions, accept the
alternative of regress ? “ Apparently it is because the
causation hypothesis, inconceivable as he ” (Hamilton)
“ may think it, possesses the advantage of having
experience on its side. And how or by what evidence
does experience testify to it? Not by disclosing any
nexus between the cause and the effect, any sufficient
reason in the cause itself why the effect should follow
it. ■ No philosopher now makes this supposition, and
Sir W. Hamilton positively disclaims it. What
experience makes known, is the fact of an invariable
sequence between every event and some special com­
bination of antecedent conditions, in such sort that
wherever and whenever that union of antecedents
exists, the event does not fail to occur. Any 'must in
the case, any necessity, other than the unconditional
universality of the fact, we know nothing of. Still
this a posteriori “does,” though' not confirmed by an
a priori “ must,” decides our choice between the two
inconceivables, and leads us to the belief that every
event within the phenomenal universe, except human

�24

On the Free-Will Controversy.

volitions, is determined to take place by a cause. Now
the so-called Necessitarians demand the application of
the same rule of judgment to our volitions. They
maintain that there is the same evidence for it. They
affirm as a truth of experience that volitions do, in
point of fact, follow determinate moral antecedents with
the same uniformity and . . . with the same certainty
as physical effects follow their physical causes. . . .
Whether they must do so, I acknowledge myself to be
entirely ignorant, be the phenomenon moral or
physical; and I condemn accordingly the word
necessity as applied to either case. All I know is that
they do.”*
The testimony of experience, then, which is admitted
on all hands to be in favour of (so called) Necessity, is
that on which the Determinists ground their system.
The Libertarians, on the other hand, agree in claiming
the evidence of consciousness as making for their side.
“We have by our constitution,” says Reid, “a natural
conviction or belief that we act freely.” In his notes
to Reid’s essay on the Active Powers, Hamilton
hesitates between regarding the sense of freedom as an
ultimate datum of consciousness, and treating it as
involved in our consciousness of the law of moral
obligation or responsibility; in his lectures on Meta­
physics, however, he speaks of it more plainly as a fact
of which we are directly conscious. Is it really the
case, then, asks Mill, that the admitted testimony of
man’s universal experience, is hopelessly at variance
with the testimony of his consciousness 1 If this b.e so,
then is the mental philosopher in an unenviable plight
indeed. But let us examine more nearly what is meant
by the testimony of consciousness. “ To be conscious
of free-will, must mean, to be conscious before I have
decided that I am able to decide either way. Exception
may be taken, in limine, to the use of the word
consciousness in such an application. Consciousness
tells me what I do or feel. But what I am able to do,
* “ Examination of Sir W. Hamilton's Philosophy,” p. 500.

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

25

is not a subject of consciousness. Consciousness is
not prophetic; we are conscious of what is, not of
what will or can be. We never know that we are able
to do a thing except from having done it or something
equal or similar to it. . . . If our so-called conscious­
ness of what we are able to do is not borne out by
experience, it is a delusion. It has no title to credence
but as an interpretation of experience, and if it is a
false interpretation it must give way.” Our so-called
consciousness of, or belief in, freedom, therefore, must
be an interpretation of our past experience, i.e., with
regard to foregone acts of deliberation and choice, we
must be conscious that we could have decided the
other way; “ but, the truth is, not unless we preferred
that way. When we imagine ourselves acting differ­
ently from what we did, we think of a change in the
antecedents, as by knowing something that we did not
know. Mill therefore altogether disputes the assertion
that we are conscious of being able to act in opposition
to the strongest present desire or aversion.”*
Having in this manner pointed out the error of those
who claim the testimony of consciousness in support of
the Freedom or Indeterminatensss of the will, Mill
proceeds to consider the other position assumed by
Hamilton, viz., that the fact of freedom is involved in
our consciousness of moral obligation or responsibility.
To quote Hamilton’s words :—“ Our consciousness of
the moral law, which, without a moral liberty in man,
would be a mendacious imperative, gives a decisive
preponderance to the doctrine of freedom over the
doctrine of fate. We are free in act, if we are account­
able for our actions.” Now this is the main argument
of the Indeterminist; it seeks to establish the doctrine
of free-will by representing it as inextricably involved
in the common conception of accountability or moral
desert, so that the two must stand or fall together.
There is not a writer on the side of Libertarianism who
has not dwelt with emphasis upon this argument.
* Bain, “Mental and Moral Science,” p. 427.

�26

On the Free-Will Controversy.

Thus Reid writes, “Let us suppose a man necessarily
determined in all cases to will and to do what is best
to be done • he would surely be innocent and inculp­
able. But as far as I am able to judge, he would not
be entitled to the esteem and moral approbation of
those who knew and believed this necessity. . . . On
the other hand, if a man be necessarily determined to
do ill, this case seems to me to move pity, but not dis­
approbation.
He was ill because he could not be
otherwise. Who can blame him ? Necessity has no
law.” “If there is no free choice,” writes Mr Froude,
“ the praise or blame with which we regard one another
are impertinent and out of place.”* “ Man,” says
Hamilton in another place, “ is a moral agent only as
he is unaccountable for his actions—in other words, as
he is the object of praise or blame ; and this he is only
inasmuch as he has prescribed to him a rule of duty,
and as he is able to act, or not to act, in conformity
with its precepts.
The possibility of morality thus
depends on the possibility of liberty; for if a man be
not a free agent he is not the author of his actions, and
has, therefore, no responsibility,—no moral personality
at all.”
Now, in order to determine whether freedom from
causation is involved in the notion of moral responsi­
bility, we shall be obliged to subject that notion to a
careful analysis. What, then, is meant by the feeling
of responsibility? Simply a conviction that if we
committed certain actions, we should deserve punish­
ment for so doing. A sense of responsibility is pre­
cisely identical with a sense of the justice of punish­
ment. Now, punishment presupposes Law, of which
it is the sanction, i.e., to ensure obedience to -which it
is inflicted on the disobedient. Accountability, then,
or responsibility, involves a sense of the justice of Law;
and the question before us resolves itself into this—Is
it necessary to assume that human voluntary action is
undetermined by any moral antecedents, in order to
* Quoted before on p. 7.

�On the Free-Will Controversy.
justify the institution of law and punishment ? So far
is this from being the case, that (to use the words of
Herbert Spencer) “ if there is no natural causation
throughout the actions of incorporated humanity,
government and legislation are absurd. Acts of Par­
liament may, as well as not, be made to depend on the
drawing of lots or the tossing of a coin; or, rather,
there may as well be none at all.”* The exigencies of
human society require that restrictions should be placed
upon the conduct of the individuals who together make
it up ; this justifies the institution of Law. The justi­
fication of Punishment absolutely necessitates the
assumption that men’s actions follow the law of cause
and effect. “ Unless pain, present or prospective,
impels hnman beings to avoid whatever brings it, and
to perform whatever delivers from it, punishment has
no relevance, whether the end be the benefit of the
society, or the benefit of the offender, or both to­
gether.’’ f It may be asked—“ Is it just to punish a
man for what he cannot help ? Certainly it is, if
punishment is the only means by which he can be
enabled to help it.
Punishment is inflicted as a
means towards an end—that is to say, if our volitions
are not determined by motives, then punishment is
without justification. If an end is justifiable, the sole
and necessary means to that end must be justifiable.
Now the Necessitarian theory proceeds upon two ends
—the benefit of the offender himself and the protection
of others. To punish a child for its benefit, is no
more unjust than to administer medicine.” J
Such is a brief outline of Mill’s answer to the
position of Hamilton, that freedom is involved in our
consciousness of moral responsibility. Those who wish
to examine the arguments on both sides in detail, will
find them in the 26th chapter of Mill’s “Examination
of Sir W. Hamilton’s Philosophy,” and in the admir.
* “Study of Sociology,” p. 46.
t Bain, “ Compendium,” p. 404,
+ Bain, “ Compendium,” p. 428.

�28

On the Free-Will Controversy.

able remarks on “Liberty and Necessity,” contained in
the 11th chapter of Bain’s “Exposition of the Will,”
to be found in his invaluable “ Compendium of Psy­
chology and Ethics.” We have seen that in demolish­
ing this position of his opponent, Mill has established
the very opposite principle, viz., that the doctrine of
Determinism is necessarily implicated in the notion of
moral agency or responsibility. This, however, does
not hinder but that there should be some truth in the
assertion that the common notion of responsibility
involves in it the hypothesis of a free and undeter­
mined will. Eor, according to the common conception
of moral desert, there is inherent in moral evil or
wrong-doing a heinousness and a perniciousness quite
unique, irrespective of its consequences; and it is
obviously difficult to reconcile with this view the hypo­
thesis of a will determined by the strongest motive,
seeing that the peculiar pravity which is the essential
characteristic of moral evil ought in the natural course
of things to exercise a deterring influence stronger than
any counter-influence arising from the prospect of pos­
sible advantage to be gained thereby. Accordingly,
the notion of a free and undetermined will, raised
above the influence of motive, and resolving on a course
of wickedness in spite of the dissuasive considerations
suggested by the horrible nature of wrong-doing, was
called in to explain the phenomena of man’s moral
frailty; and this notion soon generated a conception of
punishment as of a kind of vengeance, rightly and duly
inflicted upon the ill-doer, without regard to any bene­
ficial results accruing to himself or to society. Now,
this vague notion of the nature of punishment is wholly
incompatible with the definition of it which has been
already given, and which is admitted on all hands to
embody some at least, if not all, of the elements con­
tained in the positive signification of the word “ pun­
ishment.” On the Determinist theory of volition,
therefore, the vulgar notions of virtue and of vice, as
qualities to be lauded and reprobated irrespective of

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

29

their consequences, as well as the conception of punish­
ment as a righteous retribution for ill-doing, apart from
any consideration of the useful ends to he served by it,
must disappear altogether. Virtue is “ a great happi­
ness, but no merit in the vulgar sense of the term; ”
and vice is “ a great misfortune, but no demerit.” *
We have now concluded our review of the great
controversy of the Will. Starting with the considera­
tion of the question as it stands at the present day, we
saw how numerous and how momentous are the practi­
cal issues involved in its solution. We then went on
to enquire whether any, and if so, what psychological
or other causes there were, which would exercise a dis­
turbing influence in the decision of this question, and,
as a result, we found that there were many and potent
emotional and other agencies at work in generating and
fostering the belief in an indeterminate will. Finally,
we have passed in review the leading definitions of
Free-Will which have been advanced on the side of
Indeterminism, and have given a brief outline of the
destructive criticism of these definitions which has pro­
ceeded from Edwards, Hamilton, and Mill successively.
We have seen that our consciousness, which has been
so triumphantly appealed to by the supporters of free­
will, does not in truth, when closely interrogated, yield
any evidence whatever in favour of that doctrine ; and
that the testimony of experience, which is universally
regarded as a sufficient ground for the belief in the law
of causality as holding throughout the phenomenal uni­
verse (volitional acts alone being excepted), is admitted
by everybody to be altogether in favour of Determinism,
i.e. of the law of causality as extending over the field
of human action also. We have noticed, however, that
the theory of Determinism involves the sacrifice of the
common notions of moral excellence and depravity;
and it is precisely here (as has been shown by the writer
in the Westminster Revieio) that the strength of Libertar­
ianism lies. Men are indignant when it is insinuated
* Westminster Review, October 1873, p. 311,

�3°

On the Free-Will Controversy.

that the popular beliefs with regard to merit and demerit,
responsibility, and punishment, are in great part the
products of lying imagination. They refuse to allow
any moral excellence to actions performed unconsciously
under the constraining influence of unreflecting love or
sympathy. Mr Mivart declares that “acts unaccom­
panied by mental acts of conscious will directed towards
the fulfilment of duty ” are “ absolutely destitute of
the most incipient degree of real or formal goodness.”*
According to Reid, a man necessarily determined by
the constitution of his nature to will and to do what is
best to be done, “ would not be entitled to the esteem
and moral approbation of those who knew and believed
this necessity.” “ What was by an ancient author said
of Cato, might indeed be said of him -.—lie was good be­
cause he could not be otherwise. But this saying if
understood literally and strictly is not the praise of
Cato, but of his constitution, which was no more the.
work of Cato than his existence/’ Now, in the first
place, be it remarked that this view of moral excellence,
as involving free and undetermined choice of the good,
excludes not only the man who does good without
thinking about it, but the Deity also, from the category
of beings possessed of a claim to our moral approbation.
We are compelled to think of God as necessarily good;
to attribute to Him the power of moral evil is, as
Hamilton has pointed out, to detract from his essential
goodness. Precisely in the same sense as Cato was
said to be good, because he could not be otherwise, so
is God declared to be, in virtue of his nature, necessarily
determined to goodness. “As Euripides hath it, h
Oeo'i ri (tpaxriv auty'p'ov, ovz zlsiv Oeo/.”t According to the
Libertarian definition of moral excellence, then, we
shall be obliged to deny that God possesses any moral
attributes at all, or else to detract from his essential
goodness by admitting the possibility of his becoming
* “On the Genesis of Species,” quoted by Huxley, “Critiques,”
&amp;c. p. 287.
f Hamilton, note to Reid’s Essay on the Active Powers.

�On the Free-Will Controversy.

3i

evil; and it need hardly be said that this is a corollary
of their doctrine from which most Libertarians would
recoil with horror. But, not to press this point any
further—can it be possible that we are to regard all
actions prompted by unreflecting sympathy and affection
as “ absolutely destitute of the most incipient degree of
real or formal goodness ?” Surely not; the unanimous
verdict of mankind forbids it. The perfect ideal of a
virtuous character is that of the man whose actions
invariably have for their spring and source an instinc­
tive feeling of sympathy for his fellow-men, irrespective
of any selfish considerations. Or do Mr Mivart and
those who agree with him think to persuade us that
the mother who rushes forward to save her child’s life
at the sacrifice of her own—that a Howard and a
Nightingale, whom the importunate promptings of their
inner nature urge irresistibly forth from the refinements
and the pleasures of domestic life, to all the horrors
and miseries of an existence passed in the midst of
prisons, lazar-houses, and hospitals—that these are
creatures devoid of any “ title to our esteem or moral
approbation?” Such a doctrine only requires to be
fully and definitely stated, in order to be instantly and
unequivocally repudiated.
Our space will not permit us to enter upon a con­
sideration of the various collateral arguments urged by
the two sides of this great controversy of the will. Bor
a full account of these, the reader is referred to the
admirable “ History of the Tree-Will Controversy,” to
be found in Professor Bain’s Compendium of Mental
and Moral Science. We will merely add, in conclusion,
that the Determinist hypothesis has always been practi­
cally recognised by men in their dealings with one
another. It has been already shown that the institution
of Law presupposes the fact of a uniform connection
between pain and the action necessary to avoid it, that
is, of the law of uniform succession in our acts and
their moral antecedents. Nor does the conduct of
individuals towards one another show less clearly the

�32

On the Free-Will Controversy.

conviction of such a principle of uniformity. For ex­
ample (to quote an instance from J. Stuart Mill), “Men
often regard the doubt what their conduct will be, as
a mark of ignorance of their character, and sometimes
even resent it as an imputation.”* Indeed, not only
is prevision concerning the conduct of others constantly
necessary, in virtue of the interdependence of human
beings aggregated in society; it is also no less easy and
sure than the prevision of physical phenomena. “ If,
in crossing a street, a man sees a carriage coming upon
him, you may safely assert that, in nine hundred and
ninety-nine cases out of a thousand, he will try to get
out of the way. ... If he can buy next door a com­
modity of daily consumption better and cheaper than
at the other end of town, we may affirm that, if he does
not buy next door, some special relation between him
and the remoter shopkeeper furnishes a strong reason
for taking a worse commodity at greater cost of money
and trouble.”! Finally, what logical justification of
sympathy can there be—how is it possible to reconcile
reason and fellow-feeling, save on the hypothesis of
determinism? Is it not in this creed that we find the
strongest incentive to mercy, charity, long-suffering—
to “ hatred of the sin, and yet love for the sinner ; ” in
a word, to all that is highest and noblest in the charac­
ter of man as a social being ? May the day soon come
—and perhaps it is not far distant—when a public and
practical recognition shall he given to this great prin­
ciple, and when the popular sanction shall establish a
basis and a system of psychology so fruitful in beneficial
result, not only in Legislation, but in the Sciences of
Morality and Education also. This paper will not
have been written in vain, if it should arouse any to
the earnest and sincere examination of the great sub­
ject with which it has dealt.
* Mill, “ Logic,” Book VI., chapter if., § 2.
I Spencer, “Study of Sociology,” page 38.

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OUR FIRST CENTURY.
irapa

to

&lt;/&gt;&lt;3s i8eiv.

Choephoroe, 961.

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS SCOTT,
NO. 11, THE TERRACE, EARQUHAR ROAD,
UPPER NORWOOD, LONDON, S.E.

Price Sixpence.

��PREFACE.

USEBIUS, who flourished a.d. 315, is the earliest
historian of the Christian Church. In the first
chapter of his Ecclesiastical History he complains,
even at that early date, of the scantiness of his mate­
rials. We know that when commencing to write the
account of the mythical Grecian heroes and their
forces who fought in the Trojan War, the author of
our Iliad (ii. 284-6) invoked the aid of the Muses,
“ for,” he says, “ ye are goddesses, and are present to
help and know all things, while we hear only a
rumour, and have not certain knowledge of any
thing.” In like manner, and because he too, by his
own account, had little, if any thing, but rumour for
the groundwork of his story, Eusebius, in the preface
.to his work, makes the following invocation :—
“ I shall go back to the very origin and the earliest
introduction of the dispensation of our Lord and
Saviour, the Christ of God.—But here, acknowledging
that it is beyond my power to present the work per­
fectly and unexceptionably, I freely confess it will
crave indulgence, especially since, as the first of those
that have entered upon the subject, we are attempt­
ing a kind of trackless and unbeaten path. Looking
up with prayer to God as our guide, we trust, indeed,
that we shall have the power of Christ as our aid,
though we are utterly unable to find even the bare
vestiges of those who may have travelled the way
before us ; unless, perhaps, what is presented only in

E

�4

Preface.

the slight intimations which some in different ways
have transmitted to us in certain partial narratives of
the times in which they lived ; who, raising their
voices before us, like torches at a distance, and as
looking down from some commanding height, call out
and exhort us where we should walk, and whither
direct our course with certainty and safety. What­
soever, therefore, we deem likely to be advantageous
to the proposed subject, we shall endeavour to reduce
to a compact body by historical narration. For this
purpose we have collected the materials that have
been scattered by our predecessors, and culled, as from
some intellectual meadows, the appropriate extracts
from ancient authors. In the execution of this work
we shall be happy to rescue from oblivion the succes­
sions, if not of all, at least of the most noted apostles
of our Lord, in those churches which even at this day
are accounted the most eminent; a labour which has
appeared to me necessary in the highest degree, as I
have not yet been able to find that any of the ecclesi­
astical writers have directed their efforts to present
any thing complete in this department of writing.”
All these statements of Eusebius are fully corrobo­
rated by the scanty narratives of Mosheim at the
commencement of his “ Institutes,” and of all other
writers who have attempted to give a history of the
Christian Church during the first century of its sup­
posed existence. They might as well have attempted
to write a history of the famous War, supposed to
have been waged on the plain between the rivers
Simois and Scamander :—
“ Where many shields and helmets fell in the dust,
And the race of demigod men. ”
Kilferest,
.Feast of St Anastasius, 1873.

�OUR FIRST CENTURY.

ISRAEL IN ALEXANDRIA.

O far back in the history of the Jews as b.c. 588,
they had formed a settlement in /Egypt. This we
know from Jeremiah (xliii. 7), who was hostile to its
formation. The impossibility of these Jews having
access to the temple at Jerusalem, and, owing to its
destruction, their losing the benefit of the daily sacri­
fice which used to be offered there, were facts through
which the literal observance of the Mosaic ritual came
to a violent end. The Jews in JEgypt, therefore, were
compelled either to relinquish the Mosaic law altogether
or understand it in a new sense. They adopted the
latter course. But that law had not any second mean­
ing. So, when a second meaning was sought for, it
could not be found. In the meantime these Jews,
at a later period, ; learned the Greek language, read
books of the Grecian philosophers, entertained certain
Grecian ideas, and so became Hellenists.
This Hellenizing tendency found its most active de­
velopment at Alexandria, founded by Alexander the
Great, b.c. 332. When Ptolemy, son of Lagus, cap­
tured Jerusalem, B.o. 320, he carried away a large
number of Jewish and Samaritan captives to Alexan­
dria, where he gave them the full citizenship. Many
others migrated thither of their own accord. Accord­

S

�6

Our First Century,

ing to Josephus, Alexander himself assigned to the
Jews a place in his new city. But, be that as it may,
it is certain that at an extremely early period in the
history of Alexandria, the Jews became so numerous
in that city that the north-east angle was known as
“ the Jews’ quarter.” The religion and philosophy in
that city produced an effect on the Jews there, more
powerful than the influence of'politics or commerce.
Alexander had founded a temple of Isis side by sidewith temples of the Grecian gods. Creeds from the
east and from the west coexisted there; and in after
times the mixed worship of Serapis was characteristic
of the Greek kingdom in 2Egypt. For that god, origi­
nally a native of Pontus, and adored by the inhabi­
tants of Sinope, was introduced into /Egypt by the
first Ptolemy. At first the priests opposed the intro­
duction of Serapis. But the liberality of the Ptolemies
overcame the resistance of the priests ; they submitted
to worship Serapis, to whom they gave the throne and
the wife of Osiris. This catholicity of worship was
further combined with the spread of learning. The
same monarchs who favoured the worship of Serapis
founded and embellished the Museum and Library r
and part of the library was deposited in the Serapeum.
The new faith and the new literature led to a coalition
of opinions; and the /Egyptian Jews imbibed a por­
tion of the spirit which prevailed around them. Its
first development appeared in the Greek version of the
Old Testament, known as the Septuagint. The day on
which the Greek text of the law was introduced into
the synagogue at Alexandria, was thus marked in the
Palestine calendar : “ The law in Greek ! Darkness !
Three days’ fast 1 ” So different already had the Alex­
andrine Jews become from the Jews in Palestine.
But the difference increased. The necessity for re­
linquishing the literal meaning of the Mosaic law now
led to a new movement, when the Jews at Alexandria
could read that law in Greek and meditate on its im­

�Israel in Alexandria.

7

port. Aristobulus, a learned Jew who flourished there
about B.c. 160, wrote an allegorical exposition of the
Pentateuch. A fragment of this work has been pre­
served, and contains several Orphic quotations which
had been already moulded into a Jewish form. The
attempt thus made to connect the most ancient Hellenic
traditions with the Law was often repeated afterwards;
for we invariably find that when the allegorical prin­
ciple of interpretation has been adopted by human
imagination, the whimsical applications of that prin­
ciple cease to be controlled by reason. Aristobulus
also endeavoured to show that the Pentateuch was the
real source of the Aristotelian philosophy. This pro­
position was thoroughly congenial to the Alexandrine
character ; and henceforth it was the chief object of
Jewish speculation in that city, to trace the subtle
analogies which were supposed to exist between the
writings attributed to Moses and the teaching of the
Grecian schools.
But the literary school of Alexandria was purely
critical and not in the least creative. The schoolmen
there laboured to collect, revise, and classify the records
of the past. Poets trusted to their learning, like Virgil,
rather than to their imagination. Language became a
study. The legends of ancient mythology were trans­
formed into mysteries. And writers who. happened
to agree accidentally concerning a few unimportant
matters were accused of borrowing from each other—
those supposed to be the less ancient from those sup­
posed to be more so. The Alexandrine Jews took an
active part in these new studies. The caution against
writing (see Dr William Smith’s “ New Testament His­
tory,” p. 120), which became a settled law in Palestine,
did not find any favour in Algypt. Numerous authors
adapted the history of the Patriarchs, of Moses, and of
the kings to classical models. A poem, which bears
the name of Phocylides, gives in verse various precepts
of Leviticus; and several fragments of a tragedy, in

�8

Our First Century.

which one Ezekiel, who flourished about b.c. 110, dra­
matized the Exodus, have been preserved by Eusebius
(see Dr William Smith’s “New Testament History,” pp.
117-120). According to Gibbon {Dec. and Fall, ch. xxi.),
it was at this time that “ the Wisdom of Solomon” was
written; a book which still holds its place in the Septuagint. Here we see that tendency of the human mind, to
attribute modern writings to ancient authors ; a tendency
developed conspicuously in both Jewish and Grecian
literature.
ANCIENT LITERARY MORALITY.

Only a section can be devoted here to a subject that
requires a volume for its full elucidation, namely, the
propensity among the Greeks and Jews to attribute
modern writings to ancient authors.
Dr Wm. Smith {Greece, p. 137) informs us that
Pythagoras did not leave behind him anything in
writing, and the later doctrines and works of the
Pythagoreans were attributed by their authors to the
founders of the school. Strauss {New Life of Jesus, i.,
148) informs us that “the Neopythagorean biographer
of Pythagoras eulogises the authors for having re­
nounced the fame that was their own and attributed
their works to the master of the school.” In the
present day this voluntary humility would be considered
a forgery, and be execrated by the voice of the public.
“ There were in antiquity (Smith’s Greece, p. 127)
two large collections of epic poetry. The one com­
prised poems relating to the great events and enter­
prises of the Heroic age, and characterised by a certain
poetical unity; the other included works tamer in
character and more desultory in their mode of treat­
ment, containing the genealogies of men and gods,
narratives of the exploits of separate heroes, and
descriptions of the ordinary pursuits of life. The
poems of the former class passed under the name of

�Ancient Literary Morality.

9

Homer, while those of the latter were in the same
general way ascribed to Hesiod.” The fact seems to
be that these names, Homer and Hesiod, had become
popular in their respective departments, and modem
writers assumed these names in order to render their
writings popular.
So lately as a.d. 1831, an anonymous writer pub­
lished “ The New History of the Trojan Wars, and
Troy's Destruction.” It commences with an account
of Hercules, and ends with an account of Brute’s
doings in Britain.
In his “ Commentary on the Old Testament,” Dr
Kalisch has shown that the Pentateuch is a work
written between the eighth and fourth centuries before
our era, and yet how very freely the writers used the
*
name of Moses, who is supposed to have flourished
about b.c. 1550.
A glance at the table of contents in the Apocryphal
New Testament, referring to “ The Epistles of Jesus
and Abgarus,” the gospels of “ James,” of “ Thomas,” of
“ Matthew,” of “ Nicodemus,” &amp;c., will show how freely
the names of the Founder of Christianity, and of those
supposed to be connected with him, were used by the
early Christian writers.
Paul’s supposed epistle to the Galatians is written in
Greek; yet it is remarkable (Dr Smith’s Dictionary of
the Bible, article Galatians} that “ we have the testi­
mony of Hieronymus, who visited Galatia in the fourth
century of our era, in his preface to his commentary on
the Epistle to the Galatians, that the Galli still kept
their own language, which was almost the same as the
language of the Treviri, or the people of Treves, and
Hieronymus, who was a good linguist, and had lived
at Treves, was a competent judge of this.”
* The writer of this tract has reason to believe that Dr
Kalisch concedes to our Pentateuch an attribute of antiquity
far more than it really deserves ; but even that conceded by
Dr Kalisch is sufficient for the object of this tract.

�io

Our First Century.

A Christian, in the second century of our era, wrote
a legend about Paul and Thecla; he was convicted of
the forgery on his own confession. But he added that
he had done what he did through love of Paul, where­
upon the Church pardoned him, continued to use his
work, and celebrated a festival to these saints. (See
the story of Paul and Thecla in the Apocryphal New
Testament, and the notes, &amp;c., thereon; also see Strauss,
Neio Life of Jesus, vol. i., p. 141-149.) Here we per­
ceive that the early Christians could consider forgery
praiseworthy !
A heretical bishop, Faustus, who died about a.d.
384, made a Statement, which has been preserved in
the works of St Augustine, and quoted by Dr Nathaniel
Lardner (“ Credibility,” iii., 517) thus : “ I put in the
margin another passage of Faustus, without translating
it exactly, where he pretends there are many differences and contrarieties in the Gospels, and that the
ancestors of the Catholics had inserted many things,
mingling their own words with the oracles of the
Lord, which did not agree with the doctrine taught by
him; and that the Gospels were not written by Christ,
nor his apostles, but a long time after them by some
unknown men, half Jews, who were not well informed,
but put down any uncertain traditions which they met
with, and then affixed to their own erroneous accounts
the names of Christ’s apostles, or their companions.”*
Morality is a growth, like mathematics or any other
science. The self-same principle which authorised the
ascription of false authorship to writings justified the
arbitrary alteration of texts. A glance at Griesbach’s
* It must be repeated that it is beyond the scope of this
tract to give an adequate account of ancient literary forgeries.
Let it be sufficient to state that among both Jews and Greeks,
writers attributed spurious works to Orpheus, Linus, Moses,
Solomon, David, Joshua, Samuel, Phalaris, Homer, Hesiod,
Herodotus, Plato, Demosthenes, Anacreon, Simonides, Theo­
critus, and to several other names that at one time were
famous.

�Ancient Literary Morality.

11

edition, of our New Testament will show how plentifully
alterations of the text were introduced by copyists
and others. It is probable, from the context and from
■ the whole scope of our fourth gospel, that the two first
sentences stood originally thus : “ In the beginning
was the Word, and the Word was with God. All
things were made by him; and without him was not
anything made that was made.” The paralogy that
the Word was the same God with whom the Word
was, and the repetition that “ the same was in the
beginning with God,” seem to have been doctrinal
additions of a later date than the original composition
of the gospel. Yet modern as the passage is, it is
older than the doctrine of the Trinity. The doctrine
which makes the Holy Spirit a deity is not anywhere
to be found in our New Testament. That doctrine
rests on the authority of the Council of Constantinople,
held a.d. 381.
It should be borne in mind that the oldest extant
manuscripts of our New Testament give the text only as
it stood in the fourth century of our era. It would
naturally be a text of gradual and probably slow forma­
tion. For some time many of the books in our New
Testament would be mere private property. The
owners were subject to the disturbing influence of
living tradition. We know from Origen (“ Against
Celsus,” book ii., p. 77) that Celsus complained that
the Christians of his day, a.d. 160, were perpetually
altering and correcting their gospels. Having regard to
the literary morality of the time, it is probable that the
owners would alter, increase, diminish, and revise their
manuscripts.
From ascribing modern writings to ancient Christian
teachers, and altering the writings of other Christians,
it was a very easy transition to alter the works of
heathen writers, and, like the thief at the crucifixion,
make them testify to the divine origin of Christianity.

�12

Our First Century.

PLINY, JOSEPHUS, SUETONIUS, AND TACITUS.

#

All Jewish, and heathen writers who flourished
during the first seventy years of our first century are
completely silent on the existence of the Christian
Church, and they appear utterly ignorant of the
miracles, doctrines, persons, and events related in the nar­
ratives both of the now rejected and the received gospels.
Gibbon does not exaggerate in the least when he
says (“ Decline and Fall,” ch. xv.), “ During the age of
Christ, of his apostles and of their first disciples, the
doctrine which they preached was confirmed by innumerable prodigies. The lame walked, the blind saw,
the sick were healed, the dead were raised, demons
were expelled, and the laws of nature were frequently
suspended for the benefit of the church. But the
sages of Greece and Borne turned aside from the awful
spectacle, and pursuing the ordinary occupations of life
and study, appeared unconscious of any alterations in
the moral or physical government of the world. Under
the reign of Tiberius the whole earth, or at least a
celebrated province of the Boman empire, was involved
in a preternatural darkness of three hours. Even this
miraculous event, which ought to have excited the
wonder, the curiosity, and the devotion of mankind,
passed without notice in an age of science and history.
It happened during the lifetime of Seneca and the elder
Pliny, who must have experienced the immediate effects,
or received the earliest intelligence of the prodigy.
Each of these philosophers, in a laborious work, has
recorded all the great phenomena of nature, earth­
quakes, meteors, comets, and eclipses which his inde­
fatigable curiosity could collect. Both the one and the
other have omitted to mention the greatest phenomenon
to which the mortal eye has been witness since the
oreation of the globe. A distinct chapter of Pliny is
designed for eclipses of an extraordinary nature, and
unusual duration; but he contents himself with describ-

�Pliny, 'Josephus^ Suetonius, and Tacitus,

ij

ing the singular defect of light which followed the
tnurder of Caesar, when, during the greatest part of a
year, the orb of the sun appeared pale and without
*
splendour.
This season of obscurity, which cannot
surely be compared with the preternatural darkness of
the Passion, had been already celebrated by most of
the poets and historians of that memorable age.”
The writer of our Odyssey (xx. 355-7) has described
an eclipse of the sun, which occurred on the day that
witnessed the destruction of the suitors. He says, “ The
forecourt is full, and the hall also is full of ghosts on
their way to Erebus to hide themselves in gloom; and
the sun has vanished from the sky, and a dismal
murkiness has suddenly come over us.”
Here there are accounts of a superhuman event,
alleged to have occurred on three momentous occasions,
namely, the sun was for a time extinguished, and
ghosts were seen. The last in the above order, but
first in order of time is confessedly a myth. The next
in order of time was once regarded as history. While
the last in order of time is believed by all Christendom
to be inspired history. The sole grounds for this last
belief are certain supposed events of a supernatural
character, of which the last-mentioned eclipse of the
sun is one. But, if the earliest account of the three
eclipses be a myth—and all Christendom will allow it
to be a myth—how can the same story be true, merelv
because it carries the names of writers'supposed to have
been incapable of error ? The eclipse celebrated by the
Batin poets may well have been copied from our
Odyssey. And equally easy it would be, in the reign
of Tiberius, to repeat a story told regarding the death
of Julius Caesar.
Justin Martyr, who flourished about a.d. 150, Theo­
philus, a.d. 168, Athenagoras, a.d. 171, and Tatian,
a.d. 172, are the earliest “apologists,” or defenders of
Christianity. They do not quote^ as evidence for the
* Virgil, Georgies, i., 468, &amp;c., Nicodemus viii. 1-4, and
Matthew xxvii. 52, add ghosts.

�14

Our First Century.

existence of Christianity, from any Jewish or heathen
writer, now extant, who was a contemporary of the
period from a.d. 1 to a.d. 70, although they would
have seized eagerly on any such evidence if any such
then existed.
Tertullian, who flourished about a.d. 195, is the first'
apologist who quotes, a heathen writer as evidence for
the historical existence of Christianity during our first
century. Unfortunately, the writer he quotes could
not have written the document quoted from until our
first century had expired. Pliny the younger was proconsul of Bithynia, about a.d. 110. Tertullian appeals
to a letter on the subject of the Christians, supposed to
have been written from that province by Pliny to the
emperor-Trajan. A German critic and divine, John S.
Semler, considers this letter to have been a fabrication
of Tertullian, and this opinion is borne out by the
scope of the letter.
In that letter Pliny expresses a wish to be favoured
with the guidance and orders of Trajan. “ Having
never been present at any trials concerning those per­
sons who are Christians, I am unacquainted not only
with the nature of their crimes, or the measure of their
punishment, but how far it is proper to enter into an
examination concerning them.” After expressing some
minor doubts, Pliny says (or is made to say), “ In the
meanwhile the method I have observed towards those
who have been brought before me as Christians is this :
I interrogated them whether they were Christians : if
they confessed I repeated -the question twice, adding
threats at the same time; and if they still persevered I
ordered them to be executed immediately.” Here we
have a strange piece of conduct. A number of Chris­
tians were brought before Pliny, who, being “ unac­
quainted with the measure of their punishment,” put
to death those who Would not relinquish the profession
of Christianity; and he then writes to Trajan for guid­
ance and directions when the martyrs had been put to

�Pliny, Josephus, Suetonius, and Tacitus.

15

death ! Such a piece of conduct as this is utterly at
variance with all we know concerning Trajan and
Pliny. The Homans did not put people to death on
account of their religion. Every religion was tolerated
at Rome. Tn short, the whole story is improbable, and
unsupported by any other evidence. The rest of the
epistle is little more than a Christian’s representation
•of his own creed, as he would have it looked upon by
others, coupled with a Christian’s representation of
causeless persecution, even to death, instituted for sup­
pression of his faith, which faith, even at that early
day, he pretends empties the heathen temples. A
statement forming a strong contrast to the lamentations
of Basil and Gregory of Nyssa, who, in the middle of
the third century, complain that the extensive diocese
of Neo Caesarea contained only seventeen Christians !
Eusebius, who flourished about a.d. 315, is the next
Christian writer who quotes external evidence regarding
the Christians. He quotes from a passage in Josephus’
Antiquities (book xviii., ch. 3, § 3), where Josephus is
made to say, “ At this time there existed Jesus, a wise
man, if it be allowed to call him a man, for he per­
formed wonderful works, and instructed those who
received the truth with joy; he thus drew to himself
many Jews and many Greeks; lie was Christ; Pilate
having punished him with crucifixion on the accusation
of our leading men, those who had loved him before
still remained faithful to him; for on the third day he
appeared unto them, living anew; just as the divine
prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other
wonderful things concerning him; and the tribe of
Christians, so named from him, are not extinct even at
the present day.” This is a translation of the whole
passage. It has not the least connection with what
precedes or follows. It was unknown to all the pre­
vious defenders of Christianity. Josephus was a Jew,
and ever remained such. It is quite contrary to the
Jewish creed to say that Christ has appeared on earth.

�ib

Our First Century.

The destruction of Jerusalem, and the dispersion of
their nation are to them standing proofs that Christ,
their restorer and triumphant deliverer, never can have
come. Consequently, it is impossible that Josephus
wrote this passage.
*
There is a curious passage regarding the Christians
in Suetonius, Nero, 16. The writer says that Nero
devised a new style of building in the city, and that he
designed to extend the city walls as far as Ostia; and
then he says, “many severe regulations and new orders
were made in his time. A sumptuary law [to check
expense in banquets] 'was enacted. Public suppers
were limited to the sportulae; and victualling-houses
were restrained from selling any dressed victuals, except
pulse and herbs, whereas before they sold all kinds of
meat. He likewise inflicted punishments on the Chris­
tians, a sort of people who held a new and mischievous
superstition. He forbade the revels of the charioteers,
who had long assumed a license to stroll about, and
established for themselves a kind of prescriptive right to
cheat and thieve, making a jest of it. The partisans of
the rival theatrical performers were banished, as well as.
the actors themselves.”
After relating the conflagration which consumed a
considerable part of the city of Rome in the reign
of Nero, and that a report had broken out among the
populace thatNero had ordered the conflagration {Annals,
xv. 44), Tacitus says, “ Hence to suppress the rumour,
he falsely charged with guilt, and punished with the
most exquisite tortures, the persons commonly called
Christians, who were hated for their enormities. The
founder of that name, one Christus, was put to death
* The Rev. Charles Merivale, in his “Romans under the
Empire,” vol. vi., 536, says that Josephus “makes no more
allusion to the false Christs than to the true Christ. The
subject of the Messiah was one he shrank from.” Can Mr
Merivale prove that Josephus was acquainted with “ the sub­
ject of the Messiah ? ”

�Pliny, Josephus, Suetonius, and Tacitus,

17

as a criminal by Pontius Pilate, procurator of Judea,
in the reign of Tiberius; but the pernicious supersti­
tion, repressed for a time, broke out again, not only
through Judea, where the mischief originated, but
through the city of Rome also, whither all things
horrible and disgraceful flow from all quarters, as to a
common receptacle, and where they are encouraged.”
It is scarcely necessary to point out the exceedingly
abrupt notice of the Christians in thb passage attributed
to Suetonius, where the profession of Christianity
and expense in banquets and other public amusements
are huddled together in one and the same paragraph.
“ The passage in Tacitus, had it been genuine, would
not have been overlooked by all the early Christian
writers in their various disputations with objectors, and
especially by Tertullian, who quoted largely from his
works ; and the ecclesiastical historian, Eusebius, who
was zealous in his defence of the faith and greedy of
materials with which to support it.”* A similar obser­
vation applies to Suetonius. If his brief and sterile
notice of the Christians had existed in the days of the
early apologists, or even in the days of Tertullian and
Eusebius, it is inconceivable that, when they had
scarcely anything in the shape of external evidence to
their purpose, they would have rejected or overlooked
that passage.
These four spurious passages, now found in Pliny
the younger, Josephus, Suetonius, and Tacitus, but
unknown to the primitive Christian apologists, are the
only testimonies to the existence of Christianity dur­
ing even the latter part of our first century, borne by
Jewish or heathen writers who flourished in or near to
the first century of the Christian era. Our New Test­
ament does not supply this want of evidence. Neither
do the writings of the so-called Apostolical Eathers, nor
the extant apocryphal New Testament literature. No
* See “The Bible: Is it the Word of God?” by Mr Strange,
p. 352.
B

�18

Our First Century.

doubt some writers have supposed that our New Testa­
ment was written during our first century. But of this
there is not any proof. We have not any unmistak­
able quotations from our gospels until rather late in the
second century. The earliest citation is from our first
gospel by Justin Martyr, about a.d. 142 ; while our
fourth gospel is not quoted from until the time of
Irenaeus, about a.d. 178. Both Mosheim (Ecclesiasti­
cal History, century i. part ii. § 16) and Strauss (“Life
of Jesus,” Introduction, 13) agree that there is not any
reliable trace of our New Testament until about themiddle of the second century. The extant apocryphal
New Testament literature is almost universally admitted
to be a production of the second century. No writer
has maintained that the so-called Apostolical Fathers
existed during any part of our first century, except,
perhaps, Clement the Boman. And since the publica­
tion, 1853, of Hilgenfeld’s “ Apostolical Fathers,” the
best authorities consider that the authenticity of the
writings attributed to them is more than doubtful.
Mr Neale, in his tract on “ The Mythical Element in
Christianity,” does not attempt to show that any con­
temporaries of the supposed Jesus of our New Testa­
ment, or of the supposed events mentioned in its
narratives, extending over the period from a.d. 1 to
a.d. 63, have taken notice of him or of those events.
Mr Neale tries to prove that'the above three passages
at present found in Pliny, Suetonius, and Tacitus are
genuine. None of these writers were contemporary
with the Jesus and the events mentioned in our New
Testament narratives. Mr Neale admits that the
passage in Pliny, as well as the whole tenth book of
Pliny’s Epistles, was not published until after his
death; a circumstance which gave an easy access to
fraud; he does not show when the passage in Sueto­
nius was first quoted; and he admits that the passage
in Tacitus was not even referred to until the fourth
century, if even then referred to. While, on the other

�The Septuagint.

*9

hand, the above indicated internal marks of forgery
have never yet been explained; yet Mr Neale.does not
appear to have perceived them.
If the foregoing statements be correct, it follows (i.)
That we have not any contemporary evidence for the
existence of Christianity during the first seventy years
of our first century; and (ii.) That the silence of both
the Jews and the heathens during the first seventy
years of our first century cannot be accounted for
except by the hypothesis that. Christianity did not
exist during that period.
THE SEPTUAGINT.

Since the Jews of Alexandria knew little or nothing
of the Hebrew language, they naturally desired to have
a Greek version of the entire Old Testament. This
want was the cause of the Septuagint version : so
called from an improbable and now discredited story,
that the version was made by seventy-two Jews, em­
ployed and paid liberally for that purpose by Ptolemy
Philadelphus, who reigned over ASgypt B.c. 285-247.
But the truth is, that the numbers and names of the
translators who compiled the Septuagint, and the times
at which different portions were translated are all un­
certain. It may, however, be stated confidently that
the Septuagint version was made .at Alexandria. That
it was begun in the time of the elder Ptolemies, about
b.c. 280. And that only the Pentateuch, or Law, was
translated at first.
Prom the time when the Septuagint was completed
there were two canons of the Old Testament, which
may be denominated respectively the Hebrew canon
and the .^Egyptian canon. The former ended with the
prophecies of Malachi, and the latter with the second
book of Maccabees. During a long period the Chris­
tian church used both canons. At the Council of
Trent, a.d. 1546, the Church of Rome sanctioned the

�20

Our First Century.

^Egyptian canon. The Protestant churches have never
had the means of assembling an oecumenical council,
although for their own purposes they agree in calling
certain councils oecumenical, and defer to their autho­
rity. They have adopted silently the Hebrew canon.
Two remarkable characteristics co-exist in the Septuagint, namely, (1.) It cannot have been made from
the extant Hebrew text; and (2.) The canon recog­
nised by the translators was one which had not been
closed until a much later period than the close of the
present Hebrew canon.
In the book of Job, contained in the Hebrew canon,
there is a well known passage (xix. 25-27), supposed to
refer to the Christian’s “ Redeemer
but in the Sep­
tuagint the meaning of that passage is :—“ I know that
he is eternal who is about to deliver me, and to raise
up upon the earth my skin that endures these suffer­
ings : for these things have been accomplished to me
of the Lord ; which I am conscious of in myself, which
mine eye has seen, and not another, but all have been
fulfilled to me in my bosom.” Again, a well known
passage in Isaiah (xlii. 1), which the writer of our first
gospel (xii. 18) refers to Jesus, stands in the Septuagint thus : “ Jacob is my servant, I will help him:
Israel is my chosen one, my soul has accepted him.”
Again, in the book of Deuteronomy contained in the
Septuagint, there is a well known passage (xxxii. 43),
“let all the angels of God worship him.” The writer
of the Epistle to the Hebrews (i. 6) refers this passage
to Jesus. But the book of Deuteronomy, in the
Hebrew canon, omits this passage altogether. These
are merely specimens of the numerous differences be­
tween the books of. the extant Hebrew canon and the
Septuagint version; differences which prove that the
extant Hebrew canon was not that from which the Sep­
tuagint version was made.
But, not only does the Septuagint text differ from
the Hebrew, the canon of the Septuagint contains four-

�The Wisdom of Solomon.

21

teen books, “ The Apocrypha ” so-called, which are not
in the Hebrew canon. Of these three are very re­
markable, namely, “ The Wisdom of Solomon,” “ The
first book of Maccabees,” and “The second book of
Esdras.”
THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

I. “ One hundred years before the birth of Christ, a
philosophical treatise, which manifestly betrays the
style and sentiments of the school of Plato, was pro­
duced by the Alexandrine Jews, and unanimously
received as a genuine and valuable relick of the inspired
wisdom of Solomon.”—Decline and Fall, ch. xxi. This
treatise contains the earliest extant instance where the
Greek word logos, in the sense of “ the power of the
mind manifested in speech,” is personified and associated
with Jehovah.
It is a mistake to suppose that Plato has used the
word logos in this sense in connection with the Supreme
Being. Dr William Smith, History of Greece, p. 136,
speaking of Anaxagoras, says, “He abandoned the
system of his predecessors, and instead of regarding
some elementary form of matter as the origin of all
things, he conceived a supreme mind or inteHigence,
nous, distinct from the visible world, to have imparted
form and order to the chaos of nature.” And regarding
Plato, he says, p. 594, “ The fundamental principle of
Plato’s philosophy is the belief in an eternal and selfexistent cause, the origin of all things. From this
divine being emanate not only the souls of men, which
are also immortal, but that of the universe itself, which
is supposed to be animated by a divine spirit.” Plato
(Philebus, p. 30, 31) says, “There is in the universe, a
cause, not inconsiderable, which puts into order and
arranges the years, and seasons, and months,—a cause
which may most justly be called Wisdom and Mind
(sophia and nous). Wisdom, however, and Mind could

�10.

Our First Century.

not exist without soul (jgsuche). Therefore, in the
nature of Zeus there is a kingly soul and a kingly mind,
through its influence as the cause .... Mind (nous)
is ever the ruler of the universe.”
Plato (Gorgias, p. 523, A) says, “As Homer says,
then, Zeus, Poseidon, and Hades divided the govern­
ment among themselves, after they had received it from
their father. This law, then, respecting men was in
existence in the time of Kronos, and always was, and
still is established among the gods, that a man who has
passed through life justly and piously when he dies
should go to the isles of the blessed, and dwell in all
perfect happiness free from evil, but that he who has
lived unjustly and impiously should go to a prison of
punishment and justice, which they call Tartarus.”
The passage above alluded to as being written by
“ Homer ” occurs in Iliad, xv. 187-193, where Poseidon
says, “ we are three brothers from Kronos, whom Rhea
brought forth : Zeus and I, and Hades governing those
beneath the Earth, the third ; all things were divided
into three parts, and each was allotted his dignity.
The lots being shaken, to me in the first place was
allotted to dwell for ever in the hoary sea, and Hades
next obtained the pitchy darkness; but Zeus in the third
place had allotted to him the wide heaven in the air
and in the clouds. Nevertheless the Earth is still the
common property of all, and lofty Olympus.”
In a note on this passage Mr Paley says, “ The triple
division here alluded to is said to have been the
or. Trinity of the Platonists and Neoplatonists.”
Writing, as before mentioned, about b.c. 100, the
writer of “ The Wisdom of Solomon,” according to the
literary morality of his age, having attributed his work
to the Jewish king who is supposed to have lived about
nine centuries previously, and addressing the Deity
concerning the destruction of the first-born among the
^Egyptians in the time of Moses, says, xviii. 14-16,
“ While all things were in quiet silence, and that night

�The Wisdom of Solomon.

23

was in the midst of her swift course, thine almighty
Word£(Ao pardodunamos sou logos') leaped down from
heaven out of thy royal throne, as a fierce man of war
into the midst of a land of destruction, and brought
thine unfeigned commandment as a sharp sword, and
standing up, filled all things with death ; and it touched
the heaven, hut it stood upon the Earth.”
With these suggestive passages before him, Philo,
who flourished B.c. 42, without the aid of inspiration,
appears to have developed the theory of the logos or
“ Word,” which ultimately expanded into the Christian
Trinity, “that malignant riddle !”
Philo-Judaeus says (“ On the Migration of Abraham,”
§ i.) : “ You must not wonder that Moses has called
speech in man the abode of the mind; for he also says,
that the mind of the universe, that is to say, the Deity, •
has for his abode his own word (logos) . . . the Word
which is more ancient than all the things which were
the objects of creation, and by means of which it is that
the Ruler of the universe, taking hold of it as a rudder,
governs all things. And when he was fashioning the
world, he used this as an instrument for the blameless
arrangement of all the things which he was completing.”
Philo regarded matter as the source of imperfection
and evil. Hence he could not conceive the absolutely
perfect Deity coming in direct contact with the material
creation. Hence Philo made a distinction between the
Creator and the mere fashioner of the material universe,
and he carried out this distinction by representing the
existence of an intermediate former of the universe,
namely, the logos, or word of the Deity.
This idea of the inherent imperfection of matter was
afterwards a characteristic of Gnosticism, which, accord­
ing to Dr Wm. Smith, “ H. T. History,” 339, 551, was
taught by Simon Magus and Hymenaeus. One of the
chief objects of the Gnostic philosophy was to reconcile
the existence of this evil with the perfections of the
Deity. Philo achieved this object by means of one

�24

Our First Century.

intermediate principle. The Gnostics accomplished
their object by attributing the formation of matter to a
number of inferior principles emanating from the
Supreme Being. They filled the interval between the
highest heaven, the abode of the Deity, and Earth, the
seat of matter, with JEons, Archons, Kosmocrators, and.
Spirits of Evil. These, although derived from the Deity,
wandered away from Him, and became imperfect in
proportion to their distance from Him, until at length
some became actually evil (see Mosheim’s'“ Institutes,”’
century ii., part ii., ch. v., § 11 ; also “The Jesus of
History,” p. 388-90). This idea is embodied in the
Epistle to the Ephesians, ii. 13, 17, where the writer
tells the Ephesians, “Ye who were far off are made
nigh,” and that Jesus “preached peace to you who
were afar off” (makran).
The writer of “ The Jesus of History ” has pointed
out the influence which the schools of Philo and of the
Gnostics exercised on the writers of some of the Pauline
epistles, and of our fourth gospel. (See bk. iii., ch. 2.)
According to what we find in Ephesians iii., vi.,
Philippians ii., Colossians i., ii., Jesus Christ, as the
highest created power, was above the Gnostic JEons
and Archons, &amp;c. He is the medium of approach to
the otherwise inaccessible deity. “ The church is to
shew the manifold wisdom of God to principalities and
powers in the heavens (Eph. iii., 10.) The saints
(iii., 19) are to understand the length and depth, and
breadth and height. All these are terms employed by
the Gnostics, and as having each a definite meaning.
They formerly (ii., 1, 2) walked according to the JEon
of the world, the Archon of the power of the air. And
even now (vi., 12) they wrestle, not against flesh and
blood, but against principalities and powers, the cosmocrators of this dark age, against evil spirits in the
heavens.”
In our fourth gospel, Jesus is not any longer the
word of the Deity, or the power of the Deity; he is
the Logos, the word, simply. He is not any longer a

�The Wisdom of Solomon.

25.

slave. The Deity does not raise him from the dead ;
his resumption of life is the result of his own power.
But, nevertheless (i., 3), “All things were made by
him; ” he was only “a god” “ with the Deity” (i., 1.)
He was, in the words of Philo quoted above, “the
Word, by means of which it is that the Ruler of the
universe, taking hold of it as a rudder, governs all things.”
The writer of “The Jesus of History” says (p. 424-6),
—“ Much of the phraseology employed by Paul, and by
the author of the fourth gospel, upon which modern
orthodox deductions are based, was, as we have seen,
borrowed from a peculiar philosophy. And the object
of that philosophy was not to exalt the attributes, or
manifestations, of persons to which this phraseology
was applied, but to remove the God whom it recognised
from all relation to matter, either as its origin or its
ruler. The functions exercised by the Word or wisdom
of God were functions which thinkers of that school
of philosophy deemed it derogatory to ascribe to God
himself. They implied relation and imperfection, and
therefore could not belong to the one absolute and
perfect Being. The creation of the world, for instance,
which, to modern theologians, is a conclusive proof of
the absolute divinity of Jesus, was originally attributed
to the Word of God for precisely the opposite reason.
That all things were made by Jesus, as the Logos was
a mark, not of equality, but of inferiority. And the
same was the case even when God was represented as
making the worlds by him ; for this, though removing
the idea of moral imperfection from one who was per­
forming only the work of the Father, preserved his
relative character, and necessarily implied subordination
and dependence. There is nothing, indeed, in any of
these writings inconsistent with this view. It is true
that Jesus, in the fourth gospel, is made to claim
oneness with the Father.
But the writer himself
explains the nature of this union in a way to remove
all misconception when he describes Jesus as praying

�^6

&gt;

Our First Century.

that his disciples may be one with him, in the same
manner that he is one with the Father. And though
the Jews are represented as having understood him to
•claim to be God, yet this is only one of the many mis­
conceptions attributed to them,, owing to their taking
literally what Jesus had spoken in a figure. And the
mistake is immediately corrected by a quotation from
their Scriptures, in which the word ‘gods’ is used
figuratively; thus teaching them that it was only in
the same sense that the word had been used by Jesus
himself. And in all the writings of Paul, high as is
the view that he entertains of the nature and office of
Jesus, his inferiority to the Father is uniformly pre­
served. In proportion as the Church, by defining its
own creed, separated itself from other societies, the
opinions these latter held were first rejected and then
forgotten. And the circumstance that the immense
majority of Christians belonged to the poor and un­
educated classes necessarily gave a preponderance to
those teachers whose knowledge and mode of thought
were most nearly on a level with the minds of their
hearers, and whose doctrines were thus best adapted
to their apprehension. And hence there was a tendency
to depreciate philosophy, and to proclaim the incom­
petency of human reason of itself to deal with questions
touching the nature of God, or his relation to the
world and man, or his purposes with regard to the
unbelievers and the faithful. Corresponding with this
depreciation of the unaided reason, there was an elevation of the Scripture as the sole and sufficient source of
all religious truth, and of the Church as its one
infallible interpreter. And, when this point was
reached, it was inevitable, under the influence of the
prevailing sentiment with regard to Jesus, that the
very phrases which, as at first employed, indicated his
inferiority, should, when their real meaning was lost,
be quoted to prove his equality and even his identity
with God.”

�The First Book of Maccabees.

o/j

THE FIRST BOOK OF MACCABEES.

II. Of all the historical books in the Septuagint,
none is so thoroughly authentic as the first book of
Maccabees. But this book is remarkable in other
respects. It relates the war of extermination against
the Jews, undertaken by Antiochus Epiphanes, and
which called forth a glorious resistance, which ended
in establishing the independence of Judea under the
Maccabaean dr Asmonsean princes ; an independence
which lasted from b.c. 165 to B.c. 63. It is admitted
by the late Dean Alford and others that some of the
events recorded in -first Maccabees are referred to by
the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews, where (xi.,
34-38) he alludes to those who' “ out of weakness were
made strong, waxed valiant in fight, turned to flight
the armies of the aliens,” and also to those who “ were
tortured, not accepting deliverance, that they might
■obtain a better resurrection,” and those who “were
slain with the sword,” and “ wandered in deserts, and
in mountains, and in dens and caves of the earth.”
Other writers extend this reference. M. Ferdinand
Hitzig, Professor of Exegesis in the University of
Zurich, in his 11 Commentary on the Psalms,” 1836,
holds that Psalms 1, 2, 74-150 were composed during
the Maccabsean period of Jewish history.
Dr Wm. Smith (“ New Testament History,” p. 38),
says, “ It has been commonly supposed that the
Psalter contains compositions of the Maccabaean date.”
This supposition is strongly borne out by the internal
■evidence to it contained in the second, seventy-fourth,
seventy-ninth, and one-hundred-and-tenth Psalms, which clearly refer to some person who was both a
successful general and the anointed high priest and
governor of the Jews, which no Jew ever was prior to
the time of Judas Maccabaeus. And we are informed
expressly (1 Maccabees iv. 24), that it was on the oc­
casion when Judas gained a victory over Antiochus’
general, Gorgias, that the psalm was sung which stands

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numbered one hundred and thirty-six in our collection :
“ 0 give thanks unto the Lord, for he is good; for
his mercy endureth for ever.”
Moreover, we are told, 1 Maccabees, i. 56, that,
during the war of extermination, the soldiers of An­
tiochus, “ when they had rent in pieces the books of
the law which they found, they burned them with fire?’
And, when Judas had repulsed the armies of Antiochus,
and had turned the frustrated war of extermination
into a successful war for independence, we are told, 2
Maccabees, ii. 14, that “ Judas gathered together all
those things that were lost by reason of the war we
had, and they remain with us.”
From these statements it is very probable that Judas
Maccabteus, either in person or by deputy, was the
editor of the extant Hebrew canon ; and as he perished
in battle, b.o. 161, that canon cannot be much older
than that date.
But here a question arises, namely, By what means
did Judas “ gather together” the materials for his work
of compilation ? Of this circumstance we have not
any account. Can it be that Judas compiled the ex­
tant Hebrew canon from the septuagint version ? At
all events, there has not yet been found any inscription,
in the Hebrew square character, of earlier date than
the time of Judas.
THE SECOND BOOK OF ESDRAS.

III. But by far the most remarkable of the so-called
apocryphal books, once contained in the Septuagint, is
the book known in our “ Authorised Version ” as The
Second Book of Esdras. It is not now comprised in
the extant Septuagint; but it must once have been;
because it exists in the Latin version, or Vulgate, and
because Clement of Alexandria, Stromata iii. 16, § 100,
quotes the book as the work of “ the prophet Ezra.”
Much disputation has taken place regarding the date
of this book. Some place it in the time of Julius

�The Second Book of Esdras.

29

Ciesar, who perished, b.c. 44, while others assign the
book to the time of Domitian, who perished a.d. 96.
So far as regards the argument contained in this
tract, all the dates attributed to the second book of
Esdras, between b.c. 44 and a.d. 96, are equally unim­
portant. But the doctrines set forth in it are very re­
markable. As in the received New Testament, so in
Second Esdras, anticipations of happiness, viii. 52-55,
&amp;c., are clouded by forebodings, xiv. 10, of the world’s
senility. Over and over again, vii. 70, viii. i, 3, &amp;c.,
&amp;c., we are told that blessedness is reserved for only
££ very few.” After predicting miseries, the writer tells
us (vii. 26-35) that “ the bride shall appear,” and “ my
son Jesus shall be revealed with those that be with
him, and they that remain shall rejoice with him four
hundred years. After these years shall my son, Christ,
die, and all men that have life. And the world shall
be turned into the old silence seven days. . . .' and
after seven days the world .... shall be raised . . .
and the earth shall restore those that are asleep . . .
and the Most High shall appear upon the seat of judg­
ment, and misery shall pass away,” &amp;c., &amp;c. But these
predictions are followed by the gloomy consideration
that the passing away of misery shall be enjoyed only
by a few, ix. 7, 8 : ££ Every one that shall be saved, and
shall be able to escape by his works, and by faith, where­
by ye have believed, shall be preserved from the said
perils, and shall see my salvation in my land, and with­
in my borders ; for I have sanctified them for me from
the beginning.”* Adam is reproached, vii. 48, &amp;c. :
££ 0 thou Adam, what hast thou done ? for though it
was thou that sinned, thou art not fallen alone, but we
all that come of thee ! ” In short, all the Pauline and
other New Testament doctrines are set forth in the
second book of Esdras, except the doctrine of atone* Observe that here we have the discordant doctrines of
justification by works and justification by faith, afterwards
developed by James, ii. 24, and Paul, Romans iii. 28.

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ment by the human sacrifice of Jesus. That doctrine
was taught by the author of Daniel, who wrote during
the war of extermination, b.c. 168 to 164. He says,
ix, 26, “ Messiah shall be cut off, but not for himself.”
So that, in the middle of our second century, when the
compilers of our New Testament took in hand the for­
mation of a New Testament canon, they had all the
doctrines therein contained ready made for them in the
edition of the Septuagint then extant. This fact,
therefore, cuts away completely the ground under the
feet of those who assert that the compilers of our New
Testament wrote under the influence of divine inspira­
tion ; for there is not any necessity to require the inter­
vention of Divine Providence to account for a number
of men having written doctrines which, as we have seen,
had been already conceived and committed to writing.
EARLY CHRISTIAN METHOD OF EXPLAINING THE
OLD TESTAMENT, AND COMPILING THE NEW
TESTAMENT.

So early in the history of the Christian Church at
the period of its maturity as the time of Clemens
Alexandrinus, a.d. 200, it was found impossible, from our
four gospels, to determine exactly the number of years
during which Jesus exercised his ministry before his
crucifixion. Recourse was therefore had to our Old
Testament for a solution of the difficulty. Isaiah, in a
well known passage (lxi. 2) states that Jehovah had
anointed him, amongst other things, “ to proclaim the
acceptable year of the Lord.” Although Jesus never
was anointed, yet the writer of our third gospel (iv. 18,
19) makes him quote that passage, and apply it to
himself. So the word “ year ” in that passage was held
by Clement, Strom., 1, and Origen, Prin., 4, 5, as an
authoritative and satisfactory solution of the difficulty :
that Jesus’ ministry lasted only one year.
Such a
method of ascertaining a historical fact in the narratives

�Early Christian Methods.

31

of our New Testament is characteristic, not only of theearly fathers, but also of the writers who compiled our
four gospels. While each of these four writers gives
us an account of Jesus very different from the other
three, yet, when relating an incident in the life of Jesus,
they all try to show, by allegory or otherwise, that the
incident in question was either predicted or lay enveloped
in some prophecy, some story, or even some ceremonial
law contained in our Old Testament. Thus, speaking of
the Jewish nation, Isaiah (liii. 4) said, “surely he
hath borne our griefs, and carried our sorrows.” The
writer of our first gospel (viii. 16, 17) says, “when
the even was come, they brought unto him many that
were possessed with devils; and he cast out the spirits
with his word, and healed all that were sick: that it
might be fulfilled which was spoken by Esaias, the
prophet, saying, Himself took our infirmities, and bore
our sicknesses;” as if Jesus absorbed into his own
person the physical maladies of those whom he cured !
Again, Isaiah xi. 1, says that “there shall come forth
a rod out of the stem of Jesse, and a branch (netser)
shall grow out of its roots
that is the Messiah shall
be a netser of the house of Jesse. So, the writer of
our first gospel (ii. 23) says that Joseph, accompanied
by Jesus and his mother, “ came and dwelt in a city
called Nazareth, that it might be fulfilled which was
spoken by the prophets, He shall be called a Nazarene.”
Here the Hebrew word netser for the appellative noun
branch was taken as the type of the town Nazareth !
*
This combination is preposterous in the extreme; but
the passage also contains incidentally a curious indica­
tion that the writer of our first Gospel was not an inhabi­
tant of Palestine. He says that Joseph “ dwelt in a
city called Nazareth ; ” plainly indicating that neither
the writer nor his readers knew Palestine except at
second hand ; for an inhabitant of the country would
not write in such a vague manner.
Let the reader
* See Kalisch on Leviticus, vol. i. 148.

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Our First Century.

imagine an-inhabitant of England stating that the sub­
ject of his memoir “ dwelt in a city called Chester.”
Again, the writer of Exodus (xii. 46) when giving di­
rections regarding the sacrifice of the paschal lamb,
says, “ neither shall ye break a bone thereof.” So, the
writer of our fourth gospel says that when the soldiers
came to Jesus, on the cross, and saw he was dead
already, “ they brake not his legs,” and adds (xix. 36)
that “ these things were done that the scripture should
be fulfilled, A bone of him shall not be broken/
So that a ceremonial law, according to this writer, was
a type of Jesus !
Such fantastical adaptations of passages in the Old
Testament to incidents in the life of Jesus were sure to
create obscurities and contradictions in the histories of
him. Each of our evangelists describes Jesus from a
particular point of view, and none of them endeavour
to give us a complete account of his whole life. Yet
we have New Testament writings of various kinds
giving accounts, not only of his whole fife, but also of
what he did when he descended into Hades : an event
which is alluded to more than once in our New Testa­
ment. Still this want of an intelligible, connected,
and complete history of Jesus is a source of incurable
uncertainty to any one who attempts to write his life.
There is not any extant model of him with which we
can compare the improbable and jarring incidents re­
lated concerning him. Moreover, our four gospels,
relating almost exclusively to the short period of his
ministry,—“ the acceptable year of the Lord,”—give
only a very imperfect account of him. It is remarkable
that none of our evangelists, nor the so-called apocry­
phal evangelists attempt to describe Jesus. They do
not appear ever to have seen him. To our evangelists
Jesus was a “mystery,” “a hope,” “a wandering
voice,”—
“ Still longed for, never seen! ”

In the present day, therefore, all that can be done is

�A Complete Life offesus.

33

to “gather together,” like Judas Maccabeeus, the prin­
cipal incidents in the life of Jesus, according as they are
related in the various extant New Testament writings.
It will be seen that the incidents in all those writings
are equally improbable.
A COMPLETE LIFE OF JESUS.

Jesus, a Jewish carpenter, (Mark vi. 3), was born (Luke
iii. 23) about Olympiad 195, 1. His father, Joseph, (Protevangeleon viii. 8), was also a carpenter of Nazareth in
Galilee. Being warned by an angel, Joseph fled with
Jesus and his mother Mary to Egypt, where {Infancy, iv.
3, 6,13,22) on their entrance the idols of Egypt fell down.
When returning to Judea the family fell among robbers,
of whom the chief were Titus and Dimachus. The
former wished to let the family pass unmolested ; but
the latter objected, whereupon (viii. 6, 7,) Jesus pro­
phesied that at the end of thirty years he and the two
thieves would be crucified, and that the thief, Titus,
should go before him into Paradise. St Bartholomew,
(xi.), when a child and sick, was cured miraculously
by being laid on Jesus’ bed. Judas Iscariot, (xiv.j,
when a boy, being possessed by Satan and brought
into the presence of Jesus to be cured, tried to bite
Jesus, and, because he failed, he struck Jesus on the
*
right side, and in the same moment Satan went out of
Judas, and ran away like a mad dog. The same side
of Jesus which had been struck the Jews pierced with
a spear. By means of miracles (xvi.) Jesus aided his
father, Joseph, at his carpenter’s work. Simon, the
Canaanite, (xviii.), when a boy, and bitten by a serpent,
was cured miraculously by Jesus. Joseph (xix.) having
sent his son James to gather wood, the latter was
bitten by a venomous viper, but was cured miraculously
by Jesus. Also (xx.) Jesus being sent to school to
one Zaccheus, so astonished the master that he told
Joseph that Jesus was more learned than any master. * 1
c

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So Joseph and Mary brought Jesus to another master
■who, when Jesus refused to name the letters proceeded
to flog him ; but as soon as the master raised his hand
it withered, and he died. When Jesus was twelve
years old (xxi.) his parents brought him to Jerusalem
to the passover, and when the feast was over they re­
turned ; but Jesus continued behind in the temple
among the doctors, and elders, and learned men of
Israel, to whom he proposed several questions, and
also gave answers. He quoted our one hundred and
tenth psalm to prove that the Messiah was the lord of
David; * he explained to them the books of the law,
* This Psalm, ex., has misled not only the writer of “The
Infancy,” but also Matthew, xxii. 44, Mark xii. 36, Luke xx.
42, and the writers of Acts ii. 34, and Hebrews i. 13. Yet,
when examined with care and skill, it can be shown to be a
psalm singularly inapplicable to David: neither written by
him, nor addressed to him.
I. Por Melchisedec was not a Jew, and consequently
neither David nor any other Jew could be a priest according
to the order of Melchisedec, but only according to the order
of Aaron.
II. The oath of Jehovah (verse 4) shews that the priesthood in
question had been denied, and must be asserted by force of arms
against hostile kings. What did foreign kings care about the
priesthood of David, or of his successors ? What those kings,
alluded to in the text of Psalm ex., contended against was the
Melchisedecian character of a priest: that is to say his royal
dignity. But before the captivity the kings of the Jews were
not strictly priests. The case of Uzziah (2 Chron- xxvi. 16-21,)
is decisive on this point. Moreover, it is a well known fact
that the Jewish priests never were kings. The union men­
tioned in verse 4 first took this form under the Maccabees, who
were styled etlinarclis or princes, not kings (basileis), when
Priest Jonathan (1 Mace. ix. 30, &amp;c.,) exercised the highest
civil power, while at the same time he was high priest. The
Maccabees were first priests and afterwards princes ; and to
the Maccabees (Philo De Legations, § 26,) the royal power
appeared less important than the priestly.
III. Originally the Maccabees were priests, not princes ;
and, therefore, the oath in this psalm, making the priest a
prince, and a priest according to the order of Melchisedec,
exalts the subject by making him a priest-prince.

�A Complete Life of fetus.

35

and the mysteries which, are contained in the boots of
the prophets—things which the mind of no creature
could reach; ” he explained all the motions of the
heavenly bodies ; and he explained the sciences of
physics and metaphysics. Jesus having made twelve
sparrows of clay on the Sabbath-day {Thomas i.) gave
them life, and the sparrows flew away. “Another time
(ii. 7-9,) Jesus went forth into the street, and a boy,
running by, rushed upon his shoulder; at which Jesusi
being angry, said unto him, Thou shalt go no further,
-and he immediately fell down dead.”
When he was about thirty years old (Justin Martyr’s
“ Dialogue with Trypho,” Luke iii. 21-23,) “Jesus came
to the river Jordan, where John was baptizing, and
when he went down to the water, a fire was kindled in
the Jordan;” and “being baptized, and praying, the
heaven was opened, and the Holy Ghost descended in
a bodily shape like a dove upon him; and a voice
came from heaven, which said, Thou art my beloved
son, in thee I am well pleased.”
Shortly after his baptism Jesus entered on his public
ministry, the events of which are recorded fully in our
four gospels. The only new doctrine he preached was,
that he, Jesus, was the Christ who was to save Israel;
and he proved the truth of his doctrine by his miracu. lous exploits, which he is related {Matthew xi. 5,) to
IV. In Psalm cviii. the conquest of Gilead and Moab is
first mentioned. And the connexion of Psalm ex. with Psalms
cviii. and cix. Hitzig considers to be not accidental.
V. Lastly the writer of Psalm ex. has not a full command
of the language, as is shown by his unnecessarily repeating the
same terms ; and the post-Babylonian origin of the psalm is
clearly indicated by the words “mishchar” and “yaldutheka,”
the latter is first found in Ecclesiastes, and the former is a
late formation. The two words (the former in a slightly modi­
fied form) are found in Ecclesiastes xi. 10, with which Hitzig
considers Psalm ex. to be evidently connected. Once admitted
to be posterior to the captivity, the psalm must necessarily
belong to the Maccabean period, as it pre-supposes independent
Jewish rulers ((who were also priests) at Jerusalem.

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Our First Century.

have enumerated thus : “ The blind receive their sight,,
the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, the deaf hearr
the dead are raised, and the poor have the gospelpreached to them.” These exploits were supposed tohave been predicted by Isaiah (xxxv. 5,6; Ixi. 1.)
But after some time, at the instigation of the Jews,,
the Roman governor of Judea, Pontius Pilate, crucified
Jesus and the two thieves, whom Nicodemus, in his
gospel, calls Gestas and Dimas.
*
Upon that occasion,
“about the sixth hour, darkness was upon the face of
the whole earth until the ninth hour. And while the
sun was eclipsed, behold the veil of the temple was
rent from the top to the bottom; and the rocks also
were rent, and the graves opened, and many bodies of"
saints which slept arose.' And about the ninth hour
Jesus cried with a loud voice, saying, Eli, Eli, lama
zabacthani, which being interpreted is, My God, my
God, why hast thou forsaken me? {Psalm xxii. 1),
And after these things Jesus said, Father, into thy
hands I commend my spirit;! {Psalm xxxi. 5), and
having said this he gave up the ghost.” See Nicode­
mus viii. 1-4; Matthew xxvii. 46-53; Luke xxiii. 46.
Being dead and buried, Jesus {Nicodemus, xvi.,
xvii., and x-viii.) proceeded to the gates of Hades,
whereupon a voice of thunder proclaimed, “ Lift up
your gates, O ye princes; and be ye lifted up ye ever­
lasting doors, and the King of Glory shall come in.”
{Psalm, xxiv., 7, Septuagint.') Jesus then entered
Hades, delivered Adam, David, and all the ancient
patriarchs, saints, and righteous men, and “trampling
* According to Christians these differences of the thieves’
names prove the gospels of the Infancy and Nicodemus to be
spurious ; while the differences in the names of the twelve
apostles {Matthew x. 3; Mark iii. 18; Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13,)
are not of any consequence ! !
+ According to our unique fourth gospel (xix. 28,) the last
words of Jesus were different from these. But Nicodemus,
“ Matthew,” and Luke, constitute a majority of three to one
against “ John ! ”

�A Complete Life of "Jesus.

37

■on Death, seized the prince of Hades (Beelzebub), and
deprived him of all his power,” except that Jesus made
Satan subject to Beelzebub, “ in the room of Adam and
his righteous sons.”
These events are alluded to in Ephesians iv., 8-10,
where the writer says, “When he ascended up on high, he
led captivity captive, and gave gifts unto men. (Psalm
Ixviii. 18.) Now that he ascended, what is it but that
he also descended first into the lower parts of the earth ?
He that descended is the same also that ascended far
above all heavens, that he might fill all things.” -See
also 1 Peter iii. 19, 20, and 2 Timothy i. 10, where
Jesus is said to have “abolished death.”
After having done all that was necessary in “ the
lower parts of earth,” Jesus rose from the grave on the
8th of April, a.d. 30. (See Dr William Smith’s “ New
Testament History,” page 292.) He remained on earth,
somewhere or other, for a period of forty days, during
which time, according to Nicodemus (x. 23), he shewed
himself to his disciples. This agrees with the account
in our fourth gospel, while our first gospel (xxvi. 32,
xxviii. 10) extends the interviews of Jesus to his
brethren. While again (1 Cor. xv. 6) Paul extends those
interviews to “ above five hundred brethren at once ! ”
Of these five hundred there is not any mention made
in our gospels, nor do the writers indicate any idea of
such a number of brethren. When the forty days were
ended (Luke xxiv. 33, 36, 42, 43) Jesus stood in the
midst of the eleven apostles (Judas Iscariot being dead),
and those that were with him at Jerusalem, and “ he
did eat a piece of a broiled fish, and of an honeycomb,”
and (50) “ he led them out as far as Bethany, and he
lifted up his hands and blessed them. And it came to
pass, while he blessed them, he was parted from them,
and carried up into heaven.”
It should be observed here that the “ heaven” of both
the ancient Jews and Greeks was a revolving brazen vault
rising out of ocean at the horizon, with a trap-door in

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it to let its inhabitants down and up again. Thus
(Iliad, viii. 391-6), speaking of Here and Pallas, the
author of our Iliad says, “ Here with the lash urged on
the steeds speedily. The self-opening portals of heaven
creaked, which the Hours held in charge, to whom are
entrusted the great heaven and Olympus, either to open
the dense cloud, or to close it. Then through these they
guided their goaded steeds.” The reader can compare
this passage with Genesis xxviii. 17, where Jacob, after
dreaming, thought he had found “the gate of heaven.”
Jesus, then, having ascended through the aforesaid
gate or trap-door into “heaven,” the book of Acts
opens with Peter occupying the chief place among the
Apostles. • This agrees with our first gospel, xvi. 16-19.
In that book, Peter is not supplanted by John, as
in/mr fourt11 gospel.
But before many years {Acts
xiii-xxviii.), both Peter and John were far outshone by
Paul (a.d. 45-63), who became the real author of
Christianity as it is held by Unitarians.
Paul was at first a persecutor of the Christians ; but
while going to Damascus with a force to seize on some
of those sectaries, about a.d.’ 31, he was surrounded
with a supernatural light {Acts ix., xxii., and xxvi.),
which swallowed the brightness of the noon-day sunj
and struck to the earth Paul and his small retinue of
armed men. But although the only person among
them who was blinded by that light was Paul, yet he
was the only person who, amidst that stunning light,
beheld the glorified Jesus, and heard him say, “ Saul 1
Saul! why persecutest thou Me ? ” Paul, although he
had never seen or heard Jesus previously, at once
recognised him, and asked “ Lord, what wilt thou have
me to do ? ”
To shorten a long story, related in an utterly conflieting manner in Acts, Galatians, and Romans, Paul now
steps into the foreground of this miraculous and
mythical history (a.d. 45), and becomes the real
fashioner of Christianity into a self-consistent doctrinal

�A Complete Life of fesus.

39

form,—a task not performed by Peter, John, or even
Jesus himself. Moreover {Romans xv. 19), Paul
spread Christianity from. Jerusalem, through Asia
Minor, through part of Greece, Rome, and Illyricum.
“ From Jerusalem, and round about unto Illyricum, I
have fully preached the gospel.” These words are sup­
posed to have been written about a.d. 60. Doubtless,
the writer meant that Paul had not only preached the
gospel in those places, but that he had preached it suc­
cessfully ; that he had made vast numbers of converts,
and had founded thriving churches throughout the wide
circuit of his apostolical labours and journeys. And
this is confirmed by a statement supposed to have been
written by Tacitus (Annals, xv. 44), that when Nero
persecuted the Christians, a.d. 64, “ the confessions of
those who were seized discovered a great multitude of
their accomplices.”
Yet, according to Chrysostom
(Opera, vii. 658), after Christianity had enjoyed the
sunshine of imperial favour more than sixty years (a.d.
370), the Christians in Rome did not exceed a fifth
part of its inhabitants ! While, ’according to Basil and
Gregory of Nyssa (before mentioned, p. 15), about a.d.
250, the extensive diocese , of Neo Caesarea contained
only seventeen believers !
Thirty-nine years elapsed between the supposed
imprisonment of Paul at Rome and the termination of
our first century. During that period we know literally
nothing about the history of the Christian Church, or
of the Apostles. It is a period of complete darkness,
in the supposed history of the Christian Church. We
have not any historical evidence concerning even the
existence of the Christian Church until it emerges into
light, amidst a whirlwind of controversy, about the time
of Justin Martyr, who was put to death about a.d. 165.
Mosheim (Church History, century 1, part ii., ch: ii.,
§ 3), says, “Many have undertaken to write the history
of the apostles,—a history full of fables, doubts, and
difficulties.”

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Our First Century
OUR NEW TESTAMENT.

It is quite evident that the writers of our New Tes­
tament were neither pure Jews nor heathens. They
neither rejected our Old Testament nor received it
literally as orthodox Jews would. Those writers were
not wholly ignorant of Jewish laws and customs, nor
were they well acquainted with them.
In our fourth gospel (i. 29), Jesus is called “ the
lamb of God that taketli away the sin of the world.”
But under the dispensation contained in our Old Testa­
ment a lamb never was appointed for a sin offering.
There was not any such offering except one, namely,
the scapegoat, and (Lev. iv. and Num. xv.) that offer­
ing atoned only for sins of ignorance. Thus while the
Grecian idea of the atoning victim (hiereion) was that
it atoned for every offence, the so-called Mosaic idea
was that, the victim—and only the scapegoat—atoned
only for sins of ignorance (agnoemata).
Some writers have endeavoured to refer this lamb of
the fourth gospel to the “ lamb ” mentioned in Isaiah
liii. 7. But in that passage Jehovah’s servant is com­
pared not only to a lamb but also to a sheep. There
are other passages in that chapter which are very
inconsistent with what our New Testament tells us
concerning Jesus. He had not any children, and,
therefore (verse 10), he could not see his seed. Jesus
was put to death when he was about thirty years of
age, and, therefore, he could not be said to “ prolong
his days.” Jesus is said to be identical with the God
of the Christians. Therefore if (verse 12) “he made
intercession for transgressors,” the intercession must
have been made to some God who is not the God of
the Christians ; because Jesus could not make interces­
sion to himself.
The fact is, that the whole of that passage does not
relate to Jesus but to Israel; and through love of
allegory and ignorance of the Pentateuch, the writer of

�Our New Testament.

4i

our fourth gospel confounded the paschal lamb with
the scapegoat. These are mistakes which might be
naturally expected to have been made by men, who, in
the words of Faustus, were half Jews.
It is remarkable, moreover, that the writers of our
New Testament were unable to make Jesus improve on
the precept (Lev. xix. 18), “Thou shalt love thy neigh­
bour as thyself.” On the contrary (Matt. xxii. 39,
Bom. xiii. 9, Gal. v. 14, Jas. ii. 8), Jesus, Paul, and
James avow that all the Mosaic law is fulfilled by the
observance of that precept. This proves that the
founders of Christianity were defective in point of
originality, and that they copied almost every thing
from the Septuagint. In fact, from what has been
said, it is more than probable that our New Testa­
ment is a philosophical romance inculcating doctrines
compounded of Neoplatonism, JEgypto-Jewish philo­
sophy, Bacchic doctrines derived from the Eleusinian
mysteries, and Septuagint theology, thought out at Alex­
andria, after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus,
a.d. 70. As has been already shown, the narratives
contained in our New Testament are ignored utterly
by all extant contemporary writers, and by evidence of
every kind; and its theology is to be found in the
Septuagint.
All extant New Testament writings,— the apocry­
phal as well as the canonical,—are written some in
Syriac, some in Coptic, and most of them in Alexan­
drine Greek. But none of them are written in Hebrew.
This is a remarkable fact. It points to Egypt, not
Palestine, as being the birth-place of Christianity.
*
* Gibbon (“Decline and Fall,” ch. xv.) says that Chris­
tianity “was at first embraced by great numbers of the
Therapeutse, or Essenians of the lake Mareotis, a Jewish sect
which had abated much of its reverence for the Mosaic cere­
monies. The austere life of the Essenians, their fasts and
excommunications, the community of goods, the love of celi­
bacy, their zeal for martyrdom, and the warmth, though not
the purity, of their faith already offered a very lively image
of the primitive discipline. It was in the school of Alexandria

�42

Our First Century.

There was, indeed, a tradition in the Christian
Chnrch that our first gospel was written in Hebrew;
but there is not any evidence proving that any one ever
saw that Hebrew gospel.
That the Jews spoke a language different from Greek
we know from Josephus (“Wars of the Jews,” v. 9,
§ 2), who tells us that Titus, when ready to attack the
Jews in their last intrenchment, “ not only proceeded
earnestly in the siege, but did not omit to have the
Jew’s exhorted to repentance.” And “he entreated
them to surrender the city, now in a manner already
taken, and thereby to save themselves, and he sent
Josephus to speak to them in their own language; for
he imagined they might yield to the persuasion of a
countryman of their own.” In the time of Titus, it
was as fashionable among the Bomans to understand
Greek as it W’as to speak good Latin. Consequently, if
the Jew’s understood Greek, Titus had not any occasion
to send Josephus to speak to them. But if the Jew’s
understood only Syro-Chaldee, then we can easily under­
stand why Titus “sent Josephus to speak to them in
their own language.”
that the Christian theology appears to have assumed a regular
and scientifical form ; and when Hadrian visited Egypt, he
found a church composed of Jews and of Greeks, sufficiently
important to attract the notice of that inquisitive prince.
But the progress of Christianity was for a long time confined
within the limits of a single city, which was itself a foreign
colony; and, till the close of the second century, the predecessors
of Demetrius were the only prelates of the Christian church.
Three bishops were consecrated by the hands of Demetrius,
and the number was increased to twenty by the hands of
his successor Heraclas. The body of the natives, a people dis­
tinguished by a sullen inflexibility of temper, entertained the
new doctrine with coldness and reluctance ; and even in the
time of Origen, it was rare to meet with an Egyptian who
had surmounted his early prejudices in favour of the sacred
animals of his country. As soon, indeed, as Christianity
ascended the throne, the zeal of those barbarians obeyed the
prevailing impulsion; the cities of Egypt were filled with
bishops, and the deserts of Thebais swarmed with hermits.”

�Our New Testament.

43

It is admitted that the writers of our New Testament
quote from the Septuagint frequently. It is estimated
that there are about three hundred and fifty quotations
from the Old Testament in the New, and that of these
about three hundred are taken from the Septuagint.
This proves that the writers could not have been Pales­
tine Jews; for they would no more quote from the
Septuagint than a bigoted Roman Catholic would quote
from the authorised English version of the Bible, or
than a bigoted Protestant would quote from the Douay
version. Not only do the writers of our New Testa­
ment quote from the Septuagint, but one of them, as
before mentioned (Hebrews i. 6), actually quotes a
verse from the Septuagint (Deuteronomy xxxii. 43),.
which is not to be found in the extant Hebrew text.
It has been said that they quoted from the Septua­
gint because they wrote for people who spoke Greek;
but that could not account for their quoting from the
Septuagint where it differs from the Hebrew. Much
less could it account for their putting passages from the
Septuagint into the speeches of Jesus. This is like
making Achilles (see Iphigenia in Aulis) and Ajax
(see Aias) deliver speeches in Attic Greek, which had
not any existence at the time of the Trojan war. Of
course there cannot be any objection to this in a literary
point of view. But what should we say if Euripides
and Sophocles had asserted that they heard Achilles
and Ajax delivering those speeches ? Of course we
should regard them as impostors, and their use of the
Attic dialect would convict them.
Most remarkable of all is the speech of Stephen
(Acts vii. 2-53). If the citations in that long defence
can be referred to any source, it must be to the Septua­
gint. But the quotations so frequently differ from
both the Septuagint and the Hebrew that it is quite
evident the writer of that speech was thinking mor'e of
argument than of verifying his quotations. Jt is
remarkable that the writer, in describing Stephen’s

�44

Our First Century.

speech, addressed to an assembly speaking SyroChaldee, makes him quote freely from the Septuagint:
he might have been as appropriately described speaking
Irish ! which, according to Dr Jeffrey Keating, was 11 the
gartigarrqn, or original language spoken in the garden
of Eden.”* After praising “ the wonderful depth of
words ” in the speech, Dean Alford says: “ It is a
hardly disputable inference from chapter vi. 9, that
Stephen was a Hellenist: his citations and quasi­
citations for the most part agree with the Septuagint
version. Hence it seems most probable that he spoke
in Greek, which was almost universally understood in
-Jerusalem. [Although, as we have seen, Josephus had
to speak to the Jews in Syro-Chaldee !] If he spoke
in Hebrew (Syro-Chaldaic), then either those passages
where the Septuagint varies from the Hebrew text
must owe their insertion in that shape to some Greek
narrator, or to Luke himself,—or Stephen must have,
in speaking, translated them, thus varying, into
Hebrew.”
What a mass of improbabilities is here presented to
us by Dean Alford! Yet, observe, they all vanish if
we regard our New Testament as containing fragments
of an ethical romance, composed by the Jews of Alex­
andria, after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus :
fragments, because the history of Jesus Christ contained
in our New Testament is palpably incomplete.
It is impossible to harmonise, our gospel narratives.
-On this subject Dean Alford (N. T., vol. i., p. 23)
observes correctly : “ If the evangelists have delivered
to us truly and faithfully the apostolic narratives, and
if the apostles spoke as the Holy Spirit enabled them,
-and brought events and sayings to their recollection,
then we may be sure that if we knew the real process
•of the transactions themselves, that knowledge would
■enable us to give an account of the diversities of narra* See Mr Wm. Pinkerton on “The Irish Harp.”
&amp; Q.,” Sept. 1867.

“N.

�Our New Testament.

45

tion and arrangement which, the gospels now present to
ns. But without such knowledge, all attempts to
accomplish this analysis in minute detail must he
merely conjectural, and must tend to weaken the evan­
gelic testimony rather than to strengthen it.”
What an admission from an orthodox commentator !
When we endeavour to identify the scene of the.
events related in our New Testament with any of the
localities in Palestine, we feel painfully the truth of the
maxim which says that geography is one of the eyes of
history. Such expressions as “ by the sea,” “ into a
mountain,” “ in a desert place,” “into the wilderness,”
and the like, too plainly indicate that the narratives
contained in our New Testament have their incidents
laid in Palestine by writers who never travelled through
that country. Concerning the personal appearance of
Jesus and his apostles we know nothing whatever.
They are names and nothing more. The reader is
supposed to know all about them. While the nar­
ratives are pervaded by a caution, a generality, a vague­
ness, an indistinctness, and an abruptness of transition
which deprive them of those characteristics which
invariably accompany reality, such narratives cannot
have originated in Judea or Palestine.
A very remarkable feature in our New Testament is
the disregard shown by the writers for the observance
of the seventh day of the week as a day of rest and
holiness. See Mattheiv xii. 12, Mark ii. 23-28, Luke
vi. 1-11, John sr. 9-18. Shortly after ,the ascension
(Acts xx. 6-7, 1 Cor. xvi. 2, Rev. i. 10, Justin’s
“ Apology,” 87, 89) the first day of the week was sub­
stituted for the seventh.
Still more remarkable is the virtual abrogation of theMosaic Law by the early Christian Church. Although
in our gospels (Matthew v. 17-19, etc.) Jesus is made tosay that he had not come to destroy that code of laws,
yet (Acts xv.) shortly after the ascension, and at the
first supposed oecumenical council almost the whole

�46

Our First Century.

Mosaic Law was abrogated, Peter styling it “a yoke
which neither our fathers nor we were able to bear.”
The only fragments of that “ yoke ” left remaining were
abstinence from things strangled and from blood. Even
the fornication permitted (Numbers xxxi. 35-41) by
that law was abolished.
Such proceedings as these prove that our New Testa­
ment was not written by men of an indolent, cere­
monious, and conservative mental temperament, but by
men whose genius was active, innovating, and progres­
sive; by men who, recognising the exalted morality
(Leviticus xix. 18 and 34) propounded in some of the
Cid Testament writings, were yet impatient of formalism,
adherence to old abuses and to useless ceremonies. In
this respect the contrast between the two Testaments is
as strong as that between the mental disposition of the
Jews at Jerusalem and at Alexandria. In fact (as
before stated at p. 41), it is not within the scope of
probability to suppose that our New Testament could
have been written by Palestine Jews.
A writer in the “ British Quarterly Review ” for July
1871, when noticing Professor Jowett’s translation of
the Dialogues of Plato, p. 155-187, shows that the
Christian doctrine of hell is identical with that of Plato,
who flourished b.c. 398. While, on the other hand’
“ Plato’s heaven is also, to a considerable extent, the
heaven of the Revelation. Both are described in very
materialistic terms. To this day, the popular notion of
heaven is undoubtedy associated with saints in white
garments, crowns and thrones of gold and gems, music,
brightness, and eternal hallelujahs. One little coin­
cidence between the Platonic and the Apocalyptic
account is too remarkable to be omitted. In Plato (p.
110, D.) we are told that, besides silver and gold,
heaven is spangled with gems of which earthly gems
are but fragments, 1 sardine stones, and also jaspers and
emeralds.’ In the fourth chapter of Revelation (ver.
3) we read, ‘ and behold a throne was set in heaven,

�Our New Testament.

47

and one sat on the throne. And he that sat was to
look upon like a jasper and a sardine stone ; and there
was a rainbow round about the throne, in sight like
unto an emerald? ”
If Plato were acquainted with the hell and heaven
mentioned in our New Testament five centuries before
that collection of writings had any known existence,
how can the author of Christianity be styled (2 Tim. i.
10) him “who hath abolished death, and hath brought
life and immortality to light through the gospel?”
Plato must have acquired his knowledge of our hell and
heaven from speculation, or from inspiration, or from
some other speculator. There is not any reason for
supposing Plato was acquainted with Jewish theology
or traditions. The probability is “ that the belief in a
penal state of existence after death (so clearly developed
in the well-known passage of Virgil, JEn. vi. 735 seg'.),
like that of a Last Judgment, had its origin rather in
the speculation of mystics, and passed into the popular
theology of Christian teachers.”
“ Scarcely less remarkable is the coincidence of the
four rivers that surround the abode of shades in the
under world (Phcedo., p. 112, E.), and the four rivers
(Genesis ii. 10-14) that encompassed the ‘Garden of
Eden.’ ”
When speaking of the martyrs to the Truth who had
preceded him, the Jesus of our New Testament (Matt,
xxiii. 35, Luke xi. 51) is made to mention the first
martyr, Abel, and the last Jewish martyr, “ Zacharias,
son of Barachias,” a man who (Josephus’ Wars of the
Jews, iv. 5, § 4) was murdered just before the siege of
Jerusalem by Titus. This Zacharias was accused falsely
by the Zealots “ of a design to betray their polity to the
Romans, and of having sent traitorously to Vespasian
for that purpose.” But Zacharias “ in a few words
confuted the crimes laid to his charge.” “The seventy
judges brought in their verdict, that the person accused
was not guilty.—choosing rather to die themselves with

�48

Our First Century.

him than to have his death laid at their doors; here­
upon there arose a great clamour of the Zealots upon
his acquittal, and they all had indignation at the judges,
for not understanding that the authority that was given
to them was but in jest. So two of the boldest of them
fell upon Zacharias in the middle of the temple, and
slew him.”
In our Iliad and Odyssey, and in the Cyclic Poems,
we have four editions of Ajax and four of Achilles.
In our New Testament we have four editions of Jesus,
namely that (i.) in the Apocalypse, where he is a vin­
dictive being; (ii.) that in the Pauline epistles, where
Jesus is a benign being; (iii.) that in the gospels of
Matthew, Mark, and Luke, where Jesus is a man who
claims to be considered the Christ, although he never
was anointed ; and (iv.) that in the Gospel of John,
*
where Jesus is represented as being the Logos or divine
word spoken of by Philo Judaeus.
Also in our New Testament we have four editions of
the Apostle Peter, namely (i.) that in the gospels of
Matthew, Mark, and Luke, where Peter is represented
as the foremost apostle ; (ii.) that in the Pauline epistles,
where Paul is represented as Peter’s equal; (iii.) that
in the book of 11 Acts,” where LPaul is represented as
Peter’s superior; and (iv.) that in the unique fourth
gospel, where John is represented as being Peter’s
superior ! Can any rational man imagine these various
and inconsistent statements to be valid and historical
accounts of real human beings ?
In conclusion, it should be borne in mind that if we
suppose that the writers of our New Testament were
Alexandrine Jews, ignorant of Hebrew and Chaldee,
that they were ignorant of Palestine localities, that our
* The omission of this essential qualification—a qualification,
in the words of Burke, “ conspicuous by its absence,”—detects
unmistakably “the cloven footat least to every such person
as deserves to be called, in the words of Griesbach, emunctioris
naris criticus.

�Our New Testament.

49

New Testament was written after the destruction of
Jerusalem by Titus, and that its narrative is a romance,
like Xenophon’s Cyropcedia, or the book of Daniel, not
a genuine history, then we have a hypothesis which
accounts—
1. For the existence in our New Testament of quota­
tions from the Septuagint, even where it differs
from the extant Hebrew.
2. For the uniformity of the dialect in our New
Testament amidst the variety of styles.
3. For the very imperfect knowledge which the
writers exhibit of the laws, manners, and customs
of the Palestine Jews.
4. For the mixing of Jewish monotheism and
Grecian sacrifice.
5. For the vagueness of the gospel narratives.
6. For the different editions of doctrines and men
contained in our New Testament.
7. For the inversion of the triumphant Christ of the
Old Testament into the suffering Christ of the
New.
8. For the conflicting histories of St Paul in A cts ix,
xi. and xiii. and in Galatians i. and ii. and
Romans xv. 19.
9. For representing Syro-Chaldee speaking Jews
as understanding words such as “ legion, ”
“ Peter,” the play on the words pdtra and petros,
&amp;c., &amp;c.
10. For the unique identification in our fourth
gospel of Philo’s logos with the J ewish christos.
11. For the reception by the Christian Church of our
fourth gospel.
12. For the introduction of Plato’s heaven into our
Apocalypse.
13. For the prevalence of allegory in our New
Testament ; and its application there not only
to events, but also to words and ceremonies.
14. For the absence of all notice regarding the inciD

�50

Our First Century.

dents related in our new Testament narratives by
all writers who flourished in Greece, Rome,
Egypt, and Palestine between a.d. 1 and a.d. 70.
15. For the constant endeavour to make incidents in
our New Testament narratives verify Old Testa­
ment statements and prophecies.
16. For the fragmentary forms of our gospel narra­
tives, forming, as they do, the history of only three
or four years of Jesus’ life, or probably only one
year.
17. For the principal characters in those narratives
being generally assumed as being well known to
the reader.
18. For the impossibility of harmonizing the dis­
crepancies in our New Testament narratives.
19. And for the fact that our four gospels are so
often and so familiarly quoted by Irenseus, who
was Bishop of Lyons a.d. 177, and so rarely, if
ever, by preceding writers.
Here we have nineteen difficulties solved : difficulties
deemed insuperable hitherto.
Perhaps there never
will be devised a hypothesis which will explain the
exact cause, date, circumstances, and method whereby
the compilation of our New Testament has been ac­
complished. Scarcely any thing can be more remark­
able than the way in which our New Testament writ­
ings appear silently, as it were, in Christian ecclesiastical
literature. At first, they appear in mere glimpses in
Justin Martyr, then a little more explicitly in Tatian,
Theophilus, and Athenagoras, until they seem to burst
into full recognition in the writings of Irenaeus. That
writings of such ecclesiastical merit as those contained
in our New Testament, if really so ancient as they are
generally supposed to be, should have taken so long a time
to work themselves into acceptance by the Christian
Church, and to supersede the so-called Apocryphal New
Testament writings, is as difficult to believe as it is that
the mathematical demonstrations contained in the works

�Persecutions.

51

of Sir Isaac Newton could have preceded the compara­
tively crude and inconclusive arguments contained in
the writings of Nicholas Copernicus. But the truth is
that there is not any evidence whatever that Christi­
anity existed in any shape during the first seventy years
of our first century. Even the existence of synods or
councils cannot be shewn to have taken place during
our first century. Both Mosheim ^Institutes, century
ii., part ii. chapter ii. § 3), and Mr Charles J. Hefele
(“ History of the Christian Councils,” p. 17, translated
and edited by Mr Wm.R. Clarke), admit that there is not
any trace of synods or councils during our first century.
Mosheim’s words are that “ conventions of delegates
from the several churches assembled for deliberation,
were called by the Greeks, synods, and by the Latins,
councils ; and the laws agreed upon in them were called
canons or rules. These councils, of which no vestige
appears before the middle of this century, changed
*
nearly the whole form of the church.” And though
Hefele thinks that the earliest synods—the first council
was that of Nice, a.d. 325—were those held in Asia
Minor, on the appearance of Montanism, about the
middle of the second century, yet he cannot give these
synods definite times and places, and he admits (p. 79)
that “ the dates of these synods is nowhere exactly
pointed out.” The earliest synod he appears to have
succeeded in finding is that of Alexandria, held in the
year a.d. 231. That Alexandria should have been the
place where the first Christian synod assembled is re­
markable.
PERSECUTIONS.

But it would be an error to suppose that the exploits
of Jesus and his immediate followers formed the subject
of all the romances written by the primitive Christians.
Vulgar vanity delights to dwell on the contemplation
of its real or imaginary sufferings. In the hour of
* i.«., the second century.

�52

Our First Century.

triumph it is delightful to trample on the descendants
of those who oppressed our ancestors. Ten persecu­
tions of the primitive Christians by the Roman em­
perors are enumerated by the Christian fathers, namely,
those under Nero, a.d. 64; under Domitian, a.d. 95;
under Trajan, a.d. 106 ; under Marcus Aurelius, a.d.
166; under Maximin, a.d. 235 ; under Decius, a.d.
250; under Valerian, a.d. 258; under Aurelian, a.d.
275 ; and under Diocletian and Maximinian, a.d. 303.
It is with only the first three of these persecutions
that this tract has any concern.
It has been shown already that Nero had not any
Christians to persecute, because he perished a.d. 68,
before the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, and, con­
sequently, before Christians had any real existence.
Eusebius is the only authority for the persecution
under Domitian. Between these two men there is a
gulf of two centuries and a half. Eusebiu-s was notor­
iously defective in judgment, honesty, and accuracy,
and his mere statement is not of any value.
For the persecution under Trajan there is not any
authority except the younger Pliny’s letter, which has
been already disposed of. And what has been above
brought forward to throw discredit on the Trajan per­
secution is fully corroborated by those legends of Holy
Romance which relate that Trajan or Hadrian (no
matter which) crucified on Mount Ararat ten thousand
Christian soldiers in one day! See “ Decline and
Fall,” chapter xvi., note 74.
A Christian writer, Sulpicius Severus, who died
about a.d. 422, was the first author of the computation
which enumerated the celebrated number of ten perse­
cutions. At the same time he seemed desirous of
reserving the tenth and greatest persecution for the
coming of Antichrist. It is very probable that Sulpi­
cius made the groundwork of his computation tlie ten
horns of the Apocalypse, and the ten plagues of TEgypt.'
But whatever may be thought concerning the
•

�Persecutions.

53

authorities here criticised, there is still extant the
authority of the intelligent, learned, and candid Origen,
who flourished about a.d. 220, and who, by both his
experience and reading, was intimately acquainted with
tiie history of the Christians. He declares explicitly
that the number of Christians put to death for their
religion was inconsiderable. (See the tract “ Against
Celsus,” book iii., p. 116.) His words rendered into
English are, “ Those who have been put to death on
account of Christian godliness are comparatively few,
and very easily counted.”
In short, it may be concluded safely that the Chris­
tian religion was invented by Alexandrine Jews to
supply more wants than one, namely, the want of the
daily sacrifice in the temple at Jerusalem, taken away
by the destruction of that city by Titus—-the want of
an explanation for Jehovah’s non-interference on behalf
of his chosen people—the want of an explanation for
the absence of the triumphant Christ at the expected
time—and the want of grounds for hoping that the
triumphant Christ will yet appear. The supply of
these wants attracted naturally those Alexandrine Jews,
who were neither pure Jews nor heathens. The manu­
facture of the Christian narratives, when “ nailed with
Scripture” from the Septuagint, did not offer any
critical difficulty to Alexandrine Jews seventeen cen­
turies ago. That which was desired earnestly was
believed easily. The obscurity of the real primitive
Christians preserved them from persecution. When,
about the middle of our second century, they at length
attracted attention, their ecclesiastical organisation pre­
served them from destruction. When (a.d. 313) the
emperor Constantine took the Christians under his care,
the swords of the Homan soldiers spread the Chris­
tian Church over the Roman empire. There is not
anything supernatural in all these matters. Although
the origin of Christianity has long been hidden in
imaginary darkness, yet the eye of Reason can now

�54

Our first Century.

penetrate that gloom. Christianity is like all other
religions ; -it is a tale of thaumaturgies which never did,
and the like of which never will take place; because
they are forbidden by the inexorable laws of Nature,
which are now beginning to be really understood, and
which enable the sincere adherents of Truth to say with
safety, “we are able to see the light?’

TURNBULL AND SPBARS, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH.

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                    <text>THE

WESTMINSTER
AND

FOREIGN

QUARTERLY

REVIEW.
JANUARY 1, 1873.

Art. I.—Sophokles.
1. Sophokles, erlddrt wnF. W. Schneid ewin. Sechste Avflage,

besorgt von A..HKUGK., Berlin. 1871.
2. The Tragedies of Sophocles, with a Biographical Essay.
By E. H. Plumptre, M.A. London. 1867.
3. Die Religosen und Sittlichen Vorstellungen des Aeschylos
und Sopholdes. Von Gustav Dronke. Leipzig. 1861.
4. Sopholdes und seine Tragodien. Von 0. Ribbeck. Heft
83 in der Sammlung gemeinverstdndlicher wissenschaftlicher Vortrdge. Berlin. 1869.

ENGLISH scholarship has not done much for the better
J’j understanding of Sophokles. He is not a poet who has
taken close hold of the English mind. His works are studied of
course in the general university curriculum ; but he has not become
a poet often read and oftener quoted as have some of the classic
writers. Those who really find in him a source of intellectual
delight read his works in a German edition. But of what classical
writer may not this be said ? It is very seldom that an English
editor has the patience to make a complete presentation of a
classical author—to do for him what Professor Munro has done for
Lucretius—with that loving study and exhaustive research which
characterize the labours of the German editor. So far the case
of Sophokles is not single. But perhaps there is no instance of
an author of such renown as Sophokles, with so general a con­
sensus of people willing to admit his claims, who has made so
little impression upon the majority of cultivated minds. The
[Vol. XCIX. No. CXCV.J—New Series, Vol. XLIII. No. I.

B

�2

Sophokles.

reason is that the majority of cultivated people never bring them­
selves under his influence. The English scholar is for the
most part satisfied with a textual or critical knowledge: the
whole field of classical literature must be hurried through rather
than any part explored. And the result of this is scholarship
rather than knowledge.
Now with many authors this may be sufficient; it cannot be
so with all. Homer, for instance, will give up his. beauties in
broad and easily taken bands of continuous narrative. . Apart
from the necessities of philological studies, which are beside the
present question, Homer, like Chaucer, is easy reading. Those
that run may read the alto rilievo of the Iliad or Odyssey. But
before a group of statuary you must stand. And the difficulty
is that the intellectual life of the present day does not admit of
long standing. The progress of science and the march of new
ideas are continually urging on the student mind. And to almost
all the doubt must occasionally present itself, Is it worth while
to spend this time before these works of ancient art? . Now,
whatever the answer to this question may be, it is certain that
the. secret of Sophokles cannot be won without loving and
leisurely study. For in his works exists the highest form of one
species of art; and that an art which will yield its essence to no
hurried student. It is a significant circumstance that few English
translations of the works of Sophokles have been attempted.
The version of Mr. Plumptre is the fourth of its kind. Those
that have preceded it are of little importance. It is true that no
author suffers more from translation than Sophokles : but that
is the least element in the unpopularity of his dramas amongst
English readers. The reader unacquainted with the Greek
language may yet be fascinated by the “ tale of Troy divine
in the musical and monotonous lines of Pope, or the inadequate
interpretations of Cowper and Lord Derby : he may even, if.he
be a Keats, find his vision dazzled by the misty prospect which
he catches of the vast Homeric continent; but he is not at all
likely to be charmed with Sophokles. To understand Sophokles
one must place oneself in the intellectual position of ^n average
Athenian of the time of Perikles. Mr. Galton says : “ The
*
average ability of the Athenian race is, on the lowest possible
estimate, very nearly two grades higher than our own—that is,
about as much as our race is above that of the African negro?
The average English reader, therefore, whose knowledge of
Sophokles is derived from Mr. Plumptre’s very creditable version,
will probably lay down the book without any extraordinary
interest in the subject. He will miss the plaintive clink and
Hereditary Genius,” p. 3&amp;2.

�Sophokles.

- 3

jingle of subjective sentimentality which he has been accustomed
to associate with poetry, and he will probably wonder at the
renown of the poet. But the earnest student of Sophokles will
find in the original enough to reward him. His mind will be
strengthened by the contemplation of perfect types of character,
bold, severe, and beautiful. He will pass .into a gallery of
statuary where he will see sights that can never leave his inner
eye. Serene faces, familiar, yet unusual in their lofty humanity,
will look down upon him •, voices, more divine than human,
though rising from the depths of the human heart, will speak to
him, and his ears will be filled with a holy and awful music.
The best guides to the higher knowledge of Sophokles are the
German works whose titles are given at the head of the present
*
paper. Schneidewin’s edition is known to students of Sophokles ;
so ought also to be the essay by G. Dronke, snatched from his
friends and from literature by an all too early death. Dr. Bib­
beck’s paper, though short, is a concise estimate of the extant
dramas, and is written in a genial and scholarly style. The
present essay is an attempt to connect the works of Sophokles
with the periods of the poet’s life, and to point out the chief
dramatic characteristics of the several plays.
It was in the year 469 before our era, at the spring festival
of the greater Dionysia, that Athens saw the first trilogy of
Sophokles. The city was then full of new life ; it was the charmed
period when future greatness lay in bud, and not yet in blossom.
The terror of the Persian had been changed into an immortal
memory, and Athens was winning for herself the hegemony of
more than the Grecian race. This spring festival had drawn
many strangers to the city. The islands had not yet learned to
dread her power or doubt her justice, and sent their loyal visitors
to join in her rejoicing.
Two days of the festival had already passed, and a trilogy or
rather tetralogy had been presented each day. One was the
work of Aeschylus, for fourteen years the master of the Athenian
stage. Upon the third day a trilogy by a new poet was presented.
What thi^work really was is uncertain; it has, however, been
inferred from a passage in Pliny, that one drama was the Triptolemus. It was a subject that had never before been chosen for
the stage, but it was well adapted to win favour at Athens at the
present time. Already the city had conceived the design of
* No writer upon the life of Sophokles can forget the obligation which he
is under to Gotthold Ephraim Lessing—Mr. Plumptre most unaccountably
(p. xxii.) calls him Gottfried Lessing—whose splendid fragment of a ‘‘Life ot
Sophokles ” remains to show later writers what the great German critic might
have done in this direction.

B 2

�4

Sophokles.

uniting under a central power the scattered members of the Ionian
race, and the confederacy of Delos was in part a realization of
her desire. In the subject which he chose, Sophokles would
have an opportunity of idealizing the national aspiration.
Triptolemus was the youthful hero of Eleusis, the herald of
agriculture and peace, the friend and host of Demeter. He was
a traveller too, and where he lighted from his winged car, he
left a blessing of corn and wheat behind him. Thus Sophokles
was enabled to depict, as we know from Pliny he did depict, far
lands and foreign places, gladdened by the gifts that came from
Attica.
Whether he fully indicated such a mission for the new Attica
we cannot know; he was certainly too wise to miss the op­
portunity altogether. It may well be that this power of repre­
senting the national feeling, formed the distinctive characteristic of
the first trilogy of Sophokles; it is at least easier to believe this,
than that he surpassed the veteran JEschylus in technical ex­
cellence. There was, however, a large section of the audience,
who preferred the JEschylean trilogy. Never, perhaps, in such
a cause, had party-feeling run so high. JEschylus was himself from
Eleusis; the new writer had won the suffrages of the elder poet’s
own townsmen. But the victory was not to be adjudged by
popular acclamation. The custom was that ten judges should be
elected by lot, one from each tribe. Why the ordinary mode of
decision was not retained, it is not easy to ascertain. At any
rate the presiding archon Aphepsion did not venture, in the
excited state of popular feeling, to follow the ordinary practice,
and this accident inaugurated a change in the method of electing
the tragic judges.
Kimon and his nine colleagues representing the Attic tribes
were at this moment the popular heroes. They had but newly
returned from their victorious contest with the Persians atEurymedon, and they had brought back from Skyros the bones of
Theseus to be laid in Attic soil. Moreover, they had been absent
during the preparation of the competing choruses, and, if any,
they were free from bias and prejudice Whatever their decision
might be, it would be accepted by the Athenians. With happy
tact, Aphepsion chose them as judges, and they were at once
sworn into the office. Their verdict was for Sophokles. Erom the
fact that henceforth only those who had seen service were allowed
to adjudge the tragic prizes, we may infer that the decision was
both memorable and satisfactory. Such at least seems to be the
sentiment with which Plutarch speaks of it : “ eOevto c’ dp
fj.v/]jur]v avrov Kai tt)v to&gt;v rpaywcMv Kpiatv ovopacrrrjv ytvoplvriv.”
Whether it was the subject, the poetical handling, or the grace
and beauty of the principal actor, Sophokles himself, that turned

�Sophokles.

5

the scale in favour of the Triptoleinus, we miss the play with
regret. The result of the decision was that for many years
Sophokles became the favourite actor of the Athenian stage. There
is greater importance to be attached to this fact than at first sight
appears. It means not only that the successful dramatist was able,
to present his views cf art and ethics to the Athenian people ; but
that he was able to mould and perfect the form of presentation.
Nor must we forget the rival interests of the several tribes as an
element of success. The Choragus who had assisted in the pro­
duction of a successful trilogy was rewarded even more than the
author. The actors were chosen for the same places in the
representations of the ensuing year, and we know that Sophokles
not only established a society of the best actors, but also wrote
his plays with special reference to their powers and capacities.
One success, therefore, was earnest of farther renown, and a
stepping-stone to it. The Choragus naturally granted to his
successful author more liberty than would be conceded to an
untried competitor, and it was this feeling of confidence in the
poet, which enabled Sophokles, as it had already enabled
.zEschylus, to achieve his ideal of dramatic art upon the stage.
But before we pass on to relate the gradual growth of the drama
in the hands of Sophokles, it will be well to speak of the young
poet in his personal relations to the Athenian people, who had
just crowned him with the ivy-chaplet.
If tradition is to be believed, he was not unknown to them. He
was not born of low or ignoble parents, for in this case the comic
stage would have rung with jesting allusions to his parentage.
His father, Sophillus, was undoubtedly a man of respectable rank,
a knight it may be. Plutarch speaks of Sophokles as a person
of good birth, and other writers attribute to him an excellent and
complete education. Probably with truth, for it is undoubted
that he possessed in a high degree those elegant personal accom­
plishments which were deemed necessary accessories to an
Athenian gentleman. As the promising son of a well-known
citizen, he would be a youth who claimed attention ; and the
story of Athenaeus, which speaks of his surpassing beauty, is a'
record of the influence of his boyish grace upon his contem­
poraries. It declares that he of all the Athenian youths, was
chosen to lead the choir of boys who danced round the trophies
in Salamis, after the defeat of the Persians. Aftertimes gladly
recalled the happy coincidence which linked the three great
names of Attic tragedy around the memorable victory of Salamis,
for Aeschylus fought in the battle, Sophokles led the paean, and
Euripides was born on the day of victory, within the fortunate
isle. The years which immediately followed the victory formed a
bright era in the history of the Athenians. They feared no more

�Sophokles.

6

for the barbarian invader, nor, by the prudence of Themistokles,
for the treachery of the selfish Spartans. At home there was room
in every sphere for the development of genius, and genius was
not absent. Under the hands of ./Eschylus the drama was
growing towards perfection, and the people built the great stone
theatre of Dionysus. A tradition says that ZEschylus was the
teacher of Sophokles in the dramatic art: it is most likely he
was his teacher only as he was the teacher of every Athenian
who had the right to hear his dramas. In this sense, each one
of his audience was his pupil, and not with regard to art alone.
It was his province to bring the minds of men from the dim
religious darkness of old theogonies into a fuller light, though a
light by no means so full as it was hereafter to be. Great
questions had been asked, and there was none to answer them ;
men’s minds were troubled with the inconsequence of virtue and
sorrow, and the polytheistic heaven of Homer was dark and
silent above them. The leading ideas of the tragedies of Adschylus
were the supremacy of Zeus, and the moral order of the Universe.
By chains, not always of gold, the world is bound about the
throne of Zeus. Vice leads to punishment in this generation,
and the next, and the third. Yet no voluntarily pure man can
come to ruin :
3’ avdyicaQ arep
(Action tiv ovk avoXfioQ

ekmv

carat.

H&gt;vp.

550.

The contest of Destiny and Free-will is a mystery which finds
its solution only in this moral order. ’ wQpoavvir or moderation is
S
a conscious voluntary submission to the moral order. Any trans­
gression of the line between Bight and Wrong is vfiptQ, and leads
to ruin. It is a disorder of the mind, a disease, a distemper,
without expiation and without cure. ZEschylus does not repre­
sent the gods as leading man into the commission of guilt. In
the choice between good and evil, man is free. A good deed
must be, as an evil one is, dvdyaa^ drtp. No one is punished by
the Divine hand without fault of his own. But sin once com­
mitted is followed by a judicial blindness which leads to other
and greater guilt. This dangerous downfall is accelerated by
means of a divine power known simply as “ Daimon,” or as
“ Alastor,” or sometimes “ Ate/’ whose influence may extend to a
whole race. This brings us to the subject of “family guilt,”
which is frequently a motive in the Greek dramas. The idea
that guilt was hereditary sprang from the notion that it was
inexpiable. Hence a house fell from one crime to another,
until the anger of the gods swept it away root and branch. It
is an extension of the primitive “ lex talionis murder brings
murder, rvppa TvppaTL rival, and guilt gives birth to guilt. And

�Sophokles.

7

what Ate or Alastor is to the individual, that Erinnys is to the
family, working it madness and blindness, and involving it
deeper and deeper in the slough of crime.
/3oct yap Xotyog ILpivvv
7rapa tGjv Trporspov (pQtpevwv drrjv
tTEpcw iTrayovaav £7r' dry.—Cho. 402.

Yet the individual is free. If he belongs to a doomed raise,
then it is true there is in him an hereditary tendency which
shall lead him to guilt and ruin, but the decision rests with him­
self. He is not given over to Ate until he has himself been
guilty of sin (vj3ptc). In much of this ethical system 2Eschylus
has taken and arranged prevailing popular beliefs. By his
monotheism, which made Zeus supreme, he attained to the idea
of order in the universe. His conception of sin is one which
is not alien from some forms of modern thought, and his belief
in free-will and individual responsibility, exercised considerable
influence upon later philosophy.
Sophokles did not remain unaffected by the teaching of his
contemporary, though his nature was essentially different. His
works are to the works of Aeschylus, as the clear light succeeding
to a thunderstorm. He took the gain and added to it. We
shall see in what way.
Whatever had been the progress made by JEschylus, Sophokles
at once perceived that the mechanical and technical appliances
of the art, of which he now held supreme command, were by no
means perfect. It would be strange if they had been, while the
art itself was so young. The old monologue with the chorus as
interlocutor, gave place to the drama, when the earlier poet
introduced a second actor, and made dialogue possible. But
this, it is clear, left room for farther changes. Sophokles
availed himself of the opportunity. His first change was the
separation of the functions of author and actor. It is said that
he took this course for a personal reason, the weakness of his
own voice, which could not fill the vast space occupied by his
audience. But there was probably another reason also, the feeling
namely, that each character would more readily attain to its ade­
quate excellence if separated from the other. He himself did
not take any leading character after the appearance of the
Triptolemus, but the care with which he trained his actors,
testifies to the importance which he attached to this branch of
the art. A more significant change was the introduction of a
third actor upon the stage. That this improvement was made
by Sophokles we have the testimony of Aristotle. It is possible
that even earlier, AEschylus may have used three actors, and it is
difficult to understand how some of the scenes of his earlier plays

�8

Sophokles.

could have been represented by two actors only, but the adoption
of this number as a permanent feature of each play, is due to
Sophokles. Besides these greater changes, no matter of detail
escaped him; we learn from the same source that he carefully
directed the arrangement of the scenery and the stage. The
palace of 2Eschylus, with doors central, right and left, gave place
to a more elaborate stage, and much art must have been required
in fitting the theatre for the scenery of the (Edipus at Kolonus.
Yet the greatest innovation was the mode which Sophokles
adopted in treating a subject itself. 2Eschylus wrote his dramas,
and treated the subject in the form of a trilogy. When Sophokles
abandoned this form of composition, and chose to develop his
subject in a single play, it is certain he risked much. But his
artistic sense could not err. What the poetical material lost in
breadth and depth, it gained in concentration and intensity. It
followed, that in the plays of Sophokles first was seen the real
spirit of Greek dramatic art, the perfect statuesque poise of form
and expression which we have learnt to look upon as the chief
characteristic of the Athenian drama.
We return to the year of the first victory of Sophokles, from
which these improvements have led us. It was a year marked
by an event of more importance for mankind than the supremacy
of Sophokles, the birth of Sokrates. Herodotus was then a boy
of sixteen years, Thukydides an infant of three, and Euripides a
child of twelve. Seven years later Perikles rose to the height
of his power, and Athens of her glory. This is the date of the
appearance of the Oresteian trilogy, a trilogy worthy of JEschylus
and of Athens, and the only one we possess. But it unquestion­
ably exhibits marks of the influence of Sophokles. A third actor
appears in every play. Three years later fiEschylus died in Sicily,
and for the next fifteen years we know nothing of the personal
history of Sophokles. History has not much to say even about
the silent growth and development of the city under the govern­
ing hands of Perikles, nor is it necessary that much should be
said when the memorials are imperishable. At the end of this
period, by some caprice of popular taste Euripides was allowed to
gain the first prize.
The next year Sophokles exhibited his Antigone.
It is almost as fatal to an author’s reputation to write too
much as it is to write too little. We learn that Sophokles had
written one-and-thirty dramas before he composed the Antigone;
yet if any of these lost dramas approached at all in majesty or
power the thirty-second, which remains to us, we may well
lament the irreparable theft of time. Perhaps they, as well as
the Antigone, aided in securing the election of Sophokles to a
general’s rank. The time at which it was exhibited has not

�Sophokles.

9

been fully illustrated by the luminous pen of Thukydides, but
some rays of historical light allow us to see the internal political
activity of the city. The establishment of a complete democracy
by Perikles and Ephialtes was not accomplished without much
resistance, and it was difficult to keep aloof from party strife.
The conservative or stationary faction, under the leadership of
Kimon, drew around them the wealthy Athenians, who saw
their oligarchical power passing away with the old order of
things. The centre of their union was the Council of the
Areopagus, and any change in that institution appeared to them
as sacrilege and profanity. But the victorious cause was with
their opponents. The Areopagites were stripped of their timehallowed privileges, which were certainly not in Accordance with
the spirit of a pure democracy. 2Eschylus had been a vigorous
partisan of the conservative party, and took occasion in his
Oresteian trilogy to inculcate popular respect for that court and
the other decaying institutions whose power Perikles and
Ephialtes sought to banish or curtail. And the artistic effect of
the poem is lessened by the zeal of the partisan. Muller says
with truth, that JEschylus seems almost to forget Orestes in the
establishment of the Areopagus and the religion of the Erinnys.
Sophokles never forgot that his first duty was to his art. And
so far is the
above the atmosphere of controversy
and dispute which blurred the Eumenides of ^Eschylus, that it
was actually claimed by both parties as a witness to their views,
and was received by both with un mixed applause. We cannot
wonder at it. No play of Sophokles seizes with such over­
mastering power the human heart, no play is so full of noble
thought, and in no play is the lyric element so harmoniously
blended with the maich of events, accompanying it as with the
sound of serene and divine music.
The plot is as follows :—Eteokles and Polyneikes have fallen
at the gates of Thebes in contest: Eteokles fighting for the
Thebans, Polyneikes, with seven great princes, against them.
Both brothers perish, and Kreon is made king in the place of
Eteokles. At- once he issues a decree that Eteokles shall be
buried with due honours, and that the body of Polyneikes shall
be left unburied and exposed. When the drama opens, Antigone
has just heard of the proclamation of the decree. She therefore
suggests to her sister, Ismene, that they should bury the body of
their brother. Ismene shrinks from the attempt, and is met by
the full scorn of Antigone, who goes forth, daring “ a holy crime.”
Shortly the news is brought to Kreon that his authority has
been defied, and that rites of sepulture have been performed
upon the body. As yet the offender is unknown. But this is
soon revealed, and Antigone appears, led in by the guard. A

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Sophokles.

great scene follows, when Antigone appeals to &gt; the divine
unwritten laws against human ordinances. Kreon pronounces
her doom ; she is to be buried in a living sepulchre—a bloodless
but horrible fate, not unknown of old. The action is, however,
delayed by the entrance of Hremon, Kreon’s son and Antigone’s
affianced husband, who pleads for her. Yet it is not to Kreon’s
paternal affection that he appeals, but to the principle which
the new king has set before himself—the safety and unanimity
of the state. There are already murmurs, indistinct but deep,
heard in the city against the severity of the king’s decree.
Kreon’s passion and blindness grow more intense as he listens to
his son, and before the king’s fiery words Hee mon is driven away,
crying that his father shall see his face no more. From the
depths of this-darkness the audience are lifted by the strains of
the Chorus, who sing, “ Love, ever victor in war and as their
music dies away, Antigone is led across the stage to her lingering
doom. Again the Chorus waken to music, but it is music in the
minor key, and can no longer lighten or delay the growing
terror. Teiresias, the blind but infallible prophet, appears, and
describes the imminence of the divine anger for Kreon’s crime.
His prophetic utterances terrify the king, who hurries to undo
the wrong he has committed. In vain. Upon reaching the tomb
of Antigone, he finds her hanging dead by her girdle to the
vaulted roof, and is in time only to receive the passionate curse
of his son, and to witness his self-inflicted death. When Kreon
reaches home, bearing the corpse of Haemon, he finds that
Rumour, swifter than his laden steps, has already told all to the
ears of his wife, and that she has slain herself in anguish and
despair. So all the fountains of feeling, young love and parental
affection, which can never be long pent up, have broken loose,
and are all the more terrible for the unholy obstructions which
they have swept away.
The character of the chief person, Antigone, stands forth
in just and magnificent proportions. All that is beautiful
in womanly nature—nay, rather in human nature—shine
forth from that supreme ideal, a mind that sees the right,
and a soul that dares to do it in the face of death. Never had
love and strength been so combined upon the Athenian stage,
and the Athenian spectators must have experienced the same
feeling in gazing upon that representation as pilgrims did when
they were ushered into the presence of the Olympian Zeus of
Phidias. We have lost the one? we can still be taught by the
other. The heart of man has not ceased to be shaken by the
contest which is waged between temporary expediency and selfish
interests on the one side, and on the other the unchanging
laws of higher duty, for these laws “ are not of to-day, nor of

�Sophokles.

11

yesterday, but they live always, and their footsteps are not
known.”
The secondary characters throw the figure of Antigone into
bolder relief. Ismene, who knows what is right, follows the way
which leads to personal security. The grandeur of Antigone dwarfs
even the natural nobility of her sister when she seeks to share the
death she has not earned. Kreon errs through insolence. He is
wanting in the vision which has made the path of Antigone clear ;
he has forgotten the rights of the gods, and his own way leads
to ruin. Only when this ruin is full in view does he perceive
that he has gone astray, and discover that there is something
higher than love to the state and to his country—loyalty to the
great unwritten laws. Nor does the character of Hsemon, noble as
it is, disturb the unity of the impression which we receive from
Antigone. She stands the central commanding figure of the
group. And as she thus stands alone, so in her the one promi­
nent feature is her heroic allegiance to duty. Other traits there
are, but they serve to bring out this one characteristic. She is
no unwomanly person, portrayed in rough masculine lines. Her
language to Ismene, if it seems harsh, is forgotten when she says
to Kreon :
ou rot tnwEyOetv dXXd avp,^&gt;iXAv tcpuv,

for we know that these words come from the depth of her nature.
Then, when the work which she has set herself has been accom­
plished, when the expression of her natural feelings can no longer
mar or render equivocal her devotion to the dead, she breaks
into lamentations like those of the Hebrew daughter, which show
how tender and womanly alife is about to be sacrificed. Once only
before has she shown any indication of the mental struggle
through w’hich she has passed, and that is when strung by Kreon’s
unconcern she breathes forth the sighing complaint, “ 0 dearest
Hsemon, how thy sire dishonours thee !”* The delicacy with
which Sophokles has treated the ove of Hsemon and Antigone
secures still farther the predominant effect. It is hard to imagine
such restraint in modern art.
The Chorus, of whose surpassing melody mention has already
been made, had certain peculiarities in this play. It did not, like
most choruses, consist of persons of the same age and sex as the
principal actor, but of Theban elders. Nor did it at once take
part with Antigone. Even here she is left alone. But by its
submission to Kreon it serves to deepen the impression of the
* The MSS. gives this line (572) to Ismene. Schneidewin has rightly,
and for unanswerable reasons, assigned it to Antigone.
Dindorf and
Ribbeck agree with him.

�12

Sophokles.

monarch’s irresistible power : and by not participating at once in
the action, it is enabled to rise to a higher atmosphere of wisdom,
which culminates in the choric song,
7roXXa ra Seiva k.t.X.

So, too, in its last songs, the painful instances of suffering which
are recalled added to the darkness of Antigone’s fate.
The effect of this perfect drama upon the Athenians was great,
and as has been said, universal. Although Sophokles had hitherto
taken only that share in public life which was the duty of
every Athenian citizen, they now elected him as one of the
college of generals, at whose head was Perikles. It happened to
be the time of the war with Samos, which had revolted from
Athens, and the ten generals with sixty triremes sailed for that
island. Sophokles took sixteen of these ships and proceeded to
Chios and Lesbos, to procure a further contingent. At the former
island we hear of him through Athenreus, who records the opinion
of Ion, that he was not able nor energetic in political affairs, but
behaved as any other virtuous Athenian might have done.
(Ath. xiii. 81.) This assertion probably had its origin in the
playful self-depreciation with which Sophokles spoke of his own
strategic power ; and it is quite possible that Perikles treated his
poet-colleague with a good-humoured irony, which he accepted in
the same spirit. This view is borne out by the story which
Atnenseus tells of Sophokles : that, having snatched a kiss from
a fair face at Chios, he exclaimed amidst the laughter of the
company, “ Perikles says that I know how to compose poetry,
but have no strategic power; now, my friends, did not my
stratagem succeed ?” It is certain, however, that, whatever his
power as a general, he did not lose the confidence and affection
of his fellow citizens ; for, five years later, he was treasurer of the
common fund of the Greek Confederacy. Afterwards for nearly
thirty years we do not hear of his taking any part in public life.
But it was no time to him of intellectual inactivity. During this
period he wrote eighty-one plays, which is almost at the rate of a
trilogy a year. If we remember all that this includes—the com­
position and the instruction of actors for so many and so fre­
quently successfuldramas—we shall cease to wonder that Sophokles
did not seek to meddle with statesmanship. And once more we
shall regret that so little has come down to us of that abundant
intellectual wealth.
The commencement of the Peloponnesian war, and the
death of Perikles, turned one page of Athenian history ; but
Sophokles to the end of his long life continued to live in the
spirit of the Periklean age. Ten year after the appearance of the
Antigone he published the (Edipus Rex. The general outlines
of the story are easily told. Laius, King of Thebes, and J okasta

�Sophokles.

13

his wife, were told by the God at Delphi, that should they have
a son, Laius would be slain by his hand, and Jokasta would
become his wife. Therefore, when their son CEdipus was born,
they determined to destroy him, and gave him to a herdsman
that he might be cast out upon Mount Kithoeron. This herds­
man, however, smitten with pity, gave the child to a comrade
shepherd, who carried him to Corinth, where the boy was adopted
as son by the king of that city. Many years afterwards, CEdipus
at Corinth heard the oracle which had been delivered concerning
him ; but he was still in ignorance as to his parentage. Think­
ing, however, that he was the son of the king of Corinth, he left
Corinth lest the oracle should come true, and travelled towards
Thebes. Upon his way he met his real father, and a quarrel
having arisen, a contest ensued in which his father fell and all
those who accompanied him save one. (Edipus then arrived at
the kingless city of Thebes, which was ravaged by the murderous
Sphinx. He freed the city from the Sphinx and accepted the prof­
fered throne, and with it the hand of the widowed queen, little
dreaming that she was his own mother. For years the city was
prosperous, and four children were born to him. Then a plague
fell upon the people. All this was before the action of the play
begins. An oracle now declares that the pestilence is sent because
Laius has been forgotten. His murderer must be ejected.
(Edipus pronounces a curse upon the unknown assassin, and
sends for Teiresias the blind seer, if peradventure he may be
able to declare the man. Teiresias, enlightened by his art,
scarce dares to tell what he knows, and is evilly treated by
CEdipus. Then Jokasta complicates the confusion. She openly
asserts her disbelief in oracles ; for her own son had been destined
by these lying witnesses to marry her; whereas he was slain, and
she was wedded to GEdipus. Yet out of this security
“ Surgit amari aliquid,”
Laius was slain at a “triple way
terrible words that
set sounding a sullen chord in the breast of (Edipus, for
long ago he slew a man upon a triple way. One witness there
was, and he is now summoned. Meanwhile a messenger
arrives to say that the king of Thebes, the reputed father of
(Edipus, is dead. This is a gleam of light upon the eyes of
CEdipus, for the oracle has been proved false.
The mes­
senger has still farther comfort. CEdipus need not dread the
fulfilment of the oracle at all, since he is not the son of the king
and queen of Corinth, a fact dimly hinted before, but now for
the first time clearly told. Then whose son is he ? A new pas­
sion seizes the king, and he is determined to unravel the mystery
of his birth. The messenger is able to aid him in this, for he
received the king as a foundling at the hands of a servant of

�14

Sophokles.

Laius. All is now ready for the catastrophe, which Jokasta, more
quickwitted than her son, at once foresees. The witness of his
murder of Laius, who at this moment comes up, is no other than
the herdsman who had given him as an infant to the Corinthians.
The electric circle is completed, the spark shatters the divine
edifice of royal prosperity and the hearts of the audience, and the
oracles of the gods are evidently true. Jokasta has already
ended her existence; and (Edipus. unable to endure the sight of
his own misery and that of his family, puts out his eyes.
There are several reasons why this drama should be assigned
to this period, notwithstanding the absence of authoritative data.
The vivid description of a pestilence was probably written by one
who had witnessed the virulence of the Athenian scourge. Some
commentators have believed the chorus tt poi
k.t.X. to have
reference to the mutilation of the Hermse. If this be true, the play
must necessarily be of later date than that supposed above. It
probably refers to the reckless spirit of licence w’hich exhibiteditself
in Athens as a reaction against the popular superstitions of the
earlier period, and which eventually led to the profanation. The
drama is in fact a protest against the disregard of religion, and a
magnificent exhibition of the vanity of human attempts to cross the
decrees of fate. In this respect it stands alone amongst the plays
of Sophokles. It depicts the contest of an honourable and noble
character with a foregone destiny. To add to the interest of the
picture, the man who is unable to solve the riddle of his own
history, is the one who alone was able to unravel the enigma
of human life proposed by the Sphinx, and it is only when the
eyes of his corporal vision are darkened for ever that the organs
of his spiritual sight are unclosed. At first his house is the only
one spared in the pestilence, and all eyes are directed to him as the
saviour of the state ; yet it is his house which is the cause of the
plague. Then his own blind eagerness to discover the regicide,
the curse which he unwittingly imprecates upon himself, 'the
gradual lifting of the curtain fold by fold till he breaks into the
exclamation,
lov, toil, ra navr av

&lt;ra&lt;p7j,

are terrible instances of the irony which Sophokles is accustomed
to ascribe to destiny, but nowhere so powerfully as in this play.
Surely but slowly the end approaches. Now the progress of
events is delayed by some joyous choric song like the imp tyii&gt;
ptavriQ dpi, k.t.X. ; now there falls upon the play some beam of
hope which makes us believe that the gathering thunderstorm
will be dispersed or break up into sunny tears and the dewy
delight of averted calamity. But the vain hopes and the vanish­
ing glory serve only as preludes to the complete darkness of the
catastrophe, which, at last, suddenly envelopes the w'hole heaven.

�Sophokles.

15

It is not only modern admiration which the play has won.
Aristotle has taken it as the model of a drama, and its effect
upon contemporary minds must have been great. It is equally
admirable as a whole and in single passages. The choruses are
generally like the atmosphere of the play, of a lurid and broken
colour, so that we know not whether light or darkness will
prevail. The earlier choruses approach in thought and expression
to the language of Milton, or of modern poetry. Thus the description of the rapid deaths in time of pestilence, so different as
it is from the picture given by Homer (II. 1) has that touch
about it which belonged later to Dante.
aXXor
av aXXp irpoffibote airep
kv7TTEpOV bpvcv,
Kpei&amp;aoy apatpaKerov irupoQ Sp/ievoy
Q.KTCLV WpQQ ECTTTEpOU .&amp;EOIK

“ And one soul after another might be discerned flitting like
strong-winged bird with greater force than invincible fire, to the
shore of the Western God.”
It recalls, too, the half-mediseval, wholly beautiful lines of Mr.
Rossetti in his poem of the “ Blessed Damozel.”

i

“ Heard hardly, some of her new friends
Amid their loving games
Spake evermore among themselves
Their virginal chaste names ;

And the souls mounting up to God,
Went big her like thinflames”
Another passage (lines 476 et seq.) is more Hebrew than
Greek in its description of the Cain-like homicide.
ipoird yap vir aypiciv
vXav, ava r ayrpa Kai
vrerpas are ravpos,
peXeo^ peXeip ~6ct ygripeviav,
ra. petropipaXa yaQ dirovoapiliiav
pavreia' rd 8’ dec
ZUvra irepcrrordrai.

"For sullenly turning his sullen step, he wanders moodily
under the wildwood, or amid caves and rocks, like a bull, and
avoids the divine voices that rise from the central oracle of the
land. But they live, and are whispered around him.”
Yet this incomparable poem won only the second prize; the
first was gained by the work of Philokles. Time, in preserving
this alone, has reversed the decision of the judges. The reason
of that decision may lie in the nature of the play itself. To the
Athenians, who after the taking of Miletus could not endure

�16

Sophokles.

the scenic shadow of their loss, the unsoftened representation of
their sufferings in the Theban plague, and the direct promulgation
of the doctrine of irresistible destiny may have seemed unwelcome
and ill-timed. And the conclusion of the play is less relieved
than that of any other. It is not broken up into those short
cries and natural lamentations, with which many tragedies
close, but solemnly and sadly to the beat of throbbing trochaics
the figures pass from the stage like the muffled pomp of a
funeral procession, and the curtain rises upon a silent- and awe­
struck audience.
It is far otherwise with the (Edipus at Kolonus. Like the
Rhiloktetes, it has a plot which depends upon divine interven­
tion, and one in which the sequence of the episodes is not
absolutely perfect in connexion, though each episode is perfect in
its own characteristic beauty. After the events depicted in
(Edipus Rex, the blind king with his daughters remained at
Thebes, until he and Antigone were thrust forth by Kreon. For
many long months they wandered through Greece, whilst Eteokles,
the younger son of CEdipus, drove out from Thebes Polyneikes
the elder, who betook himself to Argos and gathered an army to
make him king again. At last CEdipus and Antigone came to
the plain of Kolonus, near Athens. Here, beneath the shade of
an olive-grove, the aged king sits down to rest, and here an inward
confidence tells him that he is approaching the term of his suffer­
ings. This olive-grove is sacred to the Furies, and it is sacrilege
for ordinary men to approach it. The news reaches Theseus that
stranger has set foot within the lioly precincts, and he hastens
to the place. Before his arrival Ismene comes in haste to tell
her father of the fratricidal war upon which her brothers have
entered, and that Kreon is hurrying to carry back CEdipus, since
an oracle has declared that his presence will bring victory on
either side. CEdipus pronounces a curse upon his son, and reveals
his intention of blessing Athens by remaining within her territory.
Theseus now arrives, and not ignorant of the responsibility he is
incurring, assures CEdipus of a courteous and secure hospitality.
CEdipus in return acquaints him with the benefits which his
presence will confer upon Athens, and the calamity which will
ensue to Thebes. Theseus accepts with confidence the divine
privilege which CEdipus offers, and once more assures him of his
protection. If ever a situation made a supreme demand upon
an Athenian chorus, it is the present. We have come to the
middle point between the beginning and the end of the action.
The Acropolis of Athens, though as yet unblessed by the works
of Phidias, rises within sight of the beholder. Kephissus draws
her silvery threads through the foreground, and the hero-prince
of Athens, in accepting the charge of CEdipus, unites the new and

�Sophokles.

17

the old, and links historic to heroic times. The music which
shall not mar the harmonious suspense of this situation must be
subtie indeed. But the music of Sophokles is never of a nega­
tive kind. It increases and enhances the dramatic feeling.
Accordingly it is here that we find the greatest choric ode of the
Greek drama. The undying chords of the poem which follows
raise the mind of the hearer to a level with the exaltation of
CEdipus himself.
Pahttttov, Rve, raffle ^(ijpag.

“ Guest, thou art come to the noblest spot
Of all this chivalrous land.”

But this lofty tranquillity is broken by the entrance of Kreon,
who endeavours to persuade CEdipus to return to Thebes. Upon
his refusal, Kreon has recourse to violence, and carries off Anti­
gone, Ismene having been previously secured. Theseus however
restores his daughters to the blind king. The next scene brings
upon the stage Polyneikes, who seeks reconciliation with his
father. This he does not succeed in obtaining, and he leaves
the stage begging for the kind offices of Antigone in his burial.
The play now draws to a close. The euthanasia of CEdipus is all
that remains. The hour of destiny has come, and the Passing
of CEdipus—no man knows where or whither—completes the
purpose of the gods.
A question so debated as the date of this play can scarcely be
Answered satisfactorily here. Critics both ancient and modern have
connected it with the latest period of the author’s life; but there
are portions of the drama which seem to belong to an earlier date,
and. to have reference to that period of reactionary licence which
was marked by the mutilation of the Hermse. By its subject it is
closely connected with the CEdipus Rex, and there is nothing im­
probable in the supposition that even if it were first produced after
the author’s death, it was begun whilst the subject of CEdipus was
fresh in his mind. And if any parallelism is to be drawn
between Sophokles and the great German poet, this work may
well be compared with the “Faust,” from which the summa
manus was so long withheld. The allusions in the poem itself
do not fix it to any definite date. ' All that can be said with
certainty is that it is subsequent to the Antigone; for while
both plays that have CEdipus for their subject contain references
to the Antigone, that drama has not a single allusion to the
action of the other two. Whether, however, we are to credit it
with an earlier or later origin, we sh^ild be doing an injustice to
the spirit of Sophoklean poetry if we were to Suppose that
political allusions brought down the drama into a realistic atmo­
sphere.’ It is idle to attempt to connect the Theban and Athenian
[Vol. XCIX. No. CXCV.J—New Series, Vol. XLIII. No. I.

C

�18

Sophokles.

struggle which the poet mentions, with any special date.
*
It is
more profitable to win the freedom of that ideal land in which
are brought together the blind old king and the hero of Athens.
In some respects the (Edipus at Kolonus differs from the
other dramas. There is in it a perplexing mixture of manner
which suggests both a return to the style of Aeschylus and a
concession to the growing influence of Euripides. The self­
completion and perfection of outline, which marked the Antigone
and the (Edipus Rex are wanting here. The drama is the
fragment of a trilogy of Aeschylean breadth ; it is rhetorical and
lyric in the style of Euripides. The real Sophoklean charac­
teristics are not, however, absent, sweetness and power of
expression, lofty and graceful sentiment, and a perfection of
rhythm and vivid delineation. But it is a series of linked
scenes rather than a drama proper. Of scenes that begin with
the peaceful olive grove, and end in the euthanasia of the
world-worn (Edipus. Nothing could be finer or more effective
than that touch of the pen of Sophokles which paints, not
indeed the death of (Edipus, but Theseus, who alone saw it,
with his face shaded by his hand, as though to shut out some
stupendous revelation. To this history of (Edipus Sophokles
has given the only satisfactory and worthy conclusion which
was possible. In his life he was a contradiction to the laws that
regulate human affairs ; he remained a contradiction in his
death. Others passed by the grove of the Eumenides with
bated breath and averted faces—he found there rest and a
conclusion of his toils. The grove trodden by Bacchus, nymphtraversed and nightingale-haunted, was to him, upon whom all
tempestuous airs had broken, a haven “ windless of all storms.”
And here the troubled life at length ceases, and peace is found
at last. In the choruses of this play the poet’s love of Athens
finds expression. Many poets had spoken with enthusiasm of
the “ violet-crowned city,” but never with such beauty and
exalted passion as does Sophokles in the ode, zviirirov,
k.t.X.
The legends connected with it are probably false, but they bear
witness to the opinion of the ancients concerning'it. Sophokles,
unlike his rivals in the dramatic art, remained true to his native
city. No offer of foreign patronage could tempt him to leave
Athens. Aeschylus died in Sicily, Euripides in Macedonia.
There were many princes who would gladly have welcomed
Sophokles to their courts—indeed, there were many who invited
him thither; but he remained unmoved by their offers, and
never left his city except to do her service and to further
* Schneidewin suggests the i7F7ro/xa^ta rts Bpax/ia ev Qpvpois, mentioned
Thukyd. ii. 22, as a possible occasion.

�Sophokles.

19

aer interests. The anonymous biographer says that he was
^adrivaioTaTOQ, (t most enamoured, of Athens.
And the city
repaid his affection. The same biographer says, “In a word,
such was the grace of his nature that he was beloved by all.
It is unfortunate—it is more than unfortunate—that of the
personal history of the poet we know so little. Few and far
between are the dates that we can assign to the events of his
life. The seventeenth year after the supposed date of the
(Edipus Rex saw the calamitous termination of the Sicilian
expedition. Amongst the names of the ten elderly men elected
Probuli to meet the emergency of the crisis, we find that ot
Sophokles. If this be indeed our poet, we have here another
instance of the confidence and love which the city felt towards
the tragedian, who was now eighty years old. The seventeen
years to which reference has been made are important in the
history of Greek literature. They include the birth of Plato, the
exhibition by Aristophanes of the Knights, the Clouds, and the
Peace, but they cannot definitely be connected with any play of
Sophokles. Possibly the Elektra falls within this period. It is
at any rate marked by the best characteristics of the poet. It
.dispenses with the breadth of treatment which a trilogy allows,
and concentrates the interest upon the action of a single play.
In the trilogy upon the same subject which AEschylus exhibited,
probably thirty years earlier, the death of Klytemnestra forms
an episode of the middle drama, and the ethical problem of
filial duty in antagonism to divinely-directed justice is sketched
only in outlines which leave much to be filled in.
Sophokles treated the subject as follows :—During the absence
of Agamemnon in the Trojan campaign, his wife Klytemnestra
formed an adulterous union with AEgisthus, and upon the return
of Agamemnon, slew her husband and wedded with AEgisthus.
Elektra, daughter of Agamemnon, fearing foul treatment for
her brother Orestes, then a child, sent him out of the country,
whilst she herself remained, together with her sister Chrysothenis,
at Argos, waiting for the manhood and return of Orestes to
claim his hereditary throne. When due time arrives, Orestes,
under the direction of Apollo, comes back to Argos unheralded
and unknown. He is accompanied by his faithful attendant the
Peedagogus, who brings to Klytemnestra an account of the death
of Orestes at the Pythean chariot contest. The play opens with
the arrival of Orestes and his attendant at Argos. Elektra comes
forth to bewail the death of her father and the delay of Orestes,
and is comforted by such consolation Us the chorus can offer her.
Next, Klytemnestra, who has been terrified by a dream, appears,
and
angry altercation takes place between her and Elektra.
When this is concluded, the Psedagogus enters and announces the
c 2

�20

Sophokles.

death of Orestes. The grief of Elektra occupies the attention of
the spectators until the entrance of the disguised Orestes and
Pylades his friend, bearing an urn which contains the pretended
ashes of Orestes. In the interview between Orestes and Elektra
which, follows, a recognition takes place, and nothing remains
to be done but to effect the revenge. Orestes therefore enters
the house and slays his mother, and ffEgisthus, upon his arrival,
shares the same fate.
The work of Sophokles is finer and fuller of artistic power
than the work of 2Eschylus. The character of Elektra is un­
borrowed, and forms a contrast to that of the Aeschylean Elektra.
She, and not Orestes, is the centre of the action, and though
not the actual avenger, is really the prompter and promoter of
the deed. In the Choephorce we are perpetually reminded that
the death of Klytemnestra was the work of the gods; Elektra
falls into the background, a weak, suffering woman, whose
strongest trait is love for her brother, and he, a mere tool in the
hands of the deity, after numerous hesitations and delays in
accomplishing the divine purpose, becomes a victim of madness
and terror. The Sophoklean drama is more valuable than the
Aeschylean trilogy. In the Elektra we have, as in the Antigone,
a distinct and noble type of character set in full light and drawn
in clear lines of power. Elektra is the personification of justice
and fidelity, as Antigone is of love and strength. Like justice,
she never wavers from her purpose. When all hope of the
return of Orestes has ceased and his death seems certain, she
herself undertakes the work which should have been his, for
vengeance must be done, and the house of Agamemnon must
be freed from the accursed and abiding crime. And when
Orestes reveals himself as her brother, she does not leave the
central position of the group. One short burst of natural joy,
and she is ready to take any measures which may bring about
the punishment of the murderess. Nay, she stands on guard
while the deed is being done, and to the prayers of Klytemnestra
her answers are stern and inexorable as destiny. With subtle
words of double meaning she leads AEgisthus into the prepared
snare, and then forbids parley or delay—dXX’ wq rax^ra ktzivs,
she says—and the house of Athens is freed from its long and
intolerable servitude.
The character of Elektra, as we see it in its final manifestion, is
as terrible as it is grand. Klytemnestra endeavours to justify her
owm conduct, and to represent it as righteous; but Elektra strikes
the key-note in her long nightingale lament, when she says,
ooXoc r/i' 6 (ppaaac, tpoc o tcrtlvac.

Chrysothenis, weak and vacillating, ready to condone the past

�Sophokles.

21

and enjoy the present, serves as a foil to the stronger character
of her sister. The same may be said of the Chorus,, which
although sympathetic, does not rise to the same heights of
sublimity or lyric sweetness as in the other plays of Sophokles.
Dr. Ribbeck sees here a reason for believing the Elektra to be
an early work. Yet it is not the lyric element which we should
expect to see failing in a younger work, and the conception and
delineation of character in the Elektra is of the highest kind.
The balance of proportion between the brother and sister is
admirably kept. Orestes is not the instrument of the gods,
though under their protection, but of Elektra. By her side he
must not waver, he must proceed at once to vengeance.
That portion of the ethical question which yEschylus has
indicated in the Eumenides does not come into the drama of
Sophokles.
The description of the chariot race has always been regarded
with justice as a masterpiece of art, and there is scarcely any­
thing more touching in literature than the scene which describes
the recognition of brother and sister, and the rapid change of
mood, which, in broken iambics, passes from hopeless sorrow into
Overpowering joy.
In the Elektra, Sophokles presents before us a character,
which, as it were, wrestles with destiny, and conquers ; in the
Ajax we have a character ennobled by its very defeat.
Ajax was the most distinguished of the Greek generals in the
Trojan war, next to Achilles, and upon the death of Achilles a
dispute arose for the arms of that hero. The claimants were
Ajax and Ulysses, and the arms were adjudged to the latter. Full
of anger at this decision, Ajax determined to slay both Ulysses
and the Atridse, who had acted as arbitrators; but as he was
going by night to accomplish his revenge, he was inspired with
madness by Athene, whose aid he had previously rejected. In
this madness he fell upon the flocks of cattle around the camp,
and slew some and carried others to his tent, thinking he had
captured in them his rival and his enemies. When day dawns
his right mind returns, and he is overwhelmed with the ignominy
of his position and resolves to put an end to his life. This he
accomplishes by falling upon his sword. The Atridee command
that his body should be left unburied, but Teucer resists
them, and he is honourably buried. This drama is placed
here, not because it certainly belongs to this period, but
because its date is undetermined and undeterminable. Schneidewin and others assign it to an earlier period, make it indeed
nearly contemporary with the Antigone, both on account
of its resemblance in lyric measures to the 2Eschylean dramas,
and on. account of the rarity with which a third actor is brought

�22

Sophokles.

forward. But the Antigone sufficiently shows that Sophokles
had passed this stage. Others see in the speeches which follow
the suicide of Ajax an approximation to the rhetorical style of
Euripides. Those who adopt a middle course, will place it rather
in the long undated period, when the literary activity of
Sophokles was at its height. It is a poem in which the national
feeling of Athens was likely to find especial gratification. Of all the
heroes celebrated in the Iliad, Ajax was the only one that Athens
could claim as connected with herself. Salamis had been in
close union with Athens from immemorial time, and one Athenian
tribe took its name from Ajax. Herodotus tells us (viii. 64), that
before the battle of Salamis, the Athenians prayed to all the
gods, and to Ajax and Telamon. This connexion gives rise to
the beautiful ode
&lt;j) tcXeiva 'SiaXap.tQ k.t.X.

The drama opens with a scene which breathes the frenzy of fierce
hatred and lust for murder that mark Northern poetry rather
than Greek. Yet it serves to set a stamp upon the character of
Ajax, and to indicate his disposition, not without a warning note
of admonition. The degradation into which Ajax has fallen is a
punishment for the excess of that self-reliance which forms a
heroic character, the first sin which he commits is insolence
(w/3pic). When setting out to battle, he rejected the pious prayer
of his father, that he might wish to be victorious by the help of
the gods, and added the vaunt, “With a god’s help, even a
man of nought may win the victory; but I, I trust, without
God’s help shall be victorious.” And in the battle itself, when
Athene proffered aid, he bade her go elsewhere, for he would
none of it. Such is the disposition of the man who finds too late
that he is powerless against the gods. But against disgrace his
unyielding mind still contends. The real interest of the drama
lies in the moral conflict between heroic independence and the
necessity of submission to higher authority. The motives for
submission are forcibly brought out, the agony of disgrace, and
the strength of domestic affection. The turning point is reached
when Ajax says—“ I, once as strong as steel, have now been
softened by the words of this woman as steel is softened by the
bath, and I shrink from leaving amongst my enemies, her a
widow, and my son fatherless.” Yet from the shame there is
now but one escape, and from that he does not shrink—death.
But ere he goes to the baths of ocean and the sea-marge, where
he may appease the wrath of the goddess by his death, he freely
acknowledges his error. Honour and authorrty are worthy of
submission. Snowfooted winter yields to blooming spring, and
dark-tiaraed night gives place to bright-crowned day. Life is full
of change, so he too bends to authority, fears God and honours

�Sophokles.

23

the Atridse. Another scene reveals Ajax about to put an end
to the life he can no longer honourably cherish. His last prayer
is earnest and simple—That Teucer' may first raise his body,
and give it rites of sepulture; that Hermes may grant him
funeral escort; and that Helios may rein in his golden car, and
tell the sad news to his aged father and mother. Then follows
the farewell of the Greek to the bright sun, a long adieu to
Salamis and illustrious Athens, and all the plains and crystal
founts of Troy.
It is perhaps worth pointing out that this drama has severa
Shaksperian peculiarities. As in the works of our own drama­
tist, overflowing sorrow finds relief in a play upon words.
aiai, r/c av ~or we0’ wi’ £7rwrvjuor
TOVjJ.OV
OVO/J-Cl TOIQ EpLOLQ KCLKOLQ j

The speech already referred to (line 646), which describes in the
form of a soliloquy a moral crisis, is in the manner of the English
writer, and the final monologue of Ajax recalls the meditation
of Hamlet.
Minuter resemblances might be noted. The cry of the sailors
in their search for their lost chief—ttovoq Trouw ttovov &lt;pep&amp;c—may
almost be translated by the “ Double, double toil and trouble
of the Witches in. Macbeth.
But a more characteristic peculiarity of the drama is the sea
air which blows through it, and the number of nautical allusions
which must have been grateful to a seafaring people. Sophokles
never forgets the mariners of Athens in his eulogies of the city.
In the great choric song of the (Edipus at Kolonus, the crowning
glory of the land is “ the well-used oar fitted to skilful hands,
that leaps through the sea in the train of the hundred-footed
Nereids,” and here from the first we are thrown into sailor
company. It is to the “ shipmates of Ajax, from over the sea/’
that Tecmessa turns in her trouble, and it is they who search
for their lost leader at the last, though Sophokles with poetic
propriety reserves the discovery of his body for Tecmessa herself.
And to the sea the thoughts of Ajax turn in his despair :
“ 0 ye paths of the watery reach,
O ye caves of the sea,
O ye groves of the Ocean beach,
Where my steps were wont to be.”
By the death of the hero atonement for all his sins is made,
and his body is honourably buried by' the sea he loved.
It is a real satisfaction to arrive at a period when we can
attach a date to a play of Sophokles. In B. C. 409 appeared the
Philoktetes. Before this time Athens had passed through

�24

Sophokles.

the conspiracy of the Four Hundred, and had seen the recall
of Alkibiades. In the measures of the oligarchical body we are
told Sophokles concurred, not because they were good, but
because they were expedient. “ ov yap vjv aXXa /BeXn'w/’ are
the words attributed to him. The anecdote, however, may
possibly refer to another Sophokles. It is possible also that
Sophokles had little sympathy with the later democracy, which
may have alienated amongst others the mind of the poet. But
his poetry retained the astonishing energy and freshness of his
younger days. The Philoktetes shows no sign of the, decay of in­
tellectual power. It is worthy of the first prize which it received.
The subject was not a new one upon the Attic stage. kEschylus
and Euripides had handled it before, and other tragedians
had aided in making it familiar to an Athenian audience.
Sophokles, while adopting the well' known mythical outlines
as the groundwork, succeeded in lending the drama a new
and powerful motive. These outlines are to be found in
Homer. (II. 2. 716). Philoktetes, carrying the arrows of Her­
cules, joined the expedition against Troy, but being wounded
in the foot by a serpent, he was left in the island of Lemnos.
In the tenth year of the war it was predicted by a Trojan
prophet that Troy could only be taken by the arrows of
Hercules, then in the possession of Philoktetes. Accordingly
Ulysses and Neoptolemus, son of Achilles, were sent to Lemnos
to bring Philoktetes with his arrows to Troy. The play opens
with the landing of these messengers upon the island of Lemnos.
Ulysses tutors Neoptolemus in deceit, and urges him to gain
possession of the arrows by falsehood. Neoptolemus obeys, and
having persuaded the suffering Philoktetes that he is about to
take him home is entrusted with the arrows. When Philoktetes
discovers the treachery that has been practised upon him, he
endeavours to commit suicide, but is prevented. Feelings of pity
and compassion now come upon Neoptolemus, and he restores
the arrows in spite of the angry remonstrances of Ulysses. The
mission has thus nearly failed of its object, when Hercules de­
scends from heaven, and bids Philoktetes proceed to Troy, where
he shall win renown and be healed of his sore disease. The
interest of the play does not centre in the person whose name
it bears, but in the person of Neoptolemus. It is his character
that Sophokles has brought out from the massive block of
tradition in proportions of exceeding beauty. Between Philok­
tetes hardened by suffering, and Ulysses wily and wise, the openhearted son of Achilles stands forth a contrast to both. This
contrast of character, together with the dramatic development of
natural nobility in the person of Neoptolemus, is the work of
Sophokles alone, and bears his stamp. The minor characters

�Sophokles.

25

are powerfully drawn. Philoktetes is immovable in his love to
his friends and in his hatred to his enemies. The extreme
agonies of physical suffering which wring from him cries and
groans, leave him still tears for the misfortunes of his friends
and imprecations for his foes. He is, in the words of Lessing,
a rock of a man,”* a hero still, though life has lost all that is
worth living for, except constancy and submission to the gods.
The Ulysses of this drama is differently portrayed from the
Ulysses of the Ajax, and the Ulysses of Homer. He is brought
forward in an ungracious part, and one more in accordance
with the role he takes in the plays of Euripides. He counsels
deceit and is willing to attain his end by means honourable or
dishonourable. We must not however forget that this end is
the well-being of the Greeks, and that the means are poetically
justified by his knowledge that neither persuasion nor violence
will avail to shake the firmness of Philoktetes. The psycholo­
gical interest lies then in the struggle through which the mind
of Neoptolemus has to pass. On the one hand, with the bow of
Philoktetes he may win undying renown by the taking of Troy,
but he must desert and deceive his father’s friend, leaving him
doubly desolate and deprived of the means of supporting his
piteous existence. On the other hand he must bear the bitter
reproaches of Ulysses, the loss of the promised glory, and the
failure of the Achaean arms, but he will have respected the
rights of a suppliant and his plighted word. How will the
struggle end ? The sincerity of a noble nature prevails. Already
the treachery inspired by Ulysses has been successful; the bow
of Philoktetes is in his hand, but he can no longer endure the
part he has been compelled to play: he leaves the path of deceit
into which he has been misled, and assumes the character which
he has already shown to be his. The intervention of the “ deus
ex xnachina ” serves only to j ustify what has happened, it neither
diminishes the interest nor interferes with the action of the play.
The psychological question has been already answered.
The Trachinice is to be considered a later work than the
Philoktetes. Otherwise it is probable that Sophokles would
have used the connexion that lies in their subjects. For the bow
of Philoktetes was none other than that bequeathed him by
Hercules at his death. The Trachinice tells the story how
the death of Hercules was unwittingly brought about by his wife
Deianeira. Many years before the opening of the play, Hercules
had slain the Centaur Nessus by means of his unerring and
poisoned arrows. As he was dying, the Centaur bade Deianeira
take of the blood of his wound and the poison of the arrow, and
* “Laokoon,” ch. iv. p. 34.

�26

Sophokles.

preserve it, for it would prove an unfailing philtre to recover her
husband’s affection if he ever forsook her for another woman.
When the play opens, Hercules has been long absent, but is now
returning with captives, the reward of his victorious arms.
Amongst these captives, who arrive at Trachis before Hercules,
is the beautiful Iole, and Deianeira is not long in learning that
she it is who now possesses the affections of her husband. There­
fore she imbues a garment with the philtre she had received
from Nessus, and sends it to Hercules, bidding him wear it whilst
transacting the sacred rites of Zeus. The venom of the mixture
does not fail in its efficacy. It seizes at once upon the body of
Hercules, who is consumed with intolerable burnings. In the
agony of death he orders himself to be borne home, but the news
flies before, and Deianeira ends her life with her own hand. Upon
his arrival, Hercules bids his son Hyllus erect a funeral pile for
him on Mount Oeta, and after his father’s death marry Iole.
The drama concludes with the promise of Hyllus to obey his
father.
The opinions as to the value of the drama have been
various. A. W. Schlegel deemed it of far inferior merit to that
of the other plays, and many modern readers have agreed with
him. Schneidewin, a critic of weightier authority, places it ex­
ceedingly high amongst the works of ancient art. In looking at
it, however, we must regard it as a diptych rather than a single
picture. From this circumstance it suffers perhaps when compared
with the other works by the same author. Nevertheless each
part has its own merit. In the first part the figure of Deianeira
forms the centre; in the second, the half-divine half-savage cha­
racter of Hercules exercises a strange imperious fascination upon
the spectator. Nothing can be more delicately and finely
represented than the amiable character of Deianeira, the faithful
and forgiving wife. It is in the true colour of Sophoklean irony
that the sympathy of a tender nature which leads her to express
pity for the captive woman, draws her most closely to Iole, who
is the cause of her misfortune. And it is the very strength of her
love for Hercules which brings about his ruin and her own. The
first part of the Trachinice may indeed be ranked with the best
dramatic exhibitions of character. Nor is it deficient in those
cross lights and special excellences in which the best abound. The
self-devotion and feminine dignity of Deianeira reaches its climax
when she implores Lichas to tell her the whole truth :—
ph 'ttvQegQu.i tovto p aXyovsiEV av‘
c’ EtSevat tI Seivov ; ov^l ^ciTEpas
teXelcetciq dv^p eiq HpaKXrjg EyypE c)/;;
kovttii) tlq avT(Sv ek y Epov Xoyov KOKOV
TJVEyKa.T' ovZ' ovelZoq.

to
to

�27

Sophokles.

This is in the very spirit of mediaeval devotion, and almost
in the words of the “ Nut-browne Mayde
“ Though in the wode I understode
Ye had a paramour,
All this may nought remove my thought
But that I will be your.
And she shall find me soft and kynde,
And courteys every hour.”

*

For vigorous word-painting, the passage which describes the
virulent corruption of the poisoned wool rotting away into nothing­
ness, is unsurpassed. (Lines 695 et seq.)
The second portion of the diptych is less agreeable to modern
feeling, since the character of Hercules seems little fitted for the
tragic stage. By his semi-divinity he is above humanity, by his
semi-brutality he is below it. Hercules suffering is most likely
to gain our sympathy ; for the picture of excessive suffering is
redeemed from the peril of awaking horror or disgust by the
consistency and firmness of Hercules. He meets death with his
spiritual strength still unbroken, and his self-possession when he
recognises his real position changes the grief of the spectator into
admiration of his undaunted fortitude.
The marriage which he is represented as proposing between
Hyllus and Iole, however repugnant to modern, feeling, was too
firmly an article of popular belief rooted in popular tradition to
be neglected in the drama.
Nor does Herodotus (vi. 52) deem the tradition unworthy of
notice, since it was from Hyllus that he traced the descent of the
Dorian invaders of the Peloponnese.
The link which binds together the two portions of the drama
and preserves the unity of the action is the magic poison of the
Centaur. In the first part we have the motives which lead up
to its use; in the second we see its effects. The same protagonist
took the parts both of Deianeira and of Hercules.
The long and illustrious life of Sophokles was now drawing to
a close—a life more enviable, perhaps, than that of any man
who has lived so long. He had seen the growth of the Athenian
state ; he was spared the sight of her last declining days. He
was the contemporary of all the great men who had made Athens
glorious ; and he was the personal friend of many of them. Ten
years older than Euripides, he yet survived him, and lived to see
his own son Iophon wearing the ivy crown. One pleasing anec­
dote is told of the last year of the poet’s life. When the news of
the death of Euripides in Macedonia reached Athens, Sophokles
was preparing a tragedy for exhibition. As a last tribute of
respect to the memory of his rival, he himself appeared in
mourning at the head of his chorus, and the choral company

�28

Sophokles.

were without the wreaths which they were accustomed to
wear. The wife of Sophokles was a native of Athens and was named
Nikostrate. By her he had one son, Iophon, already mentioned.
By Theoria of Sikyon he was the father of Ariston, whose son,
Sophokles, reproduced the (Edipus ad Kolonus two years after
the death of his grandfather. A story related by Cicero, and
often repeated, asserts that Iophon brought his father before the
Phratores on the ground of mental incapacity to manage his own
affairs. There is much improbability in the story and we may
well discredit any tradition of dissension in the family of
Sophokles. Hardly, if the story be true, could the comic writer
Phrynikus have written, as he did, a few months after the poet’s
death, a lament with the concluding words—
KaXwg

eteXeudjct’

inrop-EivaQ micov.

The immediate occasion of his death is unknown, and various
accounts are extant. One tradition asserts that it was joyous
excitement at again winning the tragic prize. Beit so. kuXwq
S’ EreXEurr/crEv. In the year B.C. 406, the year of the battle of
Arginusse, Athens lost her two great tragic writers, Sophokles
and Euripides.
Our consideration of the plays will be more than imperfect
unless we examine briefly the religious views with which they
are interpenetrated and coloured. What was the religious
position of the mind that conceived and brought them forth?
Art and religion have often been combined, but never more
intimately than in the dramas of Sophokles. rsyovs Ss koI
Oeo([&gt;lXt)G o
wc
ovk. aXXoq,
says the anonymous
biographer: “ Sophokles was beloved of the gods as no other.”
And the attitude of the poet’s mind was one of reverent, almost
superstitious, adoration of the gods. ZEschylus, no less than
Sophokles, believed in the nothingness of human nature and the
omnipotence of Zeus. For man he marked out a narrow path
beyond which he could not go without offending those unsleeping
powers which punish the insolence of men to the third and fourth
generation of them that transgress. This narrow path he named
crw^poo-vvz/; Sophokles called it tvKpjtta, reverence.
In the Elektra the chorus says to Elektra (1093)
“ Thus have I found thee not in prosperous case
Advancing, but of all the highest laws
Wearing the crown by reverence (suth/SEta) of Zeus.”

And in the same play, commending her language, the chorus
says (464)
“ The maiden speaks with reverence.”

�Sopholdes.

29

In the chorus of the (Edipus Rex (863) the doctrine of
tvatflua is laid down at length. And in the praise which CEdipus
gives to Athens ((Ed. Koi. 1125) the highest is that she is the city
where Reverence dwells:—
E7TEI TO y EVffefjEC
povotQ irap vpiv -qvpov avOpuiruv Eya&gt;.

How comes it then, if this be a chief article in the religion of
Sophokles, that so many of his characters are found speaking
against the gods ? The number of characters who so speak is
not very great. Tecmessa accuses Pallas of working the bane of
Ajax (Ag. 652). Philoktetes doubts the justice of the gods
(Phil. 447), and again (1035). Hyllus (Trach. 1266) speaks
Still more harshly of their unkindness, and reproaches (1272)
Zeus himself. But it is to be remembered that Sophokles him­
self does not always speak by the mouth of his characters. Their
verisimilitude lends a force and warmth to the personification
which is absent from the poems of ZEschylus. It is quite in keep­
ing with the Sophoklean stage that his dramatispersonce should
not be without a tinge of popular superstition. Instances may be
selected. Thus, Teucer is persuaded that the sword of Hector
was fabricated by the Erinnys ; Hercules calls the fatal robe
which takes away his life a web of the Erinnys ; Deianeira is
the victim of a popular superstition when she sets her hopes upon
a love-charm ; and the guardians of the corpse of Polyneikes are
instances of a similar delusion, when they believe that the unseen
burial was supernatural.
But Sophokles, as he bad received from the hands of ZEschylus
the drama already formed, so, too, he accepted from him a body
of religious doctrines already in advance of popular belief. Nor
was the progress which he inaugurated in this line of thought
less striking than his development of the dramatic art—as far
as the liberation of human thought is concerned it was more
important. ZEschylus, as we have seen, attributed the misfortunes
of mortals to a judicial blindness, the consequence of previous
guilt whereby a man falls into greater sin and supreme destruc­
tion. His teaching is the teaching of Eliphaz the Temanite ;
* Remember, I pray thee, who ever perished being innocent ? or
when were the righteous cut off?” (Job iv. 7.) Sophokles dis­
tinguished between the guilty blindness and involuntary crime.
With regard to the former he held the same position as did
ZEschylus. When a mortal willingly, and with full intent, com­
mits a crime, the Deity punishes him with moral madness ; he
is delivered over to Alastor. Yet for all the actions committed
in this madness, he, and none other, is responsible. It is so with
Ajax. He deliberately rejects the aid of Athene, and falls into
a madness from which there is no escape. It is so with Kreon.

�Sophokles.

30

He designedly neglects the honour due to the gods below, and
pursues a course which is the result of madness. The chorus
recognise the chastisement of a divine hand when -ne.y speak
Kreon as—
ayfjp ettiirppov c/,a ytipoc
&lt;■ idspiQ enrEiv, ovic aXXoTplav
li-ry aXX avrOQ anaorcov.

and he himse acknowledges it (1272),
paQibv cdXacoc. ev 3’ ejjm

Kapa

Oeoq tot apa tote piya fodpoc p

£7raicrEr.
But from this frenzy, involuntary guilt is separated by a wide
interval. As Ajax is a striking instance of the one condition, so
CEdipus is of the other. The contrast between the two is sharp
and complete. CEdipus is presented to us as a righteous prince,
wise above the common standard of humanity, for he alone could
solve the riddle of the Sphinx—as god-fearing, for he never doubts
the oracles of the gods. When he hears of the death of his sup­
posed father, Polybus, there is mingled with his first cry of
wonder a note of distress for the credit of the oracle.
(pEu' (p£i&gt;, ri cfjT ay w yvvat., &lt;tkotto~it6 tiq
Trjv HvdopayTtv EGTiav ((Ed. R. 966.)

The sins which he committed were all involuntary, and he
repeatedly asserts it.
TTEirovdor

egti

ra y spya pov
paXXoy 7/ CECpaKOTa.

Yet upon him descend the heaviest misfortunes. What is the
conception which Sophokles designs to express by this ? There
is n'o answer in the CEdipus Rex ; it is found in the CEdipus at
Kolonus. It is this answer withheld that so closely unites the
former and the latter dramas. In the latter, CEdipus comes
before us under the guidance and protection of the gods. They
have used him for their purpose, a divine one, an unknown and
mysterious one, but a just one ; and now, having drunk the cup
of sorrow to the dregs, he is their sacred and especial care. He
himself says (287)
77/cw yap tpoc ev'teI'ji'iq te Kai (bepivv
OV'fjO’lV aOTOlQ TO~l(TC)E.

And therefore his passage from life is gentle and kindly. He
is not, for God takes him. As his life has been beyond all others
wretched though morally guiltless, so his death has beyond all
others a fuller promise of happiness.
If we gather up the teaching of Sophokles upon this point, we
find —That the gods have a great progressive plan of the

�Sophokles.

31

Universe, which they carry out in spite of, or sometimes by
means of individual suffering. That every man who seeks to do
right is, notwithstanding his misfortunes, under their protection,
and will finally be rewarded according to his merit. That volun­
tary guilt tends to worse, and lastly to ruin. This advance from
the religious position of JUschylus is great, but it leads to results
no less important. It leads, firstly, to the possibility of making
a consciousness of right and justice an acting moral power. Thus
CEdipus sets before his daughters (Gild. K. 1613) as a recompense
for their laboursand sufferings on his behalf, the consciousness
that they had done their duty and won his love. Elektra and
Antigone are penetrated with this feeling. Elektra says (352)
“ Be it my only reward that 1 am conscious of doing my hard
duty?’ The sentiment of Antigone is the same (460) :
“ That I shall die I know without thy words,
And if before my time ’tis gain to me.”

This teaching of Sophokles is a herald of the truth declared
by Plato, that the moral consciousness of right in a man’s own
heart is the measure of his happiness.
Secondly, and here we must touch upon the mystic side of the
religion of Sophokles, it imbues his dramas with a lofty spiritual­
ism. It stands in opposition to the religion of rite and profession.
It calls for the spirit and not the letter. CEdipus (CEd. K. 498)
declares that the sacrifice of one pure soul rightly offered, avails
more than ten thousand which are not so given. It adds a sig­
nificance to the sincere unspoken prayer, for the god hears it
before it is said. Klytemnestra will not utter her prayer (El. 637)
for the god knows her desire, though she may not put it into
words. And the voice of the god speaks within the breast of
man to guide and direct him. This inward voice brought
CEdipus to the grove of the Eumenides, as he himself says (CEd.
K. 96) and led him—adtKrov riyprripo^—to his last restingplace.
°
And thirdly, it finds a place in the religion of Sophokles for
the doctrine of the immortality of the soul.
This doctrine was only dimly present to the popular mind ; it
was no active moral power. The motive to justice and righteous­
ness lay in the fear of punishment in this life—of punishment at
the hands of the civil magistrate or the offended deity. True, in
Hades the unholy were unholy still, and suffered a shadowy
retribution for their crimes, but the real punishment was in this
life. Sophokles recognised a purer motive for human action, the
love of right for its own sake, and for the sake of the divine
approval. Antigone can look forward to a long and joyous
Existence with the dead (Ant. 73-76), for with them she will

*

�32

Sophokles.

dwell for ever. And so the highest duty is the duty of living
in accordance with the will of the gods, careless of praise or blame,
reward or punishment, from any but Their hands, and with eyes
directed to that other life, where wrongs are righted and where
j ustice is done.
ETTEl TtXeI(i)V XPOVOQ,
ov c?t p apEffKELV toIq Kara tojv oEvdai&gt;E,
ekei yap asi KEi.trop.ai.

The monologue of Ajax sets this point of view rstill farther in
contrast with that of fiEschylus. 2Eschylus has exemplified the
terrors of conscience with appalling power in the persons of
Klytemnestra and Orestes, but the passion which he represents
is rather that of remorse than that of penitence. The fear of
punishment is the moving cause of terror. In the ethics of
Sophokles, conscience leads to a penitent recognition of personal
guilt and a desire of amendment—
ypsle ce irait; ov yvcvaopsaOa triotppovsiv;

is the cry of Ajax when he seeks to atone for his crimes by a
voluntary death. And the same moral revolution is exhibited
in the case of Kreon. (Ant. 1319.)
Thus in the hands of Sophokles, religion passed from a nega­
tive to a positive phase. It was no longer sufficient as in the
time of AEschylus to live a quiet life with no overweening self­
exaltation or insolent rivalry of the gods, but heart and hand
must be alike pure, and both devoted to the service of the gods.
Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, in his essay upon the “ Education
of Humanity,” has traced the process by which a single nation
rose stage by stage to fuller knowledge. The nation which he
selected was the Hebrew nation, but it is not the only one which
submitted to the divine education. In the works of Sophokles
we see the Greek mind passing to a higher stage. It is not a
final stage ; that can never be reached as long as humanity
endures, but it is one that could give strength and confidence to
minds that loved the truth. That it did so to the mind of
Sophokles himself we may learn from his works. The per­
fection of restraint and repose which reigns like a summer
atmosphere in his compositions, is the result not only of a mastery
of diction and a supreme command of art. The knowledge of
the sorrows of humanity and a co-existing capacity of beholding
above alia ruling order, which recompenses and atones for all,
are the characteristics which give an immortal interest to the
dramas of Sophokles.
They reveal to us a man who was
indeed OeoQiXpq “ beloved of God.”
And however dimly his contemporaries may have understood
the humane theology which pervaded his works, they understood

�Sophokles.

33

time of his death the Lacedaemonians were threatening Athens
from Deceleia. The family burial-place of Sophokles lay eleven
stades from Athens, upon the road to Deceleia. When Lysander
the Spartan heard that Sophokles was dead, he granted a free
pass to the funeral procession, and the body of the great
tragedian was laid to rest under the protection of the Lacedae­
monians. Nor were there wanting due tokens of respect at the
hands of his fellow-citizens. As a hero they honoured him with
a' yearly sacrifice. A siren was sculptured upon his tomb, to
indicate the entrancing sweetness of his strains, and Simmias the
pupil of Sokrates wrote his epitaph. Forty years after his
death, his bust was placed in the Athenian theatre, and the state
took in charge the text of his works.
And yet against the life of Sophokles there are those who
bring the charge of impurity and immorality. Such a charge
we can but dismiss with indignation. A few anecdotes retailed
*
by that prurient collector of slander, Atheneeus, form the body
of the charge. They are not worth the time that would be spent
in contradicting them. There is nothing in Plato, there is nothing
in Plutarch that can sully the pure lustre of the name of
Sophokles. Plutarch indeed relates (Perikles, viii.) that upon
one occasion Perikles bade Sophokles remember that a man
must not only keep his hands pure, but his eyes from beholding
evil. If there is in this anything more than a commonplace
application of a moral maxim, it is a testimony that at least the
hands of the poet were pure. Of his thoughts as mirrored in
his writings we can ourselves judge. Aristophanes amidst all
his baseless attacks upon his contemporaries, never brought this
charge against Sophokles; modern writers with less knowledge,
have had greater audacity. This, however, matters but little to
him or to us.
In looking back upon the life of Sophokles as a whole, perfect
and radiant, it is difficult to find in the range of literature another
like it. From his boyhood to his death, there seems to be
nothing to mar the beauty of his career. Germans find an
analogous instance in the life of Gothe, but the analogy does not
go far. Both Sophokles and Gothe lived long, and won that
favour from their countrymen which is generally given to the
illustrious dead alone. Each of them possessed the highest
culture of his time, and aided the diffusion of that culture. The
comparison cannot in reality go much farther. The life of Gothe
is open to us in its minutest details : we are compelled to be
satisfied with the merest outline of the life of Sophokles.
Gothe has dissected for us (not without vanity) his own
sentiments, emotions, and passions. Only behind the works of
Sophokles can we discern the calm and majestic figure of the
[Vol. XCIX. No. CXCV.]—New Series, Vol. XLIII. No. I.
D

�34

Sophokles.

Greek poet. Yet the dimmer personality is not the less
impressive. To something of the calm which belongs to the
works of Sophokles, Gotbe could, and did attain ; but it is the
same with a difference. Gothe by a sublime selfishness, and his
progress marked with the sorrows which he caused, rose into a
clear intellectual ether. Sophokles brought down the wisdom of
another sphere to brighten the ways of men. The one was a
child of earth who made a path for himself to the serene heights ;
the other was a son of Olympus, about whom the inextinguish­
able glory of his birthplace shone for the delight and instruction
of the world.
P.S.—Two editions of Sophokles, at present only published in
part, will go some way towards familiarizing English students with
the spirit of Sophokles. The one is by Mr. Jebb, Public Orator of
Cambridge, the other is by Professor Campbell of St. Andrews.
As a portion only of each edition is before the public, it has
been deemed better to exclude them from comment in the body
of this paper, but this much may be said, that we can hope every­
thing from the complete edition by Professor Campbell. His
essay on “ the Language of Sophokles ” is admirable and
exhaustive, and the notes and introductions to the plays already
published are full of refined and suggestive enthusiasm.
Mr. Jebb has set forth his views upon the genius of Sophokles
in a lecture recently delivered at Dublin, and since published in
Macmillan’s Magazine (Nov. 1872). This lecture is clear,
scholarly, and critical, but both the points selected and the views
expressed seem scarcely adequate to the subject. The four
manifestations of the genius of Sophokles 'which he chooses are :
First, the blending of a divine with a human characteristic in the
heroes of Sophokles. Secondly, the effort to reconcile progress
with tradition. Thirdly, dramatic irony ; and lastly, the por­
trayal of character. The first of these manifestations is illustrated
by the cases of Ajax, of GEdipus, and of Herakles. Ajax, we are
told, is human by his natural anguish on his return to sanity; he is
divine by his remorse and the sense that dishonour must be effaced
by death. But surely his remorse and repentance are human
too. His mere cries of distress, apart from the higher feelings, are
ludicrous, and insufficient to link Ajax to human nature. Nor
does his nearness to Athene, as one who had spoken with her
face to face, suffice to give him a divine character. The heroes of
Euripides also speak with the gods face to face. The lecturer has
not here brought out a real manifestation of the genius of
Sophokles; he has united accidents and imagined them to be
the essence. The intense suffering of (Edipus the King, and the
marvellous death of GEdipus at Colonus are two conditions

�Sophokles.

35

through which the character of CEdipus passes, and are not
more especially characteristic than are the sufferings of Medea,
who is finally carried away by the dragon-chariot of the sun.
The genius of Sophokles is certainly not revealed in the union of
the superhuman and the commonplace; it is manifested by its
power of idealizing humanity. The superhuman element which
Sophokles introduces, forms no part of the essence of any
character, it belongs to the cycle of popular beliefs, which as we
have seen, he used for the purpose of verisimilitude.
Secondly.—The idea that Sophokles preserved the balance
between superstition and free thought, that he endeavoured to
graft progress upon tradition is misleading. In religious matters
we have seen that the advance which he made was both definite
and important; in politics he was the disciple, as he was the
colleague, of Perikles. If he shrank from the extreme measures
of a later democracy, it was because he clung to a system which
had raised Athens to her highest political efficiency, and because
he distrusted a variation which exaggerated and distorted the true
democratic principles. Moreover, he was justified by the results.
Thirdly.—The lecturer’s canon upon dramatic irony is only
partially true. “ The practical irony of drama depends on the
principle that the dramatic poet stands aloof from the world
which he has created.” In fact the question of dramatic irony
cannot be so summarily dealt with. The manner of Professor
Campbell in treating of this characteristic (pp. 112-118) is far
more diffident and satisfactory. Irony, as he says, is always
accompanied with the consciousness of superiority. But the
exhibition of this consciousness must be destructive of artistic
effect. It is better to refer the irony to fate than to ascribe it to
the author; it may, perhaps, be best not to use the word at all,
but to refer the effect which every one feels, to an artistic and
legitimate application of dramatic elements such as contrast and
pathos, which reach their highest power only when used by the
most skilful hands. .Mr. Jebb thinks that Sophokles delineates
broadly, and with a “ deliberate avoidance of fine shading,” the
characters of his primary persons, and seeks for the more delicate
touches of portraiture in the subordinate persons. The persons,
however, to whom he refers as illustrations must be spoken of as
secondary with caution. Thus Deianeira is of equal importance
with Hercules in the Trachinice; the same protagonist took
both characters. The real interest of the Philoldetes centres in
Neoptolemus. But perhaps the chief inadequacy of Mr. Jebb’s
view of Sophokles, a view which, as has been said before, is set
forth with the charm of a scholarly and balanced style, results from
his notion of the religion of Sophokles. In his opinion, Sophokles
is the highest type of a votary of Greek polytheism, and no more.
D2

�36

Parliamentary Eloquence.

He does not see in his hand that torch which was to be passed
on to Plato, and through him to other times. His religion had,
he says, shed upon it the greatest strength of intellectual light
which it could bear without fading. His art was indeed the
highest of its kind, and remained his own ; but the impulse which
he gave to a freer and more enlightened reverence may be traced
in the best of Greek literature, the works of Plato. It is
probable, therefore, that the edition by Professor Campbell will
be a truer guide to the appreciation of Sophokles, for the editor
has already acknowledged his obligation to Professor Jowett.

Art. II.—Parliamentary Eloquence.

1. A Book of Parliamentary Anecdote. Compiled from
Authentic Sources. By G. H. Jennings and W. S. John­
stone.
Cassell, Petter, and Galpin : London, Paris, and
New York. 1872.
2. The Orator : a Treasury of English Eloquence, containing
Selections from the most Celebrated Speeches of the Past
and Present. Edited, with Short Explanatory Notes and
References, by a Barrister. London : S. 0. Beeton.
3. Select British Eloquence, embracing the best Speeches entire
of the most Eminent Orators of Great Britain for the last
Two Centuries : with Sketches of their Lives, an estimate
of their Genius, and Notes Critical and Explanatory.
By Chauncey A. Goodrich, D.D., Professor in Yale Col­
lege, New Haven, Conn., U.S. London : Sampson Low
and Co.
4. Parliamentary Logic : to which are subjoined Two Speeches
delivered in the House of Commons of Ireland, and
other pieces. By the Right Hon. William Gerard
Hamilton. London. 1798.
5. Hansard. New Series.

ANY have been the writers on the theory of Government,
and the framers of model governments and paper constitu­
tions. None of these, however, devised Parliamentary Govern­
ment as it actually exists amongst us, or foresaw its rise. Yet to
all appearances it is the form of government which will
universally prevail. The English tongue bids fair to become
the speech of the greater part of the globe, and wherever an
English-speaking race is to be found, English parliamentary

M

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                    <text>LIFE

AND

MIND:

THEIR

UNITY AND MATERIALITY.

•

BY

EOBERT LEWINS, M.D. '
x

“ If it be possible to perfect mankind, the means of doing so will be found
in the Medical Sciences.”
Descartes.
“ For that which befalls men befalls beasts ; as the one dies so does the
other; they have all one breath; all go unto one place; all are of the dust, and
all turn to dust again.”
Ecclesiastes, 3rd Chap., Verses 18, 19.

GEO. P. BACON, STEAM PRINTING OFFICES.

1873.

��LIFE

AND

MIND:

THEIR UNITY AND MATERIALITY.

By Robert Lewins, M.D.
The design of this short contribution to the philosophy of
Modern Science is one, the execution of which I have felt for
many years past, ever since the collapse of the European
equilibrium signalized by the outbreak of the Erench revolu­
tion of 1848, to be a great desideratum in the current distracted
state of public opinion, especially in Great Britain, as to
the claims upon our belief of Divine Revelation at the existing
standpoint of science.
*
My present purpose is to attempt,
in quite popular and intelligible language, divested of all
technicality which is not familiar to all fairly educated persons,
to ascertain the verdict of modern physiology and pathology
on the real nature of life. Upon this physical basis, disre­
garding all metaphysical systems, from Plato to Comte, as so
many ignesfatui, which have only served during thousands of
years of misdirected activity, to perplex and mislead the
human mind, I propose to formulate, in a few sentences, a
consistent and rational theory of human existence, in which
everything super-natural and exceptional to familiar, every­
day observation and experience, is removed from the domain
of sense and fact into that of fancy and fable.f
I have chiefly at heart to bring to bear, in a purely scientific
and judicial spirit, on the so-called inspiration and infallibility
of our own Bible, one single, well-established physiological
canon, the non-existence of a vital or spiritual principle as an
entity apart from the inherent energy of the material organism.
* Volumes could not better illustrate the irreconcilable antagonism between
Revelation and Science, than the statement of so thoughtful a scholar as the
Archbishop of Canterbury, in his sermon on the text “Jesus wept,” at Tam,
beth Church on Hospital Sunday, 15th June, 1873, respecting Death. His Grace
seriously advocated.the untenable hypothesis now so thoroughly refuted by
Paleontology and Biology, that “ Death was a frightful thing, the memento
of Sin, for Sin gave it birth,” evidently under the conviction that the myth
in the Hebrew Scriptures of the Creation and Fall of Adam is a matter of fact.
t No dcubt both the poetical and metaphysical faculties are most essential
and important elements in human nature, but the legitimate end of imagination and philosophical speculation is to lead us to the possession of positive
facts practically useful in vulgar life. All records of intellectual processes
that stop short of this result, are—except during the brief period of our
education—impediments of right conduct, and only serve to cheat and beonile
us of our time. Action, not contemplation, is the true vocation of Man,

�4

This one fact alone, I am fully satisfied in my own mind,
proves conclusively that all super-naturalism, alike “ sacred
and profane,” is explicable by quite familiar phenomena of
deranged cerebration and innervation, and that, as a corollary,
the pretended “ fundamental truths of Christianity ” are pal­
pable fallacies, ill-analysed and mis-interpreted signs of disordered functions of the brain and cranial nerve-centres, of no
more authority or claim to especial sanctity than analogous
pretensions in the case of the Koran, or other extinct or extant
idolatry. Mahomet, indeed, from being subject to epilepsy,
must be considered by modern pathology as labouring, during
his whole public career, which was much more extended than
that of the Prophet of Nazareth, under actual organic brain
disease, and the wide-spread religion of Islam may therefore be
dismissed at once, as a purely medical question, from the serious
notice of all who are not Pathologists. The Grecian Oracles,
also reverenced by the most civilized nation of antiquity as
superhuman utterances of Divine Wisdom, were merely the
ravings of women temporarily insane from the inhalation of
gases which disturbed, by poisoning the blood, their cerebral
functions. Insanity and Idiocy, to this day, are still venerated
in the native lands of Jesus and Mahomet as the manifestation
of divine inspiration.
*
Christianity will thus be found, when
examinedby the light of the 19th, to be simply what the impar­
tial Greeks and Romans described it in the 1st century—a
Syrian superstition. Syria, the “ Holy Land” of the Bible and
Koran (as if in sound philosophy any one place or thing can
be holier than another) seems in all ages—doubtless from
geological and meteorological peculiarities!—to have been
notorious for the mysticism of its inhabitants ; by which term
I mean such excess of the idealising over the reflective faculties
that sober reason and observation, the seeing things as they
are in the open day-light of fact and nature, become quite
disguised and obscured by the phantasmagoria of illusion.
This radical defect, which necessitates the intellect to revolve
perpetually in a vieious circle, fatal to all real progress, is
characteristic of the human mind throughout all the East,
* Epilepsy, doubtless from its striking and imposing physiological symp­
toms, was in ancient times regarded as the “Holy Disease,” par excellence.
Hippocrates no doubt incurred the odium attached to “Impiety,” when he
taught that no disease was more or less holy than another—all being alike
the result of impaired bodily organs.
f The scenery round Jerusalem and through the wilderness of Judea to­
wards the Jordan, is exceedingly weird and hideous, well fitted to be the
nursery of an ascetic creed, “ whose Kingdom is not of this World.”

�5
as every impartial traveller perceives on a very cursory ac­
quaintance.
An Oriental must mystify and “ fable/’ not necessarily by
intention, but because, from the structural arrangement of his
intellectual organs, exaggeration, hyperbole, and the prefer­
ence of fiction to fact, is his natural element. To him Lord
Bacon’s aphorism is peculiarly applicable, “ A mixture of
a lie doth ever add pleasure.” In the whole texture of his
mind he displays the impulsive, visionary imaginativeness and
incapacity for patient and sustained impersonal research of
women and children, swayed by every fluctuating breath of
sentiment and passion. To minds of this class plain truth ap­
pears insipid, displeasing, and unsatisfactory,in direct contrast
with that disciplined virile European intellect, which, in com­
paratively recent times, by strict adherence to the investiga­
tion of what really exists, has so immeasurably extended, for the
benefit of mankind, the range of mental vision. In the signal
triumphs of civilization during the last two centuries the
Orient, and the traditional methods of the Orient, have no part
whatever.
To return from this digression to my more immediate pur­
pose. The single and simple cardinal principle of modern
science, above italicised, to which I would direct atten­
tion, and to which I shall confine myself on the present
occasion—as subversive of all spiritualism and mysticism
whatever—is a plant of English growth, and cannot pro­
perly be considered older, in its definite shape, than the
publication of Newton’s “ Principles of Natural Philosophy,”
the year before the revolution of 1688, though in a vague, in­
definite form its spirit was awake in Europe from the time of
the Reformation. Our Royal Society was established, as
stated in its charter, at the Restoration of Charles II., as a
protest against “ supernatural ” methods, the Puritan Revolt
being the last sincere and earnest abortive attempt to govern
mankind on Christian principles, or to take au serieux in
political life, the truth of the Jewish Dispensation. Modern
Physical and Mental Science, dating from the English Revo­
lution—the era of Newton and Locke—may thus justly be
considered the real Anti-Christ.
This radical principle of true knowledge, which the
human mind has only reached after persevering for
thousands of years in false methods, is the confidence,
based on fixed scientific data, and not merely on conjec­
ture, in the all-sufficiency of Matter to carry on its own
operations, and the consequent absurdity, uselessness, non­

�6

necessity of any hypothesis which assumes, that from outside
the sphere of sensible, material phenomena, there intrudes
an immaterial, spiritual, or supernatural factor, to perform
functions, which Matter, by virtue of its own in-dwelling
energy, really performs for and by itself. I confidently sub­
mit to the judgment of my readers the assertion that the
whole hypothesis of Immaterialism, of an over-ruling of matter
by “ Spirit” (in the transcendental, not etymological sense of
the word), the former the passive instrument, the latter the
active agent, received its death-blow on the fall of the Car­
tesian, and establishment of the Newtonian, Philosophy.
Our great English astronomer, by his discovery of universal
gravitation, was the real founder, in Christian times, of scien­
tific, common sense materialism, though, from prejudices of his
own education in the scholastic methods of his age, he himself
failed to carry out his own data, to their legitimate conclu­
sions, in the domain of Biology. The tremendous revolution in
European thought, at the close of the 17th century, can even yet
be well appreciated by comparing the mystical idealism of
Milton’s “ Paradise Lost” with the common sense realism of
Pope’s “Essay on Man.” Erom the awe-struck manner in which
the intellectual representative of Puritanism hails Light as
too sacred even to be named, we recognise the fatal tendency
of that primeval mysticism which renders free thought, free
investigation, and real progress, an impossibility. There is no
room for doubt, from his cosmological and psychological stand­
point, that had Milton been aware of the prismatic exjferiments and cosmical demonstrations of Newton, he would have
turned from them with abhorrence and proud contempt.
*
To
* Socrates, who has been considered by not a few orthodox • authorities to
have had a quasi Divine Mission, as a forerunner of Christ, protested against
the impudence and profanity of Anaxagoras, when he degraded the divine
Helios and Selene into a Sun and Moon of calculable motions and magni­
tudes. Astronomy was pronounced by him to be among the “ Divine Mys­
teries,” which it was impossible to understand and madness to investigate, as
the above-named physicist had presumptuously pretended to do. He held,
indeed, that the Gods did not intend that man should pry into cosmical
arrangements, that they managed such things so as to be beyond bis ken,
and therefore logically discarded General Physics, or the study of Nature al­
together as impious madness. “ Moral Philosophy ” he considered alone fit
for Humanity. Natural Science he taught to be Celestial Arcana, that would
for ever remain inscrutable secrets to mankind. And, as far as we can see,
that remained the mediaeval standpoint only fully displaced, spite of the ad­
mirable but incomplete labours of Copernicus, Tycho Brahe, Kepler, and
Galileo, by the discovery of Universal Gravitation. Both Bacon and Milton,
scholars at the high water mark of the knowledge of their respective epochs,
disbelieved the true system of the universe.—See Grote’s “ History of Greece,”
chap. Ixviii.

�us, at all events, a century and a half later, it seems perfectly
patent, whatever may have been the doubts and quibbles of
Newton, Locke, and their learned and unlearned contemporaries, that as soon as it became a demonstrated fact thatMatter
was active, not passive, and that its every particle was in
motion itself, and the cause of motion in every other particle
—the belief in an energising principle as a separate entity,
apart and distinct from Matter itself, became an untenable
fallacy. The whole fabric of Immaterialism, the idea of the
necessity of supernatural influence in inorganic matter, was
annihilated at once.
And the generalization cannot be restricted to “brute”
matter, but is equally applicable to the organic kingdom
of nature, to plants, animals, and man. Sensibility and
voluntary motion (animal life), just as in the case of the selfacting cosmos, is not the outcome of a vital or senso-motor
principle, spiritual or immaterial—animating, vivifying or
vitalising the material organization, but just as in the simpler,
though not less wonderful (for in an infinite scale there are
no absolute degrees) case of inanimate matter—animal vitality
or conscious existence, with all its marvellous and complicated
processes of body and mind, is merely the active expression of
the material machinery of the microcosm. In this microcosm
special anatomical structures or tissues manifest special func­
tions, one of them being consciousness—egoistic and altruistic
— of which mentation or cerebration is only a mode. Thought
and Moral Feeling is thus only localised sensation, the special
life of the hemispheres of the brain, organs familiarly known
to be exceptionally developed in the human, as compared with
all other animals. Modern physiology, just as in the case of
modern physics, has been compelled entirely to discard the
Oriental, classical, mediaeval, metaphysical, ante-Newtonian
speculation that organic function has for its factor a spiritual
or immaterial entity or soul. The question of the anima
mundi and anima humana (using the term in the sense of
soul) is at bottom one and the same. The speculation, ex­
plicable and excusable even so late as the prevalence of the
Cartesian system, while the erroneous idea of the inertness of
matter vitiated Philosophy, had no longer a locus standi after
its refutation by Newton. If matter acts by means of its own
vis insita, and depends on no extraneous “influx” or im­
pulse, the whole problem of Immaterialism and Materialism
is solved in favour of the latter. No modern physiologist has
any difficulty in realising what seemed so insuperable a
stumbling block to the Ancients and Locke—that sensation

�8
and thought is due to matter (nerve substance). The whole
difficulty seems to us purely imaginary, depending on precon­
ceived fancies as to the twofold existence of spirit and
matter in the universe, and the inferiority of the latter to
the former — ideas of no greater value than the old
prejudice of mathematicians as to the “ perfection” of the
circle, so mischievous in astronomical discovery—or the fanci­
ful notion of peculiar sanctity attached to the numbers 3 and
7. We know nerves feel or sensate. We know equally well,
both from physiology and pathology, that a special portion of
the nervous system (the hemispheres of the brain) thinks. From
*
the medical or natural stand-point, the metaphysical notion
that man is a dual being, compounded of soul and body, is in
reality only the last lingering relic of the vicious, obsolete
School-Physiology—the parent of occult therapeutical prac­
tice in the middle ages, and familiar in medical literature as
the system of Van Helmont, a Flemish physician, who died
about the time of Sir Isaac Newton’s birth. This system was
based on the fallacy of the essential passivity of matter,
and pre-supposed that in every organ of the body there is an
Archeus, a ruling spirit, an Eu-demon in health, a kako-demon
in disease—the active agent in function, whose sole raison
d'etre is the presumed incapacity of matter, “ living or dead,”
to exhibit, proprio motu, energy of any kind. This theory,
* “ That the hemispheres of the Brain are the seats of the intellectual
faculties—viz., Emotion, Passion, Volition, and at the same time essential
to Consciousness—may be considered proved by these established facts:—
(1.) In the Animal Kingdom a correspondence is observed between the
quantity of grey matter, the depth of the convolutions, and the sagacity of
the animal.
(2.) At birth the grey matter in those parts is very defective, the convolu­
tions being only superficial fissures confined to the surface of the Brain; and
as the grey matter increases intelligence develops.
(3.) Vivisection shows that on slicing away the Brain the animal becomes
more dull and stupid in proportion to the quantity of grey matter removed.
(4.) Clinical experience points out that in cases where disease has been
found to commence at the circumference of the Brain (that is at the hemi­
spherical convolutions) and proceeds towards the centre, the mental faculties
are affected first; whereas in those diseases which commence at the central
parts and proceed towards the circumference, the mental faculties are affected
last.”—See Dr. Aitkin’s “Science and Practice of Medicine.”
To my mind the whole question at issue between Spiritualism and
Materialism, is solved in favour of Hylozoism, by the fact stated in No. 3 of
the a bove quotation from Dr. Aitkin’s invaluable Text Book of Medicine.
Slicing the hemispherical ganglia of the Encephalon induces insensibility
and stupidity, which is equivalent to stating it impairs the mind and moral
feelings. No physical pain, no paralysis is the result, a fact dwelt on by early
vivisectors with astonishment; only a purely mental one, which surely de­
monstrates that the organ injured is the primary seat of the mind—the “ Dome
of Thought, the Palace of the Soul.” We should certainly conclude that such
was the case from similar experimental results in any other organ.—R. L.

�9
identical with that of Divine and Demoniac possession in the
Bible, which is quite incompatible with rational, theoretical
and practical Physic, has long since fallen even into popular
contempt as regards every other organ or series of organs
in the body, except the Sensorium.
*
The radical antithesis between the old dual doctrine of
Body animated by Spirit and modern Physiology, may be well
illustrated by reference to the different views as to the
rationale of “ suspended animation” in the two systems. In
the one, where matter is held to be essentially inert—a vital
principle—an animating spirit—must be assumed, which in
syncope, asphyxia, &amp;c., deserts its material tenement to
emigrate as an indestructible, veritable entity elsewhere. In
*
the other modern scientific one we have with complete reason,
and on sufficient grounds, abandoned this separation of soul
and body, this emigration, during periods of insensibility and
immobility, of the former to other spheres of activity. We now
know, as certainly as we know any other demonstrated fact of
science, to mention no other grounds for our certainty than
the mechanical means of treatment successfully employed for
the restoration of the apparently dead, that life resides in
tissue as an immanent energy, with its corollary, that suspen­
sion of life is the consequence of the derangement, the arrest
of those material conditions (the ultimate link in the chain of
which is the contact of the oxygen of the atmosphere through
the arterial circulation with the tissues), exactly as takes
place in the case of a watch which ceases to “ go” from
derangement of its works.f
The bearing of this unity, and not duality of nature in man
on what are called the “ fundamental truths of Divine Revela­
tion,” must be apparent at a glance. What has been mistaken
for supernatural interference resolves itself into Hypereesthesia or Anaesthesia, dependent on increased or diminished
nervous and cerebral action. It is quite unnecessary, from
this physiological vantage ground, to allude seriously to the
portents, miracles, prophecies, &amp;c., claimed by mystagogues,
successful or unsuccessful, which sanction their pretensions, as
exceptionally privileged beings, to dictate authoritatively to
their fellow creatures the behests of Heaven, from Moses to
* Error dies hard. In a modified form this old fallacy again reared its
head, during the chloroform controversy in 1848.—See Dfemoir of Sir James Y.
Simpson, by Professor Puns, P.D. Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas, 1873.
f The discredit into which Exorcism has fallen shows, that even in the un­
scientific mind, material force has been substituted for “ vagrant spirit,”
now “in” now “ out of the body,” as the active agent in vitality.

�10
Pius IX., and the author of the Book of Mormon. All such
must be uncompromisingly negatived by science in the 19th
century as impostures—conscious or unconscious—the pro­
mulgator of an untruth not being, of course, less an im­
postor from being his own first dupe, even though he be
the victim of circumstances beyond his own direct control.
It were an impertinence in the present state of physiology
and physics, to argue in refutation of the incredible assertion
that human beings can arrest the motions of sun and moon,
change water into wine, lay the winds and waves by a word,
cure old standing or congenital organic disease or deformity
instantaneously by a touch, by the invocation of any name
under Heaven, or in any other way alter or suspend the re­
gular order of the universe by means corresponding with the
idea of a miracle in theology. When we eliminate from matter
the vital principle we nullify entirely the venerable hypothesis
of Divine or diabolic inspiration and possession, and give
scientific sanction to the Sadducean doctrine that all reported
visions of angels and spirits, good or evil, are spectral appear­
ances—-symptoms of disturbed bodily function of organs with­
in the skull, “ coinages of the brain, bodiless creations,” like
the apparition in Hamlet and apparitions everywhere else.
Such assumed supernatural visitations as the “ descent of
the Holy Ghost” at Pentecost, and the conversion of Paul, to
whom, and not directly to Jesus Christ or any of his immediate companions and disciples, Protestantism is chiefly
indebted for its Evangelical doctrines, on his journey to
Damascus—phenomena lying at the very root of the alleged
Divine origin of Christianity—belong to the very alphabet of
medical science, and may be confidently diagnosed as not pre­
ternatural occurrences at all, but merely symptoms of over­
excitement—the result either of Anaemia or Hyperaemia—of the
nervous centres in the head. “ The sound from Heaven as of
a rushing, mighty wind, the cloven tongues of fire,” are symp­
toms familiar to every clinical tyro of morbid action in the en­
cephalic sensory ganglia connected with the auditory and
optic nerves, and are, indeed, only exaggerations of that
“ singing in the ears” and “ floating of motes” before the
eyes, which every one who reads this must have himself ex­
perienced from the most trifling derangement, centric or
eccentric, of the circulation of the blood within the brain, or
from over-tension of the brain, eye, or ear nerve-tissue itself.
The exaltation of the faculty of speech—a parallel case to
which is well known as the Irvingite epidemic of “ Unknown
tongues”—is also the external sign of excited function at the

�origin in the brain of another cranial nerve, the lingual or
motor nerve of the tongue. The mental tumult, panic, and
metamorphosis of ideas, feelings, and character, are also quite
ordinary symptoms consequent on the participation of the
cerebral hemispheres—seat of the moral feelings, ideas, and
character—in the excited condition of the adjacent sensory
ganglia. Identical symptoms, affecting both the organs of
sense and the mental and moral faculties, are now quite
familiar to us as exhibited by fanatics in “ camp meetings,”
a,nd religious revivals, not uncommon since Whitfield and
Wesley’s time, in Great Britain, North America, and Protes­
tant Ireland. All such occurrences, whether they happened
1800 years ago in Palestine, or yesterday at our own doors,
have no connection whatever with supra-mundane agency,
but are simply the usual, constantly recurring, every-day
indications of abnormal states of the sensorium.
The conversion of Paul falls under the same category, and
resolves itself into an apoplectiform attack of the nature of
sun-stroke with temporary amaurosis—a very common sequel
to protracted cerebral tension and excitement, the probable
proximate cause of the paroxysm, the active symptoms of
which only lasted three days, though, as often happens in
illness of this character, it revolutionized the whole future
life of the sufferer, being exposure to the noon-day blaze of an
Eastern sun. Such instances of mistaken diagnosis merit as
little notice, other than professional, from contemporary
medicine, as do the tales of witchcraft in former ages, or the
shameful spiritualistic delusion of to-day. All such supposed
evidences of supernatural power are merely indications of
natural bodily infirmity.
*
* The conversion of Colonel Gardiner, a well known cavalry officer, killed
at the battle of Preston Pans, described by Dr. Doddridge, is another instance
of the same kind, identical in its leading features with that of Paul. It was
attended by similar ocular and acoustic hallucinations, and instantaneous
life-long change of character and conduct, clearly traceable to recent con­
cussion of the brain from an accident—a fall from his horse. It may also be
mentioned that two famous mystagogues who have recently aspired to found
new religions, Swedenborg and Comte, were in like manner the subjects of
Brain affection. The case of the former has been most exhaustively treated by
Dr. Maudsley in the “ Journal of Mental Science,” in a series of articles, which
I have vainly attempted to induce him to make more accessible to the general
public than they can be in the pages of a professional journal. The medical
history of Swedenborg is, wiutatis mutandis, that of all successful
“ Madmen who have made men mad
By their contagion; Conquerors and Kings,
Pounders of Sects and Systems.”

Comte’s natural history is still a desideratum. Ordinary biographies of the
founder of the “ Religion of Humanity,” with all its extravagances and anach­
ronisms, lacking physiological and pathological elucidation, are worthless
and misleading.

�12
As a necessary part of my argument, however, lam anxious
to bring to bear upon the doctrine of a personal immortality—
a doctrine which still seems to flourish amid the present
wreck (at least on the Continents of Europe and America,
and to a greater extent even in Great Britain than easy­
going people and their supporters, either from sentiment or
interest), of time-honoured creeds are willing to allow—the
above fact of the unity, and not duality of nature in man.
This belief, from the premises that there is in the human
being, just as in inorganic and the lower animal creation, no
such thing as a soul at all, must be dismissed to the limbo
of other exploded superstitions. No doubt every mind capable
of abstract thought has within itself, as the reflex, minister
and interpreter of nature, which is in itself endless and
eternal, the sense or feeling of immortality, of endlessness in
time and space. Without that feeling we should be, indeed,
strangers and aliens on this planet, itself only an atom in
the infinite abyss of Immensity. Time and space are, in­
deed, not natural verities at all, but merely artificial, braincreated segments and analyses of eternity and immensity.
Nature herself ignores all such limitations. Her only realities
and syntheses are eternity as regards time, and immensity as
regards space. All that has been said or sung, in prescientific ages, of God or Gods, may be predicated in this our
age of the material universe, beyond which it is impossible for
the human mind to range. Higher than himself no man can
think. And this idea, this sensation of endless duration in
time and extension in space—a sensation never absent
for weal or woe in minds capable of high abstract power
—but in the average mind only paroxysmally present—forced,
too often horribly, on the attention in moments of exalted
feeling, pain, terror, suspense, actual or anticipated tor­
ture, sleeplessness, dreams, nightmare, or under the
action of certain narcotics, as opium, haschiz, and al­
cohol, has been confounded by precipitate theorists with
the literal idea of resurrection from the dead, and a
future eternal life of happiness or misery, apart from our
present bodies, or with those bodies in a “ glorified” form. '
*
* I need surely waste no words, at the present day, in pointing out the fatal
fallacies and inconsistencies contained in the apology for this theory, in the
15th chap. 1st Corinthians, and elsewhere in the New Testament. No doubt
it is a beautiful dream, looked at from the elect point of view, as there
represented; but the truth is more beautiful still. Fruition is better than
expectation, performance than promise, actual experience than faith or
hope.

�13
The apparently different ideas of ante-natal existence which.
I forms part of most Oriental creeds, and is known to Occi­
dental scholars a.s the Pythagorean doctrine of the Me­
tempsychosis, and the modern Christian one of a post-mortem
individual immortality, are really one and the same chimerical
notion. Both are relegated, by sober, scientific analysis, from
the domain of the actual into th it of the ideal. Both are
alike the ill-analysed, empirical conception, the cerebral
function, untrained by scientific discipline, frames to itself of
the infinite, the eternal—in the one case as applied to the
past, in the other to the future. An actual, veritable im­
mortality is perfectly superfluous, seeing we have already, in
our present state of being, an ideal one in the sense of it.
“ Heirs of immortality’’ we certainly are, but not in the
theological sense of the phrase. Only in so far as during
every pulse beat between the cradle and the grave our minds
have an instinctive sense, more or less definite, of endless
duration and extension. Man, then, as a sentient being, is
launched into eternity, not when he dies, for at death he
returns to the same condition of nothingness, as far as
consciousness is concerned, as was the case prior to his
embryonic existence, but when the first stirrings of life,
including the life of the brain or ideation, begin. Healthy
sensation, or perfect life in every organ, including the cerebral
hemispheres, is thus our only heaven, morbid sensation, vary­
ing as it does from ennui or general malaise to mental and
corporeal agony and anguish, our only hell. Earth is paradise,
if the healthy operation of every anatomical structure could be
preserved ; perpetual sunshine of body and mind is the blessed
result— a beatitude implied in the physiological aphorism, “ the
normal exercise of every organic function is pleasurable.”
Wherever, therefore, malaise of body or mind is present, its
cause must be sought for in deranged bodily function, and in
no “ higher ” or more recondite region. All that is fabled
by poets, saints, martyrs, founders of sects and systems',
under the term Saturnian or Golden Age, Kingdom of
Heaven, Paradise, &amp;c., is comprehended in that supreme
bien aise which results from the equilibrium of the bodily
functions. That state, and that alone, in which, as in
healthy infancy, no portion of the nervous system, indicating
loss of general balance of the organism, obtrudes itself
on our attention, is the true palingenesia, whether of
mythology, philosophy, or Christianity. To attain and
preserve that state of normal and material well being—

�14
discarding all more transcendental aspirations as a mis­
chievous and vainglorious Utopia and fool’.s paradise, •
ought all our efforts to be exclusively directed. It will be
found, on experience, to have nothing in common with the
“ Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die ” principle of
the degenerate Epicurean, but to require for its attainment
and preservation Herculean labours, taxing to their utmost
legitimate limits, the vaunted intellectual and moral capacity
of our race.
The following twelve theses—partly taken from the German
—summarise the chief points contended for in this paper:—
1st. The genuine disciple of Nature and Life, which are one and in­
divisible, takes nothing on trust, but only believes what is known
with positive certainty—that is, on data which can be universally
verified.
2nd. Doubt is not, as Fiction pretends, the herald of dismay and
despair, but the necessary preliminary of all order and progress ; as
without it there cannot be any inquiry, clear insight, or settled
convictions whatever.
3rd. Natural Science is bound in conscience to divulge all her
results, however much they may conflict with contemporary prejudices,
in order to satisfy the human mind and leave it free for the further
pursuit and enjoyment of truth. Mental Reservation and Prevarica ­
tion, as habitually practised by contemporary English thinkers and
savans, is disloyalty to humanity | and reason; dangerous alike to their
*
country, and to the cause of civilization throughout the world.
4th. Natural Philosophy in recent times has rendered trite the
axiom, that everything in the universe proceeds by unalterable law.
5th. The sum total of Natural Law constitutes the system of the
world (axiomatic truths of logic and mathematics).
6th. The world is from eternity to eternity. Nothing is ever
created, nothing lost. Beginning or ending there is alike none. Only
the form and condition of things is perishable. Everything that exists
dates from eternity.
7th. The Universeis boundless in space and time. The divisibility
* England, as represented by her influential and cultured classes, from her
pre-eminent adherence to the obsolete cause of traditional Supernaturalism,
and consequent inaccessibility to the new order of ideas resulting from the
light thrown on Nature and Human Nature by Science—presents in the 19th
century a striking analogy to the brandy of Spain during the struggles of
the Reformation. Lord Shaftesbury’s inhuman dictum at Exeter Hall, on the
30th June, as chairman of the meeting, convened by the Church Association,
to protest against the confessional in the English Church: “ Perish all things
so that Christ be magnified,” is identical in spirit with that of the Grand
InquisitiZffe'in “Don Carlos:” “The voice of Nature avails not over Faith.”
Truly, as Milton says: “ Presbyter is only Priest writ large.” Absit omen.

�15
of matter is infinite. The Universe can have no limits, eternity in
time and immensity in space being correlative.
Sth. As the logical inference from the above, millions and millions
of millennia are before ns, in which new worlds and systems of worlds
shall flourish and decay ; at their lapse the Universe can be no nearer
its dissolution than at the present or any former period.
9th. Cosmical space is not a vacuum. Our atmosphere has no
limits. The first living being had its germ in eternity, which is equi­
valent to negativing Creation altogether. The present human being
is only a link in an endless series—the goal of a past—the startingpoint of a future developmental form in the Animal Kingdom,
10th. The so-called “ Personal God ” is merely an idol of the
human brain—a pseudo-organism of pre-scientific man endowed with
man’s attributes and passions, a remnant of Fetichism. Jehovah,
Jove, or the “ Lord and Father” of the New Testament, are alike
anthropomorphic inventions. Absolute Atheism is, however, no pos­
tulate of Science, which does not venture to impugn the evidence of
Cosmical Design, or the existence of an unknown, inconceivable, in­
telligent First Cause, of whose Eternal Mind, the Eternal Universe
may be a hypostasis. Some such belief is indeed a necessity during the
earlier stages of our life, while, even in the soundest intellect, imagmation is dominant over judgment.
11th. The further development of our race in intellect and moral
feeling depends chiefly on education—the disuse of a priori, in­
tuitive methods, and the systematic practice of rational habits of
thought based on actual experience. At bottom this is equivalent to
saying, superior enlightenment depends on proper exercise, in every
possible direction, of the cerebral hemispheres.
12th. No satisfactory progress in virtue or happiness can he hoped
for till the present supernatural theory of existence is overthrown,
and the docile study of the great Book of Nature and Life, with its
invariable sequences of cause and effect, supersedes the arbitrary, anarchic authority of falsely called “ Divine Revelation.”

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                    <text>RELIGION:
ITS PLACE IN HUMAN CULTURE.

A LECTURE,
Delivered in the Freemasons’ Hall, Edinburgh,
On Sunday, May 18, 1873.
BY

JOHN MACLEOD.

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS SCOTT,
NO. 11 THE TERRACE, FARQUHAR ROAD, UPPER NORWOOD,
LONDON, S.E.

1873.
Price. Sixpence.

��RELIGION :
ITS

PLACE

A

IN

HUMAN

CULTURE.

LECTURE,
BY

JOHN

MACLEOD.

��RELIGION:
ITS PLACE IN HUMAN CULTURE..
T is now well-nigh two years since first I stood on
this platform, and although I did not feel then so
hopeful of the immediate success of our undertaking,
yet I felt convinced that our movement contained in
itself all the elements on which true and permanent
success depends. I knew it was not an arbitrary
movement propped up by artificial aids, and appealing
for support to low and vulgar motives, but a free and
spontaneous outcome of the intellectual vigour of our
time—the masculine birth, as it were, of the nine­
teenth century. It says very much for the intelligence
and manliness of Edinburgh citizens, that some years
ago there could be found among them several men and
not a few women who broke away from the enervating
influence of orthodox Christianity; scorned that soft
sentiment which languishes and sickens at its ancient
altars, and in spite of the obloquy which invariably
awaits the revelation of great truths, asserted the
divine right of their manhood and womanhood—the
freedom of the human soul. Although only a few
years have elapsed since you left that worse than
Egyptian bondage, yet the influence which your con­
duct, and that of your noble-minded leader, Mr Cranbrook, has had on society is incalculable. Ten years
ago, few men would believe that society could so
rapidly advance in intelligence as it has' done; that
the tone of our daily press could rise from faint and
scarcely audible mutterings against spiritual tyranny
to a tone of rolling thunder, loud, heavy, and crushing,
against everything that is hypocritical and false; and
fewer still could believe that nearly every clergyman
who has any pretension to a highly-cultivated intellect
and refined taste in every Christian sect or denomina­

I

�4

Religion :

tion would, in eighteen hundred and seventy-three, be
following in the lead of Bishop Colenso. I cannot say
that I admire the conduct of a man who signs a
document such as the Confession of Faith, or the
Thirty-nine Articles, and pledges himself by a solemn
oath to maintain every proposition therein contained
against all criticism, if, on finding that some of those
propositions do not harmonise with his better judg­
ment and more enlightened reason, he seeks to force
his own meaning into them, and then to inter­
pret them, not according to the obvious meaning
of the text, but in accordance with the subjectivity
of his own mind, and the false poetic gloss with which
he can invest them. I say I cannot admire the
conduct of these men; it lacks in manhood and
fearless honesty. Christian dogmas have been dead
these many years, and they cannot now be gal­
vanised into life; it is against the analogy of
nature, of science, of history. Christian dogmas are
interesting to us only as the fossilized remains of
ancient life; of life which may or may not have been
bright and useful, but which was certainly inferior to
our own in comprehensiveness and breadth of human
sympathy. I know several men in the churches who
believe no more than I do in the literal interpretation
of their own creeds, or indeed in the Biblical authority
which is supposed to establish these creeds; and yet
these men are contented to remain within their respec­
tive churches as the paid representatives of orthodox
Christianity, satisfying their conscience with the old
but miserable subterfuge, which was once the glory of
the Jewish philosophers of Alexandria, and of the
early Christian fathers — namely this, that every
passage and even word in Holy Writ contained two
meanings, a primary and a secondary one; in other
words, a literal and a mystical meaning. It has been
said that a coach and six can be driven through any
Act of Parliament; but ecclesiastical acts are still
more elastic, in the opinion of not a few, for they can

�Its Place in Human Culture.

5

be expanded into dimensions which look anything but
orthodox; and immediately on the pressure being
withdrawn, they contract within limits which, from
their narrowness and convenience of manipulation,
might satisfy the most expert advocate for “particular
redemption,” or “ eternal reprobation.”
We say, then, that when a man ceases to believe,
not only in the distinctive dogmas of his Church, but
even in the so-called “ external evidences ” of Chris­
tianity itself—prophecies, miracles, &amp;c., that man does
violence to his own nature, to his entire moral and intel­
lectual powers, if he still remains a professed believer
in orthodox Christianity, and a paid advocate of it.
Let such a man scorn to sell his birthright for a little
comfort and ease; let him scorn to sacrifice those gifts
with which God endowed him at the gloomy shrines of
a vulgar superstition; let him stand forth as the
champion of truth, of the light of reason and the law
of conscience; and howsoever the hysterical screams
of weak women and sentimental clergymen may annoy
him, he will find higher sympathy and a more serene
intellectual repose in that unclouded atmosphere
which is breathed by the loftiest spirits of our age.
Nay more, posterity will bless him, and call him noblehearted and brave; and he will shine as a benignant
star on the path of many a weary pilgrim to the shrine
of truth. I have no doubt that many remain in the
Churches from higher motives than those of mere ease
and comfort. They hope, perhaps, or fancy they can
“reform” the Church from within, and render it, if
not attractive, at least as little offensive as possible to
the scientific intellect of the day. Such motives might
be ably defended by those who are honestly influenced
by them ; but, in my opinion, that man places himself
in a false position—and all false positions are weak and
untenable—who professes friendship to the Church and
secretly undermines its foundations. The world cannot
much admire a traitor, even if he should betray a false
cause; men cannot make him a hero who is a spy in

�6

Religion :

his own camp, who reveals to the enemy all the best
modes of attack on a citadel which he pledged himself
to defend. He may do useful work for the world, but
the world will not give him credit for it; his work
lacks all the elements which go to constitute heroism.
Place the grand figure of Luther or of John Knox
beside that of Origen or Pelagius, and say which would
you most admire, that of the dreamy spiritual Reformer,
or that of the terrible Iconoclast and matter-of-fact
denunciator? Surely the latter, for it stands alone,
picturesque, bold, and transfigured by the divine
radiancy of truth, seeking no protection from a Church
which he abhors, uttering no “ uncertain sounds ” for
battle, but a peal which was responded to by thousands
of bewildered and benighted souls, who yearned after
a brighter, freer, and happier life.
We want such men now. There never was a time
in which society would more gladly welcome a true
hero than at the present; never a time in which such
a hero would be more worshipped or adored. We feel
so much oppressed by the conventionalities and un­
realities of modern life—by its gross materialism on
the one hand, and its downright spiritual charlatanism
on the other, that we should hail with unbounded
enthusiasm any great Thunderer whose flashes of
genius would clarify our social atmosphere, and
purge it of that fulsome incense which daily rises from
the altars of our little gods. In commercial and poli­
tical development we are no doubt daily advancing,
and far be it from us to indulge in the cant phraseology
of the pulpit against material wealth and prosperity;
on the contrary, we regard all these as among the
noblest triumphs and achievements of modern science
in its application to the industrial arts. But the
miserable state of our religious institutions, the effemi­
nacy and debilitating effect of the instruction there
obtained on the one hand, and the absurd, antiquated
nature of their dogmas on the other, have well-nigh
killed all spirituality out of us.

�Its Place in Human Culture.

7

To a calm outsider—that is, to a man who is not
accustomed to feel intensely on any of the great prob­
lems which concern human happiness—it may appear
very strange that we should make any attacks on the
Church, or charge it with any of the social vices of our
age. But a little reflection can hardly fail to satisfy
even the most unimpassioned intellect that we have
good reasons for the attitude which we bear towards
that venerable institution. The religious emotion or
sentiment which arises from reverence, love, and fear
are at once the weakest and the strongest, as well as
the noblest, elements of our nature. When a man’s
religion is made for him—not made to order, as we say,
but ready-made before he was bom—it arrests the
growth of all his mental powers. If he is an ordinary
man he remains a stinted and timorous soul all his life;
it is only when he has that vitality in him, the develop­
ment of which into the highest spirituality cannot be
forecast by theology, it is only when he has snapped
the cords which bound down his growing energies, that
he can realize the intense joy of being free to develop
himself religiously. If, then, pure theological training
is so fatal to the growth and development of the indi­
vidual mind, it is clear that it must be so to society at
large. Every branch of human knowledge has certainly
advanced more rapidly in proportion as it disengaged
itself from the influence of theology. All the physical
sciences are now free, and no man of any note mixes
them up with crude theological arguments: and mark
the result. More advance has been made' in these
sciences during the last fifteen years than during all
the centuries which preceded them. Political economy
is also free, although in the practical application of it
in our legislative assemblies it is still encumbered by
religious notions, and trammelled by theological pre­
possessions. Nevertheless, we may say that political
science is virtually free; and the result is that we have
advanced rapidly in liberal reform during the last teji
or fifteen years,

�8

Religion:

Now, observe the vast difference between the pre­
sent state of these departments of human knowledge
which I have just mentioned, and those which are still
claimed by the Church, and conceded to it as its legiti­
mate sphere of operation. I mean the general education
of the country, at least in its more elementary aspect,
with which I may couple all those social questions
which bear on the comfort and happiness of the poorest
part of our population, of those miserable outcasts which
crowd together in the east ends of our large cities, de­
prived not only of the light of reason and conscience,
but even of the light of the sun. What has become
of the boasted influence of that Christianity which
has been so often eulogised as the great civilizer of
mankind, when thus we behold its territories lying
waste, stricken with plague and famine, with all kinds
of physical and moral disease? O mockery! tell me
not that we are to stand idly by, and see, without
a murmur, our fellowmen perish for want of truth and
light, while white-robed hypocrisy builds its temples
and synagogues, fares sumptuously, languishes for want
of work, and preaches to the poor the Sermon on the
Mount, or threatens them with phials of the Apoca­
lypse. Is this not enough to stir you up to mutiny
and rage, not against our social laws, but against those
who have, or who profess to have, the direction of
them?
But it may be asked, if the progress of intellect is
so great in our age, and the advancement of civiliza­
tion so rapid as you represent them to be—in other
words, if men of science are the benefactors of mankind,
and the Church a mere stumbling-block in their way,
why do not scientific men ameliorate the worst aspects
of our social life ? I answer, so they have; and so
they are still doing for all those who have the wisdom
to listen to them. They have purified and ennobled
everything they have yet touched, and when that light
they have shed on man’s nature, and on his relation to
the external universe, shall stream down into the lowest

�Its Place in Human Culture.

9

stratum of society, then we shall see a state of things
for which few men venture to hope. We shall see
wretchedness and crime banished out of the world, and
even war itself slain by the mightiness of its own
weapons; for if men of science have not yet been able
to extinguish the unruly passions of mankind, they
have at least been able to bring the implements of war
to such a degree of perfection that they can only hence­
forth be used in defence of the most sacred cause, and
can only be taken up when every other means will have
failed for the maintenance of our freedom, and the pre­
servation of truth and justice. We shall see also that
great enemy of human progress and liberty, the Church,
branded with shame, and vanishing like a spectral
shadow into eternal silence; we shall see, in short, all
the civilized nations of our earth living in peace and
human brotherhood.
We often hear it asserted, and nowhere more fre­
quently than in the pulpit, that pure intellect is not a
safe guide, that we must not confide too implicitly in
its cool judgments. “Intellect,” it has been said, “can
destroy, but cannot restore life.” Now these state­
ments, and many such as these, are absolutely without
meaning. They are simply the wise aphorisms—should
we not rather say sophistries ?—of men who have been
trained in scholastic theology, and who have received
their knowledge of the human mind through the
logic of the schoolmen. Yet these neat epigrammatic
assertions take hold of the popular mind, and pass as
current coin, stamped with the authority of some
“great” man, who could not in the least explain his
own meaning, till half uneducated people begin to think
that there is something wicked in “pure” intellect.
So strongly has this feeling taken hold of the popular
mind that many timorous hearts, even in this en­
lightened age, tremble with alarm at the least mani­
festation of intellect, either in their own heads or in
those of their neighbours. Hence also the suspicion
with which semi-theological writers, and indeed all

�IO

Religion.

writers who have not attained to a scientific habit of
thought, regard what they call the “destructive school,”
by which they mean those men who expose the fallacies
which permeate all the great religions of the world.
What, “destroy life?” Pure intellect cannot destroy,
it rather creates. As well might you say that Kepler
and Newton destroyed the mechanism of the heavens
when they flung back the astrological and superstitious
veil which hid their grandeur for ages from the intel­
lectual vision of mankind; as well might you say that
these master minds destroyed the life of the soul
when they only purified its vision, and revealed to its
awakened consciousness the majesty of those laws
which embrace in one grand universal sweep the whole
of infinite space, as say that the results of modern
science (which are certainly the achievements of pure
intellect), when brought to bear on the creeds of former
ages, will be more detrimental than beneficial, more
degrading than ennobling, to the free spirit of -man.
No. Intellect does not destroy, but constructs; and in
proportion as the intellect is pure and unprejudiced, its
work is more enduring, because more free from error.
“Dry light,” says Bacon, “is always the best.” Dry
light, or light unclouded by the passions and emo­
tions of the man, or by the prejudices of early train­
ing; that is, pure light, fed by the warmth of a large
human heart. I do not say that the intellectual powers
ought to receive exclusive attention from us, and be
cultivated at the expense of other elements of our
being, such as the moral and religious sentiments; but
I do say that unless the intellectual or rational part of
our nature is supreme, unless it is free to exercise itself
without prejudice on all human problems, we never
can be safe guides to others, for we are ever liable to
be carried away, either by the impulse of excited
emotion or by the whims of an undisciplined imagina­
tion. Need I remind you that it was not pure intellect,
but intellect perverted by the undue cultivation of the
religious sentiment, which caused all those frightful

�Its Place in Human Culture,

n

ecclesiastical persecutions and massacres which deluged
Europe with human blood during the Middle Ages ?
Need I remind you of the fact that religion, when not
subordinated to the light of reason, destroys every
vestige of natural love and affection in the heart of
man; that, to use the language of Christianity, it “sets
a man at variance against his father, and the daughter
against her mother, and the daughter-in-law against
her mother-in-law,” and that it makes a man’s enemies
those of his own household1? This one sentiment,
morbidly cultivated, has caused more blood to be shed
in Europe since the establishment of Christianity than
all other passions put together. It nursed the madness
and fury of the Crusaders, it kindled those dismal
funeral piles which consumed the wretched bodies of
thousands of poor women who went by the name of
“witches,” it was at the root of the French Revolution,
and bore its full purple blossom in the massacre of
Saint Bartholomew.
It is clear, therefore, from the experience of the
past, that we need not trust to the power of religion
for the improvement of the individual or the elevation
of the human race. Everything that has hitherto been
done in that direction has been effected, not by means
of religion, but in spite of it—not by the aid of the
Church, but by repudiating her pretensions and ignor­
ing her authority. Do we then say that all religions
should be abolished1? By no means. The religious
sentiment is a radical part of our nature, and it is as
natural for a good man to be religious and pious as it
is for a flower to blossom. If great crimes and most
lamentable human sufferings have too frequently fol­
lowed in the wake of religious organizations, we must
also admit that there is a kind of inspiring power in re­
ligion which gives moral force and character not only
to individuals, but to nations. In the absence of that
mental and moral culture which the higher education
confers, the religious sentiment is the strongest motive
that can influence a man to deeds of self-sacrifice and

�12

Religion:

noble heroism. Uneducated men cannot appreciate
philosophical arguments, they cannot follow out a train
of thought which involves a logical and analytical
power of reasoning; but they can easily understand
figures and metaphors, and all those personifications of
natural phenomena which assume a bodied form in the
imagination. A child can understand the meaning of
a Sinai in flames, and of a God delivering his laws to
a rebellious world amid thunder and lightning; he can
understand and realise with intense vividness the
Undying torment of those lost souls which are supposed
to bum for ever in fires unquenchable; for the im­
agination, which is nothing more or less than the image
of the external world reflected in the mind, is vivid
and in full play long before the reasoning faculty is
called into active exercise. Every uneducated man,
every man who not only has not mastered the elements
of physical science, but who has not the mental capacity
and culture necessary for the appreciation of the results
of philosophical and historical criticism, I say every
such man is, all his life, precisely in the position of a
child. Early impressions, whether he has received
them direct from external nature or from early training,
are to him a part, indeed the whole, of his being. They
are incorporated in his very organization, and sooner
than surrender them he would surrender his life. If
you reflect for a moment how much pain and suffering
are endured by the best minds before they can emanci­
pate themselves from the errors of imagination, and
from the bondage of superstition; if you consider
how frequently it happens that the superstitions of
early childhood return in old age when the mind
shows symptoms of decay, you can then appreciate the
enormous difficulties which men of science had to en­
counter; you can understand the strength of the motive­
power which opposed them; and you will wonder rather
that they should succeed at all, than that their success
should be so slow. We know that when the errors of
imagination are regarded, not as mere “airy nothings”

�Its Place in Human Culture.

13

which, have no foundation in fact, but as the veritable
revelations of Divine truth; when there is no longer
doubt in the religious mind, but faith and profound
conviction, then these errors, or delusions—as we call
them—become so powerful, that their authority over
the reasoning faculty is absolute, and from which there
is no appeal. Now, observe, that it is on faith and
absolute conviction of their Divine authority all reli­
gions are founded. Every religion under the sun
claims a “ Divine Authority.” “ God spake these
words and said ” is the fundamental doctrine of them
all; and “ their motive-power over humanity has been
in proportion to the absoluteness of the belief they
commanded,” or in proportion to the conviction and
certainty they inspired. But though we know that
this high claim which is common to them all is itself
a mere delusion, yet such a claim is always necessary
to ensure their success—to unite men together in one
Faith, and to inspire them with enthusiasm for one
great work; for in the unity of one Faith all minor
differences merge and are lost sight of.
But, you may ask, if all religions have hitherto
been founded on false premises, to which of them
would you give the preference—to which of them
would you adhere ?■ I answer in the words of Schiller
—“ To none that thou mightest name. And wherefore
to none 1 For Religion’s sake.” Religion in itself, as
it is commonly understood, is useless, and worse than
useless, unless it is founded on a sound moral basis.
If the ethical part of religion is false, and, as it is in
many cases, revolting to our moral sentiment, then we
ought to abhor it with our whole heart, and to listen
to no fine disquisitions concerning its “ External and
Internal Evidences.” But is not Christianity founded
on a sound moral basis ? By no means. Paul makes
Faith the standard of human virtue, a position which
directly leads to the monstrous principle, that “ What­
ever is of Faith is no sin.” How many noble hearts
that single dogma has crushed ! How many has it in­

�14

Religion:

spired with ignorant zeal to perforin deeds of violence
and pitiless inhumanity; and how many, on the other
hand, has it reduced either to absolute despair or to
blasphemous rebellion against everything which hu­
manity holds sacred ! I am well aware that, in the
mind of Paul, Faith meant something purer and in­
finitely more exalted than it does in the mind of either
an ignorant man who has received but little moral
training, or of a superstitious man who has but mean
and vulgar ideas of God. Faith was to Paul religiously
what pure intellectual contemplation was to Aristotle
philosophically—it was to him the unity and harmony
of all thought, where the mind rests in undisturbed
repose, and enjoys the purest mental pleasure attain­
able by man. It was to him, in short, the gravitating
force which unites in everlasting harmony the entire
spirituality of the universe, without distinction of
age or sex, of Greek or Roman, of Jew or Gentile.
But what is Faith in the mouth of the ordinary theo­
logian? It is—“.Believe this formula, believe that
dogma; believe our interpretation of all the religions
and philosophies under the sun ; or, without doubt,
thou shalt perish everlastingly !” I need not say, that
to make Faith, in this peculiar acceptation, the standard
of moral virtue, is simply to banish all virtue and
intellect out of the world. We know that Faith
inspired the sublimest virtues, such as in the case of
Paul himself; but alas, we also know how often it has
inspired the most terrible crimes. Indeed if we make
Faith the standard of human virtue (observe that I use
the term in its strict theological sense), if we make it
the fundamental doctrine of religion, we shall find the
purest specimens of religious men among the inmates
of a lunatic asylum. We shall find there men who
believe absolutely and without doubt in all the dogmas
of that religion in which they were originally trained
—men who see visions and hear voices confirmatory of
their belief, and who would willingly go to the stake
as martyrs to their faith. It is indeed a most remark­

�Its Place in Human Culture.

15-

able fact that either religious enthusiasm, or religious
despondency is characteristic of almost all forms of
insanity. I cannot afford space to enter upon the
rationale of this singular phenomenon, but I may state
generally that if parents and teachers were more careful
in not filling up the minds of children with “vain
opinions, flattering hopes, false valuations, imagina­
tions, as one would say, and the likeif they could
avoid the teaching of fable, and took more pains to
store the youthful mind with a knowledge of facts, and
to inspire it with a love for Nature and for Art, I
firmly believe that the number of our asylum patients
would soon diminish. What was the cause of so much
insanity in Europe during the earlier part of the Middle
Ages, when nearly all the religious world was dancing
mad with paralysis, epilepsy, St Vitus’ dance, and
other nervous diseases which are generally character­
istic of the insane ? Was it not owing to the unnatural
mode of living peculiar to those times ; to the morbid
and vicious habit of dwelling exclusively on the
emotional part of human nature, and to the utter
ignoring of facts, and the profound contempt for
physical nature which such a habit cherishes ? Indeed
all nature was then regarded as a thing accursed, and
the first men who ventured to study her secrets, and
to explain her laws, were either imprisoned for heresy
or burnt for witchcraft. This battle between school
divinity and physical science has not yet ceased; it is
still carried on with a good deal of the old spirit in
some corners of the world. The iniquitous barrier,
however, which the imaginations of men had set up
between God and Nature, between the natural and the
supernatural, has been broken down; the outworks 'of
Christianity itself—its so-called external evidences—
have been levelled to the ground, and although a few
obscure individuals may be seen here and there endea­
vouring to rebuild their Zion out of the debris of the
old ruins, yet their labour is in vain. Men of science
look on with infinite pity for such a waste of intellect,

�i6

Religion:

and of misguided ingenuity; literary men smile at them
for the small amount of culture and taste which their
works display; and even our intelligent working men
stand idly by, amused as they would be by the labours
of little children when they build their sand castles in
the face of a returning tide, while every wave from the
great deep, in its own majestic, irresistable manner,
overwhelms and sweeps them away for ever. Nature
is once more restored to her proper place; if we build
anything likely to endure, it must have its foundation
in her—if we wish to be enlightened intellectually and
morally we must live and act according to her eternal
laws. But “ a mixture of a lie,” says Bacon, “ doth
ever add pleasure ;” and it is quite true that men must
live, and cannot help living, on the mere shadows of
thought till they have' learned to begin with first
principles. “ A mixture of a lie doth evei' add plea­
sure.” Now, eliminate the lie from our theologies,
apply the scientific method to our orthodox religion,
and the whole thing will shrivel up and vanish like
vapour before the sun. Religions are ■ built on what
Bacon calls a “lie.” Certain things are assumed as
axiomatic truths which not only cannot be proved, but
which are most repugnant to our enlightened reason,
a,nd on these barbarous assumptions our expert meta­
physical theologians rear a superstructure of syllogisms
which makes one feel sad to look at. We will not
waste our time in exploding these superstructures,
whether they be Catholicism, Protestantism, Calvinism,
Mahometanism, or Christian Unitarianism. We will
not even turn aside to discuss such childish problems
as these—“Whether the Bible is the Word of God?”
“ Are miracles possible?” “ Can prayer alter the course
of nature?” We need not answer these—Science has
answered them long ago. When men are bewildered
by the conflicting voices of so many churches, when
they see the old mythologies dying out, and every
religion one after another strangled in the grasp of
science, they do not ask, “what are miracles?” or

�Its Place in Human Culture.

17

“ what pi’ophecies are yet to be fulfilled ?” but they fall
back on first principles, and in a kind of half-despairing,
half-defiant spirit, they ask if there is a God at all, and
if Religion is not altogether a great imposture. They
see the intellectual force of the age overwhelming
everything that goes by the name of “God” and “Re­
ligion,” and they wonder why any men should be so
foolish as ever to have believed in such a God or in
such a religion. All other questions, except the great
fundamental ones, “ What is God—what is Religion,”
are idle and impertinent. It is my duty, as your
teacher here, to work out these two problems from week
to week to the best of my power. It is my duty, and
it will be my infinite pleasure, to reconcile so far as I
am able the conflicting aspects of human thought, to
explain to you the significance and end of human life,
to throw some light on its dark enigmas, and to make
you feel the happiness and exquisite joy which are the
certain heritage of every man who lives righteously—
true to himself and true to his fellowmen.
I have thus far spoken of religion as a formulated
creed, or as a “ Body of Divinity,” which can be learned
out of books. Religion in this sense is what we com­
monly understand by Systematic Theology; it is the
logical arrangement of metaphysical notions which
men have formed of God and of the universe. I say
the logical arrangement, for if we grant the soundness
of the premises which are assumed by theologians,
we have, logically, no fault to find with their “ sys­
tems.” But a more liberal education, and a more
intimate acquaintance with the physical laws of
nature—in other words, both culture and science
have long since convinced us of the futility of all
conclusions which are based on mere metaphysical
speculations. Now it is clear to every man who is in
the least acquainted with the inductive mode of
reasoning, that all religions hitherto given to the
world are based on false premises. Let us take
Christianity as that form of religion with which most

�i8

Religion:

of us are best acquainted. First of all, the existence
of a personal God is assumed as an unquestionable
fact, and although we make no objection to this
position, we have no reason whatever to accept as
final and ultimate the psychological analysis which
theologians have given us of His nature and character.
In other words, we have no reason to believe in their
Science of God, for it is really not science but meta­
physics. It is again assumed that God has once and
for all given to mankind a Revelation of Himself,
which contains, in the words of the Catechism, all
“that man is to believe concerning God, and what
duty God requires of man.” But we find that this
“ Revelation,” contained in the Bible, contains many
things which no intelligent man can believe con­
cerning God, and that it inculcates duties which are
either impracticable in modern society, or simply
barbarous. To make the matter worse, and render
it still more bewildering, this so-called Revelation
contradicts itself on so many important points that
theologians have always found it necessary to write
large folios on the best method of “ reconciling” and
“ harmonising” the more glaringly contradictory pas­
sages. And finally, we are gravely asked to believe
all this on the strength of prophecies which were
never meant by their writers to be prophecies at all,
and on the strength of miracles which, if they had
taken place, could only prove that the government of
the world is a mere blunder.
Now all this is theology, that is, the Science of
God, which ecclesiastics have evolved out of their
own imaginations; and we shall have frequent occa­
sions to see that it is to theology, and not to religion
properly so-called, physical science is opposed. Nor
is science opposed to the Bible as a religious, any
more than it is opposed to Homer as a poetical, book.
Our position, which I may state in one sentence,
is this:—True culture has outgrown the barbarous
character which theologians ascribe to God. But

�Its Place in Human Culture.

19

theologians say that this character of Him. is revealed
in the Bible; therefore true culture has outgrown the
belief in Revelation. Science has also revealed to us
the majesty and immutability of natural laws. But
theologians say that in some dark periods of human
history, in certain rude ages when men had no con­
ception of the grandeur of the universe, or of the
method of its creation and evolution, these laws were
capriciously interfered with by some supernatural
power; therefore scientific men refuse to believe in a
God who would “palter with them in a double sense,”
and reveal himself by what are called “ miracles.”
The question, then, is not between science and
religion, but between science and theology; not
between science and the Bible, but between science
and so-called Revelation.
What, then, is religion ?
Religion has been defined as a “self-surrender of
the soul to God.” This is quite a theological defini­
tion, and a very feeble and sentimental one it is. It
proceeds, of course, on a knowledge of the Science of
God which theologians have developed in a cloud of
metaphysics. Matthew Arnold defines religion as
simply “ morality enkindled, or lit up by emotion.”
If this is not the whole truth, it is the nearest to the
truth that has ever been given, and it coincides
exactly with all that I have ever thought on the sub­
ject. Morality is the groundwork of refigion, the
very life and soul of religion, and without morality all
religion is a false glare. It is for this reason that I
admire Aristotle more than Plato, because he is more
definite and clear in his rules of conduct. Religion is
to morality as poetry is to prose; and it is curious
that as Aristotle defined poetry to be imitation, so
Thomas a Kempis calls his religious meditations,
Imitations. Poetry has, like all the ideal arts, intellec­
tual beauty for its object; religion has moral beauty
or holiness for its object. And both are imitations,
that is, imitations of ideal excellence. If, therefore,

�20

Religion:

religion—I mean true personal religion—be moralitylit up or enkindled by emotion, it is very clear that
the purity of religion must necessarily depend on the
moral enlightenment of society, or, in other words,
that religious development depends on moral develop­
ment. This explains again how men are often a great
deal better than their theology; for as theology is
simply the religious experiences of past generations
fossilized in dogma, it is quite inadequate to the
expression of the religious experiences of succeeding
generations, which have far surpassed them in moral
and physical science. Hence it is that the life and
conduct of modern Christians are so very different
from what one would expect to result from their
theology. But the truth is, they have outgrown
Christianity, and they are not aware of it.
Again, we might say that religion, or the religious
sentiment, is one aspect of mental development, or
one phase of the collective thought of mankind. This
aspect is presented to us in bolder relief during a short
period in Jewish history, just as the ideal and fine-art
aspect is presented to us during a short period in
Greek history, and as the positive, and legal or poli­
tical, aspect is presented to us in Roman history.
The Semitic race gave to humanity the religious
impulse and aspiration; the Greek and Latin races
gave to it respectively the sense of ideal beauty and
the method of government. Since the revival of
learning, all these elements have been tumultuously
struggling to blend and coalesce in the mind of the
great Indo-European races, and although the effer­
vescence caused by the contact of these elements is
gradually settling down, although, in other words,
these various aspects are beginning to look more
approvingly on each other, the gloomy aspect of
Judaism through Christianity still frowns on science,
and its attitude would seem to indicate that many
hard blows will be exchanged between them before
science and so-called religion can understand each

�Its Place in Human Culture.

21

others temperament, and embrace as friends. It will
be part of our duty to reconcile, not science and
theology, for they are irreconcilable, but the scientific
and the religious aspects of thought. It will be our
duty also to show how the religious mind can be scien­
tific, and the scientific mind religious; and how the
perfection and completeness of our nature depend,
not on religion alone nor on science alone, nor on
morality alone, but on the completeness by which we
are able to absorb into our very being the spirit of all
the three. It is then only we can be said to live
nobly, and in the front rank of our age, when we open
our souls freely for the reception of all light and
truth, whencesoever they come; it is then only we
can be said to think and act religiously, when we can
radiate that light and truth around us to bless and to
cheer our fellowmen, and to make them feel that life,
when lived truly, is indeed a joyous thing. Already
we see the collective wisdom of mankind rounding
itself into a perfect orb, and we can infer from the
light which it already sheds what shall be the bril­
liancy of its full shining. What the destiny of our
race shall be—to what unknown shores the tide of
history rolls—are questions which we reserve for the
last lecture of our course on history. It is enough
for us at present to know that it does roll on, gathering
strength in its course; that it has come down to us
laden with all the wealth of human thought to which
all the nations have been tributaries; that it has
overwhelmed, and buried for ever, everything that
has resisted its progress, and that even now it roars
at the walls of our temples and at the gates of our
palaces; and that we see it pass by us bearing on its
bosom all that we have of real knowledge, of truth
and holiness, to scatter them as seeds for future
harvests in some happier climes, and under purer
heavens.
Smith &amp; Brown, Printers, Edinburgh,

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                <text>Place of publication: London&#13;
Collation: 21 p. ; 18 cm.&#13;
Notes: A lecture delivered in Freemasons' Hall, Edinburgh, on Sunday, May 18, 1873. From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Printed by Smith and Brown, Edinburgh.</text>
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                    <text>FORTY-THIRD YEARLY EDITION.

ZADKIEL’S ALMANAC
FOR

1873$
CONTAINING

PREDICTIONS OF THE WEATHER;
VOICE OF THE STARS

NUMEROUS USEFUL TABLES;
WITH

A HIEROGLYPHIC;
THE

YEAR

BY ZADKIEL

PROSPERITY.

TAO SZE, &amp;c.

EIGHTY-FIFTH THOUSAND.

LONDON:
PRINTED BY B. D. COUSINS, HELMET COURT, STRAND,
AND PUBLISHED, FOR THE AUTHOR, BY

J. G. BERGER,
NEWCASTLE STREET, STRAND,
AND SOLD BY ALL BOOKSELLERS THROUGHOUT THE

PRICE SIXPENCE.

�SILVEB ELECTRO-PLATE
Is a Strong Coating of Pure Silver over Nickel,
Equal for wear to sterling Silver. Manufactured, solely by

RICHARD and JOHN SLACK.
Side Dishes and Covers, £ 6 6s
(the

set of four).

Cruet Frames, 18s. 6d. to 100s.
Tea &amp; Coffee Sets, £3 10s.
to £15.
Everv artic’e
the Table as
in Silver

SUITABLE FOR
WZEZDZDIlSrGr
_ OR OTHER

PR&gt;ESEKTS.
EleetroStrong
platedFiddle platedFiddle
Pattern.
Pattern.

12
12
12
12
12

Thread
Pattern.

King's
and Fancy
Patterns.

£ s.
£ s. d.
£ s. d.
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2 10
1 10 0
1 IS 0
2 4 0
Table Forks
............
1 15
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10 0
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Dessert- Spoons ...............
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BICHABDOPPOSITE SOMERSET HOUSE, SLACK,
AND JOHN LONDON.
336, STRAND,
PIESSE &amp; LUBIN’S
ALPACA POMATUM.
This is the pure grease of the famed Alpaca, whose silky hair is alike ad­
mired for its pliancy and strength.
Specimens of the Alpaca Pomatums were exhibited at the Albert Industrial
Palace, by the Commissioners of New South Wales. The jurors gave a medal,
and pronounced it the best dressing for the hair hitherto discovered. It is
perfumed with the Australian Wattle.—Family Jars, price Is.

INK SOLVENT.
This preparation instantly removes Ink, Iron-mould and Fruit Stains, from *
all kinds of Linen, Paper, or the Skin, by merely wetting the Stains with the
Solvent. For removing Blots it is exceedingly convenient, as it obviates the
use of an erasing knife.—Is. per Bottle.

COLOGNE DENTIFRICE.
Prepared from the flowers from which Eau de Cologne is distilled. Inesti­
mable for the teeth and gums. Sold in boxes, price 2s. It can be sent by post,
or obtained of any chymist or perfumer.

RIBBON OF BRUGES for Fumigation.
Draw out a piece of the • Ribbon, light it, blow out the flame, and as it
smoulders a fragrant vapour will rise into the air.—Is. per Yard, in Box.

EGG \ JULEP, or Nursery Hair Wash.
From the simplicity of its composition this Julep may be used with con­
confidence, as an excellent cleanser of the Head, and promoter to the growth of
tidence,
excellenl
beautiful and silky ”air.—Half-pints, Is. 64.
Hab

2, NEW BOND STREET, LONDON.

�PREFACE
Again the returning Sun reminds me that it is time to begin
the “copy” for this Almanac. At th§ same time I have to thanl
my numerous friends for their extensive support of my efforts to
maintain Truth and to crush the folly of mankind. The great sale
of over 92,000 copies evinces the vast interest felt in Astrology, and
puts down for ever the absurd attempts to conceal those doctrinewhich were maintained by the great and good King David , who ex
claimed, in the 103rdT’salm, “Bless ye the Lard (Jehovah), all y&lt;
his hosts, ye ministers of his that do his pleasure.”
Not a day goes by without furnishing freely evidence of the powe:
of the stars. Only now do I read of the assassination of th;
Governor General of India, who was stabbed twice in the back o:
the Sth of February this year, 1872. I turn to the Ephemeris fo
1822, on the 21st February, at which time he was born; and, lo!
find the Moon at noon that day in r« 28° 19', and the evil Mars i:
close opposition to her, from &lt;7b 29° 14, in which sign, as all astrologer,
know, he rules the back. Hence was he stabbed in that part of tin
*
body.
But there was no kind of fatality in the matter. Had In
been educated aright, had he understood the fundamentals of astro
logy, he might, and. no doubt would, have escaped the fatal blow; fo
he would never have ventured into India, when a large solar eclips
was pending, on the 22nd December, 1870 ; with the Sun, Moon
Saturn and Venus all joined on the place of the malefic Uranus, i
his nativity and in the ruling sign of India !
ZADKIEL, TAO SZE.
* So was II.R.H. Prince Alfred—born with the evil Mais in Leo squarin
the Moon (6th August, 1844), and he also was shot in the hack.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

The second Edition of the New Principia, price 3 shillings.—The Great
First Cause, price Is.—Handbook of Astrology, vol. i, 3s. 6d.; vol. ii, 4s.
may all be had, post-free, on sending stamps to Zadkieg, care of the
Printer. Letters to the Publisher will not be answered.
The Ephemeris for 1872, 1873 and 1874 will be published on the 1st
November, 1872. Price One Shilling.
ING DAVID TRIUMPHANT: a LETTER to the ASTRONOMERS of BENA
RES, by R. ,T. MORRISON, R.N., M.A.I., Author of the “NEW PRINCIPIA o!
the TRUE SYSTEM of ASTRONOMY.” The Work contains a Diagram of a Lunar
Eclipse, and Rules to calculate one by plain Arithmetic.—Price One Shilling.
LONDON: J. G. BERGER, NEWCASTLE STREET, STRAND.

K

B 2

�JANUARY, XXXI Days.

4

MOON’S CHANGES, &amp;c. D.M. b souths If souths

[zadkiel’s
souths ? souths

h. m.

h. m.
h. m. h. m.
27 aft.
23 aft. 1st 0 51 a. 3 31m 6 33m.
7th 0 30
3 6
6 20
30 aft.
2 40
6 7
27 aft. 13th 0 10
19th 11 49 m 2 15
5 54
Apogee, 16d. 2h. m.'—Perigee,
29d. 2h. m.
25th 11 29
1 49
5 40

First Quar. 5th,
Full Moon, 13th,
Last Quar. 21st,
New Moon, 28th,

D.

D.

M. w.

9
4
8
5

Remarkable Days,
Planetary Aspects, &amp;c., &amp;c.

®’s

Lo ng-

tuo

h. m.
2 55 a.
2 59
3 2
3 4
3 5

J) rises H. W.
and sets Lon. B.

h. m. h. m.
1 W. Circumcision, ^r.5 51a. ©inp. HVfl3 2 6 a.41 311.40
2 Th. $ 135c$. D d $ 414 m. D.b.6 2 12 14 3 8 10 4 29
3 F. b sets 4 49 aft. Cl fast 4m 55s 13 16 4 9 38 5 20
4 S. if- rises 8 7 aft. Twi. ends 6 8
14 17 5 11
2 5m45
5 s. 2 Sun. after ©Ijrtstmas.
15 18 6 me rn. 6 35
6 M. lEpfpfjunp. ® 135° 2[. $ p. d. 1? 16 19 7 0 21 7 27
7 Tu. S' O b • 2 36° b • Day 7 59 long 17 20 8 1 40 8 28
8 W. Lucian. ® p. d. § . ? g
18 21 9 2 56 9 33
9 Th. $ p. d. If. $ rises 0 51 morn. 19 22 10 4 13 10 41
10 F. 2 sets 8 5 aft. Clock fast 7m 56s 20 24 11 5 26 11 50
21 25 12 6 34 0 1.47
n S. Hil. T. beg. J 150° iy. $ 144°
12 s. 1 Sun. af. ®pfpl). £ A 24
22 26 13 7 33 1 36
13 M. Cam. T. beg. Pl. Mon. ® g &amp; p. d. b 23 27 14 ris es. 2 17
14 Tu. Oxf. T. beg. Q 144° If. ]) d $ 24 28 15 4 a. 54 2 56
15 W. $150°^. J 45° 1? .
[146 a. 25 29 16 6
2 3 32
.16 Th.
6
144° b . 2P-d-&lt;?- J d 24543a. 26 30 17 7 12 4
17 F. © □ S'. 2 144° y. $ in 23
27 31 18 8 22 4 38
18 S. Prisca. Clock fast 10m 48s
28 32 19 9 31 5 10
19 S. 2».af. IE. ® 150° 24. £ 72° 3s 29 33 20 10 40 5 44
20 M. Fabian. $ 135° S
0X0734 21 11 51 6m 2
21 Tu Agnes, ©p.d. tf. S-^rU- Dd 1 35 22 mo rn. 6 40
vv. tlaceni. Day 8 35 long. [ J14 la. 2 36 23 1
3 7 21
23 Th. © g $. £ rises 7 2 morn.
3 37 24 2 21 8 13
24 F. 2 135°
Clock fast 12m 26s
4 38 25 3 41 9 21
25 8. Conn. S. P. Night 15 16 long
5 39 26 5
3 10 35
2t 5. 3 Sun. aft. ^ptp^anp.
6 40 27 6 20 11 53
27 yi. D d 5 1 35 a. J) d b 7 58 a.
7 41 28 7 25 0 a.56
21 Ou. $ souths 7 51 a, § souths 11 7 m. 8 42 N. se ts. 1 51
29 w. © 45u J. Clock fast 13m 27s
9 43 1 5a.37 2 42
30 Th. F.Ch.lbe. $db,-X-2. 2
10 44 2 7
b
*
8 3 32
31 F. Hil. T. e. $ □ $. D d 2 10 22 a. 11 45 3 8 38 4 18

�JANUARY, 1873.

ALMANAC.]

5

January 5th, Dividends due—paid on 8th, on which dal
British Museum, 10 till 4. Fire Insurance due at Christ­
mas must be paid. Quarter Sessions, 1st week.
Lunar Influences.
The 4th, 8th, 18th, 23rd, 31st, Saturn
Is in
6th, 11th, 16th, 21st, 25th, Jupiter
good
1st, 10th, 16th, 25th, 30th, Mars
. aspect
3rd, 7th, 18th, 23rd, the Sun
with the
1st, 6th, 11th, 22nd, 27th, 31st, Venus
Moon.
1st, 6th, 16th, 22nd, 27th, 31st, Mercury
Seep. 35.
The sign A quarius rules Arabia, Tartary, Russia, Prussia,
Lithuania, part of Muscovy, Lower Sweden, Westphalia,
Hamburg, Bremen, Piedmont, ancient Sogdiana, on the
1
— of Persia.
B. Sim Sun Moon
M. rises. sets. South.

h.
18
28
38
48
E8
68
78
88
98
10 8
11 8
E8
13 8
14 8
15 8
18 8
17 8
18 7
£7
20 7
21 7
■22 7
23 7
24 7
25 7
E7
27 7
23 7
29 7
30 7
31 7

WEATHER PREDICTIONS—January, 1873.

h. m. h. m. The year begins cold and cloudy. On the 2nd,
9 3 59 2a 26 rainy, dull air; on the 5th, high wind, cold air ; 7th,
8 4 0 3 24 a stormy period, gales and ; rain prevail; Sth, mild
air, yet small rain frequent 9th, some rain ; 11th to
8 4 2 4 18 the 13th, violent storms and. squalls; 14th and 15th,
8 4 3 5 8 snow showers prevail, or cold rains; 16th and 17th,
8 4 4 5 55 milder and fairer on the whole; 18th, colder; 19th
7 4 5 6 41 and 20th, fair at intervals ; 21st, rain, yet mild air
7 4 6 7 27 generally; 23rd, cold, unsettled; 21th. snow showers §
snow;
unsettled, snow
7 4 8 8 15 25th, some 29th to 27th, very very tempestuousshowers
and gales;
the end, a
period,
6 4 9 9 4 with much rain and heavy falls of snow.—A season­
5 4 11 9 54 able month, yet low barometer and rough weather
5 4 12 10 46 about the 13tA, 14tA, and last three days. On the Y&amp;th
4 4 13 11 38 Saturn changes his sign, bringing a change.
3 4 15 mo rn.
VOICE OF THE STARS—January, 1873.
3 4 16 0 28 “Knowest thou the ordinances of the heavens;
2 4 18 1 17 canst thou set the dominion thereof in the earth I ”
1 4 20 2 3 —Job 38, v. 33. None but the well-read astrologer
0 4 21 2 47 may hope to do these things; and even then but
59 4 23 3 28 with much imperfection. The benefic Jupiter has
58 4 24 4 9 left the ruling sign of France, for a time, and that
is
cruel
; whence
57 4 26 4 50 land be left to thesundrymischief of Uranusand many
may
expected
deeds of violence
56 4 28 5 31 miseries therein. On the 16th Jupiter will again re­
55 4 30 6 15 trograde into Leo, and remain there until July next,
53 4 3L 7 3 which will give France peace, except in April, when
52 4 33 7 55 the opposition of Saturn and Uranus will stir up
51 4 35 8 52 much strife and some bloodshed in that land. Saturn
still rules strong
49 4 36 9 55 on India, Mexicoin Capricorn, and brings many-griefs­
and Greece, &amp;c. These willbe re
48 4 38 11 0 markable on and near the 30th day; when Mercury
47 4 40 Oa 5 joins Saturn. The 7th is an evil day for all born on
45 4 42 1 7 the 13th and 14th of January, or on the 15th and
41 4 44 2 4 16th of July, in any year. The whole month prospers
42 4 45 2 58 to all born from the 21st to the 24th of August.
m.

�6

FEBRUARY, XXVIII Days, [zadkiel’s

MOON'S CHANGES, &amp;c. D.M. Ip souths
n. in.
h. m.
First Quar. 4th, 10 6 m.
1st 11 4 m
Full Moon, 12th, 11 33 m.
7th 10 44
Last Quar. 20th, 11 23 m.
New Moon, 27th, 3 22 m. 13 th 10 23
Apogee, 12d. 3h. m.—Perigee, 19 th 10 2
26d. 2h. a.
25th 9 41

D. D.
of of
W. W.

Remarkable Days,
Planetary Aspects, &amp;c., &amp;c.

24 souths £ souths J souths
h.
1
0
0
11
11

m.
18 m
52
25
54 a.
28

0’s
Long.

h.
5
5
4
4
4

m.
24 m
9
54
37
20

h,
3
3
3
3
3

m.
6 a.
6
5
4
2

D rises H. W.
and sets Lon. B.

I h. m.
J 150° 24,144° &lt;?. Day hr. 5 43 12/5746 4 10 a. 4
4 S. a. CTpipl;. Purif. Can. Day 13 47 511 24
Blasius. Clock fast 14m 8s
14 48
morn.
? 8 $• £ p. d. Ip . Twi. ends 6 48 15 49
0 44
Agatha. 8 □
sets 7 15 m. 16 49
2
3
? A$, 144° 2/. Ip rises 6 38 m. 17 50
3 18
g p. d. . 24 rises 5 34. aft.
18 51 10 4 28
8 S. $ rises 0 5 m. Day incr. 1 46 19" 52 11 5 29
9 S. Srptuagcs. Stinbap. 2 150 $
*
20 52 12 6 20
10 M. D d J$ 6 0 aft. Cl. fast 14m 30s 21 53 13 7
0
11 Tu. 24 150° Ip. Day 9 42 long 2 72 Ip. 22 54 14 7 20
12 W. Q p.d. If. D d 24 5 22 aft.
23 54 15 rises.
13 Th. ^72°24. 2 135° 2[. N. 14 15 1. 24 55 16 6 a.13
14 F.
$ f ets 9 36 aft.
25 55 17 7 21
15|S. ® 8 If, p. d. J . Day 9 57 long 26 56 18 ~8 30
16IS. Srxagcs ma Suntmp.
27 56 19 9 40
L7|M. $ 8'24. Cl.f.l4m 13s. 2gr.H.L.S. 28 57 20 10 53
l8Tu. ? p. d. 24. ]) d
6 48 aft.
29 57 21 morn.
19 AV. $ sets 5 3 aft. Night 13 48 long 0X58 22 0
/
10 ¡Th 5 P- d. . £ rises 11 37 aft.
1 58 23 1 25
21 [F. Q 150° ff, dj- g 150° D
2 59 24 2 44
22 S. Cam. Term div. m. n. © p. d. 2
~3 59|25 ~4 0
23 2&gt;. Sljrobc' Sun. ® 36° Ip . $ p. d. 2 , 4 59|26 5
9
St. Matt. D d * n 48 m. [45° 2 6
?
2
0'27 6
J sets 10 4 a. Day 10 35 long
7
0128 6 43
0'29 7 11
iSsfj ®L © p. d.
? A J1
8
©144°^. J A 24. Hi 0 4a. 9
ON sets.
y souths 9 44 a. Nt. 13 13 long. 10
1| 0i

h. m
5 a. 3
5 47
6m 8
6 51
7 38
8 39
9 53
11 15
Oa.31
1 24
2
8
2 42
3 17
3 48
16.
4 46'
5 16^
5 48
6m 5
6 43
7 27'
31
58

J upiter a morning star till February 15th ; an evening star till Scp'embcr 4th;
a morning star to end.
Venus an evening star till May 5th ; then a morning star to ci d

�FEBRUARY, 1873.

almanac.]

7

February 2nd, Candlemas—Scotch Quarter Day. 14th,
Valentine. Why should not the young send love-letters ?
Lunar Influences.
'
Is in
The 4th, 15th, 19th, 28th, Saturn
good
2nd, 7th, 12th, 17th, 21st, Jupiter
aspect
8th, 13th, 23rd, 27th, Mars
with the
1st, 6th, 17th, 22nd, the San
M-oon.
5th, 10th, 21st, 25th, Venus
J Seep. 35.
5th, 17th, 22nd, 27th, Mercury
Th'e sign Pisces rules Portugal, Calabria, Normandy,
Galicia in Spain, Cilicia, Alexandria, Ratisbon, Worms,
Seville, Compostella and Tiverton.

D. I Sun | Sun I Moon
M. I rises. I sets. | South.
1 h. m. h. m. h. m.

WEATHER. PREDICTIONS—February, 1873.

Temperate during
days; 4th and
1 7 414 47 3a48 5th, stormy and cold, the first three and 7th, snow­
frosty air ; 6th
E 7 39 4 49 4 36 showers, cloudy and dull; 9th and 10th, damp air,
3 7 38 4 51 5 24 rather unsettled; 11th and 12th, milder, but south­
4 7 36 4 53 6 12 west gales prevail; 15th and 16th, very mild, but
5 7 34 4 54 7 1 high winds prevail, some rain; 17th, brilliant aurora,
6 7 33,4 56 7 51 high wind; 18th, still windy, with some rain; 20th |
period; 22nd and 23rd,
7 7 314 58 8 42 and 21st, a violent storm 25th, fairer; 26th, sudden
much rain falls. 24th and
8 7 29 5 0 9 34 squalls and showers, maybe snow ; 27th, temperate
E 7 27 5 2 10 25 air, fair at intervals.—A fair month generally, with
10 7 265 4 11 14 high barometer. I look for aurora on the 17 th, and
11 7 24'5 6 morn. very high 'winds. Last year, Jupiter in opposition to
12 7 22'5 7 0 0 Mercury brought an aurora over all Europe and Asia.
13 7 20!5 9 0 45 VOICE OF THE STARS—February, 1873.
14 7 18,5 11 1 27
Mars
strong in Scorpio,
therein rules
15 7 165 13 2 8 Barbaryflamessundry other places and p. 23), where'
and
(see
E 7 145 15 2 48 he brings discord and quarrels, as well as many
17 7 12 5 17 3 29 other evils, arising from violence ; which is his chief
18 7 105 18 4 12 delight. These things will be notable on and about
19 7 85 20 4 57 the 6th day. Jupiter retrogrades in Leo ; and therein
20 7 65 22 5 46 he mitigates the troubles of France, arising from the
the
21 7 45 24 6 39 mischievous propensities ofword French people; with
whom almost every hasty
engenders revenge ;
22 7 25 26 7 37 which renders them the least truly Christian people
E 7 05 27 8 39 of all Europe. On the 10th day may be looked for ;
24 6 585 29 9 43 a great struggle in the House of Commons ; probably
25 6 56 5 31 10 45 about a School Bill, or other matter in connection
26 6 545 33 11 45 with Education. Indeed, the 4th brings riots and
uproars in France, and troubles in Rome. Jupiter
27 6 525 34 0a41 brings gain and health to all born from the 17th to
28 6 49 5 36 1 34; the 21st of August, any year. Bat let all born from
the 16th to the 19th of January beware of cold, in-‘ juries to the knees, and troubles by old people, landMarch 3Oth&amp; JunelOth,
: lords and farmers, &amp;c.
Venus’greatest brilliancy

�[zadkiel’s

MARCH XXXI Days.
MOON’S CHANGES, &amp;c.

D.M.

h. m.

First Quar. 6th, 1
Full Moon, 14th, 5
Last Quar. 21st, 10
New Moon, 28th, 0

25 m.
1st
44 m. 7th
19 aft. 13 th
54 aft.
Apogee, lid. 8h. m.—Perigee, 19th
25th
26 d. llh. a.

D. D.

cf of
M. w.

1? souths 7/ souths S souths 2 souths

h.
9
9
8
8
8

m.
27m
6
44
23
1

Remarkable Days,
Planetary Aspects, &amp;c., &amp;c.

h.
11
10
10
9
9

m.
10 a
.44
18
52
26

h.
4
3
3
3
2

m.
8m
49
28
6
43

nJ.
0a
57
53
47
39

h.
3
2
2
2
2

0’s 4? D rises H.W.
and sets Lon. B.
Long.

h. m.
1 s. St. D. fÿ sets 5 38 m. Least twi. 11 XI
8 a. 59
2 s. 1 Sun. tn ïïrnt. Chad. ) d S 11 12
1
3 M. ©A^. jal?,p. d. £. [49 m."
13
1
4 Tu. 0 45° 1?. $ 150u2[, 36° 2
14
1
morn.
5 W. Emb. W. 2 p. d. 2£. Cl. f. 11m 38s 15
1
1
4
16
1
2 18
6 Th. 2 □ y. Twilight ends 7 40
1
3 24
7 F. Perp. 0135°#. ÿ &gt;|&lt; 1? , 144° , 17
] 9 4 19
8 S. [Day inc. 3 33. g in £. [135° J1 18
9ÎS. 2 Sun. tn lEent. $ A
Jd$ 19
2
1 10 5
10 M. i 1? r. 4 42 m. Cl. f. 10m 24s. [9 55 a. 20
1 11 5 35
21
1 12! 5 59
11 Tu. © p. d. £. D d 4 4 58 aft.
1 13 6 19
12 W. Ereg. 1? p. d.
£ 135° 2[, 144° 22
L3Th.'0 150° 2J., 45° ?.
[&lt;? 23
C 14 6 34
14 F. 'll sels 5 41 m. Day 11 43 long 24
0 15 ris es.
("16 7 a. 31
25
15 8. $ 72° . S rises 10 30 aft.
116 S. 3 Suniiap in "Lent.
¡25 59)17 8 43
'17 M. St. Pat. ÿ 150° $. Nt. 12 5 long 26 59 18 9 57
18 TvL.Ed.K. TE&amp; Jd&lt;? 9 56 m. Cl.f.|27 5919 11 12
19 W. © 144° if.. £ gr. elong.E. [8m8s'28 58 20 morn.
20 Th. © ent.rO 52 a. 0 135° o . ? p.d ¡29 58 21 0 31
w
+
.
21 F. Benedict. 0 &gt;|&lt; Tj. ¿'sta. [iff &amp; | Ot57 22' 1L 49
1 57 23 2 58
22 S. © A $. 2 sets 10 43 aft.
2 56 24 3 57
23 S. 4 S. tn ILtnt. 2 8 E3 56 25' 4 40
24 M. D d 1? 0 27 m. Cl. fast 6m 18s
4 55 26 5 11
25 Tu. Lady Day. £ sets 8 1 aft.
26 W. C souths 8 0 aft. Day 12 30 long 5 54 27 5 36
6 54 28 5 54
27 Th. 0 135° 2£. £ stationary
28 F. i $ souths 0 48 a. N. 11 22 long 7 53 N.! sets.
3
29 S. 0144°^. ]) d ? 9 54 morning i 8 52 1 7a. 51
30 S. 5 S. tn "Lent. ? at gr. brilliancy | 9 52 2 9 17
31 M. J 72° $. D d ? 11 32 morning'10 51 3 10 41

h.

m.

3 a. 59
4 40
5 18
5 57

6ml6
7
0
7 53
9
9
10 39
0 a. 4
1
4
1 46
2 22
2 52
3 21
3 48
4 17
4 47
5 18
5 52
6m.l2
0
7
5
8
9 44
11 21
0 a.34
1 28
2 11
2 52
3 32
4 11

�ALMANAC.]

MARCH, 1873.

9

March 1st, Municipal Assessors appointed. Overseers on
the 25th. Lady Day—rents and insurance fall due. Never
trench on the money provided for rent.
Lunar Influences.
The 4th, 14th, 19th, 27th, Saturn
V
Is in
„ 1st, 6th, 11th, 16th, 20th, 29th, Jupiter
good
,, Sth, 13th, 22nd, 26th, Mars
I aspect
„ 3rd, 8th, 19th, 23rd, the Sun
( with the
,, 2nd, 7th, 12th, 26th, 31st, Venus
I Moon.
,, 4th, 9th, 20th, 25th, 2jth, Mercury
J Seep. 35.
The sign Aries rules England, Denmark, Germany,
Lesser Poland, Syria, Palestine, Naples, Florence, Verona,
Padua, Marseilles, Burgundy, Saragossa, Cracow, Biimingbam and Leicester.
D. Sun Sun Moon
M. rises. sets. South.
WEATHER PREDICTIONS—March, 1873.

h. m. h. m. h. m. Unsettled at first; 3rd and 4th, a
1 6 47 5 38 2a24 period, much rain, gales and had showers ;very stormy
5th, fairer;
E 6 45 5 40 3 14 6th and 7th, stormy again, lightning or auro a; 9th,
3 6 43 5 42 4 4 windy; 11th to 13th, unsettled, but mild air, aurora
4 6 41 5 43 4 54 seen; 15th and 16th, rather fair; 17th and 18th,
5 6 38 5 45 5 45 showery; 20th and 21st, cloudy, some thunder ; 22nd
6 6 36 5 47 6 37 to 24th, heavy rains, very unsettled ; 25th to 27th,
fairer; 29th, warmer; 31st, rain again.—A rather
7 6 34 5 48 7 29 fair month after the 4th day ; the lilh and 21si to
8 6 32 5 50 8 21 24th, however, will be very unsettled.
E 6 30 5 52 9 10
10 6 27 5 54 9 58
VOICE OF THE STARS—March, 1873.
11 6 2-5 5 55 10 43
Jupiter still retrogrades in the last face of Leo;
12 6 23 5 57 11 26 and therein brings a more settled state of things
13 6 20 5 59 mo rn. among the fickle-minded men of France. Saturn
14 6 18 6 1 0 7 steals on, and euters the sign Aquarius on the 13th.
15 6 16 6 2 0 48 He therein speedily meets the opposition of Uranus,
E 6 14 6 4 1 29 and Arabia, Russia, Prussia, Hamburg, &amp;c., will
suffer from storms and political excitement. France
17 6 11 6 6 2 11 also will witness plots and sudden outbreaks of popu­
18 6 9 6 7 2 55 lar indignation against the ruler. The passage of
19 6 7 6 9 3 42 Saturn over the M. C. of a lady of high distinction
20 6 5 6 11 4 33 will bring her trouble ; i ct as she has the Moon rapt
21 6 2 6 12 5 29 par. Jupiter 53° 51' now operating, no very serious
22 6 0 6 14 6 28 matter may be feared. Mars is stationary iu 15° 17'
22nd day ; which indicates earth­
E 5 58 6 16 7 29 of Scorpio on themischiefs abounding; the more so as
quakes and other
24 5 55 6 17 8 30 the Sun, that day, aspects the evil Uranus; hence
25 5 53 6 19 9 29 sudden, unexpected and cruel will be the conse­
26 5 51 6 21 10 25 quences. Let all born on the 8th or 9th of November,
27 5 49 6 23 11 18 any year, be on their guard, to avoid ill health, rup­
and other
28 5 46 6 24 0 a. 9 tures, of August injuries. All born from the 14tli to
17th
will now flourish, and enjoy good
29 5 44 6 26 1 0 health. Those born on or near the 21st of January
E 5 42 6 27 1 50 will suffer from colds and weakness in the legs.
31 5 39 6 29 2 42

�10

VIOON'S CHANGES, &amp;c.
h. m.

First Quar. 4th, 6
Full Moon, 12th, 9
Last Quar. 20 b, 5
New Moon,26th,10
Apogee,

D
of
M.

[zadkiel’s

APRIL XXX Days.
D.M.

36 aft.
1st
51 aft.
7th
47 m. 13th
42 aft.
7cl. lib. a.—Perigee, 19th
25th
23&lt;1. Sb. a.

I? souths 7/ souths (J souths $ souths

h.
7
7
6
6
6

m.
F6m
14
51
29
6

h.
8
8
8
7
7

m.
57 a.
33
9
45
22

h.
2
1
1
0
0

m.
13 m
45
16
45
13

h.
2
2
1
1
0

m.
26 a.
10
50
24
53

u

Remarkable Days,
Planetary Aspects, &amp;c., &amp;c.

hr
J) rises ' H.W.
®’s
Long. x and sets J Lon. B.

h. m. h. m.|
Tu
sets 3 49 m. Clock fast 3m 52s 11Y 50 4 morn. 4 a. 471
0 5 25
2 W.
rises 3 17 in. Day 12 57 long 12 49 5 0
3 Th. li. Bish. Chick. 0 72° 1?, 150° J 13 48 6 1 12 5 m45
4 F. St. Ambr. Cain. T. ends. $ □ If 14 47 7 2 13 6 29
2 7 19
15 46 8 3
5 S. Orford Term ends. 0 36° J
6 S. paling. 0d
? 36;$. idV 16 45 9 3 38, 8 33
410
6
7|M. D d If 8 4 a. Nt. 10 43 1. [4 5 m. 17 44 101 4
8 Tu.iQ p. (1. ÿ , I; g lÿ. Clock f. Im 49s 18 43 11 4 25 11 32
9 W. $—.........................
19 42 12 4 41 0 a. 33
72° b • C stationary
20 41 13 4 56 1 11'
.0 Th. $ 150° f . If. sets 3 50 morn.
9 1
.1 F. (fioob dfriban. 0 A If. D. br. 3 8 21 39 14 5
.2 S. J lis. 8 25 aft. Day 13 36 long 22 38 15 lises. 2 16
faster Sunbap. 0 30° ?
23 37 16 7 a. 45 2 47
2 3 17
J stationary. ]) d &lt;? 9 32 morn. 24 36 17 9
l5|Tu. B'as. Term beq. Clock slow Oni 3s 25 34 18 10 21 3 471
26 3319 11 39 4 19|
16 W. Oxf. Term beq. Twi. ends 9 7
27 31 20 morn. 4 54
17 Th. 11 stationary. Day incr. 6 11
28 30 21 0 53 5 34
18 F. Cam. T. leg. $ sets 9 55 aft.
29 29Ì22 1 54 5 m56
19 S. Alphege. £ stationary
20 %. Ifoto Sunban. Jrf b 9 21 morn. 0 b 27 23 2 39 6 51
4
21 M. 0 □ $ , 5 150° . Cl. si. Im 25s 1 26 24 3 18 8
2 24 25 3 39 9 38
22 Tu. © □ b • Night 9 46 long
8
0 11
3 22,26 4
23 AV. St. George. £ rises 4 18 morn.
24 Th. 2 □ If. Day 14 22 long
4 21 27 4 16 0a.l2
1
25 F. St.Mark, ©p.d.j'. D d £ 3 8 m 5 19 28 4 30 1
[ $ in aph. 6 18,N. sets. 1 45
26 8. $ souths 5 58 aft.
27 5. 2 S. aft. ®. ®cf(?.&gt;)d?9 28a 7 16 1 8 a.L- 2 26
5
28 M. If sets 2 40 m. Clock si. 2m 40s , 8 14 2 9 35 3
9 12 3 10 53 3 44
¿9 Tu 8 36° 2 . Day 14 40 long
10W. J sets 8 33 aft. £ souths 10 22 m. 10 11 4 morn 4 22
I 1
]

r

�ALMANAC.]

APRIL, 1873.

11

April 5th, Dividends due—payable on the 8th, by whic
time Insurance must be paid. Quarter Sessions 1st week.

Lunar Influences.

The 1st, 10th, 15th, 24th, 28th, Saturn
Is in
„ 2nd, 7th, 12th, -7th, 25th, 29th, Jupiter
good
,, 4th, 9th, 18th, 22nd, Mars
&gt;. aspect
,, 2nd, 7th, 17th, 22nd, the Sun
' with the
,, 5th, 10th, 19th, 23rd, 27th, Venus
Moon.
„ 2nd, 6th, 16th, 20th, 24th, 29th, Mercury A Seep. 35.
The sign Taurus rules Ireland, Persia, Great Poland,
Asia Minor, the Archipelago, the Islands of Cyprus, part
of Russia, Dublin, Palermo, Mantua, Leipsic, Parma,
Franconia, Louvain, &amp;c.
D. Sun Sun
M. rises. sets.

Moon
South.

h. m. h. m. h.

15
2S
35
45
55
E5
75
85
; 95
10 5
11 a
12 5
E5
14 5
15 5
16 5
17 6
18 5
19 4
E4
ai 4
22 4
23 4
24 4
25 4
26 4
E4
28 4
29 4
30 4

37 6
35 6
33 6
30 6
28 6
26 6
24 6
22 6
19 6
17 6
15 6
13 6
10 6
86
66
46
26
06
58 7
56 7
53 7
51 7
49 7
47 7
45 7
43 7
41 7
39 7
37 7
36 7

m.

31 3a 3 4
32 4 28
34 5 21
36 6 14
38 7 5
39 7 53
41 8 39
42 9 23
44 10 5
46 10 46
47 11 27
49 morn.
51 0 9
52 0 52
54 1 39
56 2 30
57 3 24
59 4 22
1 5 22
2 6 22
4 7 20
6 8 15
7 9 8
9 9 58
11 10 48
12 11 37
14 0a28
16 1 20
17 2 14
19 3 9

WEATHER PREDICTIONS—April, 1873.
The month begins quietly. 3rd, showers; 4th,
fair blue sky, and white clouds; 6th, wind and
moisture prevail; 8th and 9th, turbulent, stormy
weather; 10th and 11th, warm air, fair and summerlike ; 13th and 14th, wet prevails, growing weather;
16th and 17th, mild and fair generally; 19th to 21st,
unsettled; 22nd, cold, wet and windy; 24th and
25th, fair and warm; 27th, heat, lightning, rain at
night, fine growing weather, generally, to the end.
—A fair month; very pleasant on Good Friday.
Warm air prevails, except on the 21,st and ‘ ind.
F
The thermometer above the average.

VOICE OF THE STARS—April, 1873.
The opposition of Saturn and Uranus this month
is one of the chief astrological features of the year. It
happens but very rarely. There was an opposition,how­
ever, in January, 1829, very near the place of this phe­
nomenon. The chief effects will fall on France.
It will be well if the rulers of France do not quar­
rel with those of Russia. The opposition of these
malefics falling on the birthday of the King of Den­
mark brings to pass a serious trouble to that monarch ;
nor will his neighbour in Belgium be much better off
in this respect. The retrograde march of Jupiter in
Leo will defend France from much bloodshed ; and
this position will greatly benefit all born on or near
the 14th August, in any year. But those born on
the 22nd January and the 24th July will feel the
power of these opposing malefics, and lose relations,
and suffer much trouble by old persons, landlords,
farmers, and other saturnine persons about the 8th of
this month more especially. Venus in Taurus keeps
things tolerably peaceable in Ireland; especially
near the middle of this month.

�12

MAY XXXI Days.

[zadkiel’s

MOON’S CHANGES, &amp;c. D.M. I? souths 'll souths
h. m.

First Quar. 4 th, 0 33 aft.
Full Moon, 12th, 1118 m. 1st
Last Quar., 19th, 11 0 in. 7 th
New Moon, 26th, 9 20 m. 13th
Apogee, 5d. 6h. m.—Perigee, 19th
25th
20d. Oh. m.
D

D.
of

h.

m.

5
5
4
4
4

43 m
20
56
32
8

Remarkable Days,
Planetary Aspects, &amp;c., &amp;c.

h.

m.

6
6
6
5
5

59 a.
37
15
53
32

souths $ souths
h.

m.

h. m.

11 35 a. 0 17 a.
11 3W 11 40m
10 31 11 5
10 1 10 33
9 33 10 7

*
¡30
D ri ses H. W.
G) s
Lon g- O'? and sets Lon. B.
.*
m.
h. m. h.
1 Th. St.Ph.dc St. J. 0 p.d. 2(., 72° I? 11 S 9 5 Om 1 5 a . 1
2 F. $ sets 1 34 m. Day break 1 59 12
7 6 0 56 5 42
3 S. Invention of the Cross.
]) d
13
5 7 1 38 6m 5
4 s. 3 5. after faster
[Oh 31m a. 14
3 8 2
9 6 55
5 M. 3d?. ]) d If. Oh 32m a.
15
1 9 2 30 7 59
6 Tu. John Evan. g72° !{.. Clock slow 15 59 10 2 48 9 21
7 W. ? p. d. b • Twi e. 10 13 [3m. 34s. 16 57 11 3
3 10 37
8 Th. 5 A
Night 8 49 long
17 55 12 3 16 11 41
9 F. East. Term ends. Ip rises 0 54 m. 18 53 13 3 28 Oa .27
10 S. 0 72°
3 □ 1?. J) d 3 11 40 a. 19 51 14 3 41 1
2
11 s. 4 Sunbap after lEaster. 0 p. d. ? 20 49 15 3 55 1 39
12 M. D ecl. inv. at Gr. J? sta. | 3 □ $ 21 47 16 4 11 2 12
13 Tu. Old May Day. 0 □ 1/
22 45 17 1 is es. 2 49
14 W. If sets 10 56 a. Cl. slow 3 m. 54s. 23 42 18 10a.42 3 23
15 Th. £ g 3 . Day 15 32 long
24 40 19 11 49 4
0
16 F. 5 □
? gr, Hel. Lat. S. 25 38 20 mo rn. 4 41
17 S. D d 1? 3 25 aft. Night 8 22 long 26 36 21 0 42 5 27
18 s. Rogation Sunlrap.
27 34 22 1 18 5m51
19 M. C. T. div. m. n. 0 p. d. Ip . $ p. d. 3 , 28 31 23 1 45 6 53
20 Tu. Day 15 47 long
[d ? 29 29 24 2
6 8
6
¿1 W. ®p.d.$. Jp.d.2f. Cl.s.3m.40s 0n27 25 2 23 9 27
22 Th. Asa. Day. Holy Thurs. b 8 $
1 24 26 2 38 10 39
23 F. Tr.T.b. 0^^, Ab- $ p.d. ? 2 22 27 2 53 11 40
24 S. B. of Q. Viet. $ p. d. 1/. J) d ? 7 3 20 28 3
9 0 a .30
25 S. ittn. af, "Ss. D d £ 0 59m. [56 m. 4 17 29 3 26 1 19
26 M. &lt;1 ug. 0 ecl. vis. at Gr. $ stat.
5 15 N. se bs. 2
3
27 Tu. Ven. Bede. 3 sets 2 34 morn.
6 12 1 9 a .42 2 46
28 W. £ □ 1/. Clock slow 3m Os
7 10 2 10 45 3 27
29 Th. Bing Charles II res. Jr. 2 41 m. 8
7 3 11 33 4 4
30 F. Oxf. T. ends. D d $ 10 38 aft.
5 4 mo rn. 4 43
9
31 S. Oxf. T. begins. Night 7 48 long 10
2 5 0
8 5 24

M. w.

�MAY, 1873.

ALMANAC.]

13

May 1st, British Museum closes for a week; on the 8th
opens from 10 till 7—reading room 9 till 7. 24th, Queen’s
birthday—drink her Majesty’s health and long life.
Lunar Influences.
'i Is in
The 8th, 12th, 21st, 25th, 30th, Saturn
good
„ 4th, 10th, 14th, 23rd, 27th, Jupiter
x aspect
,, 1st, 5th, 15th, 19th, 27th, Mars
with the
,, 1st, 6th, 16th, 21st, 31st, the Sun
Moon.
„ 2nd, 6th, 15th, 19th, 24th, 28th, Venus
Seep. 35.
„ 4th, 15th, 19th, 24th, 30th, Mercury
The sign Gemini rules Lower Egypt, America, Lombardy,
Sardinia, Brabant, Belgium, the West of England, London,
Versailles, Mentz, Bruges, Louvain, Cordova and Nuremburg.

D. Sun Sun Moon.
M. rises. sets. South.

WEATHER PREDICTIONS—Mat, 1873.
Windy, but fair in general at first. A tendency
h. m. h. m. h. m.
the
the 5th
1 4 34 7 20 4a 3 to rain asjoins Sun approaches Venus. On the 7th
the Sun
Venus, and from thence to
2 4 32 7 22 4 56 much rain may be expected ; Sth, windy and fairer ;
3 4 30 7 24 5 47 10th to 13th, a stormy, unsettled atmosphere, the
E 4 28 7 25 6 34 latter day fairer, with white clouds abounding; 15th
5 4 26 7 27 7 18 and 16th, storms of wind and lightning; 17th, cloudy
6 4 24 7 28 8 1 and cooler; 19th, cold air, rain prevails; 21st to
stormy and cool, rain
and turbulent
7 4 23 7 30 8 42 23rd, 24th, showers; 26th, prevails,and some rain ;
air;
cloudy,
8 4 21 7 32 9 23 28th, fa’rer, lightning or aurora at night. The
0 4 19 7 33 10 4 month ends fair, yet cloudy.—-The temperature below
10 4 18 7 35 10 47 the average; and on the 5th, 10th, and 22nd, rain
E 4 16 7 36 11 33 and storms prevail.

IS 4
13 4
14 4
15 4
16 4
17 4
E4
19 4
ft) 4
21 4
22 4
S3 3
24 3
E3
26 3
27 3
28 3
29 3
30 3
31 3

15
13
11
10
8
7
6
4
3
2
1
59
58
57
56
55
54
53
52
51

7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
8
8
8
8

38 morn.
39 0 23
41 1 17
42 2 15
44 3 16
45 4 17
47 5 15
48 6 11
50 7 3
51 7 53
52 8 41
54 9 29
55 10 18
56 11 9
58 0a 2
59 0 56
0 1 51
1 2 46
2 3 38
3 4 27

VOICE OF THE STARS—May, 1873.
On the 10th and 11th, Mars will form an evil
aspect with Saturn and Uranus ; this denotes violent
explosions in mines, and numerous deaths thereby.
In France there will be, when Saturn eomes to
opposition of Uranus, on the 22nd, military riots
and outbreaks, with their usual attendants, deeds of
blood and violence. Jupiter, being in the ruling
sign of France, will mitigate these evils, as we may
hope. On the 3rd the King of Sweden has the
Moon joined with Uranus, and opposed by Saturn,
on his birthday. For him we can only expect a year
of troubles, which will arise from acts of violence in
his country. On the 24th we are glad to see the
Moon joined with Venus; which imports a year of
health, peace and pleasure to all born that day;
and this denotes gain and wealth to Old England.
Let all born at the time the Sun’s place is afflicted
by the malefics, viz,, 23rd January and 26th July,
in any year, be on their guard against sudden per­
sonal troubles and accidents. They will be exceed­
ingly liable thereto about the 10th and 22nd days.

�14

[zadkiel’s

JUNE XXX Days.

MOON’S CHANGES, &amp;c. D.M. 1? souths 24 souths (J souths $ souths
h. m.

First Quar. 3rd, 6
Full Moon, lOtb, 10
Last Quar. 17th, 3
New Moon 24th, 9

19 m.
1 aft. 1st
31 aft. 7th
12aft. 13 th
Apogee, 2d. Oh. a.—Perigee, 19th
Ud. 2h. a.—Apogee, 30d. 6h.m. 25th

D. D. I
of
M. W.

h.
3
3
2
2
2

m.
40m
16
51
26
1

h.
5
4
4
4
3

m.
7 a.
47
26
6
46

h.
9
8
8
7
7

m.
2 a.
37
15
54
34

h.
9
9
9
9
8

m.
43m
27
15
6
59

&lt;D I

Remarkable Days,
Planetary Aspects, &amp;c., &lt;kc.

s &lt;&lt; 1 J) rises H. W.
Long. *.aQ 1 and sets Lon. B.

h. m
1 S. TO)ttS. $A,&amp;p.d.Jp. W2f511n 0 6 0m34
2 M.
am. $ -0,144°
[26 a. 11 57 7 0 54
3 Tu. Wt®. ® 72° 1/, 135°
12 55 8 1 10
4 W. Ember IF. Clock slow Im 58s. ÿ 13 52 9 1 23
5 Th. Boniface. 0 36° £ .
[in &amp; 14 50 10 1 36
6 F. 0p.d. ÿ. ÿ 72° If, 135° D ci J 15 47 11 1 47
7 S. © 135° ip. (? sta. Nt. 7 36 loDg 16 44 12 2
0
8 S. Œrinitp Sunbap. 5 135° Ip, 36° J 17 42 13 2 17
9 M. 0 45°
&lt;3 . Iÿ sets 11 4aft. 18 39 14 2 35
10 Tu. b p. d. tÿ. 5 at gieatest bril.
19 36 15 3
3
11 W. St. Barnabas. Clock slow 0m 40s 20 34 16 rises.
12 Th. Corpus Christi. $ 144° Ip,If 21 31 17 10 a. 36
13 F. S 36° I£, A ^,45° J. î d 1? 8 22 28 18 11 19
14 S. Ip r. 10 28 a. If sets 11 43 a. [32a. 23 2619 11 49
15 5. 1 Sun. af. ®rin. 5 16u° Ip
2 4 23'20 morn.
16 M. f sets 1 9 morn. Day 16 33 long 25 20 21 0 12
17 Tu. St. Alban.. © 144° Ip , &gt;|&lt; If
26 17 22 0 30
18.W. 2 rises 154 m. Cl. fast 0m 48s 27 14 23 0 45
19 Th. ? p. d. 2f. ÿ gr. Hel. Lat. N.
0
28 12 24 1
20 F. Ac. Q. Viet. Cam. T. e. © A ¿f 29
9 25 1 15
21 S. P. Q. V. © ent. $ 9 25 m. J) &lt;3 J 025 6 £6 ! 1 33
22^ 2 S. af. ®r. 0 150° ip
1
3 27 1 53
23 M. ÿ sets 9 34 a. Clock fast lm 53s 2
1 28 2 21
24|Tu. St. J. Bapt. Mids. Day. £
J
2 58 N. sets.
25 ,W. £ 36° If. If sets 10 58 aft.
3 55 1 9 a. 26
26: Th 0 p. d. J. D d g 11 19 morn
4 52 2 10
7
27iF. ]) ô $ 9 14 morn. Nt. 7 28 long 5 50 3 10 36
28 S. J 72° y. $ souths 1 30 aft.
6 47 4 10 58
29 S. 3 5. af. ®r. St. Peter, ¿f □ Ip. J&gt; 7 44 5 11 14
30 M. $ souths 1 53 a. [ d 2f 9 27 m. 8 41 6 11 29

h. ID.
5m46
6 32
7 22
8 2
9 32
10 36
11 27
0 a. 16
1
0
1 41
2 24
6
3
3 50
4 36
5 26
5m53
6 49
7 53
1
9
10
4
i&gt;
11
0 a. 5
0 58
1 48
2 32
3 13
3 53
4 30
h?
5
/
5 44

�ALMANAC.]

JUNE, 1873.

J unb 20th, Overseers fix notices of persons who vote for
counties. Parties registered need make no new claim unless
they have changed residence. Quarter Sessions, last week.
Lunar Influences.
The 4th, 9th, l§th, 22nd, Saturn
\
Is in
,, 1st, 6ch, 10th, 19th, 24th, 29th, Jupiter
) good
,, 1st, 11th, 15th, 24th, 29th, Mars
t aspect
,, 5th, 15th, 19th, 30th, the Sun
( with the
„ 2nd, 12th, 16tli, 20th, 26th, Venus
1 ’Moon.
,, 5th, 15th, 20th, 26th, Mercury
' Seep. 35.
The sign Cancer rules Scotland, Holland. Zealand,
Georgia, all Africa, Constantinople, Algiers, Tunis, Am­
sterdam, Cadiz, Venice, Genoa, York, St. Andrews, New
York, Bern, Lubeck, Milan and Manchester.
Sun , Siin Moon |
M. rises. sets. Sou th.
WEATHER PREDICTIONS—June, 1873.
I 'h. m. 1 h. m h. m., The month begins with clouds and winds, a’so
3rd, warm and
4th and
’ E 3 50 8 5 5a 13 some thunder. 7th, heat prevails,fair; lightning 5th,
ditto; 6th and
and
and
3 50 8 6 5 56 hail; 9th and 10th, sudden changes, barometer un- ■
3' 3 49 8 7' 6 37 settied, hail showers. 12th and 13th, windy, rain,'
4 3 48 8 8 7 18 aurora seen; 15th to 17th, the hca. increases, fair
5 3 47 8 9i 7 58 generally; 19th, fair and warm; 20th, heat and
thunder prevail 22nd, cooler, cloudy ;
6| 3 47 8 10, 8 40 some thunder; ;26th, slight changes, fair24th, rainy,:
generally
7 3 46 8 11’ 9 25 29th and 30th, serious thunderstorms, dangerous
E 3 46 8 12. 10 13 lightning —After the 17th heat inereai s. The last
9' 3 46 8 12 11 6 tivo or three days stormy ; then cooler.

2i

io 3 45 8
It 3 45 8
12 3 45 8
13 3 44 8
14 3 44 8
E 3 44 8
16 3 44 8
17 3 44 8
ri8 3 44 8
19 3 44 8
20 3 44 8
21 3 45 8
E 3 45 8
S3 3 45 8
24 3 45 8
25 3 46 8
26 3 46 8
27 3 47 18
28 3 47 •8
E 3 48 8
30 3 48 ¡8

13 morn.
VOICE OF THE STARS—June, 1873.
14 0 3
14 1 5 Mars retrogrades in Libra till the 8th, and he then
15 2 7 proceeds on in that s'gn till the 25th. He will
many troubles to
16 3 8 therein bring in China, Japan,England, and produce
disturbances
Austria, and other
16 4 6 countlies, for which see p. 21. At the end of the
17 5 0 month, having again entered Scorpio, he will once
17 5 51 more form a square with Saturn, and stir up scenes
17 6 39 of violence in countries under the rule of Aquarius
Jupiter,
moves
peace
18 7 27 and Scorpio. and meetsthis month, aspectsonwhence­
ably in Leo,
only good
;
18 8 14 we may hope that our neighbours in France will be
18 9 3 quiet and enjoy a good time at length, notwith­
19 9 541 standing the presence of Uranus in Leo, and Saturn
19 10 47 in Aquarius. The stars shine favourably also on
19 11 42 Rome ; where now we trust there is no presence of
child
evil
mischief called
Let
19 0a36 thatpersonsofborn andor near the 23rdthe Pope. and
all
on
January,
19 1 29 on or near the 26th July, be guarded against specu­
19 2 20 lations, and beware of hurts to their legs and ankles ;
19 3 7 and let them also be prepared, towards the end oi
18 3 51 this month, for sudden deaths among the members
and accidents by water in various
18 4 33 of their family, forms.
ways and sundry

�16

souths If souths £ souths 2 souths

MOON’S CHANGES, &amp;c. D. M.
h. m.

First Quar. 2nd, 11
Full Moon, 10th, 6
Last Quar. 16th, 8
New Moon, 24th, 10

10 aft.
1st
33 m.
58 aft. 7th
34 m. 13th
Perigee, 12d. 51i. m.—Apogee, 19 th
27d. 9h. a.
25 th
0. D.

of of
W.

M.

[zadkiel’s

JULY XXXI Days.
h.

1
1
0
0
11

m.

36 m
11
45
20
50 a.

Remarkable Days,
Planetary Aspects, &amp;c., &amp;c.

h.

m.

3 27 a.
3 7
2 48
2 28
2 9
O’s
Long.

h.

m

7
7
6
6
6

16 a.
0
44
30
17

h.

8
8
8
8
8

m.

55 m
52
51
51
53

. J rises H.W.
_
and sets Lon. B.
h.

m 11.

Ill.

926 38 7 11a .42 6m 4
1 Tu. $ J51?, □ &lt;?. Day deer. 0 5
2 W. Vis.B. V.M. © 45° 2 ■ Cl.fa.3m 44 10 36 8 11 53 6 46
*
3 Th [Dog days begin. £ d
P- d. I? 11 33 9 mo rn. 7 33
6 8 26
4 F. ¡Trans. St. Martin. D d
5 15 a. 12 30 10 0
5|S. O.T. ends. £ p. d. Ijl. Day 16 25 1 13 27 11 0 19 9 29
6 [ S. [ 4 S. af. ®r. Old Mids. D. © 45° If 14 21 12 0 37 10 27
0 11 27
15 22 13 1
7|M. Thomas d Becket. 2 □ If16 19 14 1 31 0a.24
8 Tu. 2 A . $ set 9 15 aft.
9 W. I? 150° If. Clock fast 4m 54s
17 16 15 2 16 1 16
5
10 Th. $ p. d. 2 • 1? rises 8 42 aft.
18 13 16 ris es. 2
11 F. ({ d 1? 2 23 morn. If sets 10 1 a. 19 10 17 9 a. 50 2 54
8 18 10 16 3 42
12 S. $ □ y. 5 72° 2 . Day 16 13 1. 20
5 19 10 37 4 31
13 S. 5 Sun, after ®r. 2 -X
*
150° &amp; 21
22
2 20 10 53 5 20
14 M. $ p. d. cf . g sets 11 27 aft.
15 Tu. St.Swithin. 2 gr. elong. W.
¡22 59 21 11
7 5 m44
16 W. 2 rises 19 m. Clock fast 5m 44s ; 23 56 22 11 22 6 35
17 Th. 5 sets 9 6 aft. Day 16 2 long ¡24 54 23 11 39 7 27
18 F. © 36° If. $ sets 8 37 aft.
¡25 51 24 11 58 8 25
19 S. b&gt; rises 8 4 a. Night 8 2 long
¡26 48 25 morn. 9 26
20 S. 6 Sun. af. ®r. © p.d. J?. J d 2 -27 46 26 0 23 10 32
21 M. gp. d. If. 4 s. 9 25 a. [11 40 m. 28 43 27 0 54 11 43
22 Tu. \Magd. © g &gt;? . ? p. d. #, 135° t? 29 40 28 1 37 Oa.46
23 W. 'Clock fast 6m 10s. Day br. 0 42 0SL38 29i 2 32 1 39
1 35 n.: sets. 2 22
24 Th. $ 144° ¿f. D d $ 7 20 aft.
2 32 1 9 a. 3 3
3
25 F. St. James. © p d. J .
"
26 S. . A tn "ft 0
0 P-d.
H? "*1 3 30 2 9 20 3 38
27'S. 7 S. af.
j) d If 2 56 m. ’[54 a. 4 27 3| 9 35 4 10
28:M. 2 rises 10 m. Cl. fast 6 m 12s
5 24 4i 9 48 4 43
29 Tu. © d W,45° 2,2 45°$. Nt. 8 30 1. 6 22 5 10
0| 5 17
30 W. ? 144° 1?, 72° 7/. $ stationary 7 19 6 10 111 5 51
QI TV. L. 144° If
X e.An+V.0
18
«
1 -7
&gt;71 1 A
OA
itm C
31 Th. I? 144° If. $ souths 11 18 aft.

�ammanaci]

JULY, 1873.

17

July. Dividends due 6th, paid the 8th. Insurance must
be paid this day. 20th, Kates, &amp;c., due 6th April, must
be paid, or votes will be lost.
Lunar Influences.
Is in
The 2nd, 6th, 14th, 19th, 28th, Saturn
good
4th, 8th, 17th, 21st, 26th, Jupiter
aspect
9th, 13th, 22nd, 27th, Mars
with the
5th, 14th, 18th, 29th, the Sun
Moon.
1st, 11th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, Venus
1st, 7th, 16th, 21st, 26th, 31st, Mercury
See. p. 35.
The sign Leo rules France, Italy, Bohemia, Sicily, Rome,
Bath, Bristol, Taunton, Portsmouth, Cremona, Prague, the
Alps, Apulia, Ravenna, Philadelphia, Chaldea to Bassorah.
D. i Sun Sun Moon
M. rises. sets. South.

10 3
11 3
IS 3
E4
14 4
15 4
16 4
17 4
18 4
19 4
E4
21 4
22 4
23 4
24 4
25 4
26 4
E4
28 4
29 4
30 4
31 4

57 8
58 8
59 8
08
1 8
28
38
58
68
78
88
10 8
11 8
12 8
14 7
15 7
17 7
18 7
20 7
21 7
22 7
24 ¡7

WEATHER PREDICTIONS—July, 1873.
Thunder storms and mischievous lightning will
commence the month: dashing rains prevail. 3rd
to the 5th, smart showers and some squalls; 6th and
7th, warm and fair, large white clouds prevail, and
some thunder; 8th to 11th, unsettled, clouds and
showers frequent; 12th to 14th, fair, warm air, St.
Swithin showery; 16th to 18th, fair generally, 20th
to 22nd, cloudy, some dashing rains and thunder;
24th to 26th, rainy, cool air; 27tb, fairer; 29th to
the end, unsettled, sudden heavy rains frequent.—
A fair summer month; good harvest weather; not
very hot, however.

13 mo rn.
VOICE OF THE STARS—July, 1873.
13 0 54 The benefic Jupiter enters Virgo on the 7th day;
12 1 55 hence Turkey, Paris, Lyons, &amp;c., will have peace.
11 2 53 But, although Saturn quits Aquarius on the 13th, we
10 3 46 still find Uranus ruling over France; and, no doubt,
punishes that
to­
9 4 36 he thereinhelpless men of nation for its cruelties are
Africa.
8 5 24 wards the crystal, the greatest sinCruelty is, we
told in the
against Heaven.
7 6 12 And undoubtedly it seems so, as being the most
6 7 1 directly opposed to the religion of love. Mars flames
5 7 51 potently from Scorpio, his house, all this month;
4 8 42 and on the 12th day he will be in square to Uranus.
as also in
2 9 36 Mischief may tl en be looked for in France, accidents
Barbary, and other places (see p. 23) ; and
1 10 30 abound then in Liverpool. Near this petiod there
0 11 23 | are some ill transits for the Geiman Emperor; who
59 0al4 ' may expect this summer to suffer thiough females.
57 1 2 ! The above aspect of Mars will bring troubles and
56 1 48 I family losses to all born on the 28th July and near it.
born
to the
August will
54 2 30 iI Those health from the 22ndsuccess; 28thwill all who
have
and general
as
53 3 11 ! were born with the end of Leo, or first degrees of
51 3 50ij Virgo rising, or with the Moon in those parts of the
50 4 30l| Zodiac. Let them, therefore, push their fortunes,
’
48 5 11 and ensure prosperity.

�18

MOON’S CHANGES, &amp;c.

First Quar. 1st,
Full Moon, 8th,
Last Quar. 15th,
¡New Moon, 23rd,
¡First Quar. 31st,

h. m.

D.M.

2 29 aft.
152 aft.
1st
4 41m.
1 30 m. 7th
3 48 m. 13th
Perigee, 9&lt;1. llh. m.—Apogee, 19th
25th
2 Id. 5h. m.
D. D.

of of
M. w.

[zadkiel’s

AUGUST XXXI Days.

Ipsouths ^.souths ¿souths J souths
11.

11
10
10
10
9

m.

21a.
55
30
5
40

Remarkable Days,
Planetary Aspects, &amp;c., &amp;c.

h.

tn.

1 47 a.
1 28
1 9
0 51
0 32

h. m.

6
5
5
5
5

3 a.
51
41
31
22

h.

m.

8 56 m
8 59
9 4
9 9
9 13

0’s f D rises H. W.
J rises H. W.
Long.
and sets Lon. B.

m, h
o
/ I 1 h. nl&gt; h.- m9ft 14 8 10 a.4')i 6m45
1 F. hammas Day. \ d $ 11 46 a
0
««
10 11| 9110 59 7 26
2 s. Dpd. ¿. Day break 1 36
9 10 11 25 8 21
11
3 5. 8 S. af. ®r. 5 -X- Î
0 9 31
6 11 12
4 M. ? p. d. Ip. y rises 3 66 morn. 12
9
cl.
4 12 morn. ¡10 44
5 Tn. 9 150° Ip. Twilight ends 10 24 13
1 13 0 58 11 67
72° Ip. Cl. f. 5m 36s 14
6 W. Transf.
9 1 a. 1
7 Th. Narneof Jeszts. $ 36° iff. h ô b 14 69 14 2
56 15 3 37 1 55
[9 30 m.
F. Ip sets 3 5 m.
8
54 16 rises. 2 45
9 S. ? 135° ¿. If. sets 8 17 aft.
61 17 8 a. 56 3 33
9 Sun. aft. ®r.
p. d. iff 72° Iff
10
49 18 9 12 4 16
11 M. J sets 10 3 a. Dog days end
47 19 9 28 4 69
12 Tu. ©□&lt;?. ? p. d. If, 45° P
44 20 9 44 5 44
13 VV. 0 Ö ? • Î -X-^. 3 □ &lt;?
2 6m 7
42 21 10
14 Th. $ rises 1 3 mom. Day 14 38 1.
15 F. Assump. B. F. M. Nt. 9 26 long 22 40 22 10 251 6 61
16 S. $ rises 4 35 m. Iff son. 11 0 m 23 37 23:10 55 7 40
24 35 24 11 34 8 44
17 !S. 10 Sunhap after ®rin. $ 36° $
5
lb M. tg. rises 3 6 m. Clock fast 3m 35s 25 33 25 morn. 10
19 Tu. 0 p. d. ÿ . J p. d. Ip • J d Î 5 26 31261 0 24 11 27
20 W. 0 150° • h sets 2 13 m. [28 m. 27 29 27 1 26 Oa.37
21 Th. î p. cl. &amp; . D 6 Iff 4 42 morn. ¡28 26 28 2 34 1 27
1Î
12 F. I If. sets 7 3 ) aft. Nt. 9 51 long 29_ 2429 3 45
23 S. 1 (J p. cl. I?. £ stat, j) &lt;3 If. 8 52 0Hß22N. sets, i 2 46i
" '
24 S. 11 Sunttag after ®rinttp. St B. [a. 1 20 1 7 a. 56 3 18'
2 18 2 8 8J 3 47
-X-1?. Clock fast lm £ 2s
25 M.
3 16 3 8 20( 4 16
26 Tn. 0144° Ip. Day 13 51 long
*
27 W. J sets 9 23 a. Night 10 10 long 4 14 4 8 31 4 4‘
St. Augustine. J rises 1 21 morn. 5 12 5 8 45 5 14
28 Th.____________________
6 10 6 9
29 F. Si. John Baptist beh. J 45° If.
7
3O1S.? 8 &gt;?■ " ' - " 42 aft.
-----m 1
31 5. 12 Sun. after ®r. $ sou. 10 51 m.8

�AUGUST, 1873.

’•]

August.—First two Sundays’ lists of electors on church
doors. 20th, last day for claim to vote, or leaving notice
of objections. Rates, &amp;c., due 1st March to be paid.
Lunar Influences.
The 2nd, 11th, loth, 25th, 29th, Saturn
T
Is in
„ 1st, Sth, 13th, 18th, 23rd, 28th, Jupiter
good
,, 6th, 10th, 19th, 24th, Mars
I aspect
,, 3rd, 12th, 17th, 28th, the Sun
[ with the
„ 9th, 13th, 18th, 24th, 29th Venus
I Moon.
,, 4th, 12th, 16th, 21st, 26th, 31st,Mercury &gt; See p. 35.
The sign l-'irpo rules Turkey, Mesopotamia, from the
Tigris to the Euphrates, Jerusalem, Candia, Silesia, Croatia,
Bagdad, Babylonia, Thessaly, Corinth, the Morea, Paris,
Lyons, Toulouse, Basil, Switzerland, Reading, West Indies.

D. 8 an s un Mo on
M. riijes. Sets. South.

m.
47 5a 54
45 6 41
44 7 32
42 8 29
40 9 30
38 10 34
37 11 37
35 mo rn.
33 0 37
31 1 34
29 2 27
27 3 18
25 4 7
23 4 57
21 5 47
19 6 39
17 7 32
15 8 26
13 9 19
11 10 11
9 10 59
7 11 45
5 0a29
3 1 10
1 1 49
59 2 29
57 3 9
54 3 51
52 4 35
50 5 21
48 6 16

h. m. h. m.

1 4
24
E4
44
54
64
7 4
84
94
E4
11 4
12 4
13 4
14 4
15 4
16 4
E4
18 4
19 4
20 4
21 4
22 4
23 5
E5
25 5
26 5
27 "o
28 5
29 5
30 5
E l5

25 7
27 7
28 7
30 7
31 7
33 7
35 7
36 7
38 7
39 7
41 7
42 7
44 7
46 7
47 7
49 7
50 7
52 7
53 7
55 7
57 I7
58 7
07
1 7
37
5 ¡6
66
86
96
11 6
13 6

h.

WEATHER PREDICTIONS—Avgust, 1873.
The 1st and 2nd days heat prevails; 3rd to 5th,
cloudy, some rain; 7th, showers; 9th and 10th, fair
and warm ; 12th and 13th, heat and thunder gene­
rally, dangerous lightning; 14th to 18th, settled and
fair, good harvest weather in general, ] Sth and 20th,
rainy, unsettled; 21st and 22nd, fairer; 23rd, some
thunder about; 25th and 26th, cloudy, cool air; 27th
to 29th, fair; 30th, heavy, dashing rain, and haii
also; 31st, warm air.—A flair month generally, except
about the 12t7i and 13i4 days.
VOICE OF THE STARS—Avgust, 1873.
The Emperor of Austria has an unfortunate biith- !
day, since we find Mars in square to his Sun; which !
gives him quarrels with his neighbours, and some
sudden changes in his affairs. The King of Bavaria |
has the Sun joined with Jupiter on the anniversary 1
of tbe day when he was born. This will bring him
hea th, and is good influence for his affairs genera lv.
It will render him rather more peaceful than usual.
Mars flames fiercely in Scorpio, and we may look
for news of outbreaks in Barbary, Norway, Syria,
&amp;c. But Turkey flourishes, and Paris is peaceful.
The retrograding of Saturn in Capricorn seems to
destroy the equanimity of Greece. On the 30th day
Mars will leave Scorpio, and, entering Sagitta ius,
will soon begin to trouble Spain with violence and
bloodshed. All born from the 28th August to the
4th September will now flourish and enjoy health I
Those born on the 12th August must beware of fire, !
and take care to avoid fevers, and hurts or accidents |
to the delicate parts of the person. This transit of
Mars through Scorpio will bring mischief to the docks, j
and collisions, &amp;e., in and near Liverpool, where
there will be many bankruptcies, and an abundance I
of fraud and knavery practised.
I

�20

SEPTEMBER XXX Days,

MOON’S CHANGES, &amp;c.

D.M.

h. m.
Pull Mood, 6th, 9 9 aft.
Last Quar. 13th, 3 40 aft. 1st
New Moon, 21st, 5 51 aft. 7th
First Quar. 29 th, 2 56 aft. 13th
Perigee, 6d. 8h. a.—Apogee, 19th
25th
20d. 8h. m.
D. D.
of of

M. w.

[zadkiel’s

»2 souths If SOUths cf souths J souths
. m.
Ila.
46
22
58
34

Remarkable Days,
Planetary Aspects, &amp;c., &amp;c.

h.
0
11
11
11
10

m.
10 a.
51m
32
14
55

h.
5
5
4
4
4

m.
13 a.
5
58
52
46

h.
9
9
9
9
9

m.
20m
25
30
35
40

D rises H.W.
Long. si and sets Lon. B
I__ _ B.

h. m. h. m.
©
/
1 M. Giles. 0 p. d. 1/.
ris. 2 16 m. 9W 4 9 10 a. 40 7m32
2 10( 11 43 8 47
2 Tu. I? sets 1 18 m. Clock si. 0m 31s 10
11
1 11 morn. 10 16
3 W. J &lt;5 Ip 5 21 aft. Day br. 3 12
2 11 43
4 Th. O 3 If, 135° T?. Night 10 40 1. 11 59 12 1
12 57 13 2 33 Oa.48
5 F. Old Bartholomew. $ 150° Ip
6 S. J p. d. $, A . Twi. ends 8 38 13 55 14 rises. 1 44
75. 13 Sun. af. ®rin. Enur. 0 36° Jg 14 53 15 7 a.16 2 29
2 36° 15 52 16 7 31 3 12
8 M. AcWw. B. V. M. 5 144° Ip .
9 Tu. If rises 5 3 m. Cl. si. 2 m 51s [2f 16 50 17 7 47 3 54
17 48 18 8 4 4 35
10 W. 2 3$. Day deer. 3 37
11 Th. £ sets 8 51 a. Night 11 7 long 18 47 19 8 27 6 13
19 45 20 8 54 5 54
12 F. g □ 3'. 2 rises 1 52 morn
20 44 21 9 30 6m 15
13 S. ¿J' A $. Day 12 45 long
3
14 s. 14 55. a. ®iin. Holy Cross. 2 in S3 21 42 22 10 18 7
8
D-X-24 0 42 aft. 22 41 23 11 17 8
15 M. $ 3 4, 36°
&lt;J45°I?. gp.d. 2f 23 39 24 mo rn. 9 39
16 Tu. 0 45°
24 38 25 0 25 11 10
17 W. Ember Week. J 3 Ig 1 27 aft.
25 37 26 1 36 Oa .22
IS Th. 7f 36°$. 3 52 83 morn.
26 35 27 2 46 1 12
19 F. 0 A Ip . Clock slow 6m 21s
27 34 28 3 57 1 49
D 3
3 2 a.
20 S. $ 36°
J 11 5m. 28 33 N. se ts. 2 19
21 s. 15 Sun. after ®r. 5
22 M. 0 ent. === 11 35 a. $ rises 5 30 m 29 32 1 6 a .28 2 47
0A30 2 6 39 3 16
23 Tu. 0 36° 2 • Day 12 6 long
1 29 3 6 51 3 44
24 W. 0 p. d. $ . 2 150° Ip • &lt;? □ 4
2 28 4 7
7 4 12
25 Th. 0 3 g . 2 rises 2 27 morn.
3 27 5 7 27 4 41
26 F. St. Cyprian. Clock slow 8m 46s
4 26 6 7 53 5 13
27 S. £ 72° $. Night 12 10 long
28 s. 16 S. a. ®r. 0 p. d. $ . J 3 &lt;? 5 25 7 8 32 5 50
29 ,M. Michaelmas D. 2 144° Ip [7 10 m 6 24 8 9 25 6m 11
30 Tu. St. Jerome. Ip station. ¿f 36° Ip 1 7 23 9 I10 36 7 5

�SEPTEMBER, 1873.

LALMANAC.J

21

September 1st. Last day for Overseers to send lists to
Clerk of Peace. British Museum closes. 8th, Opens from
10 till 4. Insurance due 30th instant and India bonds.
Lunar Influences.
The 7th, 11th, 21st, 26th, Saturn
1
Is in
2nd, 10th, 15th, 20th, 25th, 30th, Jupiter
good
4th, Sth, 17th, 22nd, Mars
k aspect
2nd, 10th, 15th, 27th, the Sun
with the
8th, 12th, 17th, 23rd, 28th, Venus
Moon.
__ ... 35.
10th, 15th, 21st, 27th, Mercury
See p.
The sign Libra rules China, Japan, parts of India near
„ China, Austria, Bactriana, Usbeck, Upper Egypt, Livonia,
the Caspian Sea, Vienna, Lisbon, Antwerp, Frankfort,
Spires and Charleston.
tD. Sun Sun Moon
M rises. sets. South.
WEATHER PREDICTIONS.—September, 1873.
i
h. tn. h. m. h. m.
Fair and warm at first. 3rd and 4th, thunder
1 5 14 6 46 7a 14 storms prevalent; 6th, rainy; 7th to 9th, fair in
2 5 16 6 43 8 15 general; 10th, showers; 12th and 13th, windy, ra­
3 5 17 6 41 9 17 ther unsettled; 15th and 16th, a stormy period,
&lt;4 5 19 6 39 19 18 lightning and meteors. 17th and 18th, fairer; 19th,
fair;
and 23rd,
5 5 21 6 37 11 16 cloudy, cool air; 20th and 21st, storms22nd dangerous
warm ; 24th and 25th, thunder
and
6 5 22 6 34 morn. lightning; 27th and 28th, fair; 29th and 30th,
E 5 24 6 32 0 12 clouds and heavy rains prevail. — The first week fair
8 5 25 6 30 1 5 and u-arni; the month, in general (except about the
9 5 27 6 28 1 56 15th and 16th), favourable for harvest work.

10 5
11 5
12 5
13 5
iE 5
15 5
16 5
17 5
l18 5
5
20 5
E5
22 5
'23 5
24 5
25 5
826 5
127 5
|E 5
¡29 5
B0 6

29 6
30 6
32 6
33 6
35 6
37 6
38 6
40 6
41 6
43 6
44 6
46 6
48 5
49 5
51 5
53 5
54 5
56 5
57 5
59 5
15

25
23
21
18
16
14
12
9
7
5
2
0
57
55
53
51
48
46
44
42
39

2 47
3 39
4 32
5 26
6 21
7 15
8 7
8 57
9 44
10 27
11 9
11 49
0a29
1 8
1 50
2 33
3 20
4 10
5 5
6 3
7 5

VOICE OF THE STARS—September, 1873.
The malefic Saturn hangs about the 26th degree of
the sign Capricorn, in which the Moon was found
when the Emperor of Germany was born. This will
bring him troubles and some sickness of a lingering
nature. But as Jupiter was on his ascendant on his
last birthday, it may be hoped it will be nothing
very serious. In fact, the terminus seems to extend
to the Sun’s conjunction with Saturn, about the 79th
year. The King of Sweden has Jupiter coming to
his ascendant; which will mitigate his normal condi­
tion of grief and vexations. On the 15th day Mars
will pass the ascendant of the King of Italy. Let him
avoid dangers to his person at that time; hurts
in hunting, more especially.
He has, however,
M.C. trine Sun = 52° 48', lately gone by; and this
will bring honoursand advantages to Italy. He will
be very much given to fight and quarrel. Jupiter in
Virgo gives peace to Paris. But Mars in Sagittarius
brings Spain quarrels and bloodshed. Saturn in
Capricorn troubles Greece, Oxford, Brussels, &amp;c.,
&amp;c., and all born on the 4th to 10th September
flourish. Those born in mid-January suffer.

�22

OCTOBER XXXI Days.

MOON’S CHANGES, &amp;c.
h. m.

D.M.

[zadkiel’s

¡2 souths H. souths $ souths ? souths

h.
5 31 m.
1st
6 25 m. 7th 7
10 55 m. 13th 6
6
0 10 m.
Perigee, 5d. 7h. m.—Apogee, 19th 6
25th 5
17 d 4h. a.

m.

Full Moon,
Last Quar.
NewMoon,
First Quar.

6 th,
13th,
21st,
29 th,

D. D.
of of
M. w.

Remarkable Days,
Planetary Aspects, &amp;c,, &amp;c.

10 a.
47
24
1
38

h.

10
10
9
9
9

m.

h. m.

0’s

&amp;o D rises H.W.

36 m
17
58
39
19

4
4
4
4
4

40 a.
35
30
26
22

h.

9
9
9
9
9

m.

44 m
48
52
55
59

&lt;o 1

» and sets Lon. B
A
h. Hl, h. irt
8=^=22 10 morn. 8m 2?
1 w. Remigius. Cam. Term begins
0 10 3
5p.d.l[. Cl. si. 10m 9 21 11 0
2 Th.
rises 0 13 m. D. br. 4 13 [43s 10 20 12 1 31 11 32
3 F.
2 Oa.34
11 19 13 3
4 S. 0 72°^. \ sets 11 5 aft.
12 19 14 4 34 1 32
5 s. 17 Sunbap aftrr 0huutp
2
13 18 15 rises. 2
Op. d.2|. &lt;?135°$
6 M.
7 Tu. 2 135° T? . 5 p. d. 2 • Day dec. 5 23 14 17 16 6 a. 7 2 43
15 16 17 6 26 3 25
8 W. « 36° 21. Cl. si. 12m 29s. 8 in
5
9 Th St. Denys. £ □ 1? . Day 113 long 16 16 18 6 52 4
10 F. Oxford Term begins. 0 p. d. ? 17 15 19 7 24 4 43
9 5 25
11 S. Old Mich. Day. $ 36° $. 21 rises 18 14 20 8
5 5m48
12 s. 18 S.af. ®ri. Least twi. [3 36 m. 19 14 21 9
13 M. Trans. K. Edw. $ sets 8 9 aft. 20 13 22 10 11 6 36
10 8a. 21 13 23 11 22 7 40
14 Tu. 2 ris. 3 21 m. }
15 W. ®72°W. 2d,&amp;P-d. 21. Mt.l3|22 12 24 morn. 9 12
16 Th. $ 45° 2 • Clock s. 14m 26s. [20 1. 23 12 25 0 34 10 43
24 12 26 1 45 11 54
17 F. Etheldreda. $ sets 5 22 aft.
18 S. St. Luke. $□$. ])d2197m. 25 11 27 2 56 0 &amp;. 3S
4 1 I«
0 □ b- 2 Ab45°$ 26 11 28 4
19 S. 19 S. a.
20 M. 2 rises 3 39 m. Night 13 40 1. 27 11 29 5 13 1 46
28 11 N. sets. 2 12
21 Tu. g 72° b • Day 10 17 long
29 10 1 5 a. 14 2 43
22 W. 5 p. d. J£. D d $ 11 44 aft.
23 Th. tjt rises 10 59 a. Cl. si. 15m 36s oiriio 2 5 31 3 14
1 10 3 5 56 3 44
24 F. b sets 9 48 a. 21 rises 3 0 m.
2 10 4 6 31 4 IS
25 S. Crispin. Night 13 58 long
3 10 5 7 19 4 56
26 «. 20 Stinifap afttr ®x(nitp
4 10 6 8 23 5 32J
27 M. »¿21. J d ^2 16 morn.
28 Tu. 150° $. £ p. d. b • D d b 8 34 5 10 7 9 41 5m55
7 6 5a
29 W. $ sets 8 2 aft. Cl. si. 16m 10s [m. 6 10! 8 11
7 10 9 morn. 8 14
30 Th B -X-i? • 2 rises 4 9 morn8 10 10 0 34 9 48
*
souths 6 14 morn.
31 Fr. ? -X $ •

Long.

�OCTOBER, 1873.

ALMANAC.

23

October 1st to 15th, Burgess lists to be revised. Insu­
rance to be paid by 13th. Dividends payable on 14th, 15th;
Quarter Sessions.
Lunar Influences.
The 5th, 8th, 18th, 23rd, Saturn
\ Is in
„ 8th, 12th, 18th, 23rd, 27th, Jupiter
i good
,, 2nd, 6th, 16th, 21st, 31st, Mars
( aspect
,, 1st, 10th, 15th, 26th, goth, the Sun
( with the
„ 7th, 12th, 18th, 23rd, 28th, Venus
} Moon.
,, 1st, 11th, 16th, 22nd, 28th, Mercury
J Seep. 35.
The sign Scorpio rules Barbary, Morocco, Norway,
ancient Palestine, a part of Syria, Valentia, Catalonia,
Messina, Frankfort, Cappadocia and Liverpool.

D. 1 Sun Sun Moon
M. rises. sets. South.

h.
16
26
36
46
E6
66
76
86
96
10 6
11 6
E6
13 6
14 6
15 6
16 6
17 6
18 6
E6
20 6
21 6
22 6
23 6
24 6
25 6
E6
27 6
28 6
29 6
30 6
31 6

m h.
25
45
65
75
95
11 5
12 5
14 5
16 5
17 5
19 5
21 5
23 5
24 5
26 5
28 5
29 5
31 4
33 4
35 4
36 4
38 4
40 4
42 4
43 4
45 4
47 4
49 4
50 4
52 4
54 4

m. h. m.

37 8a 21
35 9 0
32 9 55
30 10 48
28 11 40
26 morn.
23 0 32
21 1 25
19 2 19
17 3 14
15 4 11
12 5 7
10 6 1
8 6 53
6 7 41
4 8 25
1 9 8
59 9 48
57 10 28
55 11 7
53 11 48
51 0a31
49 1 17
47 2 7
45 3 1
43 3 57
41 4 56
39 5 54
37 6 50
35 7 44
34 8 36

WEATHER PREDICTIONS—October, 1873.
Changes at first and meteors at night; 4th warm ;
6th fair and warm; 7th cloudy7, some showers; 9th
and 10th cloudy, showery and windy; 11th to 13th
fair generally; 15th fair, white clouds prevail; 16th
misty and damp air; 18th and 19th cool air, rainy
and windy; 21st to 23rd fairer, seasonable; 24th to
26th tolerably fair; 27th windy, meteors at night;
28th cloudy, cool and rather unsettled ; 30th and 31st
cool, cloudy, windy.—A seasonable month ; no extreme
of weather, except on and about the YDth.
VOICE OF THE STARS—October, 1873.
.Again is the evil star Saturn stationary in Capricorn.
Therein he brings all kinds of sore troubles for the
lands ruled by that sign : these are chiefly India,
Mexico, parts of Persia, about Circan, &amp;c., Greece,
Oxford and Bulgaria. Now we know that Mexico
has been completely revolutionized since he has been
in the sign; and in India many troubles, of most
serious character, have arisen, such as the Pooka
rising ; where full twenty villages have been utterly
destroyed and 65 poor wretches have been blown
away fiom guns, to convince the people of the
paternal nature of English government. Also the
murder of the Governor General of Indiahas occurred.
In Persia a grievous famine has raged ; Bulgaria has
been the scene of very numerous grievances. Oxford
has been unlucky in many ways, and Greece only has
Either to escaped. On the 15th a conjunction of Jupiter
and Venus, in the 21st degree of Virgo, will benefit
Paris, Turkey and the West Indies, &amp;c. Let all born
on or near the 16th January, any year, beware of
colds and troubles through old persons, buildings,
landlords, &amp;c. Those born the 13th August will gain
in health and wealth. Those born near the middle
of June will be liable to losses and hurts the first
week of this month.

�24

NOVEMBER XX]C Days.

MOON’S CHANGES, &amp;c. D.M. b souths
h. m.
h. m.
Full Moon 4th, 3 48 aft.
1st 5 12 a.
Last Quar. 12 th, 0 48 m.
New Moon, 20th, 3 37 m. 7th 4 50
First Quar. 27th, 8 13 m. 13th 4 28
6
Perigee,2d. lh. a.—Apogee.lid. 19th 4
9h.in —Perigee, SOd 3h. in.
25th 3 45

[zadkiel’s

If souths J souths ? souths
*
h.
8
8
8
7
7

h. Hl.
h. m.
4 17à. 1 0 3m
4 12 1 0 7
4 8 1 0 11
4 4 1 0 16
3 59 1 0 21
a&gt;
D. D.
bo
Remarkable Days,
®’s &lt;1 J rises H.W.
Planetary Aspects, &amp;c., &amp;c.
Long. JDQ and sets Lon. B.
M w.
«
h. m. h. mJ
1 s. All Saints. 0 45°
9 P. d. 21 91Î110 11 2m. 4 llmlO
2 s. 21 Sun. at ®r. Mich. T.b. 0 □ H 10 10 12 3 32 Oa. 10
3 M. H r. 10 16 aft. Cl. slow 16m 18s 11 10 13 4 59 0 56
4 Tu. D ecl. partly vis. at Gr. D. hr. 5 5 12 10 14 rises. 1 38
5 W.
Night 14 38 long
13 11 15 4 a. 49 2 20
6 Th. Leonard. § 72° If, p. d. $
1
14 11 16 5 19 3
7 F. © 72° b • b pets 8 57 aft.
15 11 17 5 57 3 41
8 8. Cam. T. div. noon. C'J. si. 16m 6s 16 11 18 6 50 4 22
9 5. 22 Sunhap after ®rf. B. of P. of IE 17 12 19 7 54 5
4
10 M. 24 45°W. ?72°W. 8 A W
18 12 20 9
5 5 51
11 Tu. St. Martin. J
ÿ 6 43 morn
19 12 21 10 18 6m 14
12 W. 5 45° b • 71 rises 2 3 morn
20 13 22 11 30 7
9
13 Th. Britius. 0 p.d. W' f sets 8 3 a. 21 13 23 morn. 8 28
14 F. Î □ b • Clock slow 15m 22s
22 14 24 0 41 9 49
15 S. Machutus. D 21 2 35 morn
23 14 25 1 51,10 56
16 3. 23 Sun. af. ®r. 8 45° 2 . H sta. 24 15 26 3
0 11 51
17 M. Hugh. $ rises 5 5 morn
25 15 27 4 10 Oa.32
18 Tu. D ô 2 2 57 m, Twi. ends 6 5 m. 26 16 28 5 23 1
8
19 W.
27 17 29 6 38 1 43
20 Th. 0 ecl. inv. at Gr. 0-X-b • &lt;? 8 h 28 17 N. sets. 2 15
21 F. D &lt;5 8 2 48 aft. Cl. si. 13m 53s 29 18 1 4 a. 30 2 49
22 S. St. Cecilia. $ seta 4 42 aft.
0119 2 5 15 3 23
23^. 24 Sunbap after Œrfnftp. St. Clem. 1 19 3 6 15 4
0
24 M. ? □¥, 5 45° &lt;7. D ô Z 10 0 a.
2 20 4 7 29 4 40 j
26. Tu. Mich. T. ends. 0 p. d. b
3 21 5 8 54 5 26
26 W. 0 p. d, J1. 8 45° b- 2 45° 21
4 22 6 10 20 5 m52 !
27( Th. p. d. b.
sou. 4 28 m. 8 in
5 22 7 11 46 6 52i
28 ! F. ? souths 0 11 a. Cl..si. 11m 45s 6 23 8 morn. 8
2
29| S. ©p.d.$ . 8 AH, 72° 21 . 2 72°b 7 24. 9I 1 12, 9 20
10 S. 1 3. in •a». 0 rf J • 5 P- d T?
8 25 10 2 36 10 33

m.
57m
37
17
57
37

�NOVEMBER, 1873.

VLMANAO.]

November 1st, Borough Councillors elected. 9th, Mayor
ad Aidermen elected Birthday of the Prince of Wales.
Lunar Influences.
Is in
The 2nd, 5th, 15th, 19th, 28th, Saturn
good
,, 5th, 9th, 14th, 20th, 24th, Jupiter
aspect
„ 4th, 14th. 19th, 29th, Mars
with the
,, 9th, 14th, 25th, 29th, the Sun
Moon.
,, 7th, 12th, 17th, 23rd, 27th, Venus
,, 1st, 11th. 16th, 21st, 25th, 29th, Mercury
See p. 35.
The sign SagittariMs rules Arabia Felix, Spain, Hungary,
parts near Cape Finisterre, Istria, Dalmatia, Tuscany,
Moravia, Sclavonia, Cologne, Avignon, Buda and Nar­
bonne.

~8

D. un 1S un Moon
M. ri ses. S(its. South. ¡WEATHER PREDICTIONS—November, 1873.

h. m. h.

16
E6
36
47
57
67
77
87
E7
10 7
11 7
12 7
13 7
14 7
15 7
E7
17 7
18 7
19 7
20 7
21 7
22 7
E7
24 7
25 7
26 7
27 7
28 7
29 7
E7

56 4
5« 4
59 4
14
34
54
64
84
10 4
12 4
14 4
15 4
17 4
19 4
21 4
22 4
24 4
26 4
27 4
29 4
31 4
32 4
34 3
36 3
37 3
39 3
40 3
42 3
43 3
45 3

m.
32
30
28
26
25
23
21
20
18
16
15
13
12
11
9
8
6
5
4
3
2
0
59
58
57
56
55
55
54
63

m. The month begin? fair and. mild ; 2nd cool and
rainy; 7th
air;
9a27, changeable; 4th and 5thwindy; lltlicloudy, cool cold,
12th
10 17 9th and 10th unsettled, ; 14th co’d, and and snow ;
some snow in the month
fog
11 91 16th rain, unsettled, many changes; 18th and 19th
morn.■ fair for the season, mild air; 2dth stormy, colder,
0 2I some snow showers : very high winds ; 22nd and 23rd
0 57'.more temperate; 24th and 25th stormy, snow fa'ls ;
26th and 27th
at intervals; 29th
1 55J and 30th stormv still windy, fair air —A fair month,
and cold, frosty
2 53'\rather dr&lt;/; bitt very stormy and unsettled about the
3 50 Eclipse of the San.
4 44
5 34 j VOICE OF THE STARS—November, 1873.
6 21 The furious Mars is now raging in Capricorn; and
7 4 I bringing bloodshed in all those places under the rule
see p 27. On
last month he
7 45 I'Of that sign;first house, with athe 7th popular Prince,
entered the
certain
8 25 | whom I counsel to be very guarded about his health
9 5 at present; as the moon on the 9th will be in opposi­
9 45 tion of Mars, and this evil aspect falls opposite to the
10 27 place of Mars at birth. He is moreover “ liable to
11 13 inflammatory comp'aints,” as stated page 7 of the ;
“Handbook of Astrolozy,” vol.
However, as
0a 2 Jupiter draws up to the place of II. Moon, I trust *
the
1
0 55 he will escape anything serious at this period. On 1
1 52 I the 20th there will be a conjunction of Saturn and
2 50 Mars in the 29ch degree of Capricorn. Fortunately
3 49 we find Jupiter in trine aspect thereto, which miti-,
mischief. Yet will they rain down storms,
4 46 gates their earthquakes and warlike doings on the
tempests,
5 40 i people ruled bv Capricorn, and partly those under the
6 31 rule of Aquarius. On the 16tn Uranus stationary in
7 21 the ruling sign of France opens up a new list of
8 9 troubles, accidents and deeds of violence therein.
8 58 Births on the 1st to 3rd August will suffer by |
deaths of relations.
h.

C

�DECEMBER XXXI Days.

[zadkiel’s

MOON’S CHANGES, &amp;c. D. M. \ souths H. souths (J souths 2 souths
h. m.
h. m.
h. m.
h. m.
1. m.
Full Moon, 4th, 4 20 m.

LastQnar. 11th, 9 54 aft. 1st
New Moon, 19th, 6 49 aft. 7th
First Quar. 26th, 4 5 aft. 18th
Apogee, 12d. 6h m.—Perigee, 19 th
24d. 9h. a.
25th
D.
of
w.

3
3
2
2
1

23 a.
2
41
20
59

Remarkable Days,
Planetary Aspects, &amp;c., &amp;c.

7
6
6
6
5

16m
55
34
12
51

3
3
3
3
8
&lt;D
hr

55 a.
50
45
39
34

10
10
10
10
10

27m
34
41
49
58

I
I

®’s
J rises H.W.
Long. 00 and sets Lon. B.
*
&lt;=
h. m. h. m
1 M. $ p. d. &lt;?. f r. 8 26 a. ? in p. 9 t 2R 11 4m 1 llm35
2 Tu. © A
72r 4.
Daybr. 10 26 12 5 29 Oa.28
3 W. b sets 7 25 a. Twi. e. 5 56 [5 43 11 27 13 6 55 1 16
4 Th. If rises 0 55 m. Clock si. 9m 29s 12 98 14 rises 2
2
5 F. &lt;? sets 8 12 a. Day deer. 8 35
13 29 15 4 a »6 2 46
6 S. Nicholas. ® 45° 1?, $ g I£I
14 30 16 5 35 3 28
7 5. 2 Sunbap tn ^biunt. J p. d.
15 31 17 6 45 4 11
8 M Con. B. V. M. £ p. d «S'. D d $ 16 32 18 7 59 4 51
9 Tu.
P- d.$. ? &gt;|&lt; I?, * 2£. %J72
17 33 19 9 13 5 33
0 W. ? 6 ? • 5 stat. Night 16 9 long 18 34 20 10 25 5m55
11 Th. ? 72° . Cl. slow 6m 24s
19 35 2! 11 34 6 42
12 F. 3,135°2{. 5p. d.&lt;J. J &lt;5 If 6 6 a. 20 36 22 morn.
7 31
13 S. Lucy. $ rises 6 27 morn
21 37 23 0 43 8 35
11 s. 3 Sun. in "abb. $ p. d.
22 38 24 1 52 9 41
15 M. 5 rises 6 1 morn. Day 7 47 long 23 39 25 3 4 10 41
16 Tu. Cam. T. ends. ® 135°#, 36c 1?. $ 24 40 26 4 18 11 38
17 W. Ember IF. Oxf. Term, e. [p. d. H 25 41 27 5 34 Oa.25
lb Th. ? A #. Dd ? 0 33 m.; d ? 26 42 28 6 53 1
7
19 F. Clock slow 2m 32s
[11 33 m 27 44 N. sets. 1 50
20 S.
Night 16 15 long
28 45 1 4a. 3 2 3c
21 S 4 Sttnbap in 'glbimnt. ® ent. py 5 29 46 2 5 14 3 11
22 M. ©□4- t ci
4 9m.
[32 a. oyj 47 3 6 39 3 55
23 Tu. 5 A
? 45° 1?. J) &lt;5 J 5 54 a 1 48 4 8
6 4 38
24 w. If ris 11 43 a. $ sets 8 23 a.
2 49 5 9 33 5 27
25 Th. Christmas ©ap. ® 144°$. J 144° 3 51 6 10 59 5m 51
2f F. St.Ste. Cl. f. Om 58s. [4. 5 72°4 4 52 7 morn. 6 42
27 8. St. John Evan. J ris. 7 5 morn,
5 53 8 0 23 7 38
2&gt; 5. 1 Sun. af. ©fj. Innocents. 5 45° l? 6 54 9 1 45 8 45
2M M ? ¡35°^. 5 ris. 6 36 n orn
7 55 10 3 10 9 52
30 Tu. ® p. d. ? . J 36° . Nt. 16 11 1. 8 56 11 4 35 11
1
31 W. Silvester.
souths 2 11m.
9 57 12 5 58 Oa. 5

�ALMANAC.]

DECEMBER, 1873.

27

Dkckmbhk 25th, Insurance due. Make merry, yet
“serve the Lord with gladnessand “give alms:* you
1'
will not repent this on your deathbed.
Lunar Influences.
The 2nd, 12th, 17th, 26th, 30th. Saturn
V Is in
3rd, 7th, 12th, 17th, 21st, 30th, Jupiter
good
3rd. 13th, 18th, 28th. Mars
k aspect
with the
9th, 14th, 24th, 28th, the Sun
Moon.
7th, 12th, 18th. 23rd. 27th, Venus
7th, 12th, 17th, 22nd, 27th, Mercury
- Seep. 35.
The sign Capricorn rules India, Greece, parts of Persia
about Circan and Maracan. Chorassan, Lithuania, Saxony,
Mexico, Mecklenburg, the Orkney Islands, Albania,
Oxford, Hesse, Bulgaria, Styria and Brussels.
Sun Moon
sets. South. I WEATHER PREDICTIONS—December, 1873.
h. m. h. m. h. m. | Fair, but cold and windy at first; 2nd meteors or
4th and
gloomv ; 6th
1 7 46 3 53 9a49 lightning ; stormy , 5th dull, cloudy and snow and fog,
snow falls,
8th to 10th stormy,
2 7 4b 3 52 10 42 but fair at intervals; 12th and 13th fair, but many
3 7 49 3 51 11 38 changes; 14th some snow; 16th changes, damp air;
4 7 50 3 51 morn. 18th rainy; 20th fair; 22nd fair, but high winds pre­
5 7 52 3 50 0 36 vail ; 23rd rain and fog; 25th fair, meteors seen, a
6 7 53 3 50 1 34 green Christmas; 27th and 28th colder, frosty air ; 30th
and
E 7 54 3 50 2 31 Ii to the end fog and rain prevail.-—On the 12thwhich
13z7i both Saturn and Jupiter change their sign ;
8 7 55 3 49 3 24 brings sure changes in the atmosphere. After the
9 7 56 3 49 4 13 first week, a tolerably temperate month.

D.

Sun

M. rises

10 7
11 7
12 7
13 8
E8
15 8
16 8
17 8
18 8
19 8
20 8
E8
22 8
23 8
21 8
25 8
26 8
27 8
E8
29 8
30 8
gl 8

57 3
58 3
59 3
03
1 3
23
33
43
43
53
63
63
7 3
73
83
83
83
83
93
93
93
93

49
49
49
49
49
49
49
49
49
50
50
51
51
52
52
53
54
55
55
56
57
58

4 58
5 41
6 21
7 0
7 40
8 21
9 5
9 52
10 44
11 41
0a40
1 41
2 40
3 36
4 29
5 18
6 7
6 54
7 43
8 34
9 27
10 23

VOICE OF THE STARS—December, 1873.
On the 6th Mars opposes Uranus and on the 11th
Saturn enters Aquarius; hence we shall hear of
troubles in France; where the “ Voice of God ” has
not yet penetrated, nor the people been convinced
that Providence will punish for the national sin
of cruelty to the poor, half-naked inhabitants of
Northern Africa. The 12th is a good birthday for
John, King of Saxony, and for all born that day. The
24th is evil rather for George I, king of Greece. His
revenue will fail and he will be disturbed in his
royal seat. On the 13th Jupiter enters Libra and
brings peace and prosperity to China, Japan, &amp;c.; see
p. 21. Mais in Aquarius disturbs Arabia, Russia and
Prussia, &amp;c.; the more so, as the mischief-worker
Saturn has entered that sign also, and will soon begin
to shower down troubles on the peoples under its
sway. . These will take the form of earthquakes and
political disturbances. All born from the 21st to the
24th September will now be gaining and flourishing,
and will enjoy good health in general. Bat those
born from the 19th to the 22nd January must guard
against losses and family sorrows.
“God save the Queen and Royal Family.”

�PLANETS—LAW AND UNIVERSITY TERMS.

28

[zADKIEL’s

PLANETS, &amp;c.

The Dominion of the Moon in Names and Characters oe the
Planets, &amp;c.
i Mao’s Body, as she passes through
® The Sun.
i the Twelve Zodiacal Signs.
h Saturn. H Jupiter. &lt;J Mars.
i
• __
° 2 Venus. £ Mercury. J The
' T Aries, Head and Face.......... 0 J Moon. ft Dragon’s Head.
i y Taurus, Neck and Throat.... 30 13 Dragon’s Tail.
$ Uranus.
H Gemini, Arms and Shoulders 60 ? Ceres $ Pallas. $ Juno.
i sd Cancer, Breast .and Stomach 90 [$] Vesta, (p Neptune. Astrea.
! ft Leo, Heart and Back.......... 120
Flora. &amp;c., &amp;c.
■ tlj) Virgo, Bowels and Belly ....150 N.B.—Those printed in italics are not
in the zodiac, and have
; =2= Libra, Reins and Loins...... 180 fluence. There are nowno important in­
above 100 disco­
- th Scorpio. Secret Members ....210 vered between Mars and Jupiter.
J Sagittarius, Hips &amp; Thighs. 240
ASPECTS.
| k? Capricorn, Knees and Hams 270 5 Conjunction.
* Sextile.
;
Aquarius, Legs and Ankles. 300 A Trine. □ Quartile. § Opposition.
)( Pisces, Feet and Toes.......... 330 S □ Semisquare. SSnSesquisquare.
LAW TERMS, 1873.
As settled by Statutes 11 Geo. IV &lt; cap. 70. s. 6.
&amp; 1 Will. IV
1 cap. 3, s. 2.
Hilary Term ................. Begins 3an. 11
Easter ...........................
„ Apr. 15
Trinity........................
„May 23
Michaelmas......................
„ Nov. 2
For Returns see Statute 1 Will. IV, cap. 3, s. 2.

(Passed July 23,1830.
(Passed Dec. 23,1830.)
....Ends Jan. 31
....
„ May 9
....
„ Junel3
...
„ Nov. 25
(Passed Dec. 23, 1830.)

UNIVERSITY TERMS, 1873.

Tbrms.
I Lent..........
I Easter ........
i Trinity....... .
Michaelmas....

OXFORD.
Begins.
Ends.
Jan.
11 April 5
April 1G May 30
May
31 July 6
Oct.
10 Dec. 17
The A ct, July 1.

CAMBRIDGE.
Begins.
Divides.
Ends.
Jan. 13 Feb. 22, Midnight April 4
April 9 May IS, Midnight June 21
Oct.

1 Nov. 8, Noon
Dec! 16
The Commencement, June 17.

REGULATIONS RESPECTING ELECTIONS.

Notice to receive claims for Votes must be given by Overseers on June 20. Lists
of Electors made by July 31. Persons objecting to claims for Votes give notice
by August r5 Barristers hold Revision Courts between September 20 and Oct.
25. Lists copied into books, and the books to be delivered by October 31; such
books considered the Registry of the Electors.
ARTICLES OF THE CALENDAR AND COMMON NOTES FOR 1872.
Golden Number ..........................
12 Ash Wednesday............................... Feb.26
Epact...............
1 Easter Day .............................. Apr. 13
Dominical Letter ............
E Rogation Sunday....... ................ Maj’ 18
Solar Cycle ....................................
6 Ascension Day........................... ...Maj'22
Roman Indiction.........................
1 WiiitSunday....................... . June 1
Julian Period
............. .........6586 Trinity Sunday ........................ June 8
Sundays after Epiphany..............
3 Sundays after Trinity ...............
24
Septuagésima- Sunday .. ..... Feb. 9 Advent Sunday.......................... Nov. 30
The Year 5634 of the Jewish Era begins September 22, 1873. The Mahommeaan
Year, 1290, begins March 1, 1873. Ramadan (Turkish Fast) commences on the
23rd October, 1873. This Year 1873 is the year 2626 of the Foundation of Rome ;
2619 of the Era of Nabonassar, fixed Wednesday, 26th Feb., 747 B.C.

�ALMANAC.]

REGAL TABLES.

29

BIRTHDAYS OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.
Queen Victoria .................. May 24, 1819 Pr. Leo. Geo Duncan Albert. Apr. 7, 1853

The Princess of Prussia ..Nov. 21, 1840
Albert Edward, Pr. of WalesNov 9,1841
Princess Alice of Hesse ..Apr. 25, 1843
Prince Alfred Ernest Albert Aug. 6,1844
Princess of Wales ........... Deo. 1, 1844
Prs.HelenaAugustaVictoria May 25, 1846
Prs. LouisaCarolinaAlbertaMar. 18, 1848
Pr. Arthur Patrick William
Albert............................. May 1,1850

Prs. Beatrice Mary Victoria Apr 14, 1857
Late King of Hanover......... May 27, 1819
Duchess of Cambridge ....July 25, 1797
Duke of Cambridge.......... Mar. 26, 1819
Augusta Caroline, Duchess
of Mecklenburgh Strelitz July 19, 1822
MaryAdelaideof CambridgeNov. 27, 1833
Prs. Viet. Alberta of Hesse April 5, 1863
Princess Eliz. Alex. Louise, Nov. 1,1864

SOVEREIGNS OF EUROPE.
Countries, &amp;c.
To whom subject.
When born.
Began to reign.
England, &amp;c.............. Victoria ....................May 24........... 1819 June 20......... 1837
France.......................Thiers, President •
Russia, &amp;c..................Alexander II............... April 29......... 1818 March 2
1855
Spain........................ Amadeus.................... May 30..........1845
1871
Portugal................... Luis II........................October 31..1838 November 12,1861
Prussia....................... Frederick William V,
Emperor of Germany March 22 ...1797 January 2 ..1861
Netherlands..............William III . ............. February 19.1817 March 17 ....1849
Belgium.................... Leopold II .............. ..April 9 ........ 1835 December
1865
Denmark...................Christian IX.............. April 8......... 1818 November 16,1863
Sweden &amp; Norway ... Charles XV............. . May 3............ 1826 July 8. ......1859
Austria, &amp;c................ Francis ..... ............ August 18.... 1830 December 2 1848
Popedom................... Pius IX........................May 13 .......... 1792 June 16 ......... 1846 |
Italy .................... .Victor Emanuel... ...March 14 ... .1820 March 23 ....1849 i
Ottoman Empire...... Abdul Aziz................. February 9*. .1830 June 25.......... 1861
Greece....................... George I .................... December24.1845 JuneS .......... 1863 I
Bavaria..................... Louis II ............... ..August ¿5.... 1845 March 10 ....1864
Saxony.............. ........ John........................... December 12 1801 August 10... .1854
Wurtemberg ........Charles ....................... March 6 ....1823 June 27.......... 1864
* 15 Chabän, 1245.
KINGS AND QUEENS OF ENGLAND, FROM THE CONQUEST.

(Corrected by Sir Harris Nicolas’s “ Chronology of History.”
Names. Began to reign. Charles I, Jan. 30,1649,
Names. Began to reign
to the restoration of
William I ...1066, Dec. 25 Henry VI ...1422, Sept. 1
Charles II.
William II. 1087, Sept. 26 Edward IV 1461, Mar. 4
Names. Began to reign.
Henry I ... .1100, Aug. 5 Edward V ...14S3, April 9
Stephen ... .1135, Dec. 26 Richard III 1483, J une 2g Ch. II (rest, f) 1660, May 29
Henry II.... 1154, Dec. 19 Henry VII ..1485, Aug. 2g James II . 1685, Feb. 6
Richard I.... 1189, Sept. 3 Henry VIII. 1509, April 22 W.III&amp;My.II,1689, Feb.13
John............. 1199, May 27 Edward VI ..1547, Jan. 28 William III alone, 1694
Henry III ..1216, Oct. 28 Mary I ... .1553, July 6 Anne............ 1702, Mar. 8
Edward I... .1272, Nov. 20 Elizabeth....1558, Nov. 17 George I .... 1714, Aug. 1
Edward II ..1307, July 8 James I .....1603, Mar. 24 George II .. 1727, June 11
Edward III 1327, Jan. 25 Charles I ...1625, Mar 27 George III ..1760, Oct. 25
*
(Oliver George IV ..1820, Jan. 29
Richard II ..1377, June 22 Commonwealth
Cromwell and his Son) William IV..1830, June 26
Henry IV ...1399, Sept. 30
from the execution Qf Victoria ... .1837, June 20
Henry V ... .1418, Mar. 21

* Edward III, King of France, from January, 1340, to May, 1360. Heredita ry
right admitted November, 1272.
f In some historical and in all legal documents, the reign of Charles II is re ck
oned from his father’s death.

�30

[zADKIEL’s

STAMP DUTIES.

STAMP DUTIES.
£ 8. d.
AGREEMENTS, value £5, duty 6d.; above 1080 words, extra
0 0 6
‘ MEMORANDUM or AGREEMENT between masters and mariners of
anj’ ships, for wages or service on any voyage 020
I APPRAISEMENT ol Goods, 2s. 6d.—5s.—10s.—15s.—20a.

APPRENTICESHIP INDENTURES.
If the Premium be under ^30 £10 0
2 0 0 £400 and under £500
- £25 0 0
£30, and under £50 500,
„
600
- 30 0 0
100 3 0 0
50,
„
600,
„
800
- 40 0 0
6 0 0
100,
200 800,
„
1000
- 50 0 0
- 12 0 0
200,
300 60 0 0
300,
,,
- 20 0 0 1000, or upwards
400 vnd where no premium, if the Indenture shall not contain more than
1080 words -----------0 2 6
ff more than 1080 words ----------1 15 0
By 7 and 8 Geo. IV, c. 17.—When bills of exchange or notes which become due
rhe day preceding Good Friday or Christmas Day are dishonoured, notice thereof
may be given on the day next after; and whenever Christmas Day falls on a
Monday, then on the Tuesday next after.
Bills of Exchange and Notes becoming duo on Fast or Thanksgiving Days shall
e payable on the preceding day; and Good Friday and Christmas Day, and
very day of Fast or Thanksgiving, shall for all other purposes as regards bills
md notes be considered as Sunday.

DEBENTURE or Certificate on any Drawback of any Duty or Part of any Duty
of Customs or' Excise, or any Bounty.
s. d.
Where the Drawback or Bounty to be received shall not exceed Ten Pounds 1 0
Where the same shall exceed Ten Pounds and not exceed Fifty Pounds 2 6
And where the same shall exceed Fifty Pounds................................................ 50
RECEIPTS, &amp;c.

LICENSE.

ttECEil’T upon the Payment of Money On all Dogs amounting to £2, or upwards, Id.
Au. Letters of Credit tankers’ Drafts and Cheques (to any Letters acknowledging the safe
amount), Id.
arrival of Bills of Exchange
certified Copy of Register of Marriage,
or other Securities, &amp;c. Birth or Death, Id.
Scrip Certificates transfer in Cost Book Mines, 6d.
To carry a Firearm Proxy in Joint Stock Company, Id.

CONVEYANCE OF ANY KIND.

s. d.
5 0
0 1

0 1
0 1
10 0

8. d.
Annual sum not exceeding 20s. -.--.-.-26
Exceeding 20s and not £12, tor every 20s......................................... 2 6
Exceeding £12 and not £24, for every 4is.
-..-50
Above £24, for every £4-.
.
.
.
• lu 0

�ALMANAC.]

31

STAMP DUTIES, &amp;C.

Inland Bum or Exchange, Draft, or Promissory Note for payment in any
other manner than to bearer on deOrder for the Payment to the Bearer,
mand,
or to Order, at any time otherwise
DUTY
than on demand , of any sum.
DUTY.
8. d.

0 1
Exceeding £5
0 2
n
0 3
10
25
0 6
n
0 9
50
75
»
wo 1 0
100
„
200 2 0
200
„
300 3 0
99
300
„
400 4 0
99
400
„
500 5 0
99
500
„
750 7 6
99
750
„
1,000 10 0
99
1,000
,,
1,500 15 0
99
Foreign Bill of Exchange drawn in,
but payable out of, United Kingdom :
drawn singly, same duty as on an
Inland Bill; drawn in sets, for every
bill of each set,
Not exceeding £5
„
10
„
25
„
50
„
75

8. d

Not exceeding £5 0 1
Exceeding ^5
„
10
0 2
„
10
„
25 0 3
„
25
„
60 0 6
50
„
75 0 9
„
75
„
100
1 0
Promissory Note for payment to bearer
on demand, or in any other manner.
DUTY.

8. d.
Not exceeding £25 0 1
50 0 2
Exceeding £25
50
&gt;&gt;
75 0 3
»
75
»
100 0 4
99
100
„
200 0 8
99
200
„
300
1 0
99
300
»
4OU
1 4
99
400
„
500
1 8
99
600
,,
750
2 6
99
750
„ i,oou 3 4
99
1,000
„
1,500
5 0
99
Foreign Bill of Exchange drawn out
of the United Kingdom, and payable
within same duty as Inland Bill.
Foreign Bill op Exchange drawn and
payable out of the United Kingdom,
but indorsed or negotiated within the
same, duty as on a Foreign Bill drawn
within and payable out of the U. K.

8. d.
Exceeding £100, and not exceeding ...
£200
2 0
„
200
„
300
3 0
„
300
„
400
4 0
„
400
„
500
5 0
„
600
„
750
7 6
,,
750
„
1,000 10 0
(Succession Duty.)
Where the successor snail be the lineal
issue or ancestor of the predecessor, a
duty at the rate ot one pound per cent..
according to the value.
Where the successor shall be a brothel
or sister, or a descendant of a brothel
or sister, of the predecessor, a duty of
three pounds per cent.
Where the successor shall be a brothei
or sister of the father or mother, or a
descendant of a brother or sister of the
father or mother of the predece ssoi, a
duty of five pounds yer cent.
Where the successor shall be a brotnei
or sister of the grandfather or grandmother, or a descendant of the orothei
or sister of the grandfather or grand
mother of the predecessor, a duty of six
pounds per cent.
Where the successor shall be in am
other degree of collateral consanguinity
to the predecessor, or shall be a stranger
in blood to him, a duty of £10 per cent

LEA8E8.
Lease of any lands, tenements, here­
ditaments, or heritable subjects at a
yearly rent, without any sum of money
oy way of fine, premium, or grassum
paid lor the same : —
lhe yearly rent not above £5 - 0 6
Above £5 and not above £10
' '
1- 0
10
15
1 6
»,
99
15
20
2 0
99
»
20
25
2 6
»
»
25
50
5 0
99
»
60
75
»
7 6
„ 75
100 - 10 0
.
&gt;&gt;
Above £100, 5s. for every £50, and
I, ...
fractional part thereof.

Warrant oj Attorney.—The same duty
as on a Bond for like purpose.
BON l)tS, MOKTGaGKS, &amp;c.
Boud in England or Ireland, and Per
sonai Bond m Scotland, given as a secu­
rity for the payment of any certain sum
of money.
N ot exceeding £50
- 1 ;3
Above £50 and not above £100 - 2 6
I
100
99
150 - 3 9
I
»
150
200 - 5 0
I
99
»
200
250 - 6 ö
,
99
»
250
300-7 6
'
Above £300, 2s.’’(id. for every £1O,
f:_
and fractional part thereof.

DUTÏ .

LET'l'EKb Ul ATTUKJNEY.

�32

[zadkiel’i

USEFUL TABLES.

BANK STOCK

TRANSFER AND DIVIDEND DAYS.
* * Ö»
M 8 of Transfer
Tu
Th F
Day
Y

Due.

— Tu w Tb F
3 per cent. Reduced..
99
99
&gt; April6 and October 10.
— Tu w Tb F
34 per Cent Reduced
99
99
—- Tu — Th F
4 per cent. 1826 .......
99
99
— Tu w Tb F ■ I Jan. 5 and July 5.
3 per cent Consols ..
99
99
— Tu — Th _
Ditto, 1726
.......
99
99
— Tu w Th F
New 3J per cent........
99
99
Imperial 3percent..«
M — w — F _ 11 May 1 and Nov. 1
99
99
— Tu — Th — S
Imperial Annuities ..
99
99
— Tu — Th — si I May 25 and Sept. 25.
Iris h 5 per cent..........
„
»9
99
Irish Annuities, 1794, 1795
— — — Th — s
Hours luí buying, selling, and transferring, from 11 to 1; for accepting, from
HKMi» for uuymg, seeing,
9 to 3; for payment of Dividends, from 9 to 11, and from 1 to 3; and for 3 per
cent. Consols from 9 to 3 every day.
SOUTH SEA STOCK, MW F; 3 per cent. New Annuities, Tu Th S ; 3 per
cent. 1751, Tu Th S; Jan. 5 and July 5. 3 per cent. Old Annuities, M W F;
April and Oct.—Hours of Transfer, from 12 to 1; for receiving Dividends, 9 to 2.
INDIA STOCK, Tu Th, January 5 and July 5; India Bonds, March 31 and
Sept. 30.—Private Transfers made at other times 2s. 6d. extra at the Bank and
India House, and 3s 6d. extra at the South Sea House.
HOLIDAYS AT THE BANK.—Christmas Day, Good Friday, May 1, Nov. 1.

TABLE TO CAST UP EXPENSES.

By Day. By Weck. By Mon. By Year.

£ s. d.

0 0 1
0 0 2
0 0 3
0 0 4
0 0 5
0 0 6
0 0 7
0 0 8
0 0 9
0 0 10
0 0 11
0 10
0 2 0
0 3 0
0 4 0
0 5 0
0 6 0
0 7 0
0 8 0
0 9 0
0 10 0
0 11 0
0 12 0
0 13 0
0 14 0
0 15 0
0 16 0
0 17 0
0 18 0
0 19 0
10 0

sé

s. d.

0 0 7
0 12
0 19
0 2 4
0 2 11
0 3 6
0 4 1
0 4 8
0 5 3
0 5 10
0 6 5
0 7 0
0 14 0
1 1 0
18 0
1 15 0
2 2 0
2 9 0
2 16 0
3 3 0
3 10 0
3 17 0
4 4 0
4 11 0
4 18 0
5 5 0
5 12 0
5 19 0
6 6 0
6 13 0
7 0 0

£ s. d.

2 4
4 8
7 0
9 4
11 8
14 0
16 4
18 8
110
13 4
15 8
18 0
2 16 0
4 4 0
5 12 0
7 0 0
8 8 0
9 16. 0
11 4 0
12 12 0
14 0 0
15 8 0
16 16 0
18 4 0
19 12 0
21 0 0
22 8 0
23 16 0
25 4 0
26 12 0
28 0 0 I
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

£ 8- d

1 10 5
3 0 10
4 11 3
6 18
7 12 1
9 2 6
10 12 11
12 3 4
13 13 9
15 4 2
16 14 7
18 5 0
36 10 0
54 15 0
73 0 0
91 5 0
109 10 0
127 15 0
146 0 0
164 5 0
182 10 a
20.0 15 a
219 0 0
•437 5 0
255 10 0
273 15 0
222 0 0
310 5 0
328 10 0
346 15 0
365 0 0

TABLE OF INTEREST AT EJVE
PER CENT.

Days.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13

£1.

d.f.
—

_

—
0 1
0 1
0 1
0 1
0 1
0 1
0 1
14
0 1
15
0 2
16
0 2
17
0 2
18
0 2
19
20
0 2
21
0 2
22
0 2
23 ■ 0 3
24
0 3
0 3
15
26
0 3
0 3
27
0 3
28
29
0 3
0 3
30
31
1 0

£2.' | £3.
1
d.f. "Z7
—
—
_
—
0 1
0 1 0 1
0 1 0 1
0 1 0 2
0 1 0 2
0 2 0 3
0 2 0 3
0 2 0 3
0 2 1 0
0 3 1 0
0 3 1 1
0 3 1 1
0 3 1 1
1 0 1 2
I 0 1 2
1 0 1 3
1 0 1 3
1 1 1 3
1 1 2 0
1 1 2 0
1 2 2 1
1 2 2 1
1 2 2 1
1 2 2 2
1 3 2 2
1 3 2 3
1 3 2 3
1 3 ! 2 3
2 0 3 0

4.

£5.

d.f.
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
4

1
1
2
2
3
3
0
0
1
1
2
2
3
3
0
0
1
1
2
3
3
0
0
1
1
2
2
33
0

0
0
1 0
0
0
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
3
3
3
3
3
3
4
4
4
4
4
4
5

1
1
2
3
3
0
1
1
2
3
3
0
1
1
2
3
3
0
1
1
2
3
3
0
1
1
2
3
3
9

�ALMANAC.]

USEFUL TABLES.

33

TABLE OF SEVERAL IMPORTANT EPOCHS, ERAS. &amp;O.
EPOCHS ANO ERAS.
PERIOD OF COMMENCEMENT.

Grecian Year of the World..».............
Julian Period
... ........................
J ewish Mundane Era ...............
Destruction of Troy .......................... .
Building of Solomon’s Temple ........
Era of the Olympiads ..........................
Roman Era ......................... ..........
Era of habonassar ...................
Daniel’s 70 Weeks............ .
Mctonic Cycle .......................................
Julian Year ............... . ............... .
Augustan Era
................
Indiction of Constantinople ................
Christen Era ....................................
Destruction of Jerusalem....................
Era of Dioclesian ................................
Eta of the Hegira.................................
Persian Era ............ .............................
Conquest of England ................... ..
Union with Ireland ............................
TABLE TO CALCULATE WAGES

Pe
Year. Per Mth. Per Week.

Per Day

September 1, B.C. 5598.
January 1, B.C. 4713.
Ver. Equinox, B.C. 3761.
June, B.C. 1184.
May, B.C. 1015.
New Moon, Summer Solstice B.C 770.
April 24, B.C. 753.
February 26, B.C. 747.
Ver. Equinox, B.C. 458.
July 15, B.C 432.
January 1, B.C. 45.
February 14, B.C. 27.
September 1, B.C. 3.
January 1, A.D. 1. A.M. 4004.
September 1, A.D. 69.
September 17, A.D. 284.
July 16, A.D. 622.
June 16, A.D. 632.
October 14, A.D. 1060.
January 1, 1801.
INTEREST TABLE AT FIVE
PER CENT.

1 Month. 2 Months. 3 Months.
£ s. d.
£ s. d.
£ 8. d.
1
0 18
0 0 4|
0 0 01
£
£ 8. d. £ s. d.
£ 8. 0
0 3 4
0 0 94
?
0 0 IJ
1
0 0 1
0 0 2
0 0 3
3
0 5 0
0 1 1|
0
2
2
0 0 2
0 0 4
0 0 6
4
0 6 8
0 1 6}
0
21
3
0 0 9
0 0 3
0 0 6
5
0 8 4
0 1 11
0
31
4
0 0 4
0 10
0 0 8
6
0 10 0
0 2 3}
0 0 4
5
0 0 5
0 13
0 0 10
0 11 8
7
0 2 8}
0 0 4}
6
0 0 6
0 10
0 16
0 13 4
8
0 3 0}
0 0 5}
7
0 12
0 19
0 0 7
9
0 15 0
0 3 5}
0 6
8
0 14
0 0 8
0 2 0
10
0 16 8
0 3 10
0 6}
9
0 0 9
0 2 3
0 16
11
0 18 4
0 4 2f
0 7}
10
0 0 10
0 18
0 2 6
12
10 0
0 4 71
0 0 8
20
0 1 8
0 3 4
0 5 0
13
118
0 4 111
0 0 81
30
0 2 6
0 5 0
0 7 6
14
13 4
0 5 4}
0 0 91
40
0 3 4
0 10 0
0 6 8
15
0 5 9
15 0
0 0 91
50
0 4 2
0 8 4
0 12 6
16
16 8
0 6 11
0 0 10}
60
0 5 0
0 15 0
0 10 0
18 4
0 6 6}
17
0 0 111
70
0 5 10
0 17 6
0 11 8
18
1 10 0
0 6 10J
0 0 11}
80
0 6 8
0 13 4
10 0
19
0 7 3|
1 11 8
0 10}
90
0 7 6
0 15 0
1 2 o
20
1 13 4
0 7 8
0 1 11
100
0 8 4
0 16 8
1 5 0
30
2 10 0
0 11 6
0 1 71
200
0 16 8
1 13 4
2 10 0
40
0 15 4
3 6 8
0 2 21
300
15 0
2 10 0
3 15 0
50
4 3 4
0 19 2
0 2 9
400
1 13 4
3 6 8
5 0
60
5 0 0
1 3 01
0 3 3}
500
2 18
4 3 4 -6 5 0
70
5 16 8
1 6 lOi
0 3 10
600
2 10 0
5 0 0
7 10 U
80
6 13 4
1 10 8}
0 4 4}
700
2 18 4
5 16 8
8 15 0
90
7 10 0
1 14 6J I 0 4 11}
800
3 6 8
6 13 4 10 0 ■
190 1 8 6 8 1 1 18 4} 1 0 5 5J
900 1 3 15 0
7 10 0 11 5
The column of Months is calculated at
For Interest by any other per-centayc
lie ratio of Twelve months in the Year. multiply the amount at 5 per cent. ~bi
1 f the yearly wages be Guineas instead of
and divide
Pounds, for each Guinea add one Penny\ ¡the per-centage required,per cent, forInv5.
ex.—What is £8 at
t c
to each Month, or one Farthing to each [months ï 16d. x 3} 3} 56d.. and tbs'
JVeek.
| 1 divided by 5 is 11 l-5th.=
£

�34

HIGH WATER TABLE,

1873.

[ZADKIEL^Q

TABLE TO BIND THE TIME OF

HIGH WATER AT ALL THE PORTS ROUND GREAT BRITAIN
THE COASTS OF FRANCE AND HOLLAND, &amp;C.

H.M.

H. M.

H.M.

Aberdeen Bar.........0 56 Donaghadee Pier ...7 8 Humber River En­
Aberdovy............... 5 19 Donegal Bar ........... 2 58 trance ....................3 23
Aberystwith................5 19 Douglas Harbour....... 9 3 Ilfracombe ............... 3 40
Achill Head ........... 3 53 Dover Pier ............... 9 3 Ipswich ...
,.2 7
Isle de Bas (France) 2 43
Agnes, St., Scilly
2 23 Downing’s Bay,
Jersey, St. Aubin’s...4 3
Air Point................... 9 0
Sheephaven........... 3
Aidborough................8 30 Downs (Stream). ...0
Kenmare River (Ire­
land) ................... 1 2?
Alderney Pier........... 4 38 Dublin Bar ............... 9
King’s Road (Bristol)! 38
Amlwch Port ........... 8 23 Dunbar (Scotland) ...0
Kingstown Harbour
Antwerp ................... 2 18 Duncansby Head....... 6
(Ireland) ......
2 28
Arran Isle .............. 9 8 Dundalk Bar ........... 8
Kirkcudbright. ... .9 8
Arundel Bar .......... 9 8 Dundee .................... 0
La Hogue Harbour
Ballyshannon Bar ...3 23 Dungarvon ................ 2
(France) .........
6 38
Batta.......... „................7 38 Dungeness ............ ..8
! Land’s End................ 2 28
Baltimore .............. 1 38 Dunkerque ................1
8 Leith Pier ............... 0 15
Banff
...oom.......1 26 Eddystone ............... 3
Bantry Bay ... ........ 1 39 Exmouth Bar ............ 4 18 Lerwick Harbour
(Scotland) ........... 8 23
Bardsey Island ......5 53 Eyemouth ................ 0 8
Barmouth................... 5 47 i Falmouth....................3 8 Lewis Islands (Scot­
land)
....... ...3 53
Barnstaple Bar .......3 23 i Fécamp (France) ...8 38
Calais ........................9 41 Flamboro’ Head....... 2 23 Liverpool Dock ........9 15
Caldy Island ........... 3 53 iFlatholm....... .......... 4 30 London Bridge....... Calf of Man ........... 8 58 Flushing ...............0 47 Margate, Pier .......... 2 2
Caveale Bay ........... 4 2 iFowey . ...................... 3 23 Milford Haven En­
3 38
Cantire (Mull)........... 6 53 1 Galloway (Mull)....... 9 8 trance .........
Cardiff ....................... 4 30 Galway Bay............... 2 23 Minehead Pier......... 4 23
Cardigan Bar ........... 4 53 Glenan Islands .... 1 18 Montrose.......... ....... 0 22
Carlingford Bar ....... 8 33 Goeree ( West Gat) 0 22 Morlaix (N. Coast
4 2 France)................... 3 8
Carnarvon Bar...........7 13 Granville..
..9 46 Needles Point.... ....7 38
Chatham ....................0 13 Gravelines
Chausey Islands....... 4 6 Gravesend _____ ..0 37 Newcastle ............... 1 53
Cherbourg ................ 5 51 Greenock (Scotland).9 38 Newhaven ............... 9 43
Chichester Harbour 9 23 Guernsey Pier.......... 4 23 Newport (Wales) .. 4 38
Christchurch Harbour6 43 Gunfleet (R. Thames)2 7 Fore Light (Stream) 0 58
Clear Cape (Ireland) 1 53 'Hartlepool .............. 1 38 Orfordness ................ 8 33
Coquet Island .........0 38 Harwich .................... 9 23 Ostend ..................1 12
8 29 Pembroke Dock Yd. 3 57
Cordonan....................1 49 Hastings .......
Cork Harbour....... In oq Havre de Grace....... 7 45 Pentland Frith ........8 23
Heligoland ................. 8 53 Penzance.................... 2 27
Cornwell Cape....... J
Cowes, I. of Wight...8 38 Bellevoetsluis (Hol.) 0 7 Peterhead ........... 0 22
Cromartie ................9 38 Hollesley Bay........... 9 23 Plymouth DockYard 3 26
Cuckold's Point ......0 6i Holyhead Bay........... 7 53 Portland Race
Cuxhaven.................... 1 7 Holy Island. liar. „. 0 23 (Stream) ................ 7
Portland Road ........4
Dartmouth Harbour..3 58i Honfleur Harbour
........7 23; Port Patrick ....... 8
Deal ......................... 9 8i (France)
Portsmouth Dock Yd.9
]&gt;ee River) Scotland] 22
9
7 PortBiDouth to I.
Dis'otte Hsrbou
*
...4 8
9
1 »n.KV&amp;t«- H»rboU'
Dieppe .......
8 8
I Ratogat ent Phr..J
*
Dinwis Bsy
;
.1 23

�35

PHENOMENA.

ALMANAC.] '
H. M.

H. M.

H.

Ratlilin Island............. 6 53 Southampton ........... 9 33 Tynemouth Bar ....... 0 43
Rye Harbour .............8 33 Spithead (Stream)...7 23 Waterford Harbour...3 43
Salcombe..................... 3 43 Spurn Point................3 13 Wexford Harbour ...5 23
fiialtees ......................3 33 St.Helen’s Harbour...8 53 Weymouth ......... .....4 23
Scalloway ................ 7 38 St. Ives (Cornwall)...2 23 Whitoy...................... 1 38
Scarborough ........... 2 18 St. Malo (France) 3 58 Whitehaven ........... 8 20
Scilly Islands ........... 2 25 Stromness (Orkneys)6 53 Wick (Scotland).......9 0
Seaford ...............
7 86 Sunderland .............. 0 53 Wicklow (Ireland) 6 53
Selsea Harbour ....... 9 8 Swansea Bay ............3 49 Wisbeach................... 5 23
Shannon Mouth ....... 1 43 Ty Bar..... ............0 2 Wranger Oog (E.
Sheerness Dock Yard}. 28 Tees River Bar ....... 1 23 Friesland) .......... 2 7
Shields .....................0 53 Teignmouth Bar.........3 53 Wight (W. end)....... 6 20
Wintertonness........... 5 35
Shoreham Harbour...9 8 Terschelling West
Skerries ................... 2 38 (Holland) .............. 6 33 Woolwich ............0 25
Yarmouth Roads....... 6 33
? Sligo Bay, Ballisadare3 52 Texel, Helder Road
Solebay ................... 8 23 (E. Stream)............. 6 53 Yarmouth, Isle of
Small’s Light ............ 3 20 Torbay ........................3 58
Wight .................. 6 50
JSidinouth .................. 3 50 Tralee Bay ................1 38 Youghall (Ireland) 2 53
Explanation.—To find the time of High Water at any of the above places
for any day throughout the year:—Take out the time of High Water from the
Itatendar for the given day, and add the hours and minutes opposite the name
of the place thereto (but subtract the hours and minutes therefrom when the
name is printed in italics). If the result give an amount beyond 12 hours, take
away that quantity. If the night tide be required at any place, add together
the time of the day tide and that for the next day ; then divide the sum by 2,
and the quotient will be the exact time of the night tide.

EXPLANATION OF THE “LUNAR INFLUENCES.”
1. The Moon joined by good aspect, with Saturn shews a good
day to deal with old folk or farmers, to make wills, purchase land
or houses, to plant or sow or to lay the foundation stone of new
buildings.
2. The Moon so joined with Jupiter is good for trade, or to open
shops or places of business, to deal with merchants, bankers or
clergymen, and generally to begin new undertakings, or to travel
for health.
3. The Moon so joined with Mars is good to deal with surgeons
or cutlers, or martial men.
4. The Moon joined so with the Sun is good to ask favours, or seek
employment, or travel for health.
5. The Moon so joined with Venus is good for all kinds of
dealings with females, and to woo, marry, visit or invite friends or
engage female servants.
6. The Moon so joined with Mercury is good for writing letters
or books, to deal W;th printers or booksellers, or lawyers, and to
send children to school or to bind apprentices' also to travel.

�36

[zADKIEL'f

BIRTHDAYS, &amp;c, OF THE HEIR APPARENT AND HIS
FAMILY.
H.R.H. Albert Edward, Prince of Wales, K.G., b. November 9th,
1841 ; ct. 10th March, 1863, Alexandra, d. of Christian IX, King of
Denmark; b. December 1st, 1844. Their issue—H.R.A. Albert
Victor Christian Edward, b. January 8th, 1864 ; George Frederic
Ernest Albeit, b. June 3rd, 1865 ; Louise Victoria Alexandra
Dagmar, b. February 20 th, 1867 ; Victoria Alexandra Olga Mary,
b. July 6th, 1868 ; Maud Charlotte Mary Victoria, b. November 26th,
1869 ; and an infant Prince, John Charles Albert, b. April 6th,
1871, and who died on the 7 th April, 1871.

PHENOMENA IN 1873.

Stationary Position of the Planets.
21st March, 4h. 21m., Mars. 26th March, lOh. 50m., Mercury.
8 th April, 13h. 3m., Ciranzis. 13th April, 19h. 13m., Venus. 17th
April, 4h. 46m., Jupiter. 17th April. 22h. 30m., Mercury. 12th
May, 2h. 3m., Saturn. 24th May, 20h. 47m., Fe-zzs. 7th June,
5h. 9m., Mars. 29th July, lh. 20m., Mercury. 22nd August. Oh. 3m.,
Mercury. 29th September, 19h. 26m., Saturn. 15th November,
14h 0m., Uranus. 20th November, 7h. Im., Mercury. 9th December,
22h. 29m., Mercury.
Other Phenomena.
1st January, 7h. 46m., 0 in perigee. 5th, 13h. 58m., Mercury's
greatest elongation, 23° 8' W. 13th, 2h. 12m., Ip □ 0, 4h. 13m.,
J? d O- 17th, 9h. 48m., $ □ 0. 23rd, 5h. 56m., $ g 0. 27th, £
in aphelion.
14t.h February, 13h. 52m.,
g ©. 21st, 3h. 27m., g sup. d 0.
22nd, 8h. 40m., ? greatest elongation, 46° 30', E.
7th March, 4h. 0m., 2 in perihelion. 12th, lOh. 2m., $ in peri­
helion. 18th, 16h. 21m., § greatest elongation, 18° 26', E. 30th,
$ at greatest brilliancy.
5th April, 13h. 6m., $ inferior &lt;3 O. 15th, lOh. 29m., Ml ci 0.
21st, llh. 2m. U □ 0. 22nd, Oh. 3m., T? □ 0. 25th, 9h. 27m., g
in aphel on. 27th, 2h. 40m, g g 0.
3rd May, lOh. 31m., ? greatest elongation, 26° 28'. Sth, 5h. 51m.,
$ inferior
0. 12th, 16h. 54m., If. □ 0.
8th June, 9h. 17m., $ in perihelion; 21h. 24m., g in superior
(5 ©. 10th, 2 at greatest brilliancy. 27th, 13h. 2m., ? in aphelion.
30th, 18h. 33m., 0 in apogee.
*
14th July, 12h. 17m., ? great elongation, 45° 38', W. 15th, 20h.
34m, 5 greatest elongation, 26° 45', E. 20th, 19h. 36m.,
□ 0.
21st, 16h. 57m.,
g Q. 22nd, 8h. 42m., 8 in aphelion, 28th, 20h.
44m., hl ft. $
.
r

�ALMANAC.]

ECLIPSES.

37

11th August, 21h.-12m., $ □ 0. 12th, 19h. 18m., $ inferior d
30th, 2h. 27m., $ greatest elongation, 18° 8' W.
4th September, 2h. 27m,
3 O; 8h. 30m., $ in perihelion.
24th, 14h. 40m., § superior o Q.
17th October, 22h. 0m., J in perihelion. 18th, 7h. 56m., £ in
perihelion. 19th, 5h. 4m., T? □ 0 ; 23h. 11m., T g 0.
2nd November, 8h. 37m.,
□ 0. 10th, 4h. 9m., $ greatest elon­
gation 22° 41', E. 16th, 7h. 49m., $ in perihelion. 30th, 6h. 24m.,
$ inferior d O1st December, 7h. 45m., g in perihelion. 19th, 2h. 41m., $
greatest elongation, 21° 40', W.
0.

ECLIPSES IN 1873.
There will four eclipses in 1873 ; two of the Sun and two of
the Moon.
. I. A total eclipse of the Moon, invisible at Greenwich. First
contact with the shadow at 9h 30’4m, a.m., on the 12th May.
Beginning of total phase at 10h 35-2m, a.m. Full Moon at llh 17’6m,
a.m. End of total phase at 0h 5m, p.m. ; and last contact with
the shadow at lh 9’8ra, p.m. Magnitude of the eclipse (Moon’s
diameter = 1) 1’428. The first contact occurs at 124° from the
Moon’s north limb, towards the east. The last contact 82° towards
the west. It falls in the 22 nd degree of Taurus. It will chiefly
affect the Society Islands and others near them.
II. A partial eclipse of the Sun, visible at Greenwich. Begins
at 7h 36'2m, a.m. Greatest eclipse at 8h 28Tm. New Moon at 9h
20Tm ; and the eclipse ends at 9h 23’4“. Magnitude of the
eclipse (Sun’s diameter = 1) 0’352. It falls on the 6th degree
of Gemini. It there causeth dissension among priests, hatred and
seditions ; and an inveterate hatred of the law of both God and
man. It endures lh 47m, and will, therefore, be operating
on the earth for a year and three quarters. No doubt, that being
visible in the ruling sign of London, it will produce much of its
evil effects on the great city. These will be partly physical; and
we may look for sad suffering by deaths from pestilence ; and were
it not that Jupiter is rising, I should expect the cholera to visit us.
However, as Saturn is found in Aquarius, and in the 6th house, we
may be assured that affections of the head will be very prevalent;
Jupiter being lord of the 8th house (that of death), many deaths
by disease of the heart will be recorded, especially in France ; while in
Ireland defects of the throat will abound.
III. A total eclipse of the Moon partly visible at Greenwich.
First contact with the shadow at 2h 6’2m, p.m., November the 4th.
Beginning of total phase at 3h 8m, p.m. Full Moon at 3h 48’2m. p.m.
Middle at 3h 50’8m. End of total phase at 4h 33’6“. And last conn

�38

general prédictions.

[zaDKIMl’S

tact with the ¡shadow at 5h 35-4“ p.m. The magnitude (Moon’s
diameter = 1) 1-419. And it falls in the 13th degree of Taurus. It
is said to be followed by the death of the queen of some region under
Taurus; and to produce a scarcity of seed and barrenness of the
earth. The Moon will rise totally eclipsed.

GENERAL PREDICTIONS.
The Sun enters Capricorn at llh 53m, a.m., 20i7i December, 1872.
The R.A. on the M.C. will be 17h 50m 30s, and we find rising in
the east X 24° 10'.
Jupiter, lord of the figure, is in Virgo, and m trine to the Sun.
Hence we say that men will be sociable and love one another;
that the “Discord,” of 1872, will in a great degree disappear, and
that they will delight in husbandry and manuring the earth ; that,
fruits shall be plentiful, but soon corrupt; yet seeds will come to
o-ood. There will be many strong southerly winds and these will do
mischief. The worst feature in this figure is Mars in the 7tli.
This indicates, according to Ramesey, “ great dissensions and enmi­
ties ; and that men shall be perplexed with theft, much bloodshed,
contentions and wars.” As Mars is in the sign Libra, it is most
probable that we shall have some Chinese squabbles and quarrels.
But as Libra governs Austria also, and as the Emperor of that
country has the Suris opposition of Mars 42° 46', in January, 1873,
we may fear some evil of a martial nature in that direction. The
Moon and Jupiter both being in Virgo, and in the house of sick­
ness we may anticipate much disease of the liver and consumption
in this country. Let all liable to such complaints live quietly duiing
the ensuing spring.
The Dragon’s Head in Gemini shews sickness and divers infir­
mities to the grandees of the earth; who will suffer from earth­
quakes and unwholesome mists; and that there will be wars and
dissensions between great and rich men and men of a middle degree.
There will also be much damage to trees by caterpillars and other
The Dragon’s Tail in Sagittarius imports the dejection of noble
and great men and their misfortunes ; and the rise of ignoble, base
fellows; and the sad condition of judges, counsellors, learned and
wise men, during the influence of this figure of the heavens.
.
On the 7th January, 1873, we find Mars in square to Saturn, being
mutually in each other’s exaltation. This denotes troubles in India
and China, as also much mischief by storms, in Greece, Mexico, and
other countries. Some warlike acts may then be expected against
the power of this country. Mars is exalted above the Moon ; whence
we foresee earthquakes, and those very violent.
Lastly, we find the Sun strong, being near the Mid-heaven, and

�1 almanac.]

'I

GENERAL I'REbiCrioNS.

S')

in trine to J upiter and the Moon. This shews us that there will be
I accomplished some high and remarkable public action, or great
| scientific discovery, during the first three months of the year.
!
The ingress occurs at Washington at 2h 15m 42s, am., when £ 21°
(will be rising, and
11|° on the M.C., with the evil Mars just
inside the cusp and in square to Saturn; yet also is he in sextile
a to Mercury just rising.
!
No doubt this position of Mars will render the rulers in America
j very unpopular, for they will lay on taxes without consideration,
and the revenue in that country will be very defective. The people
if in the States shall be given to delight in astrology and all curious
arts and sciences. It may be hoped that some man of talent there
will set up an Almanac, to show forth the truths of the oldest
science in the world j and, if so, he will have good success, for
f there are but few newspapers there, the editors of which combine
Li ignorance and rancour, as they do in this old country.
b|
The Sun is in the ascendant and in good aspect with Jupiter,
j This foreshows that the season of this figure (three months) will be
'good and prosperous for the people generally through the States,
d
Prag°n’s Head is in the 6th house, which is a token that the
i| air will be healthful and pleasant, and that small cattle will flourish
h| and be gainful to their proprietors.
I Some serious quarrels among great men maybe expected, how| ever, since Mars is exalted above Jupiter, and these may lead to
M duels and other acts of bloodshed. The Dragon’s Tail exalted above
•a| Mercury no doubt shows evil to learned and wise men.
!
i In other countries we find but few notable positions. But it may
be well to draw attention to the places where old Saturn will be on
J the M.C. at this ingress. This will be in 25 degrees of east longitude ; whence he will be then passing over Candia and Andros,
“i Paros, and other islands of the Archipelago. In and about those’
' ,'i P^rts, therefore, may we look for earthquakes, chiefly on and near
^
*
4 the 7th of January, 1873.

The Sun enters Aries at 0h 52m,

on the 20lh March

Il11873, . at London.we find the RA. on the Mid-heaven will be 0h 44m
At this time
..20s, giving &lt;y&gt; 12°, and on the asc. will arise
4° 38'. The active
Mercury is found in T 18° 21', just within the tenth house and
(4 featurn in SOT 0° 33' on the cusp of the 7th, while $ rise? in 1° 58'R.
■ Batum m
/» -r
W Leo ; the Moon being in f 123 39', and
on the cusp of the
oe&gt;l second house in 22° 40'.
i I The Sun is lord of the year, being well aspected and not afflicted
In any way. This shows, says Ramesey, “ that it shall be well with
-im ihe common people ; the year shall be fruitful and successful unto
&amp;A ¡them, as also to great, noble, and rich men, kings and grandees of
■
D 2
EfJ’j WXC1VU.LJ

�40

GENERAL PREDICTIONS.

[zadktel’s ’

the earth ; and that they shall be fortunate in honour, and shall ’
overcome their enemies, be gracious and loving to the people, and
shall do them justice,” &amp;c. AU this applies generally to England,
and especially to Birmingham, Leicester, and other places; for which
see page 9.
We find Jupiter on the cusp of the second house, and this shows
much prosperity to the people, the revenue, and nation in general.
The Sun in the 9th house indicates that the inclinations of the
people are generally to good ; that they shall be fortunate regarding
long journeys and voyages ; and that they shall love and delight in
the law of God and man. Mars on the cusp of the 5th house
denotes that there will be much discord in theatres, fires therein,
and dissensions among their directors, &amp;c. But, as Venus is in the
10th and strong, we may, nevertheless, look for prosperity in exhi­
bitions, and success to persons who make music their profession.
Mercury in the 10th tells us that merchants, scholars, and ingenious
men will flourish and do well, and meet many honours from the
Queen and governors. The Moon in the 5th house implies (not­
withstanding the evil of Mars) that there will be plenty and merry­
making through the land ; yet the Dragon’s Tail in the 5th also (
threatens many troubles through children, and that the education f
bubble will bring grief to the country. Saturn being occidental on 'r
the cusp of the 7th foreshows combustions and underground troubles,
blowing up of mines, and deaths thereby, especially on or about the à
10th of May. These evils will never cease until, by astrology, we &amp;•
learn the time that they are imminent, and thence guard against
them.
The Dragon’s Tail in Scorpio imports many fevers and infirmities
of the breast, catarrhs, and deductions in the throat. Mercury,
exalted above the Moon, speaks of many wondrous feats performed,
and I judge that the art of aerostation will prosper, and that men will
at length prepare to begin to navigate the air ! Also Venus exalted
above the Dragon’s Head imports prosperity, pleasure, and happiness
to great men and nobles, &amp;c.
The position of Mars at the ingress denotes much rain to prevail IJS1
in general throughout the year. And Saturn in Aquarius and, )£jj
occidental imports that violent tempests will prevail also.
The coincident Full Moon will be at 5h 44m, a.m., on the 14th [f4
March.
This figure is generally good also. The chief points therein are
Venus in the 2nd, which brings happiness and fertility of thapt
fruits of the earth. Jupiter is lord of the figure and found in Leo &gt;30
This imports high winds and those mischievous ; even to the blow- vq
ing up trees by the roots ; yet there shall be clear air and whole- Jlgj
some at the end of winter; but in the spring abundance of rain nhs
while in autumn there shall be certainly a plentiful and good harvest,

�ALMANAC.]

GENERAL PREDICTIONS.

41

but people will be troubled with unusual coughs, &amp;c. Lastly, Mars
in the 8th shews that there will be many fearful and terrible sud­
den deaths, chiefly by water and poison.
The figure for the Sun in Aries at Washington will be at 7h 43m49 ,
a.m., on the 20th March, 1873. On the M.C. will be 19h 36m 98 of
R.A., and, rising, will be 8 8° 30'. In the ascendant we find Venus
in Q 13° 28', opposed by Mars, in the 7th, in Scorpio 15° 16'. Now
Venus would do very much good in the United States, if free from
this sad aspect of Mars ; the which denotes public quarrels, discord
and wars ; also deceit in merchandizing, with trouble and sadness.
Jupiter is found in the 5th, whence it may be foreseen that the
population will increase rapidly. And Saturn in the tenth, being
strong and well aspected, gives honours and benefits to the people
through their men in power, &amp;c.
Reverting again to the figure for London, and making due allowance
for the difference of longitude at Paris, we find Mercury just on the
M.C.; which implies that the governors in France will again be
changed ; yet the people will do well generally, and the national
funds will improve. True, we find Uranus in Leo and retrograde ;
and that Saturn will come to his opposition on the 8th of April.
This, no doubt, will bring on emeutes and some serious troubles in
France ; though while Jupiter is in Leo, her ruling sign, we may
hope she will escape any great or lasting mischief. On the 10th
May, however, there is a square of Mars to these two planets
(Uranus and Saturn) which will excite their evil qualities, and bring
acts of blood in France.
An Eclipse of the Sun, visible at Greenwich ; New Moon at 9h 20m
6s, a.m., on the 26th May, 1873.
At this time we have lh 36in 12s of R.A. on the Mid-heaven, and
of 14° 0' of Leo rising. We find the eclipse in U 5° 8', and we perceive
that Jupiter is rising in
23° 41'. On the cusp of the 4th is Mars ;
Saturn and Uranus are in elose opposition, from St an(^
placed
in the 6th and 12th houses. This figure is more good than evil;
vet not free from malice ; which will show itself in a great measure
in France, and will not allow London to escape scot free ; nor,
indeed, Lombardy, Belgium, &amp;c. The sun eclipsed, in the first face
of Gemini, causeth dissension among priests ; and inveterate hatred
and seditions. It also brings a tendency to outrageous diseases;
but these latter evils, the benefic Jupiter, rising, will overcome.
Yet Mercury in aspect to Jupiter, and ruling the eclipse, will give
much thunder and lightning, as also some pernicious winds,
with opening of the earth and earthquakes.
A total Eclipse of the Moon, at 3h 48m 23,
4&lt;/i November, 1873.
This eclipse takes place with 18h 44m 2s of R.A., on the Mid-heaven,
and T 25° 30' rising. The Moon is found in the ascendant in 8

�42

FACTS AND FALLACIES

[zSlEL’s

12 20'; and she rises totally eclipsed; yet the eclipse is only
partial, in reality, tons in London, in one sense. An eclipse of the
Moon in the second face of Taurus denotes the death of the Queen
of some region under Taurus, and a scarcity of seeds and
barrenness of the earth. This eclipse is ruled by Venus, she being
in Libra. She denotes, as does Jupiter, success and happiness in
most things ; and particularly she causes venereal sports, honour,
fame, joy, &amp;c., happy marriages, abundance of children and felicity
in all things belonging to matrimony. We find Venus, ruler of this
eclipse, in Libra and in close square to Mars ; this shews that
countries (for which see p. 21) will be suffering from violence and
martial acts. Herein we find Mars in Capricorn near the Mid-heaven
and in aspect to the eclipse. This is said to threaten the ruler of
Rome with being stabbed ; but there would require many other
testimonies before I should venture to predict positively such an
event. However, Mars will spend his malice on our rulers ; and
they will be evilly affected towards the people, and act with much
tyranny for some weeks to come. Lie is said to cause wars, tribu­
lation and slaughter to young men, when found in such a situation.
The Dragon’s Head in Taurus shews the slaughter of nobles and
great men in the northern parts (say, Ireland), and, in the western,
controversies and dissension between noblemen and the plebeians.
The Dragon’s Tail in Scorpio denotes many fevers and chest diseases
among men, chiefly in Ireland.
Here we find Mars exalted above the Moon ; and this I have fre­
quently found to denote earthquakes, and those very violent; also
above the Sun, kings and rulers will go near to be slain treacherously.
The most probable period for these fearful phenomena will be the
19th November and the 9th December. The Moon exalted above the
Dragon’s Head shews damage to rivers and fountains, springs, &amp;c.

THE FACTS AND THE FALLACIES OF “ SCIENCE.”
We know of no man who merits to be accepted as the mouth­
piece of science, so much as Sir John Lubbock, Bart, M.P., &amp;c., &amp;c.
He is intelligent and very industrious; and we hope religious. He has
recently given to the world a very clever book, called “ The Origin
of Civilization.” It is cram-full of what he calls “ facts,” in refer­
ence to this subject; but what are, many of them, at least, merely
opinions. And he winds up his work by some remarks, that ve
shall give our readers, for purposes that they will presently
perceive.
At page 253 he speaks thus of the Mandingoes, whom of course,
he classes among savages: “They regard the Deity as so remote,
and of so exalted a nature, that it is idle to imagine the feeble
supplications of wretched mortals can reverse the decrees and

�z
ALMANAC.]

OF SCIENCE.

43

charge the purposes of Unerring Wisdom.” They seem, however, to
Have little confidence in their own views, and generally assured
*
Park, in answer to his enquiries about religion and the immortality
of the soul, that no man knows anything about it. Now in this
matter it seems to us that the Mandingoes were perfectly right;
for on such subjects, certainly no man does know anything about
it, until he be enlightened by Revelation.
At page 255 Sir John goes on to favour us with some of his own
ideas ; that is, of his scientific notions. He says, “We know that
a belief in witchcraft was all but universal until recently, even in
OUT own country. This dark superstition has, indeed, flourished for
centuries in Christian countries, and has only been expelled at
length by the light of science. It still survives wherever science has
act penetrated.”
Therefore we see that it is not Christianity, according to Sir John
Lubbock, that helps us to destroy a belief in witchcraft; but only
science, of which one of the latest escapades has been to persuade
us that the “ origin of life ” on this earth is not due to the power
of Him who said, “ Let light be, and light was but it came here
by means of an aerolite, that chance threw upon us, wrapped in
grass and containing a Bug !t
Now we have but little respect for these men of science. We find
that they are quite indifferent to facts, though they pretend to
found their science altogether upon facts observed and well known.
Will any of them, from Sir John Lubbock at the head of them,
to the merest scribbler in the Daily News, who writes at a penny a
line, at the tail, venture to tell us, without a blush for the falsehood,
that they know by their own experience, that there really is not,
and never was, such a thing as witchcraft ? Will they, in defiance
of the Mosaical law against its practice, and in contradiction to the
assertions of the New Testament; will they, we demand to know,
dare to come forward and assert in the face of society, that there is
no such thing really existing as witchcraft, and that there never
was any such thing really practised ?
We go entirely with them, as to the evil, the tremendous evil, of
its practice ; but we will not go one inch on the road to deny the
* Park’s Travels, vol. i, page 67.
+ Pity it is that Sir John never defines what he means exactly by “ Science.”
Bat Mr. G. H. Lewes, another great authority in the scientific world, does
favour us with a definition. He says that “ Science is the systematic co-ordinatioa of the facts of co-existence and succession.”—Page 76 of Aristotle, by G.
Lewes. Well, let us substitute this definition for Sir John’s “Science;”
aad then we read that witchcraft has been “ expelled, at length, by the light of
the qjfstematic co-ordination of the facts of co-existence and succession.” We
hop® that this will become as clear to our scientific readers as mud in a wine­

glass.

�44

FACTS AND FALLACIES

[ZADKIEL’S

truth of its existence, largely in former days, and certainly still to a
considerable extent, even “ in our own country.” Does Sir John
Lubbock imagine that those people who profess to practise the
abominable rites of witchcraft, will come to him to explain them,
or will ask his opinion about them ? Let him know that they court
not publicity, they seek not to be known, they invite not the power
of the law to punish them for their deeds. No; such men as they
are, who fear not the evil spirits they dare to associate with, may
still fear the trouble they would fall into if their practices were
made public. Let Sir John Lubbock begin to write an Astrological
Almanac, and he will soon find, if he shew that he knows much
about the matter, that men, and women too, will pester him, as
they do us, for information that may be and has been of use in
their diabolical rites and ceremonies. He will soon find also that
it is not the false glare of science that has checked this unchristian
practice ; but that the mild light of religion alone has enabled some
of those men who have fallen into the temptation to practise such
evils, to abandon them for ever.
Let Sir John Lubbock use his interest in the national schools to
have the truth taught. Let the growing generation learn that there
is no greater sin, before God, than is this dealing with Evil Spirits ;
which constitutes the very essence of that Witchcraft of which Sir
John Lubbock ignorantly denies the existence, but of which there
is far too much evidence existing—when rightly sought for—and
too much evil arising therefrom, to be put down and destroyed
by a mere man of science, forsooth, making a pretence to deny.
Sir John goes on to say, “The immense service which ‘science’
has thus rendered to the cause of religion and of humanity, has
not hitherto received the recognition it deserves.” And he observes
farther, that “ If we consider the various aspects of Christianity, as
understood by different nations, we can hardly fail to perceive that
the dignity, and, therefore, the truth, of their religious beliefs, is in
direct relation to the knowledge of science and of the great physical
laws by which our universe is governed.”*
Our ideas of the foundation of true Christianity have hitherto
been, and still are, notwithstanding this flourish of the man of
science, that it is really the pure gift of God; in other words, the
grace of God, that creates the true Christian, and that when th®
Saviour chose the poor ignorant fisherman, St. Peter, and others
of his disciples, to spread abroad his religion, they were certainly
* Of these physical laws of our universe, we heg leave to hint to Sir John
Lubbock that he and most other scientific men are deplorably ignorant. The
great fact is now becoming known, that all the ideas of Newton as to the vast
size of the sun, its distance, the motion of the earth around it, and all the
consequences of these mistaken ideas, are merely dreams, and are totally desti­
tute of one iota of truth and reality.

�ALMANAC!.]

OF SCIENCE.

45

not chosen for any scientific knowledge or acquirements. Away then,
for ever, with these fallacies, and down with this false and foolish
teaching!
It is precisely the same thing when these pretended scientific
men have to do with the question of the truth and reality of the
old astrology. They are, one and all, utterly ignorant of even its
first elements. Yet they set themselves up as judges, and do not
hesitate to condemn it, notwithstanding the proverb, Ne damnent
quae non intelligunt. Ask one of them if he ever tried it, and he
answers, “No, indeed, but—I—am—quite persuaded—that—it—is
—false.”. And this in the face of thousands upon thousands who
have tried it and found it to be true. He expects that a scoff, or
a jeer, will be taken as evidence, where he might find real and
decided evidence of its fallacy, if such were existing Ask him to
erect a figure, or map, of the heavens, and he stands aghast. Yet
can he have the impudence to laugh at what others, better men
than he is, have bowed their head to, in acknowledgment of its
absolute truth. And these are the men who try their best to put
down astrology by infamous laws; that treat its practitioners as
fraudulent men ; yet are those practitioners cognisant of the truth
of what they profess. And this in the 19th century, when we are
told that mankind are ruled by “ science ” and by reason; which
is a plain falsehood, and will be such, while those laws exist.
Why is all this ? Just because of the infidelity of these scientific
men, who see clearly that while astrology exists, the belief in spi­
ritual existence, and the intercourse with angelic beings, must and
will exist also ; and this drives these men mad; for in vain do they
hope that the end of a man is as the end of a brute. This feeling
it is that leads these very clea/r-headed “ scientific” men to scoff at
astrology, or the doctrine that the stars, or hosts of heaven, have
anything to do with the characters, or the destinies, of man, or that
they are, in fact, “the ministers of Jehovah, that do his pleasure.”
See Psalm ciii, v. 21. “Bless ye the Lord (Jehovah), all ye his hosts,
y® ministers of his, that do his pleasure.” These sceptics are the
leading men of science in our day; but let us ask, “In what they are
one whit superior to the great men of olden times, whose names
have come down to us, as believers in, and practitioners of astrology?” We will here set forth some of these truly great and good
m®n; none of whom were of the narrow-minded class of men, who
/pretend to judge and condemn what they have never yet examined.
■ Among the Indians we find Buddha and Viera Maditya. Among
the Persians, Zoroaster. Among the Phenicians, Berosus. Among
the Jews, Josephus, Aben Esra, Maimonides, and very many others,
besides the Sacred Writers.
Among the Greeks we find a perfect galaxy of great names : these
are—Thales, Anaximander, Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, Aristotle, SoD 3

�46

FACTS AND FALLACIES.

[ZADKIEL'S

crates, Plato, Eudoxus, Aratus, Hippocrates, Porphyry, Proclus,
Homer, and Hesiod, &amp;c., &amp;c. Among the Egyptians, Mercurius,
Trismegistus and Claudius Ptolemy.
Among the Arabians, Messahala, Albategnius, Alfraganus, Half,
Alphard, Haly Ben Rodoan, Haly Alrachid, Alkindus, Alpheagius ,
Albumazar, &amp;c.
Among the Romans, Cicero, Nigidius Figulus, Virgil, Horace,
Manilius, Juvenal, and very many others. Among the Moderns,
Roger Bacon, Melancthon, Cardan, Lord Bacon, Nostradamus, Baron
Napier, Tycho Brahe, Kepler, Hobbes, Cornelius Agrippa, Arch­
bishop Usher, Dr. John Butler, Bishop Hall, Sir Edward Kelly,
John Dryden the poet, Sir Matthew Hale the learned judge, Sir
George Wharton, Placidus de Titus the learned monk of Spain, Sir
Christopher Haydon, Mr. George Mitchell, Astronomer Royal at
Portsmouth, Mr. Flamstead,first Astronomer Royal at Greenwich,
Le Due de Valney, George Digby, Earl of Bristol, Sir Elias Ashmole,
Dr. Culpepper, Dr. Dee, John Milton the poet, Drs. Starkey,
Paitridge, Moore, &amp;c., Sir Richard Steele, and very many others.
But, as has been said, it can serve no good purpose to set forth
more names, since no other science than astrology can offer among
its upholders such a list of never-dying men. If these names do
not affect and shame the men of our day, then are they wilfully deaf
to reason and argument, and obstinately shut out the light of
heaven, lest it should irradiate their understanding and convince
them that they are but men of low and humble conceptions, in no
shape qualified to determine the pathless ways of God, or to mea­
sure the extent of His omnipotence.
Burns has justly written of them :—
“ What’s a’ the jargon of your schools,
Your Latin names for horns and stools ?
If honest Nature made yon fools,
What sairs your grammars ?
Ye’d better ta’en up spades and shools,
Or knappin hammers.”
“ A set o’ dull conceited hashes,
Confuse their brains in college classes!
They gang in sticks and come out asses
Plain truth to speak.”

FOREKNOWLEDGE.
“ God foreshews what it is to come upon men, not to grieve
them, but that, when they know it beforehand, they may by
prudence make the actual experience of what is foretold the more
tolerable.”—Whiston’s Josephus, chap. 5, page 66.

�ALMANAC. J

47

PROVIDENCE, OB CHANCE.
How cursed the land, how sad the nation, where
First sprang the thoughts of those, who, worse than
demons, dare
To teach that Chance may rule, or Accident may reign.
And kind, unfailing Providence not deign
To shew its mighty sway! No reason—no design,
But all one blank, that none could yet define.
What! Earth’s wild-rolling seas, and rocks, and trees,
And all the vast variety one sees,
Came helter-skelter hither—none know how!
And shall the sane man to this doctrine bow ?
Shall this be taught, and none have any sense
To scout the base idea, and hold for Providence ?
’Tis ours to teach another law, and hold
That all, ay all, from where the Lion bold,
In Afric’s hot domain, stalks dominant,
Or the huge Elephant, down even to the Ant,
J
Or to the trifling Sparrow, numerous,
Obey one only law, as congruous,
They do their Maker’s will—to live or die.
His hand, seen everywhere, can all supply:
’Tis he alone gives all they have to all his foes,
And rescues those He loves from all their woes.
He is the deep, Inscrutable ! the MIGHTY GOD !
Untold in numbers, Demons fear his rod,
And tremble when He frowns ! Suns are no more,
No longer heard the dread Volcano’s roar;
Earth fades to nothing ; all Creation fails ;
If He but speak the word, e’en Heaven quails !
And all reverts to Darkness, dead, original;
As ere the Light came forth when He did call:
So great, unspeakable is Cabud Al*
’’
He is the Great To Pan—the First, the Last;
The Vast Unknown ; who governed all the Past,
And all the Future knows. Himself unseen,
In one vast hidden space, has ever been;
Unknown to all, e’en angels, who bow down,
And cast before His feet their brightest crown.
From thence He spake, and forthwith sprang the Light;
Th® Sun assumed his form—the Moon came into sight.
Thence He commands, and Earthquakes shake the Land;
Thence calls the Hurricane—Lightnings from His hand
* Cabud Al—the glory, might, or majesty of God!
And mn'
Cabto Jehovah, the Glory of Jehovah!

�48

PROVIDENCE, OR CHANCE.

[ZADKIEL

Fly swiftly o’er the sea ; and dire disease
Sweeps man from off the earth. So, when he please,
The sea may be no more, and barren be the land,
As when wild tempests strike the rock-bound strand.
He gives invention to the mind, and love of kind ;
Courage to the brave, and patience to the hind ;
Beauty to the maid, and wisdom to the head ;
And teaches each man how to gain his bread.
Yes ; all things, or none, arise from Providence ;
To idle Chance, then, let us all cry, “ Hence 1”
If all things, then the works of nature still obey,
And do His will—the moon by night, the sun by day.
And all the powers of all the stars exclaim,
And speak the wonders of His glorious Name !
From the cold point, ycleped “ the Cynosure,”
To where Orion’s lambent light and pure,
Embraces Procyon’s brilliant flame ;
And many a star, of unestablished name,
Pales its bright fire, when Sirius bursts to sight;
Down where the Southern Cross illumes the night.
See the fair victim of old Neptune’s ire,
Andromeda—see Menkar, and see Algol’s fire,
With red Aldebaran, light Capella on her way ;
Where Castor and where Pollux hold their sway.
Next glitters o’er the main, bright Rigel far,
In southern sky ; and in the north Auriga’s star.
Then see the Lion all his treasures hold ;
See Prsecepe and Regulus the bold,
Put forth their powers. See beauteous Spica shew
In Virgo ; and Arcturus, all in Libra’s row.
Next comes the bold Centaur, in Scorpio seen,
Where Antar’s rubious light completes the scene.
These, and a thousand others, influence man ;
Who thinks, in vain, their character to scan.
As blind, he peers where wondrous comets fly,
When wars burst forth and tens of thousands die
So when Eclipses mar the light of day,
And mark o’er man, impotent, all their sway;
Strike down the weak, and terrify the strong;
Such unknown powers to the stars belong.
Yet doth the sceptic see these move and shine,
But not perceive their Maker’s power divine !
Shall ignorant man still dare to question how
They spring and how they shine, and yet not bow,
As taught by nature—wisdom—common sense,
Before the majesty of mighty Providence ?
R, J. M.

�ALMANAC.]

49

ON THE CHARACTER OF THE PEOPLE OF BRITAIN.
Nearly the oldest observer of the national characteristics of the
sundry people of the world, is undoubtedly Claudius Ptolemy. He
says of the natives of this country, that they are “ impatient of
restraint! lovers of freedom, warlike, industrious, imperious, cleanly
and high-minded” (jTetrabiblos, book 2); and he adds that “they
regard women with scorn and indifferencebut that they are still
careful of the community, brave and faithful, affectionate in their
families, and perform good and kind actions.” Yet he says that
the people of Britain, &amp;c., “ have a greater share of familiarity with
Aries and Akars ; and the inhabitants are, accordingly, wilder, bolder
and more ferocious.”
These are the chief of Ptolemy’s notes on the people of England,
generally. He clearly places them under Mars, essentially, and
under Aries (the house of Mars), particularly. But before we
attempt to examine the truth of these statements, we will note the
words of the great Roman poet, who treats on the particular influ­
ences of Aries. Of course, we allude to Manilius. He says very
truly and very beautifully, book 5 :—
“For when the world was framed, the Mighty Cause
These powers bestow’d and did enact these laws,
How signs should work, how stars agree,
And settled all things by a firm decree,”
He then describes the first important figure in the sign Aries, viz.,
the ship:—
“ And now, as victor o’er the conquered deep,
He keeps his power and still commands the ship ;
For when the Northern Rudder rears its flame,
And in the fourth degree first joins the Ram,
Whoever’s born shall be to sail inclined;
He’ll plough the ocean, and he’ll tempt the wind ;
He o’er the seas shall love or fame pursue,
And other months another Phasis view :
Fixed to the rudder, he shall boldly steer,
And pass those rocks, which Typhys us’d to fear.
Had no such births been born, Troy’s walls had stood,
No wind-bound navy bought a gale“ with blood ;
No Xerxes Persia o’er the ocean roll’d,
Dug a new sea, nor yet confin’d an old;
No Athens sunk by Syracusian shores,
Nor Lybia’s seas been chok’d with Punic oars ;
Nor had the world in doubt at Actium stood,
Nor Heaven’s great fortune floated on the flood.
Such births as these their hopes to seas resign,
Ships spread their sails, and distant nations join ;

�50

CHARACTER OF THE BRITISH.

[zadkiel’s

The world divided, mutual wants invite
To close again, and friendly ships unite?
Here we read the judgment of that great astrologer, Mamilius, |
who spoke of the men of Britain, as though he had lived after Nelson, 1
or been contemporary with Blake or Boscawen, or had had the |
advantage of fighting under a Brenton or Lord Cockrane, or any I
other of our great naval heroes. For very correctly does Ptolemy I
place Britain under the influence of Aries; and just as truly does the I
poet point out the peculiar bent, or inclinations, of the men born
with that sign rising. It is to this that England owes her naval |i
greatness ; to the natural-born courage of her sailors, joined with Jr
their free, wandering propensities. These it is that lead them to k
“ plow the ocean and to tempt the winds.” And until “ the powers p
of the Heavens shall be shaken,” shall these things produce their |i
natural results. And not until then shall Britain cease to be the fo
sovereign of the seas.
I
Let us now examine what Ptolemy says of the character of our »;
countrymen. We accord with him in all his remarks; and wefe
regret that he speaks so truly of the evil propensity of our people |i.
to treat with scorn the female sex. Have we not always, from his ki
day to our own, treated females with even worse than “indifference ?” r
Have we not allowed them to feel their supposed inferiority ? Does k
not the law render a married woman, in particular, perfectly help-|rj
less, and treat her complaints with “ scorn ? ” Is she not robbed of |q
her property and rendered miserable, too often, by the wretched
man who has got possession of her person and hei’ property by
means of a little set form of ecclesiastical jabber at the altar7
And if this injustice be avoided, is it not so, more by the husband
being “affectionate,” than by any help of the law, or by public
approbation 7 Ptolemy goes on to say that the people are “ wild,
Is
bold and ferocious.” T it not so ? Can any man deny the truth of p
this accusation 7 Does not their “ ferocity ” shew itself in a con­■
tinued effort to treat offenders in the most unchristian and unfor­■ K
giving spirit 7 Can it be doubted that not many years since we ip
flogged m§n to death in the army and navy; and that we go near to (¡T
do so now in our prisons 7 Not only do we practise bodily torture onk&lt;
offenders in our prisons, but we treat women with “scorn” by the huge?
and beastly iniquities of the “Contagious Diseases ” Acts; and wer.
punish by fine and imprisonment mothers and fathers who hold ink
contempt the disgusting iniquities of the “Vaccination” Acts. Nay,h;
we are now passing a law to flog men for wife-beating; thus demon-L
strating our national character for the ill treatment of women andk.:
for brutal “ ferocity.” Moreover, we flog men for begging and «uchjic
T
acts of “vagrancy,” and our House of Commons upholds sucl p
*
“ferocious” doings, as if to shew that Ptolemy judged us right?
and by no means too severely.

�ij ¡almanac.]

AIDS TO FORETELL WEATHER.

51

I If we look at the present Government’s acts, we find that in India
owe recently put to a horrible death, by blowing them away from
sixty-five out of eighty-nine prisoners captured—a piece of
«brutal and cowardly conduct, that no man in England would dare
flio enact towards dogs. Again, in the House of Commons, on the
ilst June, 1872, we find it stated that one Joseph Townsend was
harged with being an “ incorrigible rogue,” and, was sentenced to
eceive thirty-six lashes with the cat. The Daily News, 22nd June,
\A872, informs us that hereupon “ Mr. Bruce said that the man in
■xj question had several times been convicted of vagrancy, and that
: :pe did not think that the magistrates had exceeded their j urisdiction.”
usCanwe wonder at this cruelty when we know that Maria Tranter is
r&lt;now undergoing five years' penal servitude for an act of vagrancy,
\wiz, for defrauding a man of the sum of one shilling, by pretending to
jjfchow him in a magic crystal the face of a man who had robbed him.
iiiBuah as these are the cruel laws, which fully confirm the assertion
of Ptolemy, that the people of Britain are “ferocious.” Of course, this
ipplies more decidedly to men who are born with Mars rising at
^Lheir birth. If at the same time Mars have any evil aspect to the
..gun or Moon, they become furious and ungovernable, cruel and
¿.¡malicious; and such men fully bear out all that Ptolemy has
dleclared

i

4

AIDS TO THE FORETELLING OF THE WEATHER.

j
{From Ramesey, Astrologia Munda, chap, x.)
Aq
in conjunction of Jupiter in fiery signs, signifies a great
•Httrought; in airy signs, plenty of wind; in watery, floods, continual
lifain ; also inundations and overflowings of water ; in earthy, earthcibuakes and the fall of houses and ecaduation of trees. Judge also
rfhe same when they are in a malicious square or opposition. [But
cjMess extensively.] Saturn in conjunction, square or opposition of Mars
zytn watery signs, denotes rain in winter, autumn and summer ; and
summer oftentimes thunder and lightning ; especially if in fiery
.coigns. In autumn and winter windy, dry weather, when in fiery
■ Jigns. In airy signs in all seasons great winds and sometimes
qwain.
s!«| Nohwrn in conjunction, square or opposition of the Sun, in the
Iwpring denotes cold, rain or hail. In summer much rain, with
^thunder and lightning, according to the nature of the sign. In
. jAutumn tempestuous, stormy weather. And in winter grievous cold,
jdnowy, slabby weather.
uJ Saturn in conjunction, square or opposition of Venus, promises in
.ijihe spring rain and cold ; in summer sudden cold; in autumn
jjkuch rain ; and in winter rain and snow ; especially if the sign be
d'jpatery.

�52

AIDS TO FORETELL WEATHER.

[zadkiel’;

Saturn in conjunction, square or opposition of Mercury, signifie;
wind and rain in the spring ; especially in watery and airy signs
also in summer wind and showers. But if they be in fiery signs
thunder lightning and rain or hail. In autumn wind and cold
according to the nature of the signs ; and in winter cold and snow
Jupiter in conjunction, square or opposition of Mars shews tht
spring to be windy and tempestuous ; a thundering and lightning
summer; rain and storms in autumn ; and in winter cold snows
and sharp winds, according to the nature of the signs.
Jupiter in conjunction, square or opposition of the Sun, in tht
spring signifieth high winds; in summer thunder and lightnnig
and in autumn vehement winds. But in the winter very dry, cold
frosty weather. For the most part they signify thus in everj
sign.
e/zqoiter in conjmiction, square or opposition of Venus, shews
temperate air, according to the nature of the season, all the yea!
long. Yet if they be in watery signs they incline somewhat t«
misling showers.
Jupiter in conjunction, square or opposition of Mercury, denote!
great and vehement winds in every quarterthey are so aspected,
*!!
in airy signs; in watery signs rain ; and in fiery thunder and light
ning, but of no great continuance.
Mars in d , □ or g of the Sun, in fiery signs, promiseth drough I
in summer, dry air in the spring ; in autumn and winter frost; i
watery signs, showers in the spring ; in summer thunder and rain i
in autumn showers, in winter rain and cold.
Mars in d , □ or g of Venus in the spring, will cause sudde; i
great and violent rains ; in the summer and autumn tempests ; bi:
if in fiery signs, or each other’s house, great thunders and ligh f
nings.
Mars in d, □ or g of Mercury in fiery signs causes heat as i
drought in summer; but rain if in watery signs, and sometim
thunder and lightning. In autumn sudden great winds ; and j
winter cold.
The Sun in d of Venus, in the spring causeth rain ; in summ i@
tempests and rain; in the autumn showers and wind; in wint p
much moisture.
The Sunns, d of Mercury, denotes wind and moisture, especially y
watery and airy signs; but in fiery a serene air in summer ai i
frosty in winter. Venus in
Mercury rain in the spring, summ n
and autumn; and snow in the winter and sudden high winds. A]|K
in the summer they raise storms and tempests.
'
Judge also the same in everyone being in sextile or trine ; bl
you must know they are not altogether so bad.
J
[Ramesey might have said also that these inferior aspects fi
quently pass by without doing more than causing the sky to iSd

�AUJANAC.j

FREEMASONRY.

53

overcast with clouds, instead of producing absolutely rain. We must
also remark the parallels of declination, marked p. d. in this Alma­
nac ; as they are nearly as potent as even the conjunction.
There are many other rules for judging the weather; but it will
be time enough to learn these, when the student shall have well
mastered the above.—Z.J

FREEMASONRY.
What was the meaning of the ceremonies practised in the Mys­
teries, or Ancient Freemasonry ? is an enquiry that has been long
pursued, but hitherto, as is well known, without any satisfactory
result.
The Rev. Dr. Oliver (“History of Institution,’’ page 26) says,
“The mysteries were proclaimed the beginning of a new life of
reason and virtue (Cic De Heg., ii, 14), and the initiated or esoteric
companions were said to entertain the most agreeable anticipations
^respecting death and eternity (Isoc. Panegyr.); to comprehend all
the hidden mysteries of nature (Clem. Strom. 5); to have their soul
restored to the state of perfection from which it had fallen, and at
their death to be elevated to the supernal mansions of the Gods.
(Plat. Phsed.) They were believed also to convey much temporal
felicity and to afford absolute security amidst the most imminent,
dangers by land or water. (Schol. in Aristoph. Iren., v, 275.) A
public odium was studiously cast on those who refused the rites.
(Warb. Div. Leg., i, p. 140.) They were considered as profane
wretches unworthy of public employment or private confidence
(Plat. Phsed.), sometimes proscribed as obdurate atheists (Lucian.
Daemon), and finally condemned to everlasting punishment. (Ori­
gen, cont. Cels, 1. viii.) The mysteries professed to be a short and
certain step to universal knowledge, and to elevate the soul to
absolute perfection; but the means were shrouded under the
impenetrable veil of secrecy, sealed by oaths and penalties the
most tremendous and appalling. (Alleurs. Eleusin., c. xx.) Innu­
merable ceremonies, wild and romantic, had been engrafted on
the few expressive symbols of primitive observance ; and instances
have occurred where the terrified aspirant, during the protracted
rites, has absolutely expired through excess of fear. But the
potent spell which sealed the authority of the hierophant was the
horrid custom, resorted to in times of pressing danger or calamity,
of immolating human victims. (Diod. Sic., 1. v ; Strabo, 1. iv ;
Euseb. Orat. ad Const.) The selection of victim was commonly
the prerogative of the chief hierophant. (Samones, Brit., i, p. 104.)
The most careful selection and preparation were necessary to deter­
mine who were fitted for these important disclosures; and for this

�64

EKEEMASONKY.

[zadkikl’s

purpose they were subjected to a lengthened probation of four
years (Tertul. adv. Valentín.) before it was considered safe to
admit them into the Sanctum Sanctorum, to become depositaries
of those truths the disclosure of which might endanger not only
the institution, but also the authority of the civil magistrate.
Hence to reveal the mysteries was the highest crime a person
could commit, and was usually punished by an ignominious death,
embittered by denunciations of the hottest pains of Tartarus in
another world. (Clem. Stram.; 2. Sam.; Petit in Lege Attic., p. 33.
Si quis arcana? mysteria Cereris sacra vulgasset lege morti addicebatur.) The places of initiation were contrived with much art and
ingenuity, and the machinery with which they were fitted up was
calculated to excite every passion and affection of the mind. Thus
the hierophant could rouse the feelings of horror and alarm, light
up the fire of devotion, or excite terror and dismay; and when the
soul had attained its highest climax of apprehension, he was fur­
nished with the means of soothing it to peace by phantasmagoric
visions of flowery meads, purling streams, and all the tranquil
scenery of nature in its most engaging form, accompanied with
strains of heavenly music—the figurative harmony of the spheres.
These places were indifferently a pyramid, a pagoda or a laby­
rinth. The iabyrinths of Egypt, Crete, Lemnos and Italy were
equally designed for initiation into the mysteries (Fab. Cag. Idol.,
iii, p. 269), furnished with vaulted rooms, extensive wings connected
by open and spacious galleries, multitudes of secret dungeons,
subterranean passages, and vistas terminating in adyta, which were
adorned with mysterious symbols carved on the walls and pillars,
in every one of which was enfolded some philosophical or moral
truth. The pagans entertained such a very high opinion of the
mysteries that one of their best writers attributes the dissolution
of the Roman polity to their suppression. He says (Josinus, 1. ii,
p. 671), “Whilst therefore the mysteries were performed according
to the appointment of the oracle, and as they really ought to be
done, the Roman empire was safe, and they had in a manner the
whole world in subjection to them ; but the festivals having been ''
neglected from the time that Diocletian abdicated, they have
decayed and sunk into oblivion.
We shall endeavour first to ascertain the meaning of mythology.
That once determined, there is a short and easy method with the
mysteries. These were of much later origin than mythology; and
just as the mysteries that were presented four or five hundred
years ago were dramatic exhibitions ci the Scripture mythology, as
Dr. Colenso and others would term it, so the ancient mysteries
were mere dramatic presentment? fa mythology older than these
same mysteries. Of course no cne would attempt to make out the
meaning of Scripture by a study of the mysteries of the 15th
century.

�U| ALMANAC.]

FREEMASONRY.

It should be remembered, that what to us is mythology was to
hi1 Pagans religion. Jupiter and Neptune, now the subjects of fable
merely, had their temples, priests and sacrifices. It is not true that
tnese
been
mj these fables are the fables of books only: they have in all ages been
..................................
" blood
,................................ „
h) written in characters of ” ’ and fire, in widow-burning by
uti Hindoos and in Druse massacres, still in course of perpetration.
1 ' Professor Max Muller thinks he shows that widow-burning arose
from a mistake in the meaning of a single word of the Rig. Veda. If
9m the hidden meaning of the various mythologies, constituting the
sacred book of the heathen, could be deciphered, and shown to refer
id to something else than religion, an end would be put to these evils ;
it. Ji
but as long as these sacred books are thought to have the sanctions
ra of religion, their real meaning being unknown, so long these evils
Ri|will endure.
To investigate, therefore, the nature of mythology is an enter­
fit prise of the utmost practical importance. Mythology, after all, is
or should be the great quest: on of the day, even in this fastidiously
Ripractical nineteenth century.
Let him who subscribes his guineas to put down false religions
&lt;&gt;r fanatical wars look to this. In another and orthodox point of
ft’ view, and in the words of Wilkinson (Egypt, iv, p. 166), “ When we
reflect that the allegorical religion of the Egyptians contained many
Kii important truths founded upon early revelations, made to mankind
nj and treasured up in secret to prevent their perversion, we may be
disposed to look more favourably on the doctrines they entertained,
jdjand to understand why it was considered worthy of the divine
legistator to be learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians.
Pi We are to show reasons for believing that the basis of m taology
was a certain natural science, or the authority of the amients, and
of course we must interpret the ancients by the ancien's
There is a science, as the ancients believed, the nr st important
vuuvv
w*
nxivxvv
that can be vvxivvxivv J; XVI XV uvwxw with the whole destiny of man,
conceived for it deals nxuxi
F® not only with all the events that will happen to him, as birth,
srrimarriage, occupation, death, but also with his very nature and
marriage,
constitution, mental and bodily. It is self-evident that this is the
all-important thing : it is importance itself: nothing else could be
St» so fit for the foundation of the imposing pomps and ceremonials of
the mysteries and religions. I need only mention the name of
„
___ ..
M Astrology, or the science of foretelling future events, of reading the
O fate of men and of empires in the positions of the heavenly
^bodies.
But the mere general knowledge of astrology, possessed by astro­
W
Hog ers, has not hitherto enabled them to solve the great mytho■'? ) logical problems, any more than the general knowledge of mechanics,
EOt1 r ■
... i possessed by the mechanicians of bygone ages, had enabled them to
’
------ ------------------------------ — — —v o----------- o~'
i
yp invent the steam-engine ; and so on with other sciences. So there

�56

FREEMASONRY.

[zadkiel’s

is a certain and peculiar and entirely original application of astro­
logy, which we shall introduce as necessary and sufficient for
unravelling the mysteries of mythology.
Before however proceeding to this application, it may be satisfac­
tory, though not necessary, to give prima facie reasons for believing
that mythology is astrology. Landseer observes (Sab. Res. p. 191),
“ If the secrets of the mysteries were astronomical, or were so even
in part, the same religious dread which would account for their
being so rarely, if ever, divulged, accounts also for the little that
has been directly imparted and the much that has been withheld
of ancient astronomy.
JEschylus occasionally deals in astronomical notices, blending
with them the sacred charm and elevated pathos of his poetry.
And it is known that rEschylus would have been in danger of
capital punishment for revealing the mysteries, had he not been
able to prove to the satisfaction of the Areopagus that he never was
initiated. Again, why is Herodotus so chary and so vague in his
astronomical notices, when treating of the ancient Sabean nations ?
Why so much freemasonry ? Why, in mentioning the deified
animals of Egypt, which were of astronomic reference, does he fear
to disclose the reasons of their being held sacred ? Why put off his
readers with,“ If I were to explain these reasons I should be led to
the disclosure of those holy matters which I particularly wish to
avoid, and which but from necessity I should not have discussed
at all P
In the “Io” of Plato, Socrates says, “Homer and Hesiod both
write of things that relate to divination” (Astrology is divination.)
Io—“ True.” Soc—“ Well, now, the passages in either of these
poets, relating to divination, who, think you, is capable of inter­
preting with most skill and judgment, yourself or some able
diviner
Io—“ An able diviner, I must own.”
Ritter remarks on the Timseus, “ Now as the work of the created
gods possesses such power over the rational soul, the gods who
formed it—the stars—must exercise no inconsiderable influence
upon the lot of all mortal creatures. Plato accordingly believedj
that the fate of man is dependant on the complicated motions of
the stars, and that, by a due and careful contemplation of the
heavens, his future destiny may be discovered.”—Ancient Philo­
sophy, p, 374.
That the planets were the real gods of the Egyptians is evident,
if, as is constantly asserted, the gods of that people were the same
as the gods of the Greeks ; “ The seven planets being, in the
words of the philosopher Albricus, the seven first gods of the
heathen, whom he arranged in this order: Saturn, Jupiter, Mars,
Apollo, Venus, Mercury and the Moon.”
Thus Albricus, p. 171: Saturnus primus deorum supponebatur j

�FREEMASONRY.

57

*Æars tertius deorum dictus est. This order is adopted, in modern
.iastrology, in the planetary arrangement of the days of the week,
¡and depends on the increase of distance and decrease of the ap.1 parent motion of those bodies.
*
i The same order (see Macrobius) is observed in the Demotic
1 tablets discovered by the Rev. H. Hobart. Wilkinson remarks,
! that “ Clemens of Alexandria, too, placed in the first class of Pagan
. deities the stars or heavenly bodies. The summary of Egyptian
theology, given by Diogenes Laertius from Manetho and Hecatæus,
is in the same spirit, which considers that matter was the first
principle, and the sun and moon the first deities of that people.”
Ritter (Indian Philosophy, p. 90), observes, “ In the more ancient
portion of the Vedas, physical religion prevails. The heavenly
bodies are worshipped as gods.”
We have the following expression in the Cratylus of Plato :—
“ The only gods are the sun, moon and stars.”
In the Timæus the gods are spoken of as revolving—“ As many as
visibly revolve.” Porphyry excelled, as Taylor observes, in all
philosophical knowledge, and was called
“the philoso­
pher.” He treats the gods as visible—“ Which gods are as you now
see;” and again (ii, 37)—“To the remaining gods, therefore, to the
world, to the inerratic and erratic stars who are visible gods.”
Of these he says, (ii, 36)—“The Pythagoreans frequently implored
their aid in divination, and if they were in want of a certain thing
for the purpose of some investigation. In order, therefore, to effect
this, they made use of the gods within the heavens, both the
• “Nous avons vu que l'ordre des planètes, selon la croyance des anciens et
aussi des Egyptiens, était Saturne, Jupiter, Mars, Vénus, Mercure. Dans les
quatre tablettes dont nous nous occupons, et où les cinq p'anètes se suivent 28
fois dans le même ordre, il est à croire que cet ordre des noms sera le même
que les anciens.”
This order is said to prevail in the attributing the days of the week to the
planets, according to the order of their rule over the hours of the day; each
day bearing the name of the planet ruling its first hour, as thus : the first hour
of Saturday being dedicated to Saturn, the second to Jupiter, and so on; the
25th, or first hour of the next day, is that of the Sun, which gives its name to
the day; and so on with Monday, or Lundi, Maidi, Mercredi, Jeudi, Ven­
dredi—Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday.
The sarcophagi of the monarchs of the 18th dynasty were decorated with
representations of the Sun Mythos—the passage of the Sun through the twelve
hours of the day and those of the night. The Sun passes in a bark, always
accompanied by seven deities, who differ according to the hour, and who appear
to represent the Moon and planetary system. This forms a clue to the mythology
of the 18th and 19th dynasties.—Birch, on the Determination of the Relative
Epochs of Mummies (p. 374).
This system of “ planetary hours,” though at least as old as the 18th dynasty,
appears to be a late affection of astrology. Herbs ruled by the various planets
are gathered in the hours respectively dedicated to those planets.

�58

FREEMASON11V.

[ZADKlKtS t

erratic and non-erratic, of all of whom it is requisite to consider the
sun as the leader, but to rank the moon in the second place; and
we should conjoin with these fire (or Mars) in the third place, from
its alliance with them, according to the theologists. We must call,
therefore, the nature of the stars, and such things as we perceive
together with the stars, the visible gods.—Plato, Epinanis, p. 401.—■
I n the Timeeus the planets are called celestial beings.
The first inventors of astrology were kings, then priests, or
augurs, who derived their augury from the celestial signs. Belus,
king of Babylon, is referred to, and other kings of the Chaldeans
and Assyrians, as Zoroaster, king of the Bactrians. Among the
Egyptians no one but an astrologer was appointed priest. “ Those
who were appointed to the worship of the gods were Chaldeans,
most skilful in astrology.” (Pliny, xxx, 1; Justin., 1. 6.) “The Egyp­
tians,” says Wilkinson (iv, p. 153), “predicted future events, both
relative to private occurrences and natural phenomena; for which
purpose Diodorus (i, 81) tells us they took advantage of their skill
m arithmetical calculations; this last being of the highest im­
portance to them in the study of astrology. For the Egyptians
most accurately observe the order and movement of the stars,
preserving their remarks upon each for an incredible number of
years ; that study having been followed by them from the earliest
times. They most carefully note the movements, revolutions and
positions of the planets, as well as the influences possessed by each
upon the birth of animals, whether productive of good or evil.
And they frequently foretell what is about to happen to mankind
with the greatest accuracy, showing the failure and abundance of
crops, or the epidemic diseases about to befall men or cattle ; and
earthquakes, deluges, the rising of comets, and all those phenomena,
the knowledge of which appears impossible to vulgar comprehen­
sions, they foresee by means of their long-continued observations.
It is indeed supposed that the Chaldeans of Babylon arrived at their
celebrity in astrology in consequence of what they derived from
the priests of Egypt. The art of predicting future events, as
practised in the Greek temples, says Herodotus (ii, 58), came from
the Egyptians'' (See Diod. Sic., ii, 31.) Each of these temples wa3
a planetarum, says Morgan (p. 57), or representation of the heavens»
The principles on which they are constructed are strictly astro­
nomical. From the importance they attached to the study of astro­
nomy the Druids were termed by the Greeks Saranidee (serenyddion,
from the Kymric seren, a star), astronomers. Their system of edu­
cation appears to have embraced a wide range of arts and sciences.
The lowest degree of the mysteries of the Druids conveyed the
power of vaticination, in its minor divisions. Borlase (Ant. Corn.,
p. 67), says, the Eubates or Vates were of the third or lowest class ;
their name, as some think, being derived from Thada, which

�^RlmanAC.]

59

. .¡amongst tlie Irish commonly signifies magic; and their business
Ams to foretell future events.
The Druids practised augury for the public service of the State;
&lt; mt L
7
■; ~ ..

d-¡while-------------- the Eubates were merely fortune-tellers. (Oliver, Hist. Init.,
v
x
?
J ,k 226.) Fosbroke remarks, “The Druids and Etrurian augurs, like
“
the V/lltblLlCai-liS, told fortunes by the planets. Eruidism is not
tile Chaldeans, UVAVA AVALIAAACO KJJ VAAA&gt; jAAUlAAA, VA3. A--/ cvvwvv.iv w ! wt
ta extinct : it still exists in Ceylon, where it is termed Baliism. These
extinct
Cingalese worshippers of the stars generally conceal their opinions.
Townley says the worship consists entirely of adoration to the
heavenly bodies, invoking them in consequence of the supposed
hi influence they have on the affairs of men. The priests are great
1ft astronomers, and believed to be thoroughly skilled in the power and
10 influence of the planets. (Loss, vol.ii, p. 161.)—“ The usual appellation
given by the bards to the sacred inclosure of an open temple was
11 the mundane circle ; and Faber says that the ark was called the
M circle of the world. It follows, therefore, the open circular temple
was thè representation of the ark, which was anciently denominated
fe! CJaer Gaur, or the Great Cathedral, or the Mundane Ark. (In., p. 189.)
P “ The general name of the sanctuary where the peculiar mysteries of
$ Ueridwen were formally celebrated was Caer Sidi, the circle of
©■ revolution, so called from the well-known form of the Druidical
¡9. temple. This phrase, according to Mr. Davies, implies, in the first
hj place, the ark in which the patriarch and his family were enclosed ;
^secondly, the circle of the Zodiac; in which emblems the sun,
i Imoon and planets revolved ; thirdly, the sanctuary of the British
which
r Ceres, _ .. represented both the ark and the Zodiac. (Davies
Myth. Druid., p. 516.)
THE RULE OF GOD OVER THE HEAVENS,
OR HEAVENLY BODIES.
’ In numerous places do we find in the Scriptures the most direct
a assertion that God rules the stars; which is often poetically mend tioned as His riding on them. Thus in the 68th Psalm, 4th verse,
V We read, “ Sing unto God, sing praises to His name ; extol Him that
A- rideth upon the heavens, by His name Jah,” And again in the 32nd
verse we find it written, “Ye kingdoms of the earth, 0 sing praises
li unto the Ruler, Selah.” Our version renders the word MTN, Adoni,
;&lt; by the terms “ the Lord but we contend that being formed from ¡‘"J.
C Dan, a Judge or Ruler, and considering that the translators most
i frequently render the word HIFT', Jehovah, by “ the Lord,” we
&gt;1 do not see why this word Adoni should also be made to have .the
3i| same meaning exactly. This becomes more obviously questionable,
w when we go on to read the 33rd verse, thus : “ To Him that rideth
i, upon the heavens of heavens, which were of old and when we
&gt;i read in the following verse that “the strength of God is in the

�60

THE RULE OF GOD.

[zADKIEl’s '

heavens,” as it is rightly rendered in the margin, since the evanescent
“clouds” certainly cannot be thought,for a moment, to depict the ■
strength of God. AVell, here we find that God is said to ride upon :
the heavens of heavens, which were of old. Now, what can this
signify, but that God is the Ruler of the heavens, which, although
moved by His servants, the angels, are yet altogether subject to
His will, whose fiat first called them into existence ? Rightly, there­
fore, did David, in the 20th verse, 69th Psalm, say, “Let the heavens:
and the earth praise Him ; the seas, and everything that moveth i
therein.”
We will now give the original Greek of the twenty-fifth verse ofj
the thirteenth chapter of St. Mark’s Gospel, wherein the words
of our Blessed Lord are related, and we will follow these by the
Latin Vatican translation, made for the use of the Catholi :
Church, and termed “the Vulgate.” We shall then present the
French translation by Jaques de Bay, made in 1572, which is
considered to be extremely accurate; and, finally, we shall otter
the authorised translation of the Protestant Testament, and *llow
o
with our own literal rendering. The reader will then perceive that
our Saviour did actually and forcibly declare the existence of th#
influences, or virtud^ or powers, which are in the heavenly bodies.
1st. The Greek runs thus : Kai ol atrfspsf tov ovzavov ’'ercvra^
sr.wlwrovTSS, xal al Svvaasif, at ev to7$ ocpavoi$ trateufycroyi'ai.
2nd The Vulgate Latin for this passage is as follows : Et stellse
cceli erunt decidentes, et virtutes, quae in ccelis sunt, movebuntur.
3rd. The old French translation runs thus : “ Et les estoilles du
ciel cherront, et les vertus qui sont es cieux, seront esmues.”
4th. The authorized Protestant Testament has, “And the stars
of heaven shall fall, and the powers that are in heaven shall be
shaken.”
We shall now give the rendering we conceive to be literal and in
exact accordance with the original Greek. It is this : “ And the
stars of heaven shall fail, and the powers that are in the heavens^
shall be shaken.”
The first clause of the verse, if taken in the sense of the
authorized version, would import that “ the stars,” meaning thereby
the heavenly bodies in general, including fixed stars, planets and
comets, should absolutely fall down, on, to, or towards the earth.
But if we examine the word in the original which our version
renders “fall,” viz., ¿/.■zvmTorrff, ekpiptontes, we find it formed
truly from the verb
pipto, to fall ; but not in the direct and
palpable sense of falling down, but in the metaphorical sense of
failing. Thus, when Mr. Parkhurst says “the word is used to
express the destruction of the heavenly bodies, i.e., then fall from
*

�ALMANAC, j

Gl

THE RULE CT GOD

heaven,”* he foolishly adopts the idea of the failure or destruction
of the heavenly bodies being “ their fall from heaven,” as if they
were merely toys ; as if, in fact, they could fall anywhere! If we,
however, will adopt the idea of the destruction or the failure of the
heavenly bodies being signified, which we must do if we read the
preceding verse relating to the Sun being “darkened” and the Moon
ceasing to give her “ light,” we easily discover that the true reading
of the passage is, “And the stars of heaven shall fail?
But it is the latter clause of the verse, which, when truly and
grammatically translated from the Greek, becomes of such vast
importance, because it declares that there are “powers” in the heavens
which shall be, when the heavenly bodies themselves shall be found
to fail, not destroyed with them, but “shaken.” This expression
imports that those “powers” have a mission to perform during the
existence of the heavenly bodies; and that, after the destruction or
failure of these, that mission shall cease to be, although the powers
themselves may continue to exist. And this is quite consistent
with the idea that the Jews have always had, as Maimonides testi­
fies, that the powers in the heavens were spiritual beings, or angels.
If so, they may be shaken, but will not, of course, be destroyed.
Now the question arises as to what these “powers which are in
the heavens” are said to be by the Evangelist. He calls them
zzi Swapels • which word is formed from ewagi;, dynamis, which
is equivalent to the Latin terms potentia, vis, virtus, that is,
“power,” “force,” “virtue.” And accordingly we see that the
Vatican Latin translation has “ Virtutes quae in coelis sunt,” the
* virtues which are in the heavens.” And the French translation
is also, “les vertus qui sont cs cieux,” that is, “the virtues which
are in the heavens.” But the word “virtus,” in Latin, signifies not
only virtue, but force, power, strength; as, for example, Deum
virtute, “ by God’s help.” Mr. Parkhurst renders the word in the
text,
dynameis, “angelical powers, angels ; whether good
©r bad.” He adds, that Wolf and others say that the Jews called
angels powers or virtues (see Jalkut Chabdasch, fol. 89, col. 4), as
.Valesius ad Euseb., p. 254 (see Praep. Evang., iv, 6), shows that the
Greeks did. But he farther adds, that this word dynameis meant
^mighty, i. e., miraculous powers? And, lastly, he says that it
signified “ the powers or hosts of heaven? i. e., the stars. “ Avvaat;
and vis in Latin often denote the armies or forces of a kingdom ;
and hence Suydgsi; rwv ovpocvwv (dynameis ton ouranon) denote
the stars, or splendid bodies with which the heavens are adorned.”
The reader will perceive that the learned Mr. Parkhurst here makes
I »jumble of the whole thing ; for he first makes the word dynameis
signify the “powers” of heaven, and then again “the stars.” Now
• "Greek and English Lexicon,

E

�62

THE RULE OF GO».

[zadkiel’s

this is absurd ; because the stars might exist and have no powers ;
as very many foolish folk declare they do. And they may exist
and have “powers,” as the astrologers contend, and as the Saviour
has declared. The cause of this jumble perhaps is, that the Jews
in early times believed all the stars, or heavenly bodies, to be
gods ; and in course of time both Jews and Greeks came to believe
that they were, as Parkhurst states, angels; which explains the ex­
pressions of David in the 103rd Psalm, v. 20, where he says, “ Bless
Jehovah, ye his angels, that excel in strength, that do his command­
ments;" and v. 21, “ Bless Jehovah, all ye his hosts, ye ministers of
his, that do his pleasure" Where we see the doctrine taught that
the hosts or stars of heaven do the pleasure of the Great Jehovah,
as do the angels. But it seems evident that “ the powers that are
in the heavens ” can be no other than the angels. And so Astro­
logy has always taught that each planet has its angel, that “ excels
in strength,” as David says. Now these angels, or ministers of
Jehovah, wh® “do his commandments,” have been largely spoken of
by ancient writers. It will now be time, however, to show why, in
the second clause of the 25th verse of the thirteenth chapter of
Mark, I have given the words, “ that are in the heavens,” instead of
‘ that are in heaven,” as it stands in the authorised version.
The Latin and the French both correctly translate the Greek
terms ey roif oupavoi; (en tois ouranois) by “in the heavens and
as these words are in the plural form, there can be no excuse for
our translators having rendered them in the singular. The perverse
negligence with which the translators wrote the passage in the sin­
gular, instead of the plural, is very evident if we refer to the
parallel passage in the 29th verse of the 24 th chapter of Matthew.
For therein we find the original Greek is in the genitive plural, viz.,
rwy ovpaytiv (ton ouranon), and the English, Latin and French all
agree in rendering it in the same manner. A mere hasty reference
to the latter passage would have been enough to prevent the blun­
der in the other.
It may be well to remark here, that all the translators have
made a slip, however, in rendering the words in the 29th vei’se
of the 24th of Matthew, viz., of acrtpep wstrovvTa.i a,wo Toy ovpavov,
(oi asteres pesountai apo tou ouranou), by “the stars shall fall from
heavenfor, where dvio implies motion, it is better to render it by
“ away fromand therefore the words should be rendered by “ the
stars shall fail away from heavenwhich agrees with the passage
in Mark, and implies that they shall be destroyed. At first sight it
may appear of little moment whether we say with Mark, “the
powers that are in heaven,” or “ the powers that are in the heavens.”
But it is really very important; because the word “ heaven,” taken
in the singular, leads the mind to refer to the dwelling of the
Almighty; whereas, “the heavens” at once gives us the idea of the

�ALMANAC.]

THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY.

63

heavenly bodies, or stars, &amp;c., only. Hence we know, from the true
rendering of the latter clause of Mark xiii, v. 25, and the parallel
passage, Matt, xxiv, v. 29, that our blessed Saviour did, in the
most pointed manner, record the fact of his sacred word that there
are powers or virtues in the heavenly bodies, or stars, &amp;c., and as
these are those which we astrologers call ordinarily “ influences,”
we cannot be denied the right to claim the highest possible
authority for the doctrine we teach.
*

THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY.
“ Mr. B. Cochrane rosé to call the attention of the House (of
Commons) to the organisation of the International Society. The
Society was growing, and in a country like England an organisation
which sought to abolish marriage, which denied God, which denied
all rights of property, and which preached assassination, ought to be
denounced in the strongest way by all honest men.”—Daily News,
13th April, 1872.
Remarks on the above by Zadkiel.—We agree that Mr. Cochrane
has ground for alarm ; but we would ask him whence has sprung
this teaching of atheism, by the class of men likely to become
members of this denounced Society. Is it not manifest that the
doctrines taught by the so-called men of “ science ” in this country,
who openly teach that life began on this earth from the accidental
falling of a moss-covered stone, containing a bug, from an aerolite,
are the true original of the evil ? It is not the workman, who has
no leisure for such studies, even if he have the ability, that originates
and thrusts these disgusting lies into being. It is the man of
“ science ” to whom Mr. Cochrane should look ; whose doctrines he
should denounce ; and not the International Society, which simply
follows the lead of these men. Let this worthy M.P. remember that
he himself, as a member of the Legislature, has done his best to de­
stroy the only true teachers of the existence of a God, as proved by
daily reference to his works, in the Heavens, or in other words, by
the science of Astrology. He has sanctioned a law that treats Astro­
logy as a fraud, and punishes its professors as if they were common
vagrants, thieves and vagabonds; although the best and brightest
characters of mankind have been well known as Astrologers.
Will Mr. B. Cochrane prove his own feelings in favour of truth
and righteousness, by some attempt to amend that abominable
* The hymn called Te Deum la/udamus has for many centuries been sung by the
whole Catholic and Anglican Church. It runs thns : “To thee all angels cry aloud :
the heavens and all the powers therein.” Now what are these words to signify, if
there be no powers in the heavens, as the adversaries of astrology declare ? What
mockery to address the Deity in language devoid of meaning Yea, verily, there are
powers in the heavens, as all may know who will examine for themselves ; and these
powers are no doubt the “ministers” of God, who “do his will.”

�ttFECTS Oi' iiAliS.

[zADKlEl/s

A agrant Act ?. If so, we promise him that he will do more to check
the vile teachings of men of “ science,” and to destroy the “ Inter­
national, than by a thousand speeches in the House of Commons
against the latter, as things now stand. Let him observe also that
Astrologers have never denied the existence of their Creator; and
let him learn and remember that
“ An un devout Astrologer is mad.”

NO CONJURORS CONJECTURE.
Could a Meteoric Stone,
Pray, Sir William Thomson,
Fall, with lichen overgrown ?
Say Sir William Thomson.
From its orbit having shot,
Would it, coming down red-hot,
Have all life burnt off it not ?
Eh, Sir William Thomson 1
Not? Then showers of fish and frogs
Too, Sir William Thomson,
Fall: it might rain cats and dogs.
Pooh, Sir William Thomson !
That they do come down we’re told.
As for aerolite with mould,
That’s at least too hot to hold
True, Sir William Thomson !—Punch

THE EFFECTS OF MAES IN LEO, IN ANY NATIVITY.
There is no aphorism more settled than that which teaches the
several parts of the body ruled, or influenced, by the signs of the
Zodiac. Among these we find (see page 28) that “ the Heart and
the Back ” are ruled by Leo.
Now I purpose to shew, very briefly, that this rule was evinced
in the case of His Royal Highness Prince Alfred ; and also of the
late Lord Mayo, Governor General of India.
Planets' places at 7h 50m, a.m., on the 6th August, 1844, the day
Prince Alfred was born.
O

o’? ,
f

O

4

/

0

$

/

0

0

/ 0

?

/

oU

0

D

/

5ty&gt;59 3x?12 37,42 13SV18 13ft 53 23SB52 29 ft 20 15^46
R
R
R

Herein we find Mars, the Sun, and Mercury, all in St, Eeo,
ruling w the backand we know that the miscreant, who was
hanged in Australia for the act, shot, the Prince in the back,

�EFFECTS OF MARS.

ALMANAC.]

C5

Planets' places at noon, on the 21s? February, 1822, on which day the
late Lord Mayo was born.

p,

O

4

O

/

0

/

0

/

o

?

/

o

5

/

O

D

/

j 6 #20 22T59 27&lt;rl6 29^14 2X21 26X44 20X22 28ï£19
R
Here we find Mars also in Leo, and in close opposition to tl e
Moon, indicating most serious evil to the noble native in the back,
by a stab, oi’ other wound. If we look to the previous birthday &lt; f
ifhe native, on the 21st February, 1871, what do we behold? Why,
we see Saturn in Vf 7° 23', in close conjunction with Uranus at
birth; and Mars on that day in -"= 7° 10' in exact square with him.
Nothing could have been more plainly indicative of the danger tl e
native would be in at the time. But, perhaps, the most strikii g
position, of all that then occurred, was the place of Uranus at the
end of 50 days, equal to 50 years after birth, the 12th April (the
IMondary direction), he being found in exact conjunction with
Saturn at the previous birthday, viz., in vy 7° 21'!
Yet we find further evidence of the fatal influences that brought
this great man to an untimely end ; for, on the 22nd December,
1870, there was a great visible eclipse of the Sun, in Capricorn,
ruling India.
The places of the Sun, Moon, Saturn, Venus and Mercury were
as follows, at the Eclipse :—•

o î / j ° ÿ / I1
0Vÿ31 0#31 0#52 3#55 16#39
J

©

O

/

o

/

O

*2

/

And we see that the place of Uranus in the radix was yf 6° 20' ;
whence it seems that this eclipse was very fatal to the native, as
appears by the melancholy result.
Of course he was educated according to the fashionable He, that
rules predominant in our universities, viz, that there is no truth in
the doctrine of the stars. Had it been otherwise, he might have
avoided exposing himself to the knife of the assassin ; or, better
still, he might have forbidden those cruel deeds—the blowing
away from guns the miserable sixty-five men engaged in the Kooka
insurrection, which perhaps gave rise to the feeling that led to his
destruction.
Now let us turn our eyes upon the figure of the Prince of Wales.
In that we shall see that in December, 1871, there was also a great
eclipse of the sun, which fell on the 12th December, when His
Royal Highness was at the worst, and thought by many to be
dying. But as on that day the eclipse took place, the sun was

�66

¿EFFECTS OF MARS.

[zADKIEL’s

exactly on the place of Jupiter, at his birth, we saw, and said, and
wrote to many friends, that he would not die, in fact, we believe that
he could not die, as the hyleg (or life-giver) was no ways afflicted.
The following is the figure, under which His Royal Highness came
into the world; and in this figure we find the moon just 30° 16'
from the M. C., which of course, came to the body of the moon just
past 30 years of age. This gives troubles both of body and minrl.
But the moon has but little rule over the life, which depends wholly
on the sun.
Figure of Birth of His Royal Highness The Prince of Wales.
At lOh. 38m. 12s., a. m., 9th November, 1841, London.
R.A.208.“o.

Let us next behold the eclipse of the sun at 4h l‘5m, a. m., 12th
December, 1870, and we see that the new moon fell in f 19° 44',
in close trine to the place of Venus, and in close conjunction with
the place of Jupiter in this figure,

�EFFECTS OF MARS.

ALMANAC.]

67

Well, on that very day His Royal Highness began to mend,
according to all the newspapers, and then steadily improved in
health; the only drawback being an affeetioa of the hip, which
arises from bad blood therein, as shewn by Jupiter so near ths
ascending degree.
I here give the planets' places at the return of the sun to his own
place, on th® 9th November, 1871.
o

7

o

4

/

O

/

o

o

/

o

?

o

J,

o

D

/

| 1SL16 6Vf20 29 s 50 lltf41 161H55 3^=44 2HTL15 7^14
I R
Here it will be seen that the two malefics, Mars and Saturn, are
nearly conjoined in the ascendant; and the moon lies in square
to them both. This led me to anticipate a serious illness for the
prince ; but as Jupiter was in exact sextile to the moon, I did
not foretel any danger to life; neither was there any such;
although the whole nation were led astray, by ignorance of the
rales and doctrines of astral science, to believe and to apprehend
such danger.
The words I used at page 25, November, 1871, were these : “ On
the 9th the moon is afflicted by a square of Mars and Saturn, which
bespeaks serious losses and troubles for all persons born that day, be
they prince, or peasant; and these will endure through all the ensuing
year of life."
My readers well know how true these remarks really were ; but
they must also see that the whole of the Royal Family, and all the
people of these realms, would have been spared great anxiety and
much alarm, if they had but known the true principles of astrology.
These are as ancient as the stars, firm and unfailing as the great
globe itself! They never yet did deceive those men who could read
their indications, and who fail not to remember, that they are the
servants of the Great Eternal whose fiat called them into being, for
the very purpose that they should do his will !
Hence we read in the original Hebrew, the 21st verse of the
10 3rd Psalm, as follows :—

mi

liis will

rrwa

that do Ministers of his

all his Hosts

*
mn

Jehovah

Bless ye

Here we may note that
Si ^al Tseba Heshemim,
u All the hosts of the heavens,” used in 2 Kings, 23, v. v, imports
generally, all the fixed stars. From the worship of these the greater
part of the pagan world were called Zabians or Sabians.
mm jehovah of Hosts, is frequently used as a title of the Great

�EFFECT OF SATUIiN.

[zADKTET.’s

God; shewing, as it does, “that from Him the host of the heavens
derive their existence and amazing powers, and consequently imply
his own eternal and almighty power. Accordingly the Seventy
frequently interpret
Tsdbaoth, by IIay7azca7cu;, Almighty.
THE EFFECT OF SATURN, &amp;c., IN THE TWELVE HOUSES.
Ceylon, November 25th, 1871.
My dear Sir,—The two copies of your Almanac for 1872, and one
copy of the Companion, with its accompanying, letter, have duly
reached my hands. Please accept my best thanks for the same.
You want, it appears, that I should give my opinion about the
Almanac. What opinion can you expect from an insignificant
astrologer in a remote Island, who can scarcely approach you, or
one of your meanest disciples, in point of erudition, with respect to
this sacred science ? However, I can conscientiously say, that not
only the contents of your Almanac for 1872, but almost all your
Almanacs for past years, contain pure truth, and nothing but truth.
It would be in vain in a letter like this to mention in detail the
exact verification of most of your predictions, even in Ceylon,
unless I undertake to write a large pamphlet on the subject.
Your weather predictions turn out to be exactly correct, even in
Ceylon ; and your unerring calculations on the configuration of the
planets are perfect as perfect could be. The most wonderful and
admirable of all your predictions are especially those with reference
to people born in such a month in any year. I have found them
not only to be exactly true with respect to several persons, in the
course of my practice, but they were verified to a very great extent
in my own case. There are a thousand and tens of thousands of
Budhistical astrologers swarming throughout the Island, but, alas !
their calculations are not at all correct; hence their several failures in
prediction. There are a few of them studying under me the Occi­
dental way of casting nativities, and they, I see, are gradually
opening their eyes to the correct system. Thank God we have no
penal laws against astrologers in Ceylon. Besides astrology, there
are different other varieties of occult sciences prevalent and
practised in Ceylon, about which I promised to provide you with a
brief description in my last letter.—Hoping to hear soon from you
*
I remain, my dear Sir, yours ever faithfully—J. P.
1st House.—When Saturn is posited in the nativity (i. e., 1st
house), know that your hands and feet will be swollen; you shall
have to quit your native land, and your father will be subject to
diseases of the abdomen.
2nd House.—When Saturn is in the 2nd, the native will be
sickly, and moneyless; he shall be subject to epilepsy, and will
torn out a regular wanderer.

�ALMANAC.j

EFFECT OF MARS.

69

3rd House.—The God Saturn in the 3rd is good, will give plenty
of gold and silver to the native ; he will cause him (the native) to be
a renowned man, especially for his learning.
4th House—If Saturn be in the 4th, he will cause the native’s,
parents to be sickly ; the native will turn out a great sinner, poor-,
dejected, and a deserted man.
5th House.—If Saturn be in the 5th, the native’s parents will die
prematurely ; he shall lose all his inheritance in his own village,
he shall be entangled in litigation and lose his younger brothers,
daughters, sons and cattle.
6th House.—If the blne-bodied God (meaning Saturn) be in the
6 th, he will confer much eruditeness in learning to the native. He
shall have many persons to attend on him, he shall be rich equally
in moveable and immoveable properties.
7th House.—If Saturn be in the 7 th, the native shall be poor,
will get a wife, but children will die, will be of a very sickly con­
stitution, especially affections in the head.
8th House.—If Saturn be posited in the house of death, the
native will suffer from incurable cancers, rheumatism in hands and
feet; will lose wife and children, and, losing all his substance, shall
turn out ultimately to be a ruined man.
9th House.—If Saturn be in the 9 th, the native will commit
many sins, the mother will be sick of dropsy, and the native will
be a renowned atheist.
10th House.—If Saturn be posited in the 10th, the native shall
possess three landed properties; shall have cattle, shall marry
three times, the mother will be suffering from head disease.
11th House.—If Saturn be posited in the 11th, the native’s fame
for kindness and power will be spread throughout the country; be
shall have all riches and comfort this world could afford, and shall
be a learned and an erudite scholar.
12th House.—If Saturn be posited in the 12th, the native will be
driven away from among his relations: the father will be suffering
from a gripe, the native will suffer from an incurable sore in his
leg.
__________________________
EFFECT OF MARS POSITED IN EACH OF THE TWELVE
HOUSES OF THE HEAVENS
(NOT IN THE TWELVE SIGNS OF THE ZODIAC).

Translated from an ancient Singhalese Manuscript.
1st House.—If God Mars be posited in the ascendant, he will
cause strife and contention to the native in the village or country
that gave birth to him, and involve him in litigation: he will be
separated from his wife, and will have very few or no children at
all, and endless domestic troubles.

E 3

�70

EFFECT OF MARS.

[zadkiel’s

2nd House.—If God Mars goes to the 2nd house, the native will
be sundered from his father, and will be very unfortunate, losing
all his estates and effects, and will ultimately cause the native to
quit the village which gave birth to him.
3rd House.—If God Mars be posited in the 3rd house, he will
cause the native to be rich in gold and silver, and cause him to
possess three landed properties in three distinct villages, and ulti­
mately cause the native to be injured by a bull.
4th House.—If the red-bodied God be in the 4th house, wherever
the native goes he will be implicated in contentions and other
affairs that do not concern him at all; he will be hated by his
brothers, and will ultimately turn out a regular wanderer out of his
own country.
5th House.—If (the son of the earth) Meh&amp; Puth (this is one of
the appellations of Mars), be posited in the 5th, tell surely the
native will never have children, the father of the native must be
continually sick, and say also to a certainty that the native’s wife
has two paramours.
6th House.—If Mars be posited in the sixth from the ascendant,
the native will be powerful and prosperous, and will be favoured by
great men, and will be a famous man, possessing three landed
properties in three distinct places.
7th House.—If the son of the earth be posited in the 7th, the
native will be choleric and bilious, two of his children shall die in
their younger days, and the native himself will be subject to rheu­
matism in arms and legs.
8th House.—If Mars were to be in the 8th, or the house of death,
the native will depart his native country, owing to continual
ill-health ; he will for a long time be confined to bed, on account of
the pain he will have to sutler in his legs and arms, on account of
rheumatism : he will have sons and daughters, but they are
perfectly helpless.
9th House.—If God Mars should go to the 9th house, the native
will turn out to be a great debauchee, wandering from place to place
in quest of satisfaction to his animal propensities ; however he will
be somewhat consequential for his having two landed properties of
some value.
10th House.—If Mars be in the 10th, the native will be victorious
in battle, and he will positively overcome his enemies; he will
possess four landed properties inherited from his ancestors, and he
will have plenty of riches.
11th House.—If the son of the earth be in the 11th, the native
will obtain the command of a large host or army; he will be a brave
and a literary man, and will have plenty of sons, daughters and
cattle.

12th House.—If God Mars be posited in the 12th house, the

�^Jj^MÂNAC.]

EFFECTS OF VENDS.

71

-.pther of the native will be indisposed and other people claimlessly
~ 'lherit the landed properties of the native. And these are the unjm rring effects of Mars when posited in each of the twelve houses
fl:
J
rn' f thé heavens.

fTTHE EFFECTS OF VENUS IN THE TWELVE HOUSES.
K Venus in the First House.—If Venus happen to be in the
p©l scendant of one’s nativity, the native shall obtain four landed
j&lt;# »roperties; he will pass his three stages of life in equal happiness,
Oi &lt;nd have plenty of gold and silver.
VjVenus in the Second.—If Venus be posited in the house of subVenus
sub­
ViXllW, he W1XX get pXVXXVJ of riches and favours
«
*
—o~.
— —J
stance, 11U will gCU plenty MX XXMXXWM ...... i«,.—v» from kings. The
fa ather of the native will be a learned man; he will have landed proither
pro­
perties in three different localities, but he will not Eve himself in
$ my one of them.
’1 Venus in the Third.—If Venus be in this house, the native will
^inherit lands, but he will turn out a favourite of females and will
^possess a beautiful bodily appearance.
Venus in the Fourth.—In the fourth, Venus will cause the native
io have several brothers, but he will lose his father early. Four
-landed properties, and a good musician.
'J Venus in the Fifth.—If Venus be found in the fifth, if the na. live be one of the Royal Family, he will be the ruler of the whole
prorld; he will have several children of very good condition, and
ape will prosper to the end of his life.
jf Venus in the Sixth.—If in the sixth, the native will be poor and
'^possess no riches, and will be suffering from a chronic disorder in
I the belly.
,, Venus in the Seventh—The native will be very learned, will get
m good and an amiable wife, and plenty of children, and he will live
n to the long age of 84 years.
£! Venus in ttie Eighth.—Moderately fortunate, very energetic mind,
„ifond of the parents, and abhor women of low standing.
ij Venus in the Ninth.—The native will be very religious, if not
[rU priest, will get a beautiful partner and be the chief over several.
Venus in the Tenth.—The native will be famous throughout the
| country in which he lives, he will have plenty of cattle, and a large
i tree will stand towards south-east of his house.
Venus in the Eleventh.—The native’s great grandfather will be
, a great man, the native himself will be a very great man, and comp mand the respect of many.
j f Venus in the Twelth.— The native will be suffering from his eyes ;
i unprofitable brothers and children; he will lose his lands by litiga-

�72

[ZADKIEI

MARS MEN AND THINGS.
From, Raphael’s Prophetic Almanac, 1872.
The influence of Mars is doubtless the most active agent in th
system of worlds. It appears to be pointed out by its fiery color
It has been held that Britain (England) is ruled by Aries—-Mar
hence we are nationally Mars-men ; and we have shown ourselv
Hie most active and pioneering amongst the nations of the worl
The Hebrews are held to be under Scorpio—Mars—and where
there a more active and persevering race ? In England the H
brews are more sympathized with than in any other land—astr
logical evidence of the ruling influences and vice versa. Men wl
have the luminaries, or one of them, in aspect to Mars, are t!
pioneers of the world in their various spheres ; they are the worke
and discoverers of hidden things. Let any one take note of tl
position of Mars in the horoscopes of great men, they will readi
perceive the truth of this. Space will only admit of our pointii
to two personages, Napoleon, and our contemporary, Zadkie
The influence of Mars is the most active principle in medicin
Mars governs iron, machinery and the workers therein ; to theses
owe the position we have held among nations. Let none neglect tl
influence and aspects of Mars, especially when of an unfavourab
nature ; for, although the effect may not be so durable, it is moi
potent than that of Saturn.

THE EFFECT OF THE ASCENDING NODE (RAAHU) I
THE TWELVE HOUSES.
1st House.—The enemy of the Sun, in the first house, sha
cause the death of the first wife, shah award four landed propertie
of which three only permanent, and the native shall ultimate!
have to leave his native place for good.
2nd House.—If Panidu (Ascending Node) be in the second, tl
native will be poor and dejected ; the father will die in the youngt
days of the native, but he shall inherit two landed properties.
3rd House.—When Pani (Ascending Node) comes to the 3rd, tl
native will inherit three landed properties, will have fortunate sons
however, he shall be twice married.
4th House.—When Pani comes to the 4th, the native’s brothei
v ill be extremely poor; he shall meet with a fall from a heigh
and he shall never prosper in his native place.
5th House.—If Panidu be in the 5th, the native will not b
blessed with children; he shall be rich, and inherit four lande
properties.
6th House.—If the Dragon goes to the 6th, the native’s wife sha]
be childless, he shall be a renowned man, and enjoy the best-o
earthly prospects.

�ALMANAC.")

EFFECT 01? THE NODES.

73

7th House.—When Palanga (another name for Ascending Node) is
in the 7th, the native will be the head of the family, will get sickly
children, and three landed properties.
8th House.—When Panidu goes to the 8th, he shall cause the
native to be leprous, rheumatism in the arms and feet, and the
native shall have to contend with a turbulent wife.
9th House.—When Panidu goes to the 9th, the native’s grand­
father will be transported; all his children will be still-born; how­
ever, he shall possess three landed properties.
10th House.—When Pani is in the 10th, the father of the native
will be poisoned, the native shall have to quit three different places
of residence, and the mother of the native shall die.
11th House.—When Pani is in the 11th, the native shall be very
prosperous ; he shall have landed property, and favours from kings,
and he shall be the chief in the family.
12th House.—When Pani comes to the last, the native shall be
entangled in litigation, the father sick, constantly troubled, and
ejected from the house in which he lives, and surely there are two
paramours to his wife.
THE EFFECT OF THE DESCENDING NODE IN THE
TWELVE HOUSES.
1st House.—If Ketu a (name of the Descending Node) be posited
in the 1st house, the native shall have to run away from his native
land; wherever he goes he shall be entangled in litigation ; he shall
get a wife, but the children shall all die.
2nd House.—If Ketu be posited in the 2nd, the native shall have
a mark or a scar on his left arm, and his right leg be bitten by a
dog.
3rd House.—When Bamba is in the 3rd, the native will be much
famed ; he shall have plenty of wealth and cattle, and shall inherit
a lion’s portion from his parents.
4th House.—When Bamba is posited in the 4th, the native shall
be leprous, and the mother will be the enemy of the native, and
she shall be a troublesome woman.
5th House.—When Bamba is in the 5th, the native’s parents are
always sickly, and the native himself shall have no children; he
shall quit his land, and he will be suffering from incessant pain in
the stomach.
6th House.—When Kaatu is in the 6th, the native has to contend
with enemies ; however, he shall have four landed properties and
plenty of riches, but the mother shall be sick.
7th House.—When Bamba is in the 7th, the native shall quit his
place, and the native shall get his inheritance by causing the death
of his parents.

�74

PRANKS OF OLD SATURN.

[zADKIEL’s

8th House.—When Bamba is in the 8th, the native shall prove
very troublesome to the neighbours; will lose all his wealth; parents
sick, and he himself shall be lame.
9th House.—When Bamba is in the 9th, the native shall be a
great sinner, and he shall be a wanderer in quest of fortune; he shall
never prosper in his children, and his mother shall be sick.
10th House.—If Bamba be in the 10th, the native’s legs will be
swollen ; shall quit his country; his mother has a paramour attend­
ing on her from a distance.
11th House.—When Bamba is in the 11th, the native’s body shall
appear very lovely and beautiful; he shall get lands, houses and
money. Know this is called the (Sinha) lion’s configuration.
12th House,—When Bamba is in the 12 th, the native shall be
always sick, the native’s wife shall desert him, and elope with some
one else.

THE PRANKS OF OLD SATURN, IN 1872,
THE EARTHQUAKES IN CALIFORNIA.

New York, April 1.
The earthquakes in Southern California have continued two days.
Thirty persons have been killed and one hundred injured at Loan
Pine, and other deaths have occurred in the adjoining hamlets.—
Daily News, 2nd April, 1872.
EARIHQUAKES AT ANTIOCH.

The following special telegram appears in the Times:—
Alexandretta, April 6—Half the towns of Antioch was de­
stroyed by an earthquake on the 3rd of April; 1,500 persons were
killed. Great distress prevails in consequence.—Echo, 8 April, 72.
Floods near Oxford.—The lowlandsand meadows around Oxford
are inundated with water—rather an extraordinary circumstance in
April.
THE LATE EARTHQUAKE IN ANTIOCH.

Further interesting details are published of the earthquake which
occurred in Antioch on the 3rd of April. Two-thirds of the houses
in the town have been utterly ruined, including the most ancient
and most durable public buildings, and the remaining houses are so
greatly damaged that there is no possibility of occupying them.
The inhabitants, who are in great misery, are living in tents out­
side the town, and are in deep grief on account of the loss of rela­
tives and property. The sacrifice of life has been very great; 1,500
Mahometans and 250 Christians and Jews being reported missing.
Close to Antioch is the Isle of Suadia, in which all the houses,
numbering about one thousand, are ruined. In Elonshia and
Eljadida scarcely a building is left standing. Eljalba and Gallack
are also entirely ruined; 3JO persons have perished in the latter
place. When the earthquake took place, Mount Britias was split

�almanac.]

a dirge to war.

75

into two pieces, and a torrent of black water burst forth, tainting
the atmosphere with a strong offensive odour. The shepherds.neat'
the coast state that the sea rose about one hundred feet higher
than usual.—Echo, 25th May, 1872.
EATHQUAKE IN ICELAND.

Copenhagen, May 14.
A schooner which has arrived here from Iceland reports that au
earthquake occurred at Husavik, on the northern coast of the Island,
on the 16th, 17th, and 18th of April. Twenty houses were de­
stroyed, but no lives were lost.—Daily News, \5th May, 1872.
“Tempests and earthquake shocks alarm and damage the people.”
January, 1872.
“Earthquakes frequent and terrible, both by sea and land.’
June, 1872.
_______________________

A DIRGE TO WAR.
0, War ! accursed War ! how fell thy deeds !
To tell of half thy crimes, the poor heart bleeds
For now, alas ! thou art more horrible,
More grimly savage—ay 1 more terrible.,
More ruthless, cruel, and more steeped in gore
Thau was thy fellow iu yon days of yore !
Hast thou no sense of wrong ? no human feeling I
Wouldst murder e’en a guileless child when kneeling I
Since thou art habited in German guise,
Lost to all decency, thou hast no eyes
To note the deep disgust the nations feel
For thee, defiant with thy blood-stained steel.
Think not to hand down to posterity
A claim to honour or to verity !
Thy false-tongued champions parade in lies !
Thou smilest grimly when a maiden dies ;
Till Heaven and Earth and Hell, aghast, stand back,
And curse the course of thy infernal track.
A myriad demons from dire depths below—
Whence spirits cursed into demons grow—
Attend thy steps, aud urge thy fated sway,
Till blushes at thy acts the God of Day.
And hark 1 below, the chorus of the dead,
Whom thou hast struck with fatal steel or lead '
They loudly wail thy all-devouring power,
And pray that soon may come the fatal hour
When down to utter depths ®f dark despair
Shall fall thy leaders, in the serpent’s lair;
There, helpless, in dread agony to dwell—
A just reward for making Earth a Hell!—R. J. M.

�76

[zadxiel’s

THE STARS.
The stars, the stars, the beautiful stars.
They come and they go ; and that’s all we know.
They may be the cause of our weal, or our woe.
The stars, the stars, the beautiful stars.
We may think, or may fancy,
Or use necromancy;
The stars still remain—how we cannot explain.
The stars, the stars, the beautiful stars.
They shine, ay they shine ; and seem almost divine.
No mortal may know whence they come, how they go.
’ Pis sweet to regard them, as peaceful they glow;
Unknown as they are—the beautiful stars.
’Tis well to believe them our future abode ;
Where angels will smile on our spirits in peace :
No fear, or alarms, lest our joys should explode ;
For pleasures for ever shall there but increase.
’Mid beautiful stars.
R, J. M.
SAINT PAUL AND «EVIL SPIRITS.”
*
The 12 verse, 6 chap., of St. Paul’s Epistle to the Ephesians has
these words : “We wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against,
principalities, against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of
t his world, against evil spirits in the Heavens.
N ow the translators have in the above verse (and in chap, i, 3,
and ii, 6) been at a loss to render the term ’ETroo^avio;, which is
formed from £7r&lt;, ¿n, and
heaven; so they invented the
term “high places,” which, besides forcing in the word “places,”
destroys the obvious meaning of St. Paul. For he, being a ¿Tew,
knew well that the Jews believed the air to be tilled with evil
spirits. And the whole of this 12th verse, if taken in connection
with the verse just preceding, where he says, “Put on the whole
armour of God, that ye may be able to stand against the wiles of
the Devil]' is a fine burst of eloquence, arousing his readers to the
remembrance that here, on earth, “we wrestle not against flesh and
blood, but against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against
evil spirits (or wicked spirits in the Heavens.
)
*
This is further confirmed by the Apostle’s expression in the 16th
verse, where he says: “Above all, taking the shield of faith, where­
with ye shall be able to quench all the fiery darts of the wicked
one!" lov ttov^om, which means, beyond doubt, of the wicked one,
that is, the Devil.

See Margin,

�ALMANAC.]

77

SATURN AND HIS GRIEVOUS MISCHIEF IN
CAPRICORN.
In my Almanac for 1870, for the month of December, I said that,
“ On the 15th of this month, the slowly moving Saturn creeps over
the southern tropic and enters Capricorn. Therein he will soon
begin to afflict Greece, India and Mexico.” Now this prediction
has been already well fulfilled ; chiefly in India and Mexico, but
ateo in Persia, “about Circan and Maracan,” &amp;c. Not only have
♦■bare been severe storms and destruction thereby on the face of the
earth in India, but the horrid murders of 65 prisoners, by blowing
them away from guns, well marks the brutality of men under the
influence of the above evil planet, and the shocking murder of Lord
Mayo, on the 8th of last February, marks the sway of Saturn over
part of the world. In Mexico there has been one continued
scene of anarchy and revolution, slaughter, cruelty and bloodshed.
« Advices from Mexico announce that anarchy reigns throughout
Northern Mexico.”—D. News, April 1st, 1872.
As to Persia, the D. News, 5th May, has the following from
^Teheran: “ The road is strewn with half-eaten corpses. I had
1 ’ several .times to remove dead bodies from the rooms of the
caravanserai where I lodged. Cannibalism not uncommon.” Bulgaria
J has been terribly disturbed by cruel mobs, destroying the Jews, and
has been
hi even Oxford under the unfortunate in all her doings ; both of these
influence of Capricorn.
ui places being and destruction thereby have been astounding ; as
The floods
shewn by the following, from the D. News, 9th May, 1872 ; “ Bombay
May Sth, in the recent flood in Bellore, 1,000 lives are supposed to
have been lost. Twelve thousand persons are houseless, and
3,(MX) destitute. Forty tanks have burst.”
j

RELIGIOUS SYSTEM OF THE ASSYRIANS.
*

.4
“ All wc can now venture to infer is, that the Assyrians worshipped
^one supreme God, as the great national deity, under whose immediate and special protection they lived and their empire existed.
’
...........................................................................................
Different nations appear to have had different names for their
supreme deity; thus, the Babylonians called him Nebo. The name
of this god appears to have been Asshur, as nearly as can be deter­
$
ft . mined at present from the inscriptions. It was identified with that
IQ | of the empire itself—always called “the country of Asshur;” it
entered into those of both kings and private persons, and was also
applied to particular cities. With Ashur, but apparently far inferior
*
I: to him in the celestial hierarchy, although called the great gods,
77
were associated twelve other deities. Some of them may possibly
* ((Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh,”

�78

RELIGIOUS SYSTEM OF THE ASSYRIANS.

[zADKIEL’S

be identified with the divinities of the Greek Pantheon, although it
is scarcely wise to hazard conjectures, which must ere long be again
abandoned. These twelve gods may also have presided over the
twelve months of the year, and the vast number of still inferior
gods, in one inscription, I believe, stated to be no less than 4,000,
over the days of the year, various phenomena and productions of
nature, and the celestial bodies. It is difficult to understand such
a system of polytheism, unless we suppose that, whilst there was
but one supreme God, represented sometimes under a triune form,
all the so-called inferior gods were originally mere names for events
and outward things, or symbols and myths. Although at one time
generally accepted as such, even by the common people, their true
meaning was only known in a corrupted age to the priests, by whom
they were turned into a mystery and a trade. It may, indeed, be
inferred from many passages in the Scriptures, that a system of
theology, not far differing from the Assyrian, prevailed at times
.amongst the Jews themselves. Ashur is generally, if not always,
typified by the winged figure in the circle. Although the kings of
the latter dynasty are sometimes represented worshipping thej
minor deities, I know of no monument on which the earlier .monarchs
are seen adoring any other figure than that of Ashur.”
Mr. Layard says (p. 615), in speaking of the well-known edifice
at Nimroud, that its builder was believed to be Ninus, &amp;c. Colonel
Rawlinson believed this to be his name. He has since suggested
that of Assur-dan-bal. Dr. Hincks reads Ashur-ak-bal. It is cer­
tain the first monogram stands both for the name of the country of
Assyria and for that of its protecting deity. We might conse­
quently assume, even were other proofs wanting, that it should be I
read Assur or A shur.” [This point is clear enough, if we only look
to the Hebrew name of Ash-shur, which means, Ash, star or fire,
and Shur, the celestial bull. This applied to Venus, because Venus
ruled in Taurus by house; and hence, the country was named after |
her, the land of the Star of the Bull, which was Venus. The character, |
for Ashur is in the cimeiform---- [-, the same as that which begins thefl
word Shushan, the palace, which was, undoubtedly, Venus.—Zac?.]

A Mirage.—The Scotch papers report a mirage at the mouth of I
the Forth on Sunday. The weather was remarkably warm, and in 1
the afternoon there was a dull, deceptive haze. The sea presented |
almost the appearance of a mirror, and the vessels upon it seemed [
to have a double reflection from the sea and the background |i
beyond. At one time the masts and rigging seemed elongated to &lt;
four or five times their natural length, and then in the course of h
a few minutes they were reduced so as to be scarcely visible. At L
other times the vessels appeared to be sailing double—one ship
sea, and one in air. Extraordinary appearances were assumed bysj

�fl ALMANAC.]

PERSECUTION OF ASTROLOGERS.

79

11 the May Island, which rose and fell and changed to all manner of
4 shapes in the course of a few minutes. At one time it appeared a
perpendicular wall, rising to the height of several hundred feet,
4 and shortly afterwards it appeared to be flat on the surface of the
3’sea. All the other objects which came within the range of the
i refraction underwent similar changes, and the illusion lasted with
varying features for several hours.—Pall Mall Gazette.
PERSECUTION OF ASTROLOGERS.
Those readers, who feel an interest in this question, will be rathei’
ip surprised to learn that the Petition to the House of Commons
which appeared in the Almanac for 1872, was sent to not less than
ft three respectable members of the House, with a civil request that it
I ■ should be presented; and that it was politely returned, with a
I
A refusal to present it. No reason was given in either case; nor was
The only
n any statement offered in explanation of such refusal.
S« conclusion we can come to from these circumstances is, that the
(4 several members were afraid of being laughed at, if they were seen
¿b be so far in favour of an investigation of Astrologv, as the pre­
senting a Petition in its behalf would indicate. Well, we must
OH submit silently to this indication of the wisdom of the House.
4I And we must hope that when the members are elected by ballot,
II
In the mean time, we beg those of
wi we may have better success.
Eft our friends, who have sent subscriptions to assist this movement,
Pt to oblige us with their present address, that the subscription may
&lt; be returned. We shall not lose sight of the object in view, howi
vr ever, although we perceive that the difficulty is greater than we had
jf
0 apprehended. In the mean time, the history of the present state
;'ix of things may be thus epitomized: In 1824the Vagrant Act was
It contains a clause against fortune-telling either by chiro­
a passed.
Not a word is said about Astrology; nor
Mi mancy or “otherwise.”
was it till full forty years after the passing of the act, that
------------ .— ------ o __ __
^magistrates began to read “otherwise,” as embracing all practice of
id that science. They, many of them, now proceed in this way against
jjd, the Astrologers. They send policemen, who always make use of two
vile women, who visit the Astrologer and ask his advice, for which
¿»d|they nay him in marked money. On their leaving, the two policemen
Juwho haw sent them, follow and arrest the artist. The magistrate
.li rarely allows a word to be said in defence of the accused, but con­
demns him to a month’s hard labour. What for? The having
defrauded the complainants. But how so? Where is there any
.1’» evidence, such as this Act of Parliament, being a pen«? Act,
requires; viz.,that it be rendered literally and exactly? The women
go with intent to entrap the artist and induce him to break the law;
■br which it is clear they and the policemen ought to be indicted
tvfor a conspiracy; in which also ought to be included the magistrate,
adj Nhenever it can be proved that he was privy to the act.

�80

DR. LIVINGSTONE AND PTOLEMY.

[ZADKIELT

It is not very likely that, in England, and in the nineteenth ten^ury&gt; such a law can be long upheld, or maintained, notwithstanding
the violence of the atheistical opponents to all belief in spirits, 01
spiritual influence on mankind.

DR LIVINGSTONE AND PTOLEMY.
The Times of 6th August, 1872, contains the letters of Dr. Living­
stone, which are very greatly interesting. All honour to the enter­
prising Ameiican, who discovered the long-lost and eminent
geographer. The following extract from the letters proves that
this really great man, Dr. Livingstone, fully appreciates the know­
ledge of Claudius Ptolemy, on the subject of the sources of the
Nile :—
“ The mountains on the watershed are probably what Ptolemy, for reasons
now unknown, called the Mountains of the Moon. From their bases I found
that the springs of the Nile do unquestionably arise. This is just what Ptolemy
put down, and is true geography. No must accept the fountains, and nobody
but Philstines will reject the mountains, though we cannot conjecture the
reason for the name. Mounts Kenia and Kilimanjaro are said to be snowl
capped, but they are so far from the sources, and send no water to any part&lt; I
the Nile, they could never have been meant by the correct ancient explorer ]
from whom Ptolemy and his predecessors gleaned their true geography, so]
different from the trash that passes current in modern times.”

It will be seen that the “ worthy Doctor cannot conjecture thtj
reason for the name of ‘Mountains of the Moon.’ Well, we tel|
him the reason. Ptolemy knew and taught that all Africa” (see pj
18) was especially under the influence of the sign Cancer ; and aa
this sign is the House of the Moon, in which she has the chief
power, we see at once why these, the most celebrated mountains in
Africa, were called after her name. It so happens that Ptolemy!
whose knowledge in geography and astronomy is admitted to b«
unsurpassed, was the very fountain from whence are drawn all th|
doctrines of Astrology, that our savons choose to disbelieve without
any, the least, attempt at refuting by reference to facts. It is t®
such men as Ptolemy, whose name will never die, that we poi# i
when the buffoons who write in newspapers against the truths o |
Astrology begin to bray.

ASTROLOGY.

ooks for sale on astrology, alciiymy, chiromancy, dreams i,
GHOSTS, Magic, Physic, Spirits and Witchcraft. Sibly’s Astrology, two voli t
25s. Raphael’s Prophetic Almanac, 1832 to 1862, 35s. Barrett’s Magus, £112s. 6c
Bromhall’s Spectres, £2 2s. Dee on Spirits, 2 guineas. Soloman’s Key to Magic ( t&gt;
rare MS.), 275 pages, 5 guineas. Webster’s on Witchcraft, 18s. Gadbury’s Nativitie i
and Tables, 18s. Culpeper’s Herbal, coloured, 15s Ferguson’s Twenty Years’ Pre
ternatural Phenomena, 5s. Agrippa’s Occult Philosophy, four books,
guineas
Coley’s Art of Astrology, 8vo. calf, 18s. Magick, a rare MS., by Dr. Parkins, in folia 1
5 guineas. Ramsey’s Astrology, folio, calf, 21s. “ Crystal Ball,” with instruction,! p
guineas. Works of Glanville, Heydon, Lilly’s Astrology, Ptolemy, Salmon, Paij'
tridge, &amp;c. Apply for Catalogues, gratis, to Thomas Millard, Bookseller, 79, Sain' I.
l’aul’s Churchyard, London.

B

�q W.5USAC?]

Si

| EXPLANATION OF THE EMBLEMS IN HIEROGLYPHIC
41
FOR 1872.
, The angel flying over head, with an olive-branch in hand, implied that
A [Peace would be maintained. The twins are shewn (the rulers of America),
¡rand a fire burning between them. This indicates the destructive fire in
^Chicago ; and may be made to import the fire of discord, through the
inland. The ”
English soldier, with drawn sword, imported the new arma­
ment undertaken by the Government, in furtherance of their scheme of
The military man holding back a lion by the ears
IS military defence.
speaks plainly of the insidious establishment of “military centres”
sthroughout the land, to keep down discontent. The Turk fully armed
if shews his condition, with a powerful navy and 800,000 well-armed troops.
¡The furious cock aptly paints the new President in France, and all his
fighting propensities. The bull, excited and irate, shews the fearful state
of the Irish people, anent the Galway election, &amp;c. The coffin, with an
English flag thereon, denotes the lamentable death of the GovernorGeneral of India.
N.B. Not one of these emblems was given by any mortal hand. They
nne and all were portrayed in the magic crystal, for the special benefit of
ie readers of Zadkiel.

I

NOAV READY, SECOND EDITION,

©fje Nth) -princtpia;
OR, THE

TRUE SYSTEM OF ASTRONOMY
IN WHICH

tiThe Earth is proved to be the Stationary Centre
of the Solar System,
AND

The Sun is shown to be only 365,006’5 miles
from the Earth.
By R. J. MORRISON, M.Á.I., F.R.H.S.,
COMMANDER, R.N.

LONDON: J. G. BERGER, NEWCASTLE STREET.
FRIGE THREE SHILLINGS.

�82

[zadkiel’s £

FULFILLED PREDICTIONS.
PREDICTIONS.

“ Hence, especially when he [Mars]
reaches the place of this eclipse in
November, 1871, he will bring serious
grief [in Paris].”—Eclipse of the Sun,
December, 1870.

FULFILMENTS.

There were many cases in which this t
Eclipse showed its power; chiefly in r
November, by the shooting of that fine
patriot, Rossel.

“ The talk will be of war and war­
The squabble with America came on h
like doings, and the trumpet will re­ at this time, and the Government en- ii
sound throughout the land. But not gaged to establish “Military centres” t
much harm will come of it."—March, throughout the land. Alas for liberty! j.
1872.
“ A great struggle goes on in the
“ Mr. A. Herbert then rose to se- ?
House of Commons the last week of cond the motion, which was the com-i i
this month.”—March, 1872.
mencement of a scene, the like of I
which has certainly not been wit- fi
nessed in the House of Commons for 0
many years.
“ Mr. Mundella then rose, and saidli
that he had witnessed with feelings |»
the profoundest sorrow the extraordiY
nary scene which, during the past hour,!
had been enacted in that House.”—|Daily News, March 20,1872.
j
“This will trouble him [the King
The King of Sweden was at this timegft
of Sweden] greatly, both in health confined by illness, and reported to belt!
and in the affairs of his kingdom.”— on his death-bed.
j
May, 1872.
“ Mars passing through Taurus will
The Galway election, and all its b
afflict Ireland with much violence.”— fearful scenes of violence, now took o
May, 1872.
place.
“On the 17th and 18th there will
In London took place the great
be three planets joined together, &amp;c. strike among the building trades, and h
Being just on the ascendant of London innumerable others broke out neat i
it will do mischief there. These planets this time. In New York, the most f
in Gemini will very much excite the fearful death-rate occurred.
people of America.”—June, 1872.
“ DEATn-RATE IN NEW YORK.
“ New York, July 6th.
“The deaths in New Yoik during p
the past week have been 1,569, viz, si
three times the average number.”—t
Daily Nevis, July 8,1872.
An attempt to raise the fares on the i;
“ It will affect Egypt, and do some
mischief to the Suez canal.”—Eclipse Canal was made, but frustrated by thi
Sultan.
of the Sun, June 6th.
“ The female sex will not be for­
Lady Twiss was cruelly treated
treated©;
miss uioianc
misiiessl^
tunate; but during the next three Miss Diblanc murdered her mistress dB
months will be oppressed and ill- and very many cases of horrid murder»'
treated generally.” — Sun in Capri­ of women were recorded.
corn, Dec., 1871.

�fc&lt;[ ALMANAC.]
“ In and near Sardinia shocks of an
earthquake and volcanic phenomena.”
—Sun in Aries, p. 39.
“ Great and noble men shall be
w slain ; hut I hope and think this may
s^i refer to Greece and India, rather than
a# to our own country.”—Ibid, p. 39.
“ The evils of this troublesome oppo­
sition [Jupiter in opposition to Saturn]
will fall liberally on the people of the
United States, but we see no token of
any public quarrel of importance; nor
do we judge that there will be any
warlike doings in the land.”—Sun in
Aries, p. 39.
“ Mars is in Aries, &amp;c. His diseases
therein will be very extensively pre­
valent. Pains in the head, and affec­
tions of the eyes, &amp;c.—Ibid, p. 40.
19 H

j “ There will be fightings, and I fear
i some sudden outbreak of war in Spain.
This will soon be put down."—Eclipse
of the Moon, p. 40.
“ Jupiter is now fairly sailing
I through Leo. Commerce [in France]
i lifts her head and smiles.”—July, 1872.
| “ THE YEAR OF DISCORD I ”

I.

T “ Gardens will be much spoiled by
; 'osfeat in June, and fruit destroyed. The
ajiwfruits of the earth Will be much wasted
brdand injured by heat and creeping
ri|jiffllhings.”—pp. 40 and 41, Eclipse of the
tyMUioon.
a.

10

A most violent eruption of Vesuvius
took place; immense destruction en­
sued, and very many lives were lost.
The lamentable death of that great
and noble man, Lord Mayo, took place
—“ in India," be it observed.
We all know the sad squabble for
the “Indirect Claims;” and the noted
debates in our Parliament. But all
passed off peacefully—a result that no
human wisdom but that of the stars
could have foreseen.

The deaths by sun-stroke in NevYork were fearfully numerous—some
200 cases in one day took place; and
these were, of course, all “ pains in
the head ! " The death-rate was awful.
“ The highest point the thermometer
reached yesterday was 93 degrees, and
people cried out that the heat was in­
sufferable.’’—TVew York Herald.
A very sharp warfare on the part of
the Carlists broke out in June; but, as
predicted, it was “soon put down."
The great French Loan was sub­
scribed for, over fourteen times its
amount!
This was the note in the title-page,
and it has been astoundingly fulfilled !
The whole country has rung with dis­
cord ! Every class of men, the trades
and servants all through the country,
have been up and waved the Flag of
Discord ! — demanding higher wages
and less work; and this state of things
is yet rife, in July, 1872. “ The House
of Lords gives much trouble,” p. 39,
has been fulfilled, anent the Ballot
Bill. In America Discord has reigned
—the President being iD trouble, and
a Judge of the Supreme Couit put on
his trial.—See D. News, July 24, 1872.
“ The Fruit Crop.—The fruit crop
of 1872 is probably the smallest that
the most experienced and observant
cultivator can call to remembrance.
Our neighbours across the channel are
in much the same plight—the failure is
complete.”—Times, Aug. 6th, 1872.

�HIEROGLYPHIC FOR 18'73.

Printed by B. D. COUSTNS, Helmet Court, 338, Strand, London,

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                    <text>THE CONTROVERSY
ABOUT

PRAYER.
BY PROFESSOR F. W. NEWMAN.

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS SCOTT,
No. 11

The Tebeace, Fabquhar Road, Uppee Nobwood,
London,

S.E.

1873.
Price Threepence.

��THE CONTROVERSY ABOUT

PRAYER.
OME have said that religious knowledge is not

progressive: with about as
Ssay that medical knowledge much tr.uth we might On
is not progressive.

each topic mankind has made enormous errors, and
on each is still very far from a sound and satisfactory
state ; yet on each it has left many errors far behind.
Primitive theology is man’s interpretation of the
outer world which he perceives ; and his interpreta­
tion is largely influenced by his consciousness and his
emotions. Enlarged and improved knowledge of the
universe almost necessarily modifies theology, as does
the improved moral culture of nations. Religion
therefore (in its popular sense of “ thought concerning
God”), unless artificially stereotyped by nationally
established creeds and by sacerdotal authority, must
everywhere tend to improve, as nations become
nobler in morals, or in breadth and accuracy of know­
ledge. So strong indeed is this natural tendency,
that we do in fact trace this improvement, in spite of
hierarchies and domineering institutions, and some­
times, in the higher minds, even in spite of public
demoralization. Theological opinion, and the inter­
pretation of generally received doctrines, cannot but
undergo change, when the ascendant system of (what
is called) metaphysics changes; much more, when,

�4

^he Controversy about Prayer.

as in the last three centuries of Europe, acquaintance
with the outer world has been immensely enlarged
and at the same time become beyond comparison
more accurate.
But the mass of the population in Christendom is
very far from duly appreciating the truths of natural
science ; and the teachers of religion on the one
side are bound down by Church Articles and Liturgies,
or on the other cannot conveniently outrun the tra­
ditionary creed of their congregations. Men of
business have not much time for original thought
concerning religion; and a great majority of the
female sex have too little scientific knowledge or too
little independence of judgment to deviate knowingly
from current .opinion. Necessarily therefore within
the same Church, whatever the submission to common
ordinances, there is a great mental gap between those
who are most and those who are least influenced by
the thought and knowledge of the age, especially in
Astronomy, in Geology, in Geography, in Physiology,
to say nothing of History and Literary Criticism.
Minds which have by no means gone so far as to
throw off belief of an established religion, or the
cardinal and prominent tenets of a creed, nevertheless
to a great extent interpret things differently, so as
practically to come to a different result from the
older beliefs.
Now in this matter of Prayer, it is obvious what
was the primitive doctrine of most nations, and in
particular both of the Hebrews and of the early
Christians. That God ruled the universe by law,
none had any idea. They supposed that His rule
might be compared to that of an earthly king, who
said to one servant Go, to another Gome, to a third
Do this, and was obeyed. Indeed the Hebrews,
like the Persians and Arabs, supposed ministering
spirits to guide the actions of the elements and of the
heavenly bodies ; also, to guard or watch humaji in­

�The Controversy about Prayer.

5

dividuals. Instinct, under a sense of weakness or
desire, often impelled them, as it impels us, to pray
for this, or for that; and they could but very
vaguely define to themselves the limits within which
prayer was right, and beyond which it would be rather
impious than pious. We should all be much astonished
to hear of barbarians so stupid as to pray that the
new moon should give as much light as the full moon,'
or that a winter day should be luminous and long as
a day of summer. In the very infancy of man the
steadiness of sun and moon was so fully recognized,
that it would have seemed idiotic to pray for any irre­
gularity. But there has always been an enormous
margin of events concerning which man saw no reve­
lation of a fixed divine purpose, and therefore could
not chide prayer as a presumptuous desire to turn the
divine decrees aside. Indeed under polytheistic belief,
the gods are morally imperfect; and no greater im­
propriety was felt in coaxing a god (a genius, a fairy)
than in coaxing a mortal man. A vow,—in which a
promise was made contingently upon the god hearing
a prayer,—was thought a pious procedure ; yet it is
nothing but an attempt to bargain with the god. Such
bargains in antiquity were solemnly sanctioned by
many states, as by the Romans, and public money
was often voted in fulfilment. In the Hebrew book
of “ Judges ” the atrocious vow of Jephthah is not
blamed. To vow to a god the tithe of an enemy’s
spoil on condition of victory, seemed wholly unblameable and decidedly pious to most ancient nations.
It may be doubted whether in any Christian sect
of England or the United States prayers of this
character could be endured. A vow, as understood
by Christians, has nothing conditional in it. If it be
an arbitrary, yet it is an absolute, promise to the Most
High ; it is not a bargain, as with the Romans. Of
necessity those among us who believe the tides, the
meteors, the clouds, the winds, to be guided by laws

�6

'The Controversy about Prayer.

as fixed as gravitation, are hereby disabled from
praying about them or against them, equally as about
an eclipse. Nevertheless, whatever weaknesses—the
fruit of ancient ignorance—are incorporated with the
Christian Scriptures, are accepted and even treasured
up by simple hearted and pious persons, whose intel­
lect either is not duly informed or has not duly acted
on their creeds ; and the deplorable dogma of Infalli­
bility has made it very difficult for the pious to go
directly against the sacred book, however grave and
obvious the error. But within the compass of that
book itself there is a variety of doctrine, a higher as
well as a baser view; and to the higher view the
nobler and more thoughtful minds tend. If at one
time encouragement is given to importunity in prayer,
on the assumption that God is comparable to a man
who grants a petition merely to get rid of a teazing
beggar ; yet elsewhere it is laid down that repetition
in prayer is vain, and that God is not moved by much
speaking. If in one place it is said, that when two
or three shall agree to pray for a thing, be it what it
may, it shall be granted to them ; in other places
there is limitation, and human ignorance of what it is
wise to ask is pointed at. In fact, in every prayer
for things outward, among persons not wholly fana­
tical, the proviso, “ if it be according to Thy will,”
is now understood or expressed; and in matters of
vehement personal desire, the clause is probably
added: “ nevertheless, not my will, but Thine be
done.” Also, if any Christian teacher be asked, under
what circumstances it is reasonable to have confidence
that our prayer will be granted, he will hardly fail to
reply, under the guidance of a familiar text, that it is
only when we know that we ask a thing which is in
accordance with the will of God.
Under such a complication,—which is the ordinary
state of every Church,—it is (I must think) painful
rudeness in an opponent, if indeed he is as well

�The Controversy about Prayer.

7

informed of the facts as a critic ought to be, to assume
in the present generation of English Christians the
lowest and meanest views of prayer which prevailed
in less instructed and Pagan times. It exasperates
too much to enlighten. It was a simple insult, nothing
less, to propose that Christians should pray for the
sick in one special ward of an infirmary, and then (as
a test of the utility of prayer) should observe whether
the patients recovered better in that ward than in the
other wards. Did its proposer imagine that a Christian
is a&amp;Ze to pray for any thing that others may dictate
to him ? One must be drawn keenly by desire from
within or by painful distress, and must feel either
assurance or strong hope that the petition conforms
with the divine mind, before he can pray fervently.
A philosopher (whatever his merits in his own line)
sadly lowers himself when he so intrudes into sacred
feelings and j udgments which he does not understand.
At the same time, there was and is abundant cause
for grave remonstrance with the religion of the day in
this very matter ; and with a moderate turn, the same
proposal might have given point unblameably to the
argument.
It might have been set before English Christians,
that they would certainly resent it as an insult, if any
one were to propose, as a test of the utility of prayer,
petition for a given topic (such as that concerning
the hospital-ward)—without caring to ascertain first
whether the thing asked could reasonably be esteemed
in accordance with the divine will, or whether they
themselves had any fervent desire for it. This being
the ease, how can the same enlightened Christians
passively endure that the Privy Council should dictate
to them what they are to ask of God for each member
of the Royal Family ? How can they approve of a
stereotype prayer against public enemies, as if it were
always a priori certain that in every war England is
right and has God on her side ? Knowing, as all the

�8

The Controversy about Prayer.

educated do, that rains and droughts and pestilences,
follow laws of matter as fixedly as do the planets,
how can they think it pious to supplicate the Most
High to interfere with them ? Such public prayers,
written in an age of lower knowledge, and sustained
by the routine of State, train all the educated to
hypocrisy, and lower the standard of truthfulness.
Evidently, to pray for the royal family is enforced as
a test of loyalty ; which is on a par with the command
to show loyalty by worshipping Caesar’s image. The
coarseness of (what is called) the National Anthem,—
“ God save the Queen,”—against the Queen’s (imagi­
nary) foes, is quite disgusting. There is plenty of
matter here for just and profitable attack from those
who never pray, if they would make the attack from
the highest and noblest principles of Christians them­
selves ; moreover, it is very reasonable to claim, that
those who hold high dignity in Church or State, and
at the same time are distinguished by intellect and
freedom of thought, will initiate public movement
against these evil stereotyped prayers. Will they for
ever preserve a dastardly silence, and leave reform to
avowed opponents or to enemies who are strangers to
the deep things of the Christian heart ?
Cicero and Horace alike held, that men ought to
pray to God for things external,—which man cannot
control and God does control;—not for things
internal, such as contentment, courage, or in a word,
virtue; which a man ought to provide by his own
effort. To despise any one for believing with Cicero,
I find myself unable; the contumely which I read in
many quarters is to me very unseemly and painful.
Nevertheless, I regard it as quite certain that the
progress of knowledge will ere long enforce the entire
abandonment of stereotype prayer,—prayer made
beforehand,—for outward blessings or conveniences
however inevitable it be, that under pain, want or
severe anxiety human nature will ejaculate to the All-

�The Controversy about Prayer.

9

ruler earnest desire, not unprofitably. “He who
searcheth hearts ” knows how to estimate such prayers
aright,—cannot blame them,—and has his own way
of answering them. But to plan beforehand how
others may or shall pray for a King or Queen’s “ health,
wealth, long life ” and “ victory,” is quite a different
matter from prayer that is extorted by inward instinct
or agony. So too is the “ agreeing together ” before­
hand what to pray for, as if (in the coarse words of a
ranting preacher) “ by a long pull, a strong pull, and
a pull all-together ” men could rival Keliama, and drag
God along with them.
Undoubtedly the received belief of old was, that
God’s Providence ruled the world by agencies from
without. A pious saint in danger from enemies was
imagined to pray for (perhaps) “twelve legions of
angels ” as a military aid. A prophet’s eyes were
opened to see chariots and horses, invisible to other
mortals, fighting on the side of his people. To such
a mental condition the prayer of those days adjusted
itself. But now all thoughtful persons educated in
England are aware that the Divine rule is carried on
by the laws of the material universe, and by the
agencies of the human mind; and as it is no longer
admissible to entreat that the Most High will tamper
with his own laws, prayer tends to concentrate itself
upon the human mind,—that is, invokes influence
from the Divine Spirit on the mind either of him
who prays or of some others.
Against this form of prayer, which may be called
spiritual prayer, materialists rush with as rude and
coarse attack as against prayer for things external.
Their tone, and frequently their bold utterances, all
but make an axiom of Atheism. Now I have no
harsh feeling for Atheists, knowing as I do with what
difficulties noble intellects struggle, and how cruelly
the follies and crimes of theological devotees have led
astray and exasperated meaner intellects. But it

�io

The Controversy about Prayer.

suffices to accept and accost Atheists as our equals,
whom we invite to courteous debate on fit occasion,
and will always esteem and love, if they be morally
worthy. Many of them seem to manifest nothing but
scorn for Theism, and demand to lay down axioms of
their own, which no wise Theist can ever accept.
One of these axioms is, that “ of course we can know
nothing but phenomena.” Since God assuredly is
not a phenomenon, this assumes that “of course ” we
can know nothing of God. Another axiom is, that
when we speak of one thing as the cause of another,
all that we mean is, that the latter invariably follows
the former; so they attempt to resolve causation into
antecedence. I stoutly deny that that is all that I
mean when I say “ causeand if they reply that it
it is all that I ought to mean, I beg them to prove
that, and not assume it without proof, as they do.
The purport of their pretended axiom is to involve
the whole universe, material, moral, and mental, in a
rigid mechanical chain,—that is, in Fate : this granted,
prayer of course is vain. Again, the idea of a Per­
sonal Deity they treat with contempt as “ anthropo­
morphic,” and assert that Personality implies limita­
tion. Nay, but Person is only another word for Mind
or Spirit. If we say Divine Spirit, they show equal
enmity to the phrase. What avails the objections of
such men to prayer ? Their attack is not against
prayer as such,—i.e., entreaty made to a Divine Spirit,
but against the existence or accessibility of any such
Spirit. Spiritual prayer of course assumes that God
is in the human mind,—that he is aware and (so to
say) conscious of all our minds,—moreover, that he
not only approves of, but is concerned to promote,
human virtue. In the attacks which I read against
spiritual prayer, it is visible that these axioms of
Theism are denied: hence the attack is really that of
Atheism against Theism,—which is all fair, if it be
conducted by quiet reasonable argument, not by

�Che Controversy about Prayer.

ti

scornful assumptions, nor under a pretence that they
are only attacking a practice of Theists.
As Cicero and Tacitus and Aristotle, and the wisest
modern moralists, insist, there is no morality if there
be no freedom of the will. . If a man’s action is in all
details predetermined like the path of a comet, he can
no more be virtuous or vicious, praiseworthy or blame­
able, than the comet. Whatever may be said for
a doctrine of universal Necessity by eccentric and con­
fident reasoners, who think themselves pre-eminently
philosophic, the great mass of mankind continue to
believe as firmly as their own existence, that they
have a choice between the better and the worse, and
that they deserve blame for many of their bad actions ;
in short, that God, “ while binding Nature fast in
Fate, left free the human will.” For myself, I must
profess that my belief in my Free Will is coeval with
and as firm as my belief in matter; and I think it
'clear that the belief in both is the first principle of all
knowledge, and of course is prior to a belief in God.
The assailant of spiritual prayer is apt to assume
that the actions of the human will are as much deter­
mined beforehand as the movements of material par­
ticles, and therefore such prayer is as vain as prayer
for things outward. But he does not pretend any
proof that the will is thus mechanically predeter­
mined : indeed he knows that proof is impossible:
but he says that we probably shall hereafter find that
the case of mind is similar to that of meteorology,
and that in the progress of knowledge it will be dis­
covered that the mind has no freedom. This amounts
to saying that the progress of knowledge will probably
annul the first axioms on which all knowledge is
built. I need only reply that it has not yet done so,
and I utterly disbelieve that it ever will.
We see in the marvellous instincts of brute minds,
and in human instinct too, the operation of a Higher
Mind in the animated universe. How this action

�12

The Controversy about Prayer.

takes place we are necessarily ignorant, just as we
are how we think at all. We can have no ultimate
standing ground but in simple fact. Thought, life,
existence, must remain for ever a mystery. So must
the action of the Divine Spirit on the animal mind,
which I see as a fact; and seeing it, I cannot doubt
the action of the same Spirit in the higher regions of
the human mind. Religion has long been described
by pious persons as a “walking with God that is,
as a permanent tendency of the mind, when relieved
of other necessary thought, to remember the over­
sight, the insight, the joint consciousness of the Divine
Spirit, who essentially and primarily loves goodness,
justice,—in short, moral perfection. That virtue is
the final object for which man and the whole of human
life is ordained is a main principle of Theism. To
supplicate God inwardly for increase of virtue, or
pour out gratitude for his tender mercies to ourselves,
and admiration of his manifold infinitude, is therefore
its natural instinct; and such instinct cannot have
been given us for nothing. In fact, its moral influence
on the heart which cultivates it is the richest of all
rewards. Materialists and Atheists are generally very
severe against those who needlessly mortify lower
and animal instincts, and are often slow to discover
when it is not needless: they have then certainly no
right to claim that a pure and noble instinct shall be
repressed rather than cultivated. The best informed
among the opponents of all prayer will (with good
reason) deprecate the epithet Atheist; but if the God
whom alone they admit to be possible has none but a
mechanical existence, and praying to him is no wiser
than praying to the clouds, he is no more to us than
the gods of Epicurus ; we can have no personal rela­
tions with him any more than with dead men.
Let the strong and scornful opposition to Prayer,
which has been so widely echoed, be directed . on
formal, public, cut-and-dried Prayer, lengthy musical

�The Controversy about Prayer.

13

Prayer, profane singing of sacred words for the sake
of fine music, Litanies with endless repetition, the
“Lord’s Prayer ” recited so often and so fast that it
becomes unintelligible ;—and much good may come
of this outburst. There is scarcely a public prayer
used in all Christendom which does not admit,
perhaps urgently need, keen criticism. The “ Lord’s
Prayer ” is nowise to be excepted from this remark.
Moreover, to pray without desire, is the more profane,
the more it is done in combination and in system.
What then of coaxing or scolding young people into
it ? What of paying choristers and public singers of
addresses to God ? There is abundant room for
intelligent and profitable correction, without shocking
any of the rightful sanctities of the heart.

�INDEX TO MR SCOTT’S PUBLICATIONS,
ALPHABETICALLY ARRANGED.

The following Pamphlets and Papers may be had on addressing
a letter enclosing the price in postage stamps to Mr Thomas
Scott, 11 The Terrace, Farquhar Road, Upper Norwood,
London, S.E.
Price.
Post-free.
ABBOT, FRANCIS E., Editor of ‘Index,’ Toledo, Ohio, U.S.A.
S’
The Impeachment of Christianity. With Letters from Miss Frances
P. Cobbe and Professor W. F. Newman, giving their Reasons for not
calling themselves Christians
0 3
Truths for the Times
-03
ANONYMOUS.
A.I. Conversations. Recorded by a.Woman, for Women. Parts I., II.,
and III. 6d. each Part
-16
A Few Self-Contradictions of the Bible
- 1 0
Modern Orthodoxy and Modern Liberalism
- 0 6
Modern Protestantism. By the Author of “ The Philosophy of
Necessity”
-06
On Public Worship
-03
Questions to which the Orthodox are Earnestly Requested to Give
Answers -------Sacred History as a Branch of Elementary Education.
Part I.—Its Influence on the Intellect. Part II.—Its Influence on the
Development of the Conscience. 6d. each Part
- 1 0
The Church and its Reform. A Reprint - 1 0
The Church : the Pillar and Ground of the Truth
- 0 6
The Opinions of Professor David F. Strauss - 0 6
The Twelve Apostles
-06
Via Catholica; or, Passages from the Autobiography of a Country
Parson. Part I. -13
Woman’s Letter -03
BARRISTER, A.
Notes on Bishop Magee’s Pleadings for Christ •
- 0 6
BASTARD, THOMAS HORLOCK.
Scepticism and Social Justice
- 0 3

�Index to Mr Scott's Publications.
Price.

Post-free.
BENEFICED CLERGYMAN OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
The Chronological Weakness of Prophetic Interpretation - 1 1
The Evangelist and the Divine - 1 0
The Gospel of the Kingdom
- 0 6
BENTHAM, JEREMY.
The Church of England Catechism Examined. A Reprint
- 1 0
BERNSTEIN, A.
Origin of the Legends of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob
Critically Examined -10
BROOK, W. 0. CARR.
Reason versus Authority -03
BROWN, GAMALIEL.
An Appeal to the Preachers of all the Creeds - 0 3
Sunday Lyrics
------The New Doxology
- 0 3
CARROLL, Rev. W. G., Rector of St Bride’s, Dublin.
The Collapse of the Faith; or, the Deity of Christ as now taught
by the Orthodox -06
CLARK, W. G., M.A., Vice-Master of Trinity College, Cambridge.
A Review of a Pamphlet, entitled, “ The Present Dangers of the Church
of England ”
-06
CLERGYMAN OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
Letter and Spirit -06
The Analogy of Nature and Religion—Good and Evil - 0 6
The Question of Method, as affecting Religious Thought
- 0 3
COBBE, Miss F. P.
Letter on Christian Name. (See Abbot) .
CONWAY, MONCURE D.
The Spiritual Serfdom of the Laity. With Portrait
- 0 6
The Voysey Case -06
COUNTRY PARSON, A.
The Thirty-Nine Articles and the Creeds,—Their Sense and their
Non-Sense. Parts I., II., and III. 6d. each Part - 1 6
COUNTRY VICAR, A.
Criticism the Restoration of Christianity, being a Review of a
Paper by Dr Lang
-03
The Bible for Man, not Man for the Bible
- 0 6
CRANBROOK, The late Rev. JAMES.
On the Formation of Religious Opinions - 0 3
On the Hindrances to Progress in Theology
- 0 3
The Tendencies of Modern Religious Thought
- 0 3
F. H. I.
Spiritual Pantheism
.
-06
FORMER ELDER IN A SCOTCH CHURCH.
On Religion
--06
GELDART, Rev. E. M.
The Living God
0 3

�Index to Mr Scott's Publications.
Price.
Post-free.
s. d-

GRAHAM, A. D,, and F. H.
On Faith ------03
HANSON, Sir R. D., Chief-Justice of South Australia.
Science and Theology
-04
HARE, The Right Rev. FRANCIS, D.D., formerly Lord Bishop of
Chichester.
The Difficulties and Discouragements which Attend the Study of
the Scriptures
-06
HINDS, SAMUEL, D.D., late Bishop of Norwich.
Annotations on the Lord’s Prayer. (See Scott’s Practical Remarks)
Another Reply to the Question, “ What have we got to Rely
on, if we cannot Rely on the Bible ? ” (See Professor Newman’s
Reply)
&gt;
.
- 0 6
A Reply to the Question, “ Apart from Supernatural Revela­
tion, what is the Prospect of Man’s Living after Death ? ” 0 6
A Reply to the Question, “Shall I Seek Ordination in the
Church of England? ”
-06
Free Discussion of Religious Topics. Part I., Is. Part II.
- 1 6*
The Nature and Origin of Evil. A Letter to a Friend
- 0 6
HOPPS, Rev. J. PAGE.
Thirty-Nine Questions on the Thirty-Nine Articles. With
Portrait -03
JEVONS, WILLIAM.
The Book of Common Prayer Examined in the Light of the
Present Age. Parts I. and II. 6d. each Part
- 1 0
The Claims of Christianity to the Character of a Divine
Revelation Considered
- 0 6
The Prayer Book adapted to the Age - 0 6
KALISCH, M., Ph.D.
Theology of the Past and the Future. Reprinted from Part I. of
his Commentary on Leviticus. With Portrait
- 1 0
KIRKMAN, The Rev. THOMAS P., Rector of Croft, Warrington.
Church Cursing and Atheism
- 1 0
On Church Pedigrees. Parts I. and II. With Portrait. 6d. each Part 1 0
On the Infidelity of Orthodoxy. In Three Parts. 6d. each Part - 1 6
LAKE, J. W.
The Mythos of the Ark -06
Tree and Serpent Worship
- 0 6
LA TOUCHE, J. D., Vicar of Stokesay, Salop.
The Judgment of the Committee of Council in the Case of
Mr Voysey
-03
LAYMAN, A, and M.A. of Trinity College, Dublin.
Law and the Creeds
-06
Thoughts on Religion and the Bible
- 0 6
M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge.
Pleas for Free Inquiry. Parts I. and II. 6d. each Part
- 1 0
MACFIE, MATT.
Religion Viewed as Devout Obedience to the Laws of the
Universe
-06

�Index to Mr Scott's Publications,
Price.
Post-free.
s. d.

MAITLAND, EDWARD.
Jewish Literature and Modern Education ; or, the Use and Abuse
of the Bible in the Schoolroom
-16’
How to Complete the Reformation. With Portrait
-06
The Utilisation of the Church Establishment
- 0 6
M.P., Letter by.
The Dean of Canterbury on Science and Revelation - 0 6
NEALE, EDWARD VANSITTART.
Does Morality depend on Longevity ?
- 0 6
Genesis Critically Analysed, and continuously arranged; with Intro­
ductory Remarks .
.
-10
The Mythical Element in Christianity - 1 0
The New Bible Commentary and the Ten Commandments
- 0 3
NEWMAN, Professor F. W.
Against Hero-Making in Religion
- 0 6
A Reply to the Question, “What have we got to Rely on, if
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James and Paul .
_
-06
Letter on Name Christian. (See Abbot) On the Causes of Atheism With Portrait - 0 6
On the Relations of Theism to Pantheism; and On the Galla
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-06
The Bigot and the Sceptic
- 0 6
The Controversy about Prayer - 0 3
The Divergence of Calvinism from Pauline Doctrines
- 0 3
The Religious Weakness of Protestantism
- 0 7
The True Temptation of Jesus. With Portrait
- 0 6
Thoughts on the Existence of Evil
- 0 3

OXLEE, the Rev. JOHN.
A Confutation of the Diabolarchy

-

-

-0-6

PADRE OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH.
The Unity of the Faith among all Nations

-

-

- 0 6

PARENT AND TEACHER, A.
Is Death the end of all things for Man ?

-

-

- 0 6

-

PHYSICIAN, A.
A Dialogue by way of Catechism,—Religious, Moral, and
Philosophical. Parts I. and II. 6d. each Part - 1 0
The Pentateuch, in Contrast with the Science and Moral Sense of
our Age .
.
- 1 6

PRESBYTER ANGLIOANUS.
Eternal Punishment. An Examination of the Doctrines held by the
Clergy of the Church of England .
- 0 6
The Doctrine of Immortality in its Bearing on Education - 0 6

ROBERTSON, JOHN, Coupar-Angus.
Intellectual Liberty
.
.
.
-06
The Finding of the Book .
.
-20
ROW, A. JYRAM.
Christianity and Education in India. A Lecture delivered at
St George’s Hall, London, Nov. 12,1871
- 0 6

�Index to Mr Scotfs Publications.
Price.
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SCOTT, THOMAS.
A Challenge to the Members of the Christian Evidence Society 0 6
Basis of a New Reformation
- 0 9
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Original Sin
-06
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-06
The Dean of Ripon on the Physical Resurrection of Jesus, in
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The English Life of Jesus. A New Edition
-44
The Tactics and Defeat of the Christian Evidence Society - 0 6
STATHAM, F. REGINALD.
Rational Theology. A Lecture
- 0 3
STRANGE, T. LUMISDEN, late Judge of the High Court of Madras.
A Critical Catechism. Criticised by a Doctor of Divinity, and
Defended by T. L. Strange
- 0 6
Clerical Integrity
- 0 3
Communion with God
-03
The Bennett Judgment
-03
The Bible; Is it “ The Word of God ? ”
- 0 6
The Speaker’s Commentary Reviewed
- 2 6
STMONDS, J. ADDINGTON.
The Renaissance of Modern Europe
- 0 3
TAYLOR, P. A., M.P.
Realities -------VOYSEY, The Rev. CHARLES.
A Lecture on Rationalism
- 0 6
A Lecture on the Bible - 0 6
An Episode in the History of Religious Liberty. With Portrait 0 6
On Moral Evil
- 0 6
W. E. B.
An Examination of Some Recent Writings about Immortality - 0 6
WILD, GEO. J., LL.D.
Sacerdotalism
-03
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On the Efficacy of Opinion in Matters of Religion - 0 6
Two Essays : On the Interpretation of the Language, of The Old
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PRINTED EY C. W. REYNELL, LITTLE PULTENEY STREET, HAYMARKET, W.

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•
ZS-2. 4 Man
ON THE

HISTORICAL DEPRAVATION
OF

CHRISTIANITY.

BY

F. W. NEWMAN.

PUBLISHED

BY

THOMAS

SCOTT,

NO. II THE TERRACE, FARQUHAR ROAD, UPPER NORWOOD,

LONDON, S.E.

1873.
Price Threepence.

�LONDON:
PRINTED DY C. W. BEYNELL, 16 LITTLE PULTENEY STREET,
HAYMARKET, IV.

�ON THE

HISTORICAL DEPRAVATION
OF

CHRISTIANITY.

HRISTIANITY is not the only religion which
has undergone depravation. Side by side with
it Mohammedanism has developed its celibate fakirs
and its traditions, directly or indirectly, against the
doctrine of the prophet. The Parsee religion has
been corrupted by apathy, ignorance, and contact with
Hindooism, and Parsee reformers look back to the
earlier state for purer doctrine. Hindoos also allege,
and in important points have proved, that moral
enormities in their creed and practice are a later
depravation; insomuch that a school has arisen which
appeals to the Vedas or ancient Scriptures against
modern error. Finally, in the farthest east and north
of India the Buddhist religion has undergone change,
damaging additions, startling developments, which
remind every one of Christianity. Its first preacher
and eminent founder has been deified, an enormous
apparatus of monks, nuns, and holy orders has grown
up, with a materialistic worship utterly opposed to
the spirituality of its origin.
There is a philosophy now abroad among the
opponents of Christianity, which charges upon the
religion whatever evil has been historically intro­

C

�4

On the Historical

duced into it. The main purpose of this tract is to
consider under what form such charge is justified, and
where it is unjust.
I. But before entering on the general question, I
wish to deal with a special accusation, which I perceive
to be made very widely and persistently. I copy from
a book which I just now opened at random :—“ The
tenets of every man’s religious creed determine, more
or less, the precepts of his morality. He whose creed
includes salvation to its recipients and damnation to
doubters and unbelievers, is of necessity a persecutor.”
This is part of a chapter with which I on the whole
agree, while I strongly deprecate this mode of attack
as unjust and untrue.
The vague phrase more or less makes it impossi­
ble to deny the former sentence; yet the theoretic
and the practical morality of every nation are far
more influenced by national law and history, by
literature and science, than by its religious creed ;
and, in turn, the current morals modify the creed.
Next, at no time did any Christianity known to me
teach that all its recipients would be saved. “ Re­
pentance of sin ” has always been taught and held to
be as needful as “ faith in the Lord Jesus Christ.”
To do evil that good may come has always (in theory)
been held sinful. However intense a Christian’s be­
lief that rejection of Christianity is a damnable sin,
that has not the slightest tendency (according to any
good logic) to turn him into a persecutor. I want
to know, Was the man who wrote this charge ever a
Christian himself ? If so, had lie the heart of a per­
secutor then ? I do not believe it; yet I cannot ac­
count for his inability to understand how the case
presents itself to Christians who abhor persecution,
as I think all earnest Protestants do. It may be of
interest to state what arguments were used (to my
personal knowledge) from within the Anglican Church
in the years 1827-29, in favour of admitting Dis­
senters, Catholics, and Jews to an equal participa-

�Depravation of Christianity.

$

tion of all civil and political rights. Of course it
was seen that they applied equally to Hindoos and
Mussulmans in India ; but indeed that was not in
contest. It was urged :—
“ Christians who happen to be English have the
political rights of Englishmen, just as Paul had
Roman citizenship from his birth ; but it is not 6ecause we are Christians that we have any right to
State-power. We can claim nothing to which every
Pagan would not be equally entitled ; for imagine
that some spiteful opponent had attacked Paul by
saying, that if Christians could get the opportunity,
they would eject from the Senate and from all the
posts of administration every adherent of the old re­
ligion, and ask yourself how Paul would have re­
plied. Would he not have rebutted the charge as a
slander showing utter ignorance of Christianity, which
teaches that our citizenship is in heaven ? Christ’s
kingdom is not of this world ; we have no more right
to oust Pagans from posts of honour than to deprive
them of their goods. If we could use power better
than they, perhaps also we could use money better
than they ; but this will not justify despoiling them.
We claim our rights as men and equals. In order to
rob us of these, it is pretended, most falsely, that we
do not concede to others the rights of men and equals.
Such, surely, would have been Paul’s reply.”
A fortiori, like arguments apply to the direct per­
secution of a misbeliever. “I claim to announce
Christianity anywhere and everywhere. If I were
to. preach in Turkey, and a Mussulman were to im­
prison me for it, I should feel and judge that he was
unjust. If he may not use violence against me for
uttering my convictions, neither may I against him
for uttering his convictions. To persecute him for it
would be sin in me; and my sin would be worse than
his error. To kill him for his error would be murder
in me. If his error is a wickedness, God is his judge ;
but I am not. Who made me judge over him ?

�6

On the Historical

Where does Jesus or an Apostle command any pri­
vate person or any magistrate to use violence against
the teachers of error ? Did the Apostles teach that
magistrates or any hierarchy bear the sword to enforce
religious truth ? Nay, but Paul says that a Bishop
must be no striker. And again : The servant of the
Lord must not strive, but be gentle unto all men, apt
to teach, patient, in meekness instructing opponents,
if God peradventure will give them repentance to
the acknowledging of the truth. James not only
agrees with Paul, but goes beyond him. The wise
man, full of knowledge, is to win over opponents by
good works and meekness of wisdom, which is pure,
peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated. James
will not permit even denunciations, but declares that
these furies of the tongue are set on fire by hell; and
that if a man cannot keep his tongue with a bridle,
his religion is vain.”
In my youth and early manhood, I believed (or
supposed myself to believe) that there was an eternal
hell in which the wicked would be punished, and a
perverse rejection of Christ I held to be wickedness.
Nevertheless, this never suggested to me, nor could
have suggested, that it was right for Christians to
touch by legal punishment or restraint those who
taught a foreign religion or atheism. To justify per­
secution by logic from the New Testament would
have appeared to me then, as it does now, to be
wholly puerile. I am amazed to find people quote,
“ Vengeance is mine; I will repay, saith the Lord,”
as an argument why Christians must believe it right
to use the sword against unbelievers; whereas it is
Paul’s argument for the very contrary. Not only so,
but if the case had happened—which certainly never
did—that I met a Christian reasoning from the Scrip­
tures for persecution, I should unhesitatingly have
said that the doctrine was essentially opposed to the
whole spirit of Christianity, and was therefore in­
capable of proof by quoting detailed texts. Nothing

�Depravation of Christianity.

7

but a confusion of the Old Testament with the New
led the Puritans astray, and the Independents set
them right before long. Hooker and his contem­
porary Anglicans, I think, were free from this
specially Puritanical confusion.
The doctrine of persecution I hold to be a depra­
vation of Christianity, to which the New Testament
affords no countenance. It rose out of human pas­
sions—pride, self-confidence, impatience, love of
power, and other still baser motives, all vehemently
condemned by the original Christian doctrine to
whichever of the earliest Christian schools we look.
II. I return to the more general question. We
see how early the elements of monkery and nunnery,
of ceremonialism, of episcopal power, of saint-worship,
and other errors, can be found within Christianity.
Are we therefore to treat full-blown Romanism as
the ZeyiYmufe unfolding of Christianity ?
Those who say Yes appear to me to confound two
things—the erroneous logic natural to an ignorant
age, and legitimate logic. Given the Roman world
in its actual state, in which the more educated stood
aloof from Christianity in disdain, while the unedu­
cated, the busy, and the slaves flocked into it, per­
haps it is strictly true that, with such materials and
circumstances, the downward course of Christianity
into grossly carnal ordinances, a monstrous creed,
and priestly rule, was inevitable. But this has no
tendency to disprove the assertion that the new
system was a depravation and essentially different
from the original; and that to pass it off as Chris­
tianity is a portentous misrepresentation.
I gravely deprecate forms of speech which must
seem to Protestants a wild injustice. They earnestly
desire to hold fast the original Christianity. It is
fair and right to tell them that they do not go far
enough back, or to show them the difficulties of their
search ; and there is nothing in this to irritate them.
But to declaim against Christianity, and mean by the

�On the Historical
word simply Romanism, puzzles them on the one side,
or, on the other, insults them by identifying their
religion with an essentially different system, which
they disclaim, perhaps abhor. When it is notorious
that in the course of history the tendency of every
national religion is to change, and often for the worse,
there is no ostensible fairness, no plausibility, in
accepting the latest state as truly exhibiting the
essence of the first. Neither, therefore, on the face of
the matter, has the critic a right to adduce the later
stage as an aspersion on the honour of the earlier.
I have carefully written, “ on the face of the matter.'"
But an assailant may allege, that the depravations are
not accidents ; that if the logic of the historical de­
velopment was weak, the weakness was largely caused
by errors essential to the religion from the first. If
he can prove this, he may justly maintain, that the
later state, though a depravation and not a legitimate
development, is still a solid objection against the
original teachers.
The closer the history of Christianity is canvassed,
the more undeniable does it appear, that its tendency
to depravation was caused by its diligently fostering
the spirit of credulity as a religious duty. If it be
said, as above, in excuse, that none of the highest in­
tellect of the age entered the Christian Church,—that
it was peopled by slaves and an uneducated mass,
who hung on the lips of a few pious but narrow­
minded teachers,—the reply is at hand, that neither
Jesus nor the Apostles went the way to bring edu­
cated men into the Church. Whether Jesus laid
claim to miracles, may be doubtful; but those who
believe that he did, will not say that he used any
method likely to convince the educated of their truth.
He did not even leave behind him an authenticated
copy of his precepts and doctrine. So long as James
and Paul speak on purely moral subjects, we find
plentiful reason to admire and honour them; but as
soon as Paul begins to expound the Old Scriptures,

�Depravation of Christianity.

g

the intellectual weakness of his Rabbinism warns us
at once why he could not make converts among edu­
cated men; yet his failures, instead of suggesting to
him that his logic was unsound, makes him only
moralize, like a modern Mussulman, on the mysterious
wisdom of God, who hides divine truth from the wise
and prudent, and reveals it to babes. Indeed, the
words, as I now quote, are ascribed to Jesus himself.
I do not think any candid person can deny that the
first teachers of Christianity quickly despaired of con­
verting any but the ignorant. They invariably ad­
dressed men’s consciences only, as if there could be
no such thing as legitimate intellectual doubt, which
needed for removal arguments addressed to the in­
tellect. What can be more inconsequential and point­
less than the historical rhapsody imputed to the in­
spired Stephen? What less fitted to remove the
reasonable hesitations of a thoughtful and good man
than the addresses in the book of Acts ascribed to
Peter and Paul ? Paul at Athens is said to have
moved incredulity by announcing a future day, on
which God would judge the world by the interven­
tion of a Man; and the only evidence he offers of the
truth of this is, that God has given assurance of it by
raising that Man from the dead. Although the book
of Acts is not the same thing as Paul’s own epistle,
this sketch is in general harmony with his doctrine
and method. We see distinctly, in his 1st Epistle to
the Corinthians, ch. xv., where he undertakes to re­
prove and refute those who deny the future resur­
rection of the body, how little understanding he
has of the evidence required by his case. That
Jesus was risen, he probably did not need to
prove, but only to show that this entails the resur­
rection of mankind; yet in his own way he
undertakes to prove both.
On neither topic
is . he aware how entirely unsatisfactory is the
evidence which he offers. Those who know anything
of Socrates or Aristotle may easily imagine the blank

�IO

On the Historical

astonishment of those good and wise men, if such
proof had been laid before them as adequate. Yet
the resurrection of Jesus, if a fact, was a physical
fact, addressed to the common intellect, and no way
a spiritual truth, to be judged of by spiritual discern­
ment. But Paul, after a short and rapid assertion
that Jesus had been many times seen after his death,
and that, last of all, he himself had seen him [of
course, in a vision or trance], rushes into a close and
animated argument, on which evidently is his chief
dependence. They must believe the resurrection of
Jesus, he says; for if it be not true, they will lose all
future reward for present sacrifice, and all motive for
preferring virtue to vice. (What would King Heze­
kiah have said to this astonishingly base argument ?)
Nay, he adds, they are “ yet in their sins,” if Jesus is
not risen, as though deliverance from the power of
sin were not a matter of fact to the spiritual man, of
which he is himself conscious, and a sufficient judge !
Thus he reduces to a minimum ordinary evidence
concerning an outward fact, which in no other way
can be sustained ; and overbears an inward spiritual
fact by a simple dogma I If it be said, that when he
wrote, “ Ye are yet in your sins,” he meant, “ Ye are
unforgiven ; ” it is obvious to reply that Hebrew
Psalmists and Prophets had long taught that God
forgives all sins hated and renounced by the sinner,
and does not make forgiveness depend on His raising
some one from the dead; nor did Jesus ever assert
such dependence. In the second place, the resurrec­
tion of Jesus, if a fact, took place under totally dif­
ferent circumstances from that of men whose bodies
have “ seen corruption,” that is, suffered dissolution ;
and the argument from the one to the other is not com­
plete, even as an analogy. Paul indeed does not define
what he means by “ resurrection,” while he scolds as
a “ fool ” any one who understands him literally.
While the paucity of cultivated men in the Church
is a theme of pious exultation, “lest any flesh glory,”

�Depravation of Christianity.

11

at the same time even in Paul, noble and heart-stirring
as his moral tone is, we cannot but see that he is far
quicker to denounce and threaten unbelief, than to
meet doubts with patient candour. This element
reigns through nearly all the New Testament. I
gladly except the Epistle of James, which is almost
free from dogmatic elements, and wish to believe that
in this respect also he represents Jesus to us. Yet
Matthew, Mark, and Luke agree in ascribing to
Jesus haughty denunciation, where it appears least
justified. It is not practically possible to reach a
Christianity in which intellectual doubt was kindly
welcomed and candidly satisfied. It is always treated
as a sin, and easy faith magnified as a high merit.
This, I apprehend, is the fatal fact which ensured
corruptions through the triumph of credulity in the
Church.
Fancy and folly, bad logic and blundering, haste
and love of the marvellous, are ever at work to
deform every oral tradition, and pervert the inter­
pretation of whatever is written. The only check
upon their inroads lies in keen and jealous criticism.
To commend easy belief as a virtue, and frown on
slowness to believe as a dishonour to God, was certain
to entail illimitable error, burying out of sight the
original doctrines. If easy belief in a newly-announced
marvel is meritorious to-day, so will it be to-morrow,
so will it be next year : hereby a premium is offered
for a harvest of lies. From the beginning, the merit
of believing things wonderful was distinctly pro­
claimed ; in the third century it was frankly applied
to believing things incredible. The reasoning faculty,
unless kept in constant exercise, withers as certainly
as the hand or the arm. While we approach God
mentally, or seek moral edification devoutly, argu­
mentation is lulled to sleep : hence, if devotion absorb
the mind wholly, free intellect gets no play. To foster
criticism is the only sure way of holding fast attained
truth, not to speak of advancing to new truth. To

�12

On the Historical Depravation, &amp;c.

scold down free thought prepares the corruption of a
religion by weakening the mind of the votaries.
When Infallibility is ascribed to any set of enuncia­
tions and statements, every flaw in a noble discourse
becomes its most admired feature, and is most insisted
on, because it is difficult to believe,—because it mor­
tifies “that beast Reason,” to use Luther’s vehement
phrase. The doctrine of Infallibility, which is the
head and front of Popery, is but the consolidation of
the authoritative tone of teaching which was originally
made a supplement to defective argument. It is a
familiar thought, that if the earth, without human
labour, bore to us, as in a fabled Paradise, milk and
honey, fruits and crops, clothes and shelter, our
bodies would be enfeebled by laziness and inaction.
Just so do our minds become torpid and weak, when
truth is guaranteed to us authoritatively. Infallibility,
whether in a Church or in a Book, such as shall super­
sede criticism of the things asserted, is as little to be
desired, and as little to be expected, in Theology as
in Morals or Politics. No form of Christianity has
shaken off its incrustations of error, except where Free
Science has arisen to exercise and brace the spirit of
criticism. The noble moralities of the New Testament
will stand out more admirable and more valuable,
when surrounding error is purged away : but until
this work of criticism is performed, and the dogmatic
principle disowned, the spiritual and moral will con­
tinue to be drowned in the ecclesiastical. Depravation
and schism, anathema and recrimination, must be
expected in the future, as in the past.

�INDEX TO THOMAS SCOTT’S PUBLICATIONS
ALPHABETICALLY ARRANGED.

The following Pamphlets and Papers may be had on addressing
a letter enclosing the price in postage stamps to Mr Thomas
Scott, 11 The Terrace, Farquhar Load, Upper Norwood,
London, S.E.
Price.
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* d'
The Impeachment of Christianity. With Letters from Miss Frances
P. Cobbe and Professor F. W. Newman, giving their Reasons for not
calling themselves Christians
0 3
Truths for the Times
- 0 3
ANONYMOUS.
A.I. Conversations. Recorded by a Woman, for Women. Parts I., II.,
and III. 6d. each Part
-16
A Few Self-Contradictions of the Bible
- 1 0
Modern Orthodoxy and Modern Liberalism
- 0 6
Modern Protestantism. By the Author of “ The Philosophy of
Necessity”
-06
On Public Worship
-03
Questions to which the Orthodox are Earnestly Requested to Give
Answers _
-01
Sacred History as a Branch of Elementary Education.
Part I.—Its Influence on the Intellect. Part II.—Its Influence on the
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- 1 0
The Church and its Reform. A Reprint - 1 0
The Church : the Pillar and Ground of the Truth
- o 6
The Opinions of Professor David F. Strauss
6
TnE Twelve Apostles
-06
Via Catholica; or, Passages from the Autobiography of a Country
Parson. Part I. - 1 3
Woman’s Letter - 0 3
BARRISTER, A.
Notes on Bishop Magee’s Pleadings for Christ - 0 6
BASTARD, THOMAS HORLOOK.
'
Scepticism and Social Justice
- 0 3

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Index to ’Thomas Scolds Publications.
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The Chronological Weakness of Prophetic Interpretation - 1 1
The Evangelist and the Divine -10
The Gospel of the Kingdom
- 0 6

BENTHAM, JEREMY.
The Church of England Catechism Examined. A Reprint
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BERNSTEIN, A.
Origin of the Legends of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob
Critically Examined -10
BROOK, W. 0. CARR.
Reason versus Authority -03
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.
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-06
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An Examination of Canon Liddon’s Bampton Lectures
- 0 6
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Letter on Christian Name. (See Abbot) CONWAY, MONCURE D.
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COUNTRY PARSON, A.
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F. H. I.
Spiritual Pantheism
-06

FOREIGN CHAPLAIN.
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Prayer. A Letter to Thomas Scott

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- 0 3

�Index to Thomas Scott's Publications.

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The Difficulties and Discouragements which Attend the Study of
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                <text>On the historical depravation of Christianity</text>
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                <text>Newman, Francis William [1805-1897.]</text>
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                <text>Place of publication: London&#13;
Collation: 12, v, [1] p. ; 18 cm&#13;
Notes: Part of Morris Misc. Tracts 4. Publisher's list on numbered pages at the end.</text>
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                <text>Thomas Scott</text>
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