2 10 13 https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/7e25ead73e9ba53be892fa5398f957f4.pdf?Expires=1784764800&Signature=lIF7sAZY4B-uDwnazh%7EqAa7bNo5io50PXFJOOPm7wE-M3QLRx4szgnrLTdWtbULalUMGYuzJVU43vbPU%7EIJcLqjjgOgOaeCl8utsx2rRZOVSZrByGDXab2DUL7nTTZ2t1GoCp-qOLmfzSJRe76W3N1Vor4AYmAnSGxMwLImDGIr9a0EuIoXkOB3WtqaXk01PdB95dlIV7onZ3WhT1iNYhWMOp94mJY8kqdQF8I3JeviKcB2rQFrIm8EQZUnIqmeT7CR1DphEVDcLn3yZNFmwiMDwJqLxq3NrXBqg7YUNTgsWXdcXx0htwRL4Qa-dMHv1ti9YBIYSbVTBrXpkC8z-TQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 1b7cd5a4b6b865a1ccb1df3f0ac27eef PDF Text Text THE BOOK FOR THE NATION AND THE TIMES. BY A CITIZEN U.S.N.A. PHILADELPHIA: WILLIAM S. & ALFRED MARTIEN, No. 606 Chestnut Stheet. 1864. �Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1864, By WILLIAM S. & ALFRED MARTIEN, In the Office of the Clerk of the District Court of the United States, in and for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. Stereotyped by a New Process, at Martien’s Foundry, No. 21 South 7th street, Philadelphia. �TO THE PEOPLE the Bnited states; FROM MAINE TO TEXAS, AND FROM OREGON TO FLORIDA; OUR GREAT ONE AND AND FREE REPUBLIC INDIVISIBLE: HOPING THEY MAY TEND TO ITS STRENGTH AND STABILITY, THESE PAGES . ARE AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED, BY THE AUTHOR, ��THE BOOK FOB THE NATION. Stop! my fellow-citizens, stop! Why be carried head­ long, we know not whither, by the rapid current of these excited times? Stop! and let us reason together. You love your country, and fondly desire for it, honor, great­ ness, and prosperity. But is it not for us to make it honorable, great and prosperous? How can we expect it to be such, unless we make it such? What do we need, then, in order to be great and happy as a nation? Only one thing; and that one thing is Goodness. All know that we can never be truly great, without being good. With­ out goodness, there may seem to be greatness for a time; but the evil day is sure to come. Goodness is the very soul and vitality of greatness, and of happiness. God is infinitely great and happy, because he is infinitely good. Let us, as a nation, be like him in the one respect, and we shall be like him in the other. He is the fountain, and the model, of all that is truly great and good; and let it be our aim and ambition, to bring up our national character to the resemblance of that exalted model. Are we not a Christian people? We surely believe in God. We believe that he is, and that he is our Sove­ (5) �6 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, reign Ruler. We believe that he is good, and that we ought to be like him, and to seek his favor. But if we refuse to listen to his voice, how can we be or do either? If we refuse to be guided by his counsel, how can we be like him, or he be pleased with us? To have our nation conformed to him, and pleasing in his sight, it must be our effort to mould it by his will. And now, when our nation is heaving and shaking, and passing through this great revolution, let us stop and consider what is the matter; and what it really needs, in order to make it, in all time to come, both prosperous and secure. If we love our country, and would have it redeemed from all its evils, how can we refuse to do this ? And if we love our country, and desire its redemption, and enduring exalta­ tion, how can we refuse the application to it, of those principles of divine, eternal truth, without which every nation must eventually totter and fall. “ For the nation and kingdom, that will not serve the cause of right­ eousness, shall perish.”—The mouth of the Lord hath spoken it. It is not for an avowedly Christian people, to turn away from the subject with the impression that it is merely religious; nor is it by any means such. Allimportant state matters are involved; matters compre­ hending the best and dearest interests of the nation. True, indeed, the subject embraces our duty to God, as a nation, and has, therefore, its religious aspect; but has none the less its political aspect also. Nor should any be alarmed about a blending together of religion and politics; as any such alarm would be quite irrational. Because, without a constant blending of politics and reli­ gion, it is utterly impossible for national duties to be dis- �AND FOR THE TIMES. 7 charged. All duties owing to civil society are twofold in their nature. Divine claims are involved, as well as human; and their discharge is, therefore, a religious duty. In its nature, the oath administered in our courts of justice, is a solemn act of religious worship. Rendering obedience to civil authority has its religious aspect, because God requires it. And so also has the administration of civil government; for it is his ordinance, and its officers are the “ministers of God.” The notion of keeping separate politics and religion, is silly and absurd; it is worse, for it is wicked. Religion ought to be blended with politics always and everywhere. That is, all state matters ought to be leavened with religion, but religion ought never to be leavened with politics. Men ought to be influenced, not by sectarianism, which is not religion, but by “pure and undefiled religion,” in all their management of state affairs. The spirit and principles of this religion ought to be carried everywhere, and men be ruled by them, whatever they do, in their politics, as in all things else. It is not at all improbable, that the effort to separate religion from politics, has been in no small measure the bane of our nation. If men lay aside their religion, and disregard its claims, when engaged in politics, how can they prosper? To suppose they could, would be absurd. And a nation or people who attempt to do it, will be sure to find out that there is something seriously wrong; and they may have to pass through many calamities, before they attain to a knowledge of the truth. Our nation is now suffering under very serious afflic­ tions. And at such a time as this, it would certainly be proper in the people to earnestly inquire, why it is that we are in this sad condition. When a people, in the �8 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, midst of their calamities, remain stolid and indifferent, careless about their cause, it indicates a reckless and abandoned condition of society; and that their calamities are not likely soon to cease, nor they themselves to be much improved by what is passing over them. It would, indeed, be indicative of a people not worthy of continu­ ance as a nation, but destined speedily to become extinct. Better things we hope, however, are in store for our nation. We may fondly hope, that our end is not approaching; that we are not to perish quite so abruptly. We do not suppose that the mission, for which the great Ruler raised up the nation, has yet been accomplished. He raised it up for some great and good purpose, and that purpose has^not yet been fully attained. We doubt not the design was, that this land should be a land of liberty, an asylum for the oppressed, a home for the downtrodden of other lands. And such in some respects it has hitherto been; and such in every respect, it has yet to become, by the purpose and providence of God. We look forward to the time when, as a nation, we shall be exalted by righteousness, and be that “ happy people, whose God is the Lord.” For this end we hope he is now dealing with us, to make us such as he will approve and bless, and perpetuate for good. That the Almighty Ruler of nations hath a contro­ versy with us, there are but few, we presume, who will venture to deny. These great and sore calamities, which have befallen the nation, are not the result of chance: they are brought upon the land by the overruling provi­ dence of God. We are assured by unerring authority, that even a “sparrow cannot fall to the ground without” his direction; and much less can a nation be convulsed, �AND FOR THE TIMES. 9 as is ours, without his immediate control. We are inured, too, that there is no evil with which men are visited, but is sent of God. Amos iii. 6: “Shall there be evil in a city, and the Lord hath not done it?” What­ ever evil befalls a city or nation, the Lord sends it upon that city or nation. The import of the whole Word of God plainly is, that the Lord is the disposer of all the affairs of both individuals and nations; and that the calamities which befall either, are his visitations on account of their sins—either for their punishment merely, or else for both punishment and reformation. The same infallible authority teaches also, that the Lord never sends calamities upon nations, when they are innocent. To suppose him doing so, would be utterly derogatory to his righteous character. “ Will not the Judge of all the earth do right?” So saith the Bible. And for him to punish a nation, not for its sins, but while it is innocent, just for its improvement, would be far from right. There must be guilt, either by transgression or imputation, else the infliction of punishment would be utterly unjust— incompatible with all sense of right. The doctrine has been advanced that the Lord is chas­ tising us, not for our iniquity, but merely for our improve­ ment, so as to fit us for a more exalted and useful position among the nations. Those who do not see our national sins, and yet believe in the overruling providence of God, are necessarily forced into some such unscriptural posi­ tion. Admitting that afflictions from God are upon us, and not being able to see our ill-desert, it must be assumed that he afflicts us merely for our good, and not at all in the way of punishment. And men, by refusing to see our national sins, may at length become quite �10 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, unable to see them. A man, who persists for a long time in keeping his eyes closed and refuses to see, may at length have his sight so impaired that he cannot see. And a man, who habitually, for a long time, closes his eyes to the sins of the nation, may become so blind to them, that he cannot discern them at all. And then, when national judgments come, he cannot, of course, understand the cause, and is ready to invent some theory, even though it should be inconsistent with the Word of God. But taking that Word for our all-sufficient and infallible guide, we cannot hesitate to believe, that the Lord never sends calamities upon innocent nations—never afflicts but when they are guilty; though he may design not merely punishment, but improvement also. And in our present national calamities, we apprehend that both punishment and improvement are his design—to bring us to a knowledge of our sins, so as to confess and forsake them, and thus turn to him, that He may turn to us, with deliverance and abiding favor. To be made sensible of our sins is what we, as a nation, especially require, in order to realize that the hand of the Lord is stretched forth against us in these calamities. Indeed, these themselves might be sufficient to force con­ viction upon every mind, that we have sinned against Heaven, and in an aggravated manner, else, in the provi­ dence of God, we should not be visited with such terrible judgments. By the pen of inspiration we have upon record, “ for our learning,” the Lord’s dealings with a single nation. And the whole history of that Israelitish nation proves most clearly, that national calamities are the punishment of national sins; and, also, that national repentance and �AND FOR THE TIMES. 11 reformation are sure to be met by the returning favor of the Lord, granting deliverance and peace. And from Israel’s history, the great practical lesson to be impressed upon all nations, in their calamities, is embodied in the words—“ Come, and let us return unto the Lord ; for he hath torn, and he will heal us; he hath smitten, and he will bind us up.”—Hos. vi. 1. Whenever we, as a peo­ ple, are brought to use this language in sincerity, it will then be well with us; it expresses so fully that state of feeling which is appropriate to a suffering nation. There is the acknowledgment that the Lord has been forgotten, and hence his claims and counsels disregarded; and that their calamities are the inflictions of his hand: and also a purpose to return to Him, with a recognition of his mer­ ciful character—that he will pardon and bless all who repent and obey. But evidently it is impossible for us to be brought to a sincere use of this language, unless we are led to understand our national sins. And our wish is to aid in the acquisition of this indispensable knowledge. While attempting to set forth the cause of the Lord’s displeasure against us, it is the intention to speak of, not individual, but national sins—the sins of the people, in their national capacity. There are individual acts, and there are national acts; there are individual sins, and there are national sins. And both individual and national sins may go to make up the guilt of a nation. Nor need it be doubted that both have contributed to make up the guilt of our own. National sins are those committed by the people, in the transacting of national business; such as adopting constitutions—voting for officers of govern­ ment, whether high or low—enacting laws—interpreting and executing laws. All such acts are national, because �12 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, performed in the transaction of national affairs. And all sins committed in these and such relations, are national sins. Nor can we doubt that many and great sins have been committed in all departments, in the management of our national affairs; even from the laying the foundation of our national system, and during the direction and management of it ever since. We have sinned in the adoption of our Constitution—we sin in appointing our rulers—in the enactment of our laws—in our judicial decisions—and also in the executing of our laws. But the primary and radical sin is, no doubt, found in our Constitution; and lays a foundation for the easy and ready commission of all the others. It will be the part of wisdom, then, honestly, consci­ entiously, and in the light of divine truth, to examine into the nature of this Constitutional and radical sin, which doubtless entails upon us many others, and leaves us so much exposed to the Divine displeasure. And if we are willing to submit to a Scriptural examination, it will probably appear that our great Constitutional and radical sin consists in a kind of practical, national atheism. Not avowed atheism, but latent, practical atheism—refus­ ing to acknowledge G~od, and his sovereign authority over us as a nation. If we are a Christian people, how can we object to being tried by the Word of God ? Our leading statesmen and orators everywhere assume that the nation is Chris­ tian ; and if such, how can we refuse to take Christ’s law for our standard and test of character. A people who believe in the Word of God, cannot consistently refuse to be tried by that Word. And if we seek to have the nation such as it ought to be, then must we �AND FOR THE TIMES. 13 have it moulded by the Divine will, and if moulded by His will it must be through the application of His Word. If we, as a nation, despise the Word of the Lord, how can we ever expect to be prosperous and secure ? “ The Lord hath magnified his Word above all his name.” He has honored it above all else, whereby he makes himself known, and we ought to honor it too. As a nation, we ought to honor the heaven-given Book of God, and feel that we are honored by having the privilege. But we have neglected it: we have slighted it: we have disre­ garded its counsels, and set it at naught. This is one of our national sins, and is recoiling upon our own heads. See where we are now! What wasting floods of evil have flown over our formerly God-favored land I and all through the rejection of Iris Word, “ which is perfect, and makes wise the simple.” This is our fatal Pandora’s box, from which have issued the countless miseries now afflict­ ing us as a nation. The leaven of divine truth would have saved us. It will cause any nation to grow great, stable, and enduring. It is the genuine balm to heal the wounds of our torn and bleeding land. Why should we hesitate to have recourse at once to its application. It is the true and only remedy; and will save the nation from the deadly maladies still wasting its vitality. Let us, then, build upon this true foundation; having our Consti­ tution and the Bible blended together, as the immovable basis of our national fabric. The edifice will then be firm and abiding—the Bible being imperishable, so also will be our Constitution—assaults upon either will be assaults upon both; and both will have the same Almighty defence and shield. But in order to the blending together of the Bible and �14 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, our Constitution, the latter must be made to harmonize with the former ; and this can be done only by the adop­ tion of certain amendments, for which provision has been made in the instrument itself. What they are, we learn only from the Word of God, as this is the standard by which the deficiencies of our Constitution are to be ascertained. According to human authority, our Constitu­ tion might be considered almost faultless, as it is doubtless the best ever framed by merely human wisdom. But the question is not what it ought to be in the estimation of men, but what it ought to be in the sight of God. We are not now treating of our responsibility, as a nation, to men or other nations, but of our responsibility to God himself; and hence, the standard by which we must be tried is his Word, and not th'e views and expositions of politicians and statesmen, however distinguished they may be. The elaborate disquisitions, settled principles and dogmas of learned and profound statesmen, are of no weight, when brought into competition with the wisdom and requirements of the Almighty. As we are not discussing our duty to men or nations, but our duty to God, so from God we must learn what that duty is— measure ourselves by the standard of his Word. And it is a standard of supreme and divine excellence. Had our nation been framed and fabricated in all its parts, in accordance with the pattern there exhibited, happy would it be for us this day. Instead of being under the dark cloud—under the anger and displeasure of a righteous God, we should be sitting in the sunlight of his favor, sweet peace and prosperity smiling around every habita­ tion. For “ when a man’s ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him.” And so with �AND FOR THE TIMES. 15 a nation. When its ways please the Lord, he makes it to sit in peace and safety, “ under the shadow of the Almighty,” free from alarms within, and the assaults of enemies from without.—“Blessed is that people whose God is the Lord.” But, alas! we are not that people; and with shame we ought to confess it, that in the framing of our Constitu­ tion, we have refused to take the Lord to be our God; and have framed it without any reference, either to his existence, his authority over us, or to his law. It has been framed, in short, just as though there were no God. “The fool hath said in his heart, No God.” The import of the workings of his heart is, “No God.” The lan­ guage or voice, sent forth by these workings, says, “No God.” And such is the import of our Constitution. “No God,” is the meaning of its voice—the signification of it, from the beginning to the end. There is no God recog­ nised in it, for the nation to look to for help, to honor, to trust, or to obey! And, my dear fellow-citizens, may I not appeal to your sense of propriety—is it desirable for us to have a nation, that has no God? The great and radical defect in our Constitution is, that the sovereignty of God over the nations of the earth is not acknowledged. The government of God over our nation, is not recognised nor admitted in any way. The entire instrument is drawn up in such a manner as to imply, that in conducting the affairs of the nation, the govern­ ment of God is to be left entirely out of the account. And God is thus dethroned, so far as this disowning of his authority can do it. And all our State Constitutions are defective in the same way : none of them acknowledges the government of God, as it really exists, as he main­ �16 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, tains it over the nations. This, then, is the great primary and radical sin of the nation. God’s government, as it actually exists by his own appointment, is disowned and set at naught by our Constitution, by all our Constitu­ tions, and generally in the management of our national affairs. Some may imagine that this can scarcely be pos­ sible ; but let us calmly examine and see. The Bible teaches very fully, that God hath established a government over the nations; not merely over the indi­ viduals who compose the nations, but over the nations, as such. And the Bible as clearly teaches the nature of that government. It is a delegated government—the govern­ ment of the Son of God, in his mediatorial capacity—the man Christ Jesus ruling over the nations, for the good of man, and the glory of God. The divine arrangement for the government of the nations is clearly, fully, and forcibly set forth in the second Psalm. It commences with a description of the organized opposition of the nations to the “Lord and his anointed”—God and his Son, the Messiah, the conse­ crated, Supreme Ruler over all: “Why do the heathen rage?” Though the heathen are mentioned, yet the reference is not merely to the opposition of heathen civil rulers; for the rulers of the Jews themselves are also comprehended, as we are told in Acts iv. 27. Nor is the language to be restricted to the events connected immediately with the condemnation and crucifixion of the Redeemer. Those events were only a continuation of what is implied in the language; and until this very day, there is still a continuance of the same. The language of the Psalm had a significance and application, before Christ came, and when he came, and still has its applica­ �AND FOR THE TIMES. 17 tion until this present time. It is descriptive of the oppo­ sition made to the “Lord and his anointed,” as these were represented and shadowed forth by the theocracy established in the nation of Israel. And so the prophecy still has its fulfilment, in the opposition of the nations, refusing to acknowledge and submit to Christ’s claims and authority; and in various ways preventing the establish­ ment of his reign of righteousness in the earth. “ The kings of the earth set themselves, and the rulers take counsel together against the Lord, and against his anointed; saying, Let us break their bands asunder, and cast away their cords from us.” The rulers of all nomi­ nally Christian nations have been, and still are, pursuing this guilty course. Because, in framing Constitutions, enacting laws, in the execution of laws, and in the whole management of governmental affairs, they refuse to be controlled and regulated by the authority of God and his Christ. They “cast away their cords, and break their bands asunder,” by refusing to recognise and submit to the requirements of the divine law, and the rightful authority of King Jesus, “the Prince of the kings of the earth.” And having described the organized opposition of the nations, to God and his Christ, the Psalm proceeds to set forth the arrangement which the Lord hath made with his Son, for their government. He says, “Yet,” or not­ withstanding this opposition, “have I set my King upon my holy hill of Zion.” And he gives to him “the heathen for his inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for his possession;” and also to “rule them with a rod of^iron,” and to “break them in pieces like a potter’s vessel.” 2 �18 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, Thus there is set before us the divine appointment of the Lord’s anointed, the Messiah, the Son of God, in his mediatorial capacity, to be the sovereign Ruler of the nations. And the various Scriptures which teach the same doctrine, are numerous and explicit. Some of them are the following, Ps. lxxxix. 27 : “I will make him first­ born,” that is, preeminent, above all others in authority, as explained in the next clause, “higher than the kings of the earth,” being invested with power and authority to reign over them. Ps. ex. 1: “The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou at my right hand, until I make thine ene­ mies thy footstool.” He sits at the right-hand of the Father, the place of supreme honor and authority over all—He alone being excepted, who hath placed him there. And there, we are told, “he shall strike through kings in the day of his wrath;” and “judge among the heathen;” and “fill places with the dead bodies;”—see the fulfil­ ment in our own bleeding land!—and “wound the heads” or chief ones “over many countries.” And in Ps. lxxii. it is foretold of him, that “ He shall have dominion also from sea to sea, and from the river to the ends of the earth.” The import of which is, that his authority is universal, over the whole earth. It is there said also, “Yea, all kings shall fall do'wn before him: all nations shall serve him.” Not merely people, but “kings” and “nations;” so that civil rulers and governments ought to acknowledge his sovereignty over them. And what is foretold in the Old Testament is declared in the New to have passed into actual fulfilment. For instance, in Eph., first chapter, it is said that God raised Christ from the dead, and “ set him at his own right hand in the heavenly places; far above all principality �AND FOR THE TIMES. 19 and power, and might and dominion, and every name that is named; not only in this world, but also in that which is to come: And hath put all under his feet, and hath given him to be head over all to his body the church.” Here, then, it is explicitly declared, that the man Christ Jesus, after his crucifixion and resurrection, was exalted to the throne of supreme dominion, and sways a sceptre of universal empire over the wide creation of God. He sits upon the holy hill of Zion, in the heavenly Jerusa­ lem, exercising his delegated authority over all rulers and nations of the earth. And the same doctrine is clearly taught in Phil, ii.: “Wherefore God also hath highly exalted him, and given him a name which is above every name: That at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of those in heaven, and on earth, and under the earth: and every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father.” “Jesus Christ is Lord,” that is, supreme and universal governor; and the exercise of this delegated authority is to the glory of God the Father. This supreme^ authority of Christ is set forth again in Col. ii. 10, where he is declared to be “the head of all principality and power.” And in 1 Pet. iii. 22, the same is emphatically expressed ; for it is said of Christ that “ H<?is gone into heaven, and is on the right hand of God; angels, and authorities, and pow­ ers being made subject unto him.” And so also, in Rev. i. 5, he is declared to be “ the Prince of the kings of the earth.” So that all earthly rulers are the subjects of his universal dominion. Thus we see that the prophecy contained in the Psalm has its fulfilment in the exaltation of the man Christ Jesus to the right hand of God; where he sits as king �20 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, upon the holy hill of Zion, in the heavenly Jerusalem. There is reference, no doubt, to the earthly mount Zion, the seat and centre of the theocracy established over Israel, and administered by the house of David. His descendants were to occupy that throne; but the succession terminated in the Son of David, the Messiah, “ the Lord’s anointed,” with preeminence. And when he came to the throne the seat of dominion was transferred from the earthly to the heavenly mount Zion. The nationality of God’s people then ceased, and their govern­ ment was no longer to be circumscribed by the bounda­ ries of a single nation. Their Prince was to rule over all nations; but with a “kingdom not of this world”—not with an earthly, but a heavenly reign; and hence, the seat of his empire must be, not the earthly, but the hea­ venly mount Zion. It is the same throne as that occupied by king David ; but when it comes to be occupied by “ Messiah the Prince,” the “ Governor among the nations,” the seat of empire must be transferred to heaven: the only suitable place for the throne of Him, whose “king­ dom ruleth over all.” It is there, upon the holy hill of Zion, that the Lord hath set his King; where he is to sit and reign till he hath put all enemies under his feet, that is, till the end of time; the iast enemy, which is death, being destroyed, by the resurrection of all the dead. When he shall deliver up the kingdom to God, even the Father, and cease to reign, laying aside the crown and the sceptre, and becoming subject to the Father; “ that God may be all in all.” 1 Cor. xv. 26, 28. There is no room for doubt, then, as to the nature of that government which God hath established over the nations. It is a delegated, mediatorial government, com­ �AND FOR THE TIMES. 21 mitted to the hands of the man Christ Jesus, the Divine Son of God, exercising the regal functions which pertain to him as the “Lord’s anointed.” And this Godappointed, mediatorial government, all nations ought to acknowledge and obey. The nation that does not acknowledge the mediatorial government of Christ, does not acknowledge the government of God; because this is God’s government over the nations; and when this is ignored, God’s government is ignored. But the rightful authority of Christ over the nations is not acknowledged in our Constitution; nor in a single Constitution of any of our States. Perhaps it may be assumed, that it is not incumbent upon nations, in their national capacity, to make any such acknowledgment. But in relation to this the Word of God is very explicit. After the divine arrangement for the government of the nations is set forth in the Psalm, then comes the injunction, for all civil rulers to recog­ nize it; and to act in accordance therewith; that is, as civil rulers to have regard to the Lord’s authority; and to engage in the discharge of all their official duties, under a sense of their responsibility to Him. Here is the injunction—“ Be wise now, therefore, 0 ye kings; be instructed, ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear, and rejoice with trembling.” The appellations— “kings,” “judges of the earth”—comprehend all classes and grades of civil rulers, from the highest to the lowest, and under every form of civil government. And not as private persons, but as rulers, WMkin ruling, it is enjoined upon them to serve the Lord—to serve him in the adminis­ tration of civil government, which he has ordained for the good of men. And “with fear,” it is enjoined upon �22 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, them to serve the Lord; fearing lest they should displease him, by administering his ordinance in an improper man­ ner, while discharging the duties of their office. They are to discharge these duties under a sense of responsibil­ ity to the Lord; remembering that at last they shall answer to him for the fidelity maintained, in filling the position to which they have been called. It is enjoined upon them, too, to “rejoice with trembling.” They will, and may rejoice, in the honor and emoluments pertaining to the positions of authority, which in the providence of God they are called to fill; but while they do thus rejoice, they should not forget the danger there is of incur­ ring the Divine displeasure, by any abuse or misuse of the important trust committed to their hands. They should “tremble” in view of their final reckoning with God. Hence, then, it is evident that, as rulers, they are to acknowledge the Lord’s authority over them, and to make it an object to please him in the performance of all their duties. And that there may be no possibility of overlooking the claims of “Messiah the Prince,” as the rightful sove­ reign of all rulers, they are enjoined to “ kiss the Son, that is, to render to him homage and submission—to acknowledge his authority over them—to do him rever­ ence ; and in the discharge of all their duties, to have respect to his claims and prerogatives, and the require­ ments of his law. And when civil rulers are required to do this, in their official capacity, it is evident that these duties are incumbent upon nations. Rulers are the repre­ sentatives of nations, and the duties of the former are the duties of the latter. And it ought to be carefully observed, that the obedience to be rendered to the “ Lord �AND FOR THE TIMES. 23 and his anointed,” is not required of persons in their pri­ vate capacity, but only of rulers: teaching in the most unmistakable manner, that this obedience is demanded of nations, in their national capacity. But, my fellow-citizens, is it not undeniably true, that our nation has utterly refused to acknowledge the obliga­ tion, or to render any measure of this obedience? On the contrary, by the course pursued, we have said, “Let us break their bands asunder, and cast away their cords from us.” We have disowned the restraints of the divine law, and ignored the claims and authority of God and his Christ. And for this high-handed rebellion', hath not “the Lord had us in derision?”—hath he not “spoken unto us in his wrath ?”—and “ vexed us in his sore displea­ sure?” We have been wonderfully vexed, indeed; baf­ fled, foiled, and disappointed in our efforts to suppress the rebellion, and restore peace to the nation. If we are a Christian people, we ought surely to see the need of reformation in this matter. As a nation, we owe a duty to the Lord Jesus, which ought not to be neglected, but promptly and faithfully discharged. It will be for the nation’s lasting honor and advantage. By divine appointment, Christ is the Ruler of our nation, and how can we claim to be Christian, if we in no way acknow­ ledge him ? Is it not remarkable, that his claims upon the nation have been so entirely overlooked, by the people of the land ? that there should be so few to “ stand up for Jesus?” Where are all his commissioned ambassadors? Have they not a word to say in behalf of his just claims to the nation’s homage? How is it, that while they are zealous in urging his claims upon individuals, as a Saviour, they neglect to urge his no less just and �24 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, undoubted claims upon nations, as a Sovereign ? Perhaps it is that the salvation of the former is involved; but so also is the salvation of the latter. For “the nation and kingdom that will not serve him shall perish; yea, those nations shall be utterly wasted.” It is true, indeed, that the eternal salvation of individuals is vastly more impor­ tant than the salvation of nations ; but this will not jus­ tify silence on the part of Christ’s ambassadors as to his claims over the latter. And if they are silent as to the rights and prerogatives of their Divine King and Lord, “ the Prince of the kings of the earth,” who else can be expected to speak out? or how can the nation be supposed to understand its duty in this vital matter ? It is a vital matter. The Jews said, “We will not have this man to reign over us;” and see the terrible desolation with which He swept their nation into utter ruin I We ought to take the alarm, lest such may be our doom. Are we Christians ? And would not Christians desire to see Christ, their Lord and Redeemer, honored and exalted by the nation? Would they not wish, that “the glory due unto his name,” his rights and prerogatives, should be given unto him in the state, as well as in the church? Would they not rejoice, if their beloved nation were to “bring forth the royal diadem, and crown him Lord of all?” Would it be repugnant to their Christian feelings, or to our republicanism, for us all to say—We have no king but Christ, “the King of righteousness;” that we acknowledge the authority of no prince, but “Messiah the Prince,” “the Prince of peace;” that our sovereign is, “the Prince of the kings of the earth;” and to say, “The Lord is our Judge, the Lord is our Law­ giver, the Lord is our King; he will save us?” We are �AND FOR THE TIMES. 25 Republicans, and we want no king, but “the King of kings and Lord of lords” to reign over us. And as a nation we ought to proclaim it, and exult in the fact, that we are subject to Him, whose “kingdom ruleth over all.” When we formally take the Lord to be our King, then will our government be like to that given of God himself to his people of old; when he was their Sovereign, and human rulers only officers under him, governing in his name, for his glory, and the true happiness of the nation. Then, indeed, would our national glory be truly great—glorious in the eyes of the nations; for the Lord would be our glory and defence. Of us it would then be said, “ Happy art thou, 0 nation! Who is like unto thee, 0 people I saved by the Lord, the shield of thy help, and the sword of thy excellency! And thine enemies shall be found liars unto thee; and thou shalt tread upon their high places.” And as we have not admitted God nor his claims into our Constitution, so we transgress in another respect; that is, in ignoring his teachings as to the true nature of civil government. We hold it to be nothing but a human institution—the ordinance of man—while his Word de­ clares it to be the ordinance of God, and worthy of reve­ rence as such. Our current doctrine oh this point is embodied in the common maxim, so frequently uttered, and so generally received, that in civil government, “ the people are the fountain of power;” that all authority is from the people themselves; that there is no power but of the people. And in accordance with this, in our national halls of legislation, the idea has been sneered and scoffed at, that there is any “ higher law” than the enactments of Congress. For, as all authority to rule is �26 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION. from the people, then the enactments of the people’s representatives must be paramount and final. But on this subject we are quite aside from the true foundation. Our prevailing doctrine, however, that “the people are the fountain of power,” no doubt had its origin among us, in opposition to “the divine right of kings,” the darling dogma of the old world’s despots. But while we repudi­ ate their dogma, in their sense of it, we should not fly to the opposite extreme, and deny that God is the fountain of all legitimate governing authority. In Romans xiii. it is expressly declared, that “There is no power but of God. The powers that be are ordained of God.” By “the powers that be,” existing, established civil governments are meant. Neither the usurped power of pretenders, nor the power of organized rebellion against an established government, is implied in the phrase, “powers that be.” It is not the power of any man, or any number of men, who may rise up against a government, and assume the right to oppose it, that is “ordained of God.” Such a power as that is only the power of sedition, rebellion, treason; and this is not an ordinance of God, established for the good of men. God, for good, wise, and righteous ends, may in his providence permit a rebellion to succeed; so that the issue shall be the establishment of a new and independent government. And then this new government will be the ordinance of God, and as such ought to be conscientiously obeyed. But the power of the preceding rebellion is not his ordi­ nance, and has no divine warrant to exact obedience—no man is bound to obey it “for conscience’ sake.” It is evident that, though “the powers that be, are ordained of God,” yet every existing power cannot claim the �AND FOR THE TIMES. 27 sanction of his ordination. A people in rebellion may adopt a government for themselves, and regulate their affairs by it; but they have not yet an established govern­ ment. All they do amounts to no more than an attempt to establish one: hence, what they call their government, has no place among “the powers that be,” and “are ordained of God.” It is evident, then, that resistance to their authority is not resistance to the ordinance of God; nor can they claim obedience on the same ground, as that of an established civil government. Rebels, in the exer­ cise of their usurped authority, will claim obedience, and those in their power “ must needs be subject” to them; yet “only for wrath,” but not “for conscience’ sake,” as they have no authority from God to make any such claim. A rebellion or revolution is purely an ordinance of man; but God in his providence may permit it, and overrule it for good. Civil government is the ordinance of God, because he hath appointed it for the benefit of men. And civil rulers, we are told, are “God’s ministers attending upon this very thing;” that is, dispensing God’s ordinance among the people. From the highest to the lowest, in all depart­ ments, from the President to the constable, each one is the “minister of God,” and accountable to him for the manner in which his ordinance is administered; and each one will have to answer to God, for the fidelity with which the duties of his office have been discharged. Men in power may be so ignorant of the true nature of civil government, and of their own official character, as not to know that they are the “ministers of God;” but they are none the less so, on that account. Men may administer the ordinance of God in a very unworthy manner; they �28 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, may prostitute and abuse it, and in the office they fill, commit all manner of wickedness; but they are still “the ministers of God;” and it is still his ordinance, which they are abusing and prostituting to their base and wicked ends: and hence their danger of having a terrible reckon­ ing to render at last, to God, for their unfaithfulness, while filling an office under him. A civil government may be very defective, far from what it ought to be; but it is none the less the ordinance of God on that account. The government of Israel was the ordinance of God when administered by Ahab and Jezebel, though it was idolatrous, tyrannical, and wicked. And so the Roman government was the ordinance of God, when administered by the cruel monster Nero. And on the ground of its being such, did the Apostle enjoin obedience to it, on the part of the Christians to whom he wrote. The defects of a civil government, constitutional, legislative, judicial or executive, do not deprive it of its character, as God’s ordinance; this it is still, though it may be marred by blemishes both numerous and great. Were we to assume that the defects of a government would deprive it of its character, as God’s ordinance, it would be difficult to decide when any government is such. Because the questions would arise, what are the defects which deprive a government of its divinely appointed character ? and what degree of perfection must it have in order to be his ordinance? And these are questions which never could be settled; inasmuch as there is no basis anywhere upon which to settle them. The Word of God affords no such basis; and it would be vain to look for it anywhere else. It is the Bible which informs us that civil government is the ordinance of God, and it �AND FOR THE TIMES. 29 prescribes no measure of goodness or perfection as essen­ tial to the sustaining of that character. In speaking of civil government it says, “ The powers that be are ordained of God,” and, therefore, they are to be obeyed, “not only for wrath, but also for conscience’ sake.” And as civil government is the ordinance of God, and all officers of government are his ministers, and responsi­ ble to him for the faithful discharge of their respective duties; so all who enjoy the advantages of this ordinance, ought to respect and honor it as such; giving to it that support and encouragement which an ordinance of God may claim as its due. None ought to disown or despise it, because it does not please them, in the form in which it has been established, or the manner in which it is con­ ducted. The defects may be great and numerous, but it is the ordinance of God, notwithstanding, and ought to be honored and obeyed as such. And good men, by taking active part in the administration of it, may do much to have its defects removed—all that is wrong in it righted, and all that is wanting supplied; so as to realize in its administration what the ordinance implies—the best inter­ ests of the nation, and the glory of God. Yet though civil government is the ordinance of God, it does not follow, that civil rulers are to be actively obeyed in all that they enjoin; because they are fallible, and may enjoin what is in conflict with the laws of God; and then they are to be disobeyed, in order to render obedience to Him. Though they are God’s ministers, they have no authority from him to require the violation of his law. When they do so, it is the authority of man coming in conflict with the authority of God; and then, it is evident that God ought to be obeyed rather than �30 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, men.—Acts v. 29. But while on this ground civil rulers may be disobeyed, it is not implied that they may be resisted by force. Passive obedience ought to be ren­ dered ; that is, suffer the penalty of disobedience to them, rather than sin against God. But though civil government is the ordinance of God, it is in some respects the ordinance of man. And the Scriptures recognize this. 1 Pet. ii. 13. “ Submit your­ selves to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake: whether it be to the king as supreme, or unto governors,” &c. It is especially an ordinance of man in this, that the people are the sole fountain of power, as to what form of government they shall establish. God is the source of authority as to the existence of civil govern­ ment, but man the source of authority as to its form; because God has not ordained any form. Men may estab­ lish a pure Democracy, or a Republic, or a Monarchy, or any other form, as may seem to them best. The people are the only legitimate fountain of power as to this: for in this there is no authority higher than themselves. It is an ordinance of man, too, because men administer it; and for men it has been ordained. Now in this matter, with respect to the fountain of power in civil government, it is wrong for us as, a nation, to take from God his right and prerogative, by assuming to ourselves what he claims as his. Such conduct must be highly criminal in any people; and will not remain unpunished. It is robbing God of his glory, and giving it to others. May he not say to us as he said to Israel— “ Will a man rob God ? Yet ye have robbed me. Ye are cursed with a curse; for ye have robbed me; even this whole nation.” But, my fellow-citizens, should we not �AND FOR THE TIMES. 31 cease to rob God ? Should we not fear the Lord—hearken to his voice—cease to do evil, learn to do well, and “give to him the glory due unto his name?” And by recognizing civil government in its divinely appointed character, dignity and value, and acknowledg­ ing our authority to maintain it as coming from God, we shall gain other important advantages. The tendency will be to have the minds of all impressed with the value and importance of civil institutions ; as having a measure of sacred and divine authority and responsibility connected with them. And in this way will be cherished in both the rulers and the ruled, a proper estimate of the relative duties to be discharged—as even in the presence of God, and to be accounted for to him in the end. Nor can there be any reasonable doubt, that an abiding feeling of this kind would contribute very much to the proper and faith­ ful discharge of these relative duties. And thus our duty to God, as a nation, would redound exceedingly to our own good order, stability, and peace. There is still another respect in which we are culpable as a nation. For as God is not in our Constitution, and as we disregard the teachings of his Word, as to the true nature of civil government, so also we transgress his law in the choosing of our rulers. His word is very explicit in describing the character of those who are to be chosen for rulers. For instance, in Exod. xviii. 21: “Moreover, thou shalt provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness ; and place such over them to be rulers.” 0 how different it would be with us this day, had we been careful to choose such men for our rulers in times past. If they had been able men, fearing God, men of truth, never, never would the nation �32 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, have been visited with the desolations of this terrible civil war. Bad men in power, men of falsehood and dishon­ esty, godless, unprincipled, perjured men, dragged the nation into the devouring whirlpool of civil discord, car­ nage, and death. It is the fruits of our own doings, in dis­ regarding the requirements of God’s law as to the moral character of our rulers. See, again, what that law says, in 2 Sam. xxiii. 2, 3: “The Spirit of the Lord spake by me, and his word was in my tongue. The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.” Here is the voice of God’s law—-for all times—and all nations— and all people. And how careful the inspired writer is, to state the authority by which the law is promulgated. He says the Spirit of the Lord spake by him : and if pos­ sible, to make it more forcible, that the Grod of Israel said it. And, hence, men can have no way of evading the force of the injunction, or plea to offer in extenuation of their guilt, if they disregard its demands. The only plea for disobedience, that any people having the Bible could offer, would be that they were willingly ignorant of the law, or if not ignorant, that they did not like to obey it. For the law is so plain and pointed, that there can be no doubt about its meaning and application. It is God’s authority, and binding upon every nation, to whom the Word of God comes. It is His law, as laid down in the Old Testament, with respect to what civil rulers ought to be; and the law in the New is not at all different. All that is said, concerning civil government in Rom. xiii., implies that rulers ought to be good men— “Rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil” —“ He is the minister of God to thee for good”—“ They �AND FOR THE TIMES. 33 are God’s ministers attending upon this very thing.” Reason and common-sense teach, that if they are God’s ministers, they ought to be good men, “just, and ruling in the fear of God.” And in 1 Pet. ii. 14, the doctrine is the same, namely, that rulers “ are sent for the punish­ ment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well.” And thus we have the will of God expressly ^revealed, in both the Old and New Testaments, as to what the moral character of civil rulers ought to be. If we, then, disregard the will of God, so fully and clearly made known, how can we, as a nation, expect to prosper? How can we expect to escape the anger and displeasure of the righteous Ruler of all, whose law we so defiantly trample under our feet ? And what, in all candor, has been our course in rela­ tion to this matter ? Has it not undeniably been, to leave the law of God entirely out of the account, when proceeding to choose and appoint our rulers ? When have we, on any occasion, in primary meeting, or political convention, referred to the requirements of the divine law, as to the moral character of the men to be chosen and appointed? Truth must answer, Never! All are aware, that the whole course has been to proceed in this matter just as though there had been no such law in existence. It must be confessed that we have chosen and set over us in authority, characters the very reverse of what the law of God requires—godless men, profane swearers, drunkards, debauchees, gamblers, Sabbath­ breakers, haters of God, revilers of his law, and scoffers at his claims and his authority. There may have been happy exceptions, but the rule has been to select men, who have “no fear of God before their eyes.” 3 �34 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, The very places and practices associated with politics, are forcibly indicative of the men’s character who are usually chosen to manage our state affairs. If bar-rooms and groggeries, lager beer, whiskey, and tobacco, were favorable to the production of good civil rulers, we might certainly boast of having such; for all these have no little to do with their choice and elevation. It is notorious, that in our large cities, the centres of influence, very little can be done in politics, outside the shadow of a tavern. If a man wishes to attend the primary meeting, where the nominations are made, he will probably have to visit the tavern. If he has to seek the assessor, that he may have his name placed on the tax-list, where can he find him and his books, but in the tavern? lie must enter the nasty place, and have his olfactories assailed with the combined stench of rum and tobacco, and his ears greeted with the sounds of vulgarity and profane­ ness, while seeking to have his name enrolled. And if he desires to discharge his duty as a citizen, by casting his vote, he must go at least within smelling distance of the tavern, in order to have the privilege. And thus, appa­ rently, the tavern is the all controlling power in our politics—as if the inmates and the frequenters of the tavern had the whole matter committed to their control, and it were the prerogative of the tavern-men to manage the all-important affairs of the nation! A sad condition of things, indeed, that this ordinance of God—civil government—should be so prostituted, and given over to the hands of the godless and profane, to be polluted and deformed with all that is degrading and vile, and by the associations of its management, dragged down to the portals of perdition! Why is it, that the �AND FOR THE TIMES. 35 God-fearing people of the land have suffered this heaven­ given ordinance to be dishonored and trampled under foot, without an effort to rescue and save it? May they not well apprehend severe chastisement, through the mis­ management of this very institution, which ought to have been jealously guarded by them, so as to be made fruitful in blessings to the nation ? Why is it, that the patriotic, the virtuous, and the good, have allowed an institution of such magnitude and vital importance, for the nation’s safety, to be so debased and perverted, by such corrupt­ ing and ruinous influences ? But, then, is it not just what might have been expected?—the natural result of the whole course from the beginning—adopting a Constitu­ tion in which there is no God; erecting a government, assumed to be without any divine warrant or authority; and choosing our rulers in utter defiance of the express injunctions of the divine law ? It is not now to be thought strange, if our politics have become a byeword and reproach; or that in us should be verified the declaration of Scripture: “When the wicked bear rule, the people mourn”—“ They would none of my counsel; they despised all my reproof. Therefore, shall they eat of the fruit of their own way, and be filled with their own devices”— “Thus saith the Lord.” But, have the truly Christian people of the land, no interest in this whole matter of civil government? In some respects, they show that they have; for they usually manifest a lively interest in party politics. But have they no zeal for the honor and purity of God’s ordinance— civil government? Is it not both their duty and their interest, to have such zeal, and to show it? Their party zeal and diligence, they say, are to promote the good of �36 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, the nation. But have they to be told, that it is not the success of a party, which will bless a nation; unless it be a righteous party? Do they not know, that it is “right­ eousness which exalteth a nation;” and that nothing else will? Do Christians believe that they can benefit their country by voting for party men, while they and their men are both disregarding the counsels and claims of the Most High? Are they so much engaged in advancing the welfare of their country, as to lose sight of the neces­ sity of having in office, “just men, ruling in the fear of God?” If so, their whole course is glaringly inconsistent, ruinous, and absurd. It ought to be manifest to all, that a thorough and radical change is absolutely necessary in this whole matter. It is surely time that an effort were made for the purpose of securing upright and virtuous men, for every position, to conduct our state affairs. We ought to have the best of men for our rulers, because we have the selecting of them ourselves. Not like the citizens of other lands, who have their rulers not by choice, but by chance, as to the people, and must put up with them, be they good or bad. But if we have not good rulers, we have no such reason to assign. We make our rulers, and we ought to make them good. If we do not, we do not deserve to have such. And if we do not make good rulers, we show that we are neither fit, nor worthy, to have the privilege of making them at all. The complaint is often heard, that we have such bad men for rulers; and yet we ourselves have chosen these men, and placed them in power! When we put bad men in office, how can we expect to be ruled by good men? And when have we ever made it a point, to reject the bad, and choose the good? Never! �AND FOR THE TIMES. 37 Now, my fellow-citizens, we ought to seek for reforma­ tion. We need a change. Wicked and unprincipled rulers are a great curse to any nation. And if we are careless about the moral character of our rulers, we shall certainly be cursed with that curse. Our only safety is, to obey the voice of divine wisdom, and change our political base to the heaven-given platform—“ He that ruleth over men, must be just; ruling in the fear of God.” Then, as a nation, we shall be secure; and undoubtedly so. But, my fellow citizens, let me put the question, in all kindness and candor, Are we a Christian nation, or are we not? If we are, where is the evidence? Is it in any of our national documents? Is it in our Constitution, which lies at the foundation of the whole structure ? Cer­ tainly not. The name of Christ, or any allusion to him, or his institutions, is not found in it from the begin­ ning to the end. And do our national Acts contain the evidence that we are a Christian nation? Can any man point out where, in these Acts, it is to be found? We shall very much rejoice to know where. Was it when, to secure a treaty with an anti-Christian power, our government formally declared, that as a nation we were not Christian, for we had no religion? Did the course pursued toward the pagan ambassadors from Japan, evince that we were a Christian nation, when the tendency of the government’s whole procedure was, to leave the impression on their minds, that we had no reli­ gion, no Sabbath, no sacred books, nor institutions; and were not a Christian nation at all? Shall it be said, that we have Christians and Christian institutions in the land, therefore we are a Christian nation. And so we have Jews and Jewish institutions in �38 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, the land; and, therefore, we are a Jewish nation. And we have Mormons and Mormon institutions in the land; and, therefore, we are a Mormon nation. Shall it he said, that we have Christians for government officers, and hence we are a Christian nation. And so we have Jews, and Mormons, and Infidels, for officers of government; and, therefore, we are a Jewish, Mormon, and Infidel nation. It is evident, that such circumstances as these do not give us naiz’onaZiiy; and do not make us any one of the above, as a nation. It is our Constitution and governmental Acts, which give us nationality; and if these have not the evidence of our being a Christian nation, it is nowhere. And, my fellow-citizens, is it not a reproach to us, that we can point to no decisive evidence of ours being a Christian nation? And if not a Christian, so neither are we a Jewish, a Mormon, nor an Infidel nation. And what, then, are we? Are we a Pagan nation? No, not quite; only half such. Ours is only a semi-pagan nation. Paganism consists in disowning the true God, and putting idol gods in his place. We do only the first, not the second. Our dis­ owning of God, and his Christ, and his Word and author­ ity, in our Constitution and Government, is only the one side of paganism; and, hence, ours is only a semi-pagan government. It is of that reign of Gentilism, spoken of in prophecy, as antagonistic to Christ and his cause— holding on to the civil power throughout Christendom, trampling under foot sacred things, and prostituting even Christianity, to the basest of secular and selfish ends. But in the other semi-Christian nations, this has been much more the case than in ours. This semi-paganism of the civil governments of Chris­ �AND FOR THE TIMES. 89 tendom, was revealed to both Daniel and John, as contin­ uing for a considerable period. They both saw it as in conflict with Christ’s kingdom, and as long hindering the reign of righteousness and peace in these nations. Daniel beheld it in the conflict between “the stone cut out without hands” and the golden-headed clay-iron-toed image, which received the shock of the stone upon its feet. The “stone” undoubtedly symbolized the kingdom of Christ, and not any earthly kingdom, or civil govern­ ment; because it was cut out without hands;” which implies that it was not man-made, but made by Him whose “kingdom is not of this world;” and, hence, not any earthly civil government; but the cause of righteousness and peace—Christ’s kingdom, which is eventually to des­ troy all pagan and semi-pagan civil governments over the whole earth. And the smitten image symbolized the pagan power, as concentrated and embodied in the Roman empire at the introduction of Christianity. The strength and the evil of the preceding empires, Babylonian, MedoPersian, and Grecian, were absorbed by it; and all in one were shivered by the shock, and tottered to their fall. But a considerable time was to elapse, before the final extinction of the pagan element of these kingdoms, with which the stone came in conflict. This was made known in Daniel’s vision of the four beasts, which came up out of the sea. The fourth of these symbolized the Roman empire, which came into collision with the kingdom of the “ one like unto the Son of man”—“Immanuel, God with us,” the Messiah. And both kingdoms for a long time were to occupy the same territory, though antagonistic. The beast, with its instruments of power, the “ten horns” and the “little �40 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, horn,” the ten kingdoms of Western Europe, and the Papacy, was to hold the civil power, even after the rise of the Papacy, for a period of 1260 years; for the saints were to “ be given into his hand, until a time and times, and the dividing of time.” And thus paganism in the state was to have power over the saints during all this time: and at the end of it “ the saints were to possess the kingdomthat is, the power of civil government was to pass into their hands. It does not mean that the saints will anywhere set up a civil government, separate and distinct from other governments; but merely that they will, in every nation and kingdom, be the leading men in civil affairs; conducting the government in the fear of God, in accordance with his revealed will: ruling in righteousness, peace and love, for the glory of God and his Christ, and the true happiness of the nations. The same reign of righteousness, in state affairs, is set forth in Rev. xi. 15: “ There were great voices in heaven saying, The kingdoms of this world are become the king­ doms of the Lord, and of his Christ”—“the Lord and his anointed” of the second Psalm. “ Kings” and “ rulers” now cease to plot against them; not wishing any longer to “ cast away their cords,” nor to “ break their bands asunder,” as formerly. Not the people merely, but the kingdoms, as such, do this—“kissing the Son”— “serving the Lord with fear,” and ruling in accordance with the requirements of his Word. It is evident that the great change in the kingdoms of Christendom, here spoken of, is a change in the moral character of their civil governments; for the “Lord and his Christ” reigned over them previous to this change; but the kingdoms did not recognize their claims, nor render obedience to them; �AND FOR THE TIMES. 41 whereas now they do, and thus become the kingdoms of the Lord, and of his Christ, by a voluntary, national recognition of, and surrender to their authority. The long continuance of semi-paganism, in the civil governments of Christendom, is foretold in Rev. xi. 2. The great Reformation in religion, which occurred in Christendom early in the sixteenth century, when the Bible became an open book for the use of the people, is set forth in the tenth chapter. In the progress of that vision the prophet himself is made a symbol—a represen­ tative of the ministers of Christ: and in what he was directed to do, is set forth the special work of the min­ istry from the time to which the prophecy has reference. He was to prophesy, or preach; to “ measure the altar and the temple, and them that worship therein:” that is, to define the true doctrine of the atonement, and to des­ cribe the true people and church of God, in opposition to the degenerate system which prevailed previous to the Reformation. But the court without the temple he was forbidden to measure, for it had been given to the Gen­ tiles ; and the holy city they were to tread under foot forty and two months, or 1260 years. The things mentioned here, pertaining to the Jewish dispensation, are all employed as symbols, having refer­ ence to the Christian church. The temple in Jerusalem was a type of Christ, or God incarnate. As the glory of God filled the temple, and the Divine presence abode there, so the fulness of the Godhead bodily dwelt in Christ. And accordingly he calls himself the temple, saying, “Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up.” And hence, the temple and its worshippers symbolize Christ and his people, who are in him by faith, �42 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, the true worshippers; “who worship the Father in spirit and in truth.” The altar is the symbol of sacrifice, and represents the doctrine of atonement. “ The court with­ out the temple,” pertaining to the Gentiles, was the inter­ mediate place, between the idolatrous world and the wor­ shippers of the true God—the place where those who were not his people, but professed a love for him and his cause, might draw near, and enjoy an outward connection with his people and his service; and, accordingly, it sym­ bolizes the visible church under the gospel. Here, those who merely profess to be his people, may enter in, and take part in the services; and even direct, and rule, and have the control. And hence this court was not to be measured—the influence of Gentilism—until the end of the time predicted, would prevent it from being what it ought to be: pagan forms, irregularity, disorder, and want of uniformity would prevail, and hinder its perfec­ tion. The “holy city,” Jerusalem, was the city of the Lord, and the capital of the nation of his people. There were the symbols of the Divine presence; and thither the tribes of the Lord went up to worship. And thus Jeru­ salem represented the whole nation, and became the ^emblem of the heritage of the Lord; that is, his people, as a whole. And, therefore, the “holy city” symbolizes the people of God, together with their sacred institutions, wherever they are found; and that is all over Christen­ dom. Christendom, then, as the abode of God’s people, and his sacred institutions, is the “holy city,” which the Gentiles “tread under foot.” And as they were to tread these under foot, it is evident they were to have the dominion, wherever these are found. They could not tread them under foot unless they had the power to do �AND FOR THE TIMES. 43 it; and hence, in these lands, they must have the civil government in their hands. Gentilism was to rule in the Btate, throughout Christendom, forty and two months. Paganism, in its nature, and semi-paganism, in its prac­ tice, was, to fill the high places of civil authority; tram­ pling under foot, destroying, and desecrating, holy people and sacred things. And, accordingly, the former have been persecuted, and the latter have been prostituted, to strengthen the civil power, and advance the interests of the state. Paganism in the state, desecrates and profanes religion, for merely civil and secular ends. This has always been the case, in the semi-pagan governments of European Christendom. In their secularizing use and abuse of religion and Christianity, they are far more guilty than our government has ever been. Ours has never persecuted the people of God; nor for the blood of the saints, has it to be called to account. Sacred things have not been prostituted to civil ends, as in the other nominally Christian nations. Though our government desecrates the Lord’s day in its postal arrangements, and otherwise; yet we have not employed religion for the aggrandizement of the state, as has been the common practice with the semi-Christian governments of Europe. They have all made use of reli­ gion for merely selfish, worldly, state purposes; but we have not. Paganism has always employed religion as a mere state engine, to fortify and strengthen the civil gov­ ernment; and the semi pagan governments of Europe have always done the same. Wherever in Christendom there has been a union of church and state, this has always been the case. The civil has always used the sacred, for the purpose of gaining strength, glory, and stability to �44 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, itself; whether the church has been made preeminent, and the state subordinate; or the state preeminent, and the church subordinate—as exemplified in Italy and Eng­ land. In the former, the recognized head of the church, assumes to be the head of the state; and in the latter, the recognized head of the state, assumes to be the head of the church. But the design of the union, in each, is the aggrandizement of the civil power, pertaining to them respectively: the prostitution of sacred things for civil purposes—the “holy city” trampled under foot by Gentilism; because it has the power in its hands, and uses all for secular ends. But our government, notwithstanding its defects, has never been guilty of prostituting the holy religion of Jesus, as an instrument of state policy. This results from the wise and scriptural arrangement of keep­ ing the church and the state, as organizations, separate and distinct from each other. And this is quite an ad­ vance in the right direction. This not abusing of sacred things for civil ends, is casting away a portion of the semi-paganism, which is still retained by the governments of Europe. It is evident, then, that we are still partakers of this semi-paganism, which maintains the ascendency in the state, through all the nations of Christendom; and from which it would assuredly be both for our honor and advantage, to free ourselves entirely. As we have taken the lead of the other nations in discarding one important part of semi-paganism, let us go on unto perfection, and cast away from us the remains of this plague and reproach of the nation. All nations must be freed from it, either by voluntary reform, or by the overturning judgments of Ilim, “ who sits King upon the holy hill of Zion,” and �AND FOR THE TIMES. 45 will “break them with a rod of iron, like a potter’s vessel.” Let us, as a nation, bend and not break—bend to the Divine pleasure, and not be broken by his power. Let us reform more and more, not only refraining from the abuse of sacred things, but also by conceding to them that relation to the state which is their due. Would it not, my fellow-citizens, be both our glory and our gain, to keep, as a nation, in the advance of all other nations, God-ward and Christ-ward, and thus upward; rising in excellence, glory, strength and beauty; till we shall be the admiration of them all: and they, copying our exam­ ple, and emulating our moral greatness and grandeur, set to their seal, that our free Republican institutions are right, and we worthy of our exalted place among the nations of the earth? But we never can appear in our full majesty and glory, until we acknowledge the sovereignty of the “Lord and his anointed” over us, and submit to their counsels and dictation, in the management of our national affairs. For “Thus saith the Lord”— “ Them that honor me I will honor, and they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed.” Well now, Americans, let us honor Him, and He will honor us; He will exalt us among the nations; and cause us to ride upon the high places of the earth. Our light shall be seen from afar, and hither shall they flock from the nations, both near and remote, to share in the blessings of that “happy people, whose God is the Lord.” But I am aware, my fellow-citizens, that you are afraid of a union of church and state; and justly so: for from it have issued many monstrous evils. But we may do our duty to God and his Christ, his Word and authority, without any union of church and state; and without a �46 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, national establishment of religion, or any of the evils which result therefrom. If we were to have our Consti­ tution amended by a prefatory article, acknowledging the sovereignty of the Lord and his anointed over the nation, and the paramount authority of his law over all human laws, and our duty to submit to its requirements in the choice of our rulers, and in everything else, there would, in this, be no union of church and state, nor any national establishment of religion. Nor would there be any neces­ sity for adopting religious tests, in order to the holding of office under the government. Suppose such as Jews and infidels would be unwilling to subcribe to, and bind themselves by oath to support such a Constitution, in order to the holding of office, would this be any serious loss to a Christian people ? If we are a Christian nation, is it indispensable to have such as Jews and infidels for our civil rulers ? Is there any circumstance that requires it? But would not the rights of such citi­ zens be interfered with, and withheld from them ? Pray, where did they get their rights, to rule over a Christian nation, the proper Constitution of which they would be unwilling to support? Are the rights of a Christian nation not paramount to the rights of a few Jews and infidels, who may be dwelling in it ? Is it not the right of a Christian people to acknowledge their Lord and Redeemer as their Sovereign Ruler? Is it not the absolute right of the “Lord and his anointed,” to require this acknowledgment of all nations ? and are the rights of Jews and infidels higher than the rights of God Almighty ? No man, nor set of men, can possibly have any rights contravening the rights of the Lord God of Hosts. There can be no rights, which would require the �AND FOR THE TIMES. 47 ignoring of what he enjoins. And as He enjoins it upon nations to acknowledge his sovereignty over them, none can have any rights which would prevent this. Those objecting to it, would be utterly unfit to rule over a Chris­ tian nation. But while attempting, for the sake of reformation, to direct attention to some of our chief national sins, on account of which the anger of the Lord burns hot against us, it were great unfaithfulness to pass unnoticed, the sin of negro slavery. As we have now, in the providence of God, ample evidence, that this is especially the sin, for which his judgments are at present so heavy upon us. Rebellion is the rod with which the Lord is chastis­ ing the nation, and negro slavery is the cause of that rebellion. So that our sin is now punishing us. The nation supported and fostered the vile system, until it became a great monster, and rose up to devour the nation itself. And thus the nation’s iniquity recoils upon itself. The nation’s sin is the nation’s plague; its crime, its canker; its destroyer of men, the destroyer of its men. We maintained slavery for the sake of gain; and now slavery is causing us to disgorge that ill-gotten gain, with terrible vengeance, and noted rapidity. The Righteous Disposer of all things is now, in his providence, scattering to the winds the wealth, which we made out of the bodies and the souls of men. And thus our punishment points so unmistakably to our sin, that it is only the wilfully blind who cannot see it. And the manner, too, in which the punishment is apportioned to the two sections of the land, points clearly to the sin for which it is sent. The whole nation suffers, North as well as South; and therefore, the whole nation must be guilty: but the South �48 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, especially suffers, and hence, the South must be especially guilty. Slavery is the sin of the nation, because the national government upheld it; but the greater measure of the iniquity lay in the South, and now in the Lord’s national retribution, the larger cup of his vengeance is placed in their hands. The calamities of the Southern people are exceedingly great, and their guilt is doubtless in proportion: but slavery, with its concomitant evils, is assuredly the overwhelming sin of that people. That slavery has been the cause of the civil war, and the resulting national calamities, is just as evident as that the earth is lighted by the sun. We might as well doubt that we have a war, as to doubt that slavery has been its cause. The rebels certainly know what it was, that led them to commence the war against the United States, and they affirm that it was slavery. Their Vice-President, Stephens, publicly declared, that their object in making war, to cast off the national government, was to establish a new government founded upon slavery—of which slavery was to be the “corner-stone.” And he only avowed the designs of his coadjutors, who commenced the war, and persist in continuing it ever since. Look at the following extract from the Richmond Examiner of May 30th, 1863, and see the corroboration of what we affirm: “ If the Confederacy is at a premium, she owes it to herself. And so much the better. We shall be all the more free to run the grand career which opens before us, and grasp our own lofty destiny. Would that all of us understood and laid to heart the true nature of that career, and that destiny, and the responsibility it imposes! The establishment of the Confederacy is, verily, a distinct reac­ tion against the whole course of the mistaken civilization �AND FOR THE TIMES. 49 of the age. And this is the true reason why we have been left without the sympathy of the nations, until we conquered that sympathy with the sharp edge of our sword. For '•Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,’ we have deliberately substituted Slavery, Subordination, and G-overnment. Those social and political problems, which rack and torture modern society, we have undertaken to solve for ourselves, in our own way, and upon our own principles. That, ‘among equals equality is right;’ among those who are naturally unequal, equality is chaos; that there are slave races born to serve, master races born to govern. Such are the fundamental princi­ ples which we inherit from the ancient world, which we lifted up in the face of a perverse generation, that has forgotten the wisdom of its fathers; by those principles we live, and in their defence we have shown ourselves ready to die. Reverently we feel, that our Confederacy is a God-sent missionary to the nations, with great truths to preach. We must speak them boldly, and whoso hath ears to hear, let him hear.” Such is the monstrous doctrine of the leading rebels on this subject; and in view of it, who can doubt the design of the slaveholders in making the war? It is as clear as sunshine, that they declare they made it for the sake of slavery: and if made for the sake of slavery, then, this was its cause. Those who deny this, make these men to be public liars. The rebels at the South openly declare that they made the war in behalf of sla­ very, and though their advocates at the North, deny that they did any such thing, yet, it is not difficult to decide where the truth lies. Those who made it, know the reason why, and when they say it was for slavery, 4 �50 THE BOOK FOB THE NATION. there is then no room to doubt. And thus our punish­ ment points plainly to our sin; as our sin is made the avenging rod to afflict us. A righteous Providence com­ pels us to understand, what that great special sin is, for which he has visited us with these heavy calamities. The people of our land have had their eyes sadly blinded to the sin of slavery, by the fallacious reasoning of the Bible advocates of that system. They have reassoned thus: The Lord allowed the Israelites to purchase and hold slaves; and slavery existed also in the Christian church in the days of the Apostles, yet they did not con­ demn it; therefore, our system of slavery is no sin in the sight of God. The fallacy of their reasoning lies in this, that the conclusion is not contained in the premises. It would not follow, that our system of slavery is no sin, even though the Lord allowed slavery in both the Jewish and Christian churches. Nor even if he had, in a specific manner, authorized us as a nation to hold slaves, would it follow, that our system of slavery is no sin; because our system might be entirely different from what he could approve. And it is evident, too, that though the Lord authorizes certain things to be done in certain circum­ stances, it does not follow that these same things are right in all other circumstances. The Lord authorized the Israelites to make war upon the Canaanites, and on several other occasions; but it does not follow, that every war is therefore right. But such is the nature of their fallacious reasoning—because the Lord tolerated a kind of slavery in certain circumstances, they jump to the con­ clusion, that, therefore, our slavery is no sin! These Bible advocates of slavery have thus deceived the people, by professing to examine our slavery in the �AND FOR THE TIMES. 51 light of God’s Word, while they have never done any such thing. They have contended for a mere abstrac­ tion—a thing called slavery—and have justified it; but our slave system they have not brought into the light of divine truth at all. And they have thus thrown dust in the eyes of the people, and deceived them exceedingly; leading them into a false position, respecting this matter, which is of such vital importance to the best interests of the nation. It is evident that the question relating to slavery, which concerns us is, whether our slavery is a sin in the sight of God or not. As to whether the Lord has or has not allowed of slavery, is to us comparatively of no impor­ tance. He may have done so, and we may be spending our time in proving it, and that slavery, “per se,” is not wrong; while our own horrible system of slavery may be eating out the very vitals of our nation—“treasuring up for us wrath against the day of wrath”—the day of God’s righteous visitation upon the land. If the Bible advocates of slavery had done their duty, they would have examined our system of slavery, in the light of the Word of God: they would have compared our slave laws, and our slave practices, with the requirements of that Word; endeavoring to know the truth, and set the people right in relation to the whole matter. But they have always avoided this. They have never tried to investigate and expose the great iniquities of our slave system; but, on the contrary, they have always endeav­ ored to conceal them: thus blinding the eyes of the people, and deceiving them as to the true issue in the case. If they had honestly taken up our slave laws, explaining what they forbid and what they require, and �52 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, exposed the practices of our slavery—comparing all with the requirements of the pure Word of God—the inhu­ manity, barbarous cruelty, and filthy pollution of the system, would have been so glaring, that a universal out­ burst of indignation would have gone forth from the people, dooming the odious system to a sure and speedy end: for when our people know the truth and the right, they act accordingly. But, of course, the leaders will be followed, in both church and state. And thus the masses have been deluded, as to the true character of the mon­ strous system of oppression maintained in the land. But those who have deluded them have the greater sin, and have enhanced not a little our national guilt. There is no small measure of guilt incurred by justify­ ing slavery from the Bible, and at the same time, refusing to try our slavery by the Bible. The result of this course has been, not only to blind the eyes of the nation, as to the wickedness of the system, but also to justify the slaveholders, and lead them to believe they were right; and thus to encourage and embolden them, even to rise up in rebellion, for the purpose of fortifying and per­ petuating this great evil. So that the present horrors and calamities abounding in the land, may be traced, in no small measure, to the fallacious manner of dealing with the subject, by the Bible advocates of our slavery. Had it not been for their influence, the people of the South, and partially of the North, never would have set­ tled down in the belief, that our system of slavery is a “divine institution,” to be indefinitely perpetuated; nor by this belief would have brought down the wrath of Heaven upon the whole land. As long as the system was viewed as an evil, to be remedied, and a remedy sought �AND FOR THE TIMES. 53 for, the Lord, in his forbearance, spared the nation; but when the system came to be advocated as good and right, and no change to be desired, then He interposed with his own avenging hand, to break up, and root out this great evil, in a most effectual manner. This He did by visiting slaveholders with judicial blindness, through which they might “stumble, and fall, and be snared, and be taken,” by adopting a treasonable policy, which would bring heavy calamities on the whole nation, as a punishment for this sin, and also utterly consume, and bring to a total end, the cruel system, in the behalf of which, the treason was concocted. But if the people of the land had been taught correctly, by the proper application of the Word of God to the system, they would have seen the evil, and discovered a remedy also, instead of being led to provoke the Divine displeasure, to come with such vehemence against the nation. Our slave system would not bear the slightest measure of investigation in the pure light of the Divine Word. A system, which dooms and degrades millions of human beings, to the condition of brutes, can have no counte­ nance from the God of justice, love, and truth; nor any sanction from His holy Word. And that such is the nature of the system, both in its laws and in its practices, is just as true as that it exists. The limits of these pages will not allow the citation of slave laws, nor the enumeration of slave practices, but the testimony is abundant, and can be produced at any time, to prove, that our slave system, dooms and degrades millions of human beings, to the same level as the brutes. For instance, the laws of the system forbid the slaves to learn to read, and as brutes cannot read, it makes the �54 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION. slaves like them, in this respect, and puts them both in the same condition. Men and women, and sheep and hogs, must all be alike—incapable of reading the Word of God, or anything else! Our slave system, also, annuls the divine institution of marriage, among slaves. tThe laws of the system, do not recognize the relation of hus­ band and wife among slaves at all, nor anything like the institution of marriage. And the system thus consigns men and women, to the condition of brutes, and compels them to herd together like the cattle of the field. But this is only in accordance with the spirit and operations of the whole system, which make them chattels and things, and not human beings. And the practice of the slaveholders has been in har­ mony with their laws; because it is common, when their interests demand it, to “ put asunder” men and women, who were living together as husband and wife, and were really such by the law of God; but their system justifies it, and they practise accordingly. Indeed, the very core and vitality of our slave system is, to view and treat the slaves as cattle, that is, to make money out of them, (rat­ tle are well kept, fed and cared for, that they may be vigorous, multiply, and be profitable; and our slaves have generally been treated in the same manner, and from precisely the same motives. And as cattle are made articles of trade and commerce, so are the slaves. In slave raising States, for instance Virginia, it has been common for men to go out over the country, and buy up men, women and children, just as sheep and hogs are bought up, and drive them in a drove into Richmond, to be sold to the highest bidder. And in these, and many other respects, does the system doom �AND FOR THE TIMES. 55 and degrade millions of human beings to the very condi­ tion of the brute creation. And for men to appeal to the Bible, to justify such a system, is simply an outrage upon common-sense and decency; and a gross insult to that just and holy God, who is the author of the Bible. How preposterous I to appeal to the Bible, in justification of a system, the whole tendency of which is, to make brutes of the slaves, and barbarians of the slaveholders, as the history of events has now fully verified. And when the leading men in the nation, and chief guides in morality, filling the highest stations, have been pursuing this course, is it any marvel that the Lord is much incensed against us, and his visitations heavy upon the land? Now, my fellow-citizens, is it not time to consider these things, and avoid being any longer deluded by sophistical reasonings? If we want to know the truth respecting our slave system, let us honestly seek to find out what it is, and measure it by the infallible standard of the Divine Word; so as to learn its enormous wickedness, and con­ sign it to perdition, where it properly belongs. Surely, if we are a Christian people, we cannot bear to deal with any class of human beings, as our slave system deals with our slaves. Nor would it be amiss to inquire what our duty was, as Christians, to the Africans found in our midst, when we became a nation. By English cupidity and rapacity, the poor Africans were dragged here, and slavery planted in the land. But when we became an independent nation, we ought not to have set the seal of our approbation, to the evil course of England, by con­ tinuing the unrighteous system which she had introduced. And as we were proclaiming ourselves “ the land of the free,” it was especially inconsistent in us, to establish sla­ �56 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, very as one of our institutions. We found the Africans among us, and they were pagans; what, then, was our duty, as Christians, toward these pagans? Was it our duty to make slaves of them ? to oppress them ? to whip, and buy, and sell, and to make money out of them, as though they had been so many brutes ? Was this our duty, as a Christian people, to these pagans? Every one with any conscience knows the answer. How ought a Christian people to deal with a handful of pagans found in their midst, and in their power? Certainly, not in cruelty, but in kindness. And is it kindness to make slaves of them ? to make brutes of them ? to use them merely for the purpose of turning them into money? Ought we not to have dealt with them for their good, not for our own? Christian magnanimity, Christian mercy, and Christian justice, all say we ought. And was it the duty of a Christian people to add to the number of these pagans, with the view of making money? As there never was a single one of them, shipped from the shores of Africa for any other purpose. In every instance the motive was the greed of gain. Many of the poor Afri­ cans have been benefitted by it; for the Lord can bring good out of evil, and has done so in this case; but this does not render the authors of the evil one whit the less guilty. These pagans, brought here, were “strangers” in a strange land, and they ought to have received the sympa­ thy, protection, and help of a Christian people, with the view of making them Christians, not slaves. Is it the way in which Christians ought to treat pagan strangers, to make slaves of them ? Very numerous are the injunc­ tions to the Jewish nation, to deal kindly with the “stran­ �AND FOR THE TIMES. 57 gers” found among them. And these injunctions are applicable to us. For though we, as a nation, are gath­ ered out of all lands, yet, as a white race, we are the people of the land; the Lord having given it to us as our inheritance: and the African is emphatically the “stran­ ger in our midst.” He ought, then, to be treated by us, with no less kindness, than was required of the Jews to »the “stranger within their gates.” In the Bible, the “strangers,” the “fatherless,” and the “widows,” are classed together as objects of the Lord’s special regard; whose cause he will vindicate; and who are to be treated with much tenderness and compas­ sion. We have our “strangers,” and of them there are great multitudes of “fatherless” and “widows;” for our slave system has made them. Multitudes of wives have been torn from their husbands, and sold into cruel and helpless bondage. Multitudes of children have been torn from their parents, and doomed to serve under the lash of hard-hearted and pitiless taskmasters. But these “widows” and “fatherless” of the African “stranger,” have a double claim. Nor are they forgotten of the Lord. He hears their cry. Exod. xxii. 21—24: “Thou shalt neither vex a stranger, nor oppress him: .... Ye shall not afflict any widow, or fatherless child. If thou afflict them in any wise, and they cry at all unto me, I will surely hear their cry. And my wrath shall wax hot, and I will kill you with the sword; and your wives shall be widows, and your children fatherless.” A great cry, prolonged for many weary years, has gone up to heaven from the South land. And though these “fatherless” and “widows, are dark colored, debased by oppression, and despised, yet the Lord has heard their cry. And all over �53 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, the nation, we behold a terrible verification of this portion of God’s holy Word. It is enough to make any thought­ ful person tremble and be afraid ; and to teach all, that it is a fearful thing for a nation to disregard the counsels of the Most High. How touchingly the Bible describes the sad condition of these “strangers,” “fatherless,” and “widows!”— “Behold the tears of such as were oppressed, and they had no comforter: and on the side of their oppressor there was power; but they had no comforter.” Eccl. iv. 1. And forcibly, too, it describes the cry which went up from their broken and crushed hearts to heaven :—“ 0 Lord God, to whom vengeance belongeth; 0 God, to whom vengeance belongeth, show thyself. Lift up thyself, thou Judge of the earth: render a reward to the proud. Lord, how long shall the wicked, how long shall the wicked triumph? They slay the widow and the stranger, and murder the fatherless.” And though the Lord waited long, that the wicked might repent, and cease from violence and oppression, yet the cry of the helpless is answered at length. The “Judge of the earth hath lifted up himself,” and is rendering “a reward to the proud.” The pride, and haughty, overbearing insolence of the oppressor, is being returned into his own bosom—as saith the Lord: “The people of the land have used* oppression, and exercised robbery, and have vexed the poor and needy: yea, they have oppressed the stranger wrongfully. Therefore, have I poured out mine indig­ nation upon them ; I have consumed them with the fire of my wrath: their own way have I recompensed upon their heads, saith the Lord God.” Ezek. xxii. 29, Si. Now, my fellow-citizens, we have, as a nation, a duty �AND FOR THE TIMES. 59 to discharge, in relation to this evil system. Nor is it merely to remove it; for it is rapidly being removed, whether we intend it or not. We never could discover a method by which to bring our slavery to an end; and simply because we never were willing that it should end. If the people of the land had sincerely desired its end, it would have ended long, long ago. Because there has been nothing on the face of the earth, nor under it, to prevent its removal, but the unwillingness of the people. But “the Lord, in righteousness, is now making a short work” of it; and by his all-controlling providence, will bring it to an end, and that before long. But we, as a nation, should gladly concur, and devote our energies to the speedy consummation of the just and blessed work; rejoicing to have wiped away this foul stain, which has been to us, such a provocation for the Lord’s anger, and standing reproach among the nations. And, besides, we ought, as a nation, before all men, and in the sight of Heaven, acknowledge our guilt, in so long upholding a system, of such enormous wickedness and oppression. And, as a nation, too, protect and make provision for those we have so long oppressed—the “harmless, land­ less, and homeless” multitudes now cast upon our care. And thus “break off our sins by righteousness, and our iniquities by showing mercy to the poor;” that the Lord may return, and heal our land, and bless us again, with peace and prosperity in all our borders. The sins of the inhabitants of the land might be dwelt upon; for they are numerous and great. Such as Sabbath desecration, drunkenness and falsehood ; derelic­ tion of duty in the family—a sad want of family govern­ ment; and, hence, a lamentable disregard of parental �GO THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, authority: a reckless spirit of insubordination generally; with national pride and self-sufficiency; but there is ground to believe that all these, in a measure, spring from our national forgetfulness of Grod—that this is the foun­ tain whence flow these evil streams. And in order to have healthful streams, we must purify the fountain; casting into it the salt of divine and unchangeable truth, concerning God, his law, his claims and supremacy over us as a nation. We commenced to build aside from the true foundation, and numerous evils must be the conse­ quence. Let us begin anew, where we ought to begin: recognizing the rightful authority of God over us, and acknowledging our national subordination to that author­ ity. This will be to begin at the beginning, and will have promise of a happy continuance: it will be laying a foundation for law, order, and stability, in every depart­ ment of the social fabric. When the fountain is purified, by a recognition of our proper relations to God and his government, it will have a healing and saving influence on all the streams of our civil and social life. Our sorrowful civil war has been protracted, much beyond our expectation when it commenced. A vast and inighty power has been brought to bear upon the rebel­ lion, to crush it: the slaughter and destruction of the lives of our people have been fearful and distressing: the prayers of God’s people have been ascending on both special and ordinary occasions; but the Lord’s hand is stretched out against us still. And why so? The Book, that never mistakes, informs us why—“Behold, the Lord’s hand is not shortened, that it cannot save; neither his ear heavy, that it cannot hear: But your iniquities have separated between you and your God, and �AND FOR THE TIMES. 61 your sins have hid his face from you, that he will not hear.”—Isa. xlix. 1, 2. This is it, our iniquities have separated between us and our God. He says to a nation praying and yet transgressing—“ When ye spread forth your hands I will hide mine eyes from you; yea, when ye make mapy prayers, I will not hear.” In such cases it is not merely prayer that is required; it is this— “ Wash ye, make you clean, put away the evil of your doings from before mine eyes; cease to do evil; learn to do well; seek judgment, relieve the oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead for the widow.” This is the remedy which a God of infinite wisdom and loving-kindness pre­ scribes; and if we adopt it, soon we shall realize the advantage of being guided by infinite wisdom. Peace will flow to us like a river, and prosperity like the waves of the sea. “Whatsoever things were writen aforetime, were writ­ ten for our learning;” and see the case of Israel, when smitten before their enemies on account of Achan’s sin. Joshua and the Elders had recourse to, and continued in prayer: but prayer was not what was needed.—“The Lord said unto Joshua, Get thee up; wherefore liest thou thus upon thy face ? * * * * Israel hath sinned; thou canst not stand before thine enemies, until ye take away the accursed thing from among you.” This is what is requisite in our case—to cease to do evil; and learn to do well—to repent, confess our sins, and forsake them. A great change is being wrought in our land; and let us all see to it, that it be for the better; a thorough and radical change, reaching to all our evils, and removing them; so as to have ours that nation, which the Most High will especially favor. �62 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION, The great struggle of the nations is coming on apace: the judgments of the Almighty will soon descend; for the “Lord is arising to shake terribly the earth”—to shake the wicked, and wicked institutions out of it—“ to destroy them that destroy the earth,” and in their stead establish his own reign of righteousness and peace. And in the great conflict the only place of safety for us, will be “under the shadow of the Almighty.” In the conflict we shall doubtless have to share; but let us see that we go into it duly prepared. Not in the strength of national pride, vainglorious boasting, and self-confidence; nor yet relying upon armies and navies, though we may have them. Of all this we have surely had enough; and recently, not a few impressive lessons, teaching us the folly and impiety of trusting in our own strength, and of giving the praise to the mere agency, instead of to the God of providence, who sent deliverance in the time of need. Many instances might be noted, but let two suf­ fice. The “Merrimac” came forth on her mission of destruction to our navy, and ruin seemed inevitable, when there was no help! But the God of providence brought in the “Monitor,” just at the hour of extremity, and we were saved ! Then the glory and the praise of the nation were given to the Monitor; and so the Lord raised his winds and waves, and sunk her deep in the quick-sands, off the Albemarle coast! Afterwards the rebel ram “Atlanta” came forth, purposing, and probably compe­ tent, to destroy our fleets. But the unseen hand of a friendly Providence fastened her aground; so that “gal­ lant Rogers,” with the “Weehawken,” made a quick and easy capture. Then the praise of Captain Rogers and the Weehawken sounded out from the voice of the �AND FOR THE TIMES. 63 nation; and the Lord, from whom it was withheld, soon brought to an end the agency of both. The good cap­ tain he removed from earth, and with his mighty waters, carried the Weehawken down to the bottom of the deep; just at the very side of the cradle of rebellion! IIow striking these providences of God! to teach us the folly and wickedness of forgetting Him: refusing to acknow­ ledge his timely interposition for our help: leaning upon human strength and wisdom—“Thus saith the Lord; Cursed be the man that trusteth in man, and maketh flesh his arm, and whose heart departeth from the Lord.” “It is better to trust in the Lord than to put confidence in man: it is better to trust in the Lord than to put con­ fidence in princes.” If the Lord be on our side, we need not be afraid. And to have him on our side, let us own him as the God of our nation, acknowledge his supremacy over us, and regulate our affairs in accordance with his will. How could we go into a conflict with the nations, acknowledging no Giod, and having no Grod? The time has now almost come, for the breaking up and overturning of the nations, both pagan and semi­ pagan. Semi-paganism is to be cleaned out of Christen­ dom ere long: the reign of Gentilism must soon come to an end; and it will be effected, either by national dissolu­ tion or reformation. Let us take care, then, to be a reforming nation, and not a broken and shattered, help­ less wreck. If we do as we might and ought, we may escape this doom; and, on the contrary, be “strong in the Lord, and the power of his might.” Our peace with other nations may not continue long. We have seen the disposition of some of them towards us; and with some of the European powers, we may have to reckon, for �64 THE BOOK FOR THE NATION. their mean, cowardly, and unrighteous treatment of our nation, in the time of its sore trial and conflict for national existence. But whatever our relations may be with other govern­ ments, let us be careful to secure good relations with Heaven’s government; and then, for certain, the “strong­ est power” will be on our side, and we shall gloriously triumph over every foe. For, “In the name of the Lord, we shall lift up our banners;” and, “In the name of the Lord, we shall destroy them.” “One shall chase a thousand, and two shall put ten thousand to flight.” Then shall we be a truly great and happy people—per­ manent, peaceful, and prosperous. For, “The work of righteousness shall be peace; and the effect of righteous­ ness, quietness and assurance for ever. And the people shall dwell in a peaceable habitation, in sure dwellings, and in quiet resting-places”—Isa. xxxii. 17, 18—having verified in us the truthful saying—“ Righteousness exalteth a nation”—and we the happy people, “whose God is the Lord:” Love, peace, and prosperity going forth together, and joyously smiling over the face of our entire broad land—the teeming millions, glad and harmonious, in the full realization of the countless advantages dis­ pensed by our glorious Union—one vast Republic of Freemen, liberty-loving and happy, in our own institu­ tions, in the boundless munificence of earth, and the sweet approbation of Heaven! � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Victorian Blogging Description An account of the resource A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library &amp; Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Conway Hall Library & Archives Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Conway Hall Ethical Society Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Pamphlet Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The book for the nation and the times Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Morton, George [1832-1907.] Description An account of the resource Place of publication: Philadelphia Collation: 64 p. ; 19 cm. Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Published anonymously 'by a citizen U.S.N.A.'. Author believed to be the Rev. George Morton. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available William S. & Alfred Martien Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1864 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context G5230 Subject The topic of the resource Bible Politics Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (The book for the nation and the times), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Bible Christianity-United States Conway Tracts politics Religion Slavery-United States https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/d8f2159d654371909e783c47c2ce4255.pdf?Expires=1784764800&Signature=RKuCYPGiDLib%7EpQKiLX1nblOoDC6JTuOQCyj8Z0%7EXVZKivFkZvWKjWRQd9Xc3dLOZDWfd7v97-Qz-uvRacY6vylHUpfX036XWv3bdxgZBbiBfA6JwuAAb4ynsh-LgYUwW3fZAwOvUMTrWWSE8D%7E6%7ETGY2mDsuDhePaJqDPSXBb03vZ7ZVcl8gTSOCA3fSTlxe4jzgoP2tPjgKMawgPg3c80lwxgZ6Q3xGgNMaw4PEqeXAXMAdfSixC2GC%7EXqRPSvx7MenMB5PmLW9iXv4Q827syDNCLGZtjQxUOP6S1QmbjGLywVtFQAW0E-DrYj43J8lo7Z9KPnU%7EGtpYHa7T-z5A__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 9ab8e7b809d32959de35d969ded0b2ad PDF Text Text OBSERVATIONS ON CRIMINALS: BEING A PAPER READ BEFORE THE ESONOMIC SECTION OF THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION* SEPTEMBER, 1863- BY T. ROBINS, Governor of the Newcastle-upon-Tyne Prisons. NEWCASTLE-UP&N-IYNE : PRINTED AT THE DAILY JOURNAL OFFICl?, BY A. AND J. M. CARB. 1864. ��OBSERVATIONS ON CRIMINALS; BEING A PAPER READ BEFORE THE ECONOMIC SECTION OF THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION, SEPTEMBER, 1863. The importance of the subject of Criminal Treat­ ment is attested by the fact, that, in the year 1860, fhere were no less than 100,614 persons committed to the county and borough prisonsaof England and Wales, involving a cost of £533,407 18s. 8d. The number of persons in prison at one time was 19,®S6, in addition to convicts in government prisons; The question of criminal treatment has been ably discussed during the last two years,, but the enquiry, What shall we do with our criminals 1 has not yet received a satisfactory answer, though plans have been adopted in Ireland which have produced important results—results which claim the most serious conside­ ration from all entrusted with the administration of justice. * It will simplify the consideration of the causes of crime if we classify the offences in the following­ order :—misdemeanour, petty theft, deeds of violence, and enormous frauds, indicating, as they do, different phases of character and different degrees of guilt. The fact that all classes more or less contribute to the criminal mass, shews that there is an inherent ten­ dency downwards in some minds, however advantageous may be their external circumstances; These minds are characterized by a somewhat defective intellect and perverse will. Varieties exist in the population of a prison, as well as in society generally ; it is, therefore, necessary to deal with criminals individually, instead �4 of in masses, and also to include, in any system for their management, the power of classifying them according to their antecedents, or the moral qualities exhibited in their conduct. Misdemeanours are frequently the result of intem­ perance, but it does not follow that theft, or the most serious class of crimes is such; indeed, a certain amount of sobriety is necessary for the successful per­ petration of either. There is a prevailing- notion that crime is, in almost all cases, the result of intemperance. This idea often interferes with our perception of other and more remote causes of it, and unnecessarily em­ barrasses an already difficult question. Though drunk­ enness is a detestable vice, and though it frequently accompanies crime, it is, in many cases, rather the effect than the cause of crime. It is justly recognized and punished as a breach of the law, but that it is far from being the sole cause of other crime will appear from a moment’s reflection on the amount of juvenile delin­ quency, where the propensity to theft is exhibited in the most positive manner before the appetite for intoxi­ cating drink has been acquired; and from the fact that the greater number of the worst class of our adult criminals is drawn from the matured juveniles. The lowest rank of society, from its preponderance in numbers, and the absence of those gracious influences which form the moral atmosphere of persons more happily placed, naturally supplies the bulk of the criminal class; but, in other ranks of life, crimes are committed which can be traced to hatred, cupidity, unrestrained sensual passion, or some_ unhappy cir­ cumstance, rather than to drunkenness. I dwell par­ ticularly upon this, as the successful application of a remedy must depend upon the understanding of the true cause of a disease. �5 When we find that, out of the 100,614 committed, upwards of 8,000 were under 16 years of age, we arc driven to the conclusion that a vast number of the older criminals must have commenced their career in childhood ! We must, therefore, look deeper into our common nature for the root of the most serious class of crimes, the perpetrators of which are the most hope­ less to deal with. On further inquiring, then, into the causes of crime, it may be well to glance at the distinc­ tive and conspicuous features of the criminal mind : and prominent among the qualities exhibited are idle­ ness, vanity, sensuality, intense selfishness, and violent temper. Bad training by parents is a fruitful source of crime, influencing, as it does, children through false indulgence, neglect, or evil example ; warping the child’s mind ; blinding him to all the responsibilities of his future life ; engendering in him false views of his relative duties ; and laying the foundation of that unlicensed selfishness which results in a total disregard even of natural justice. The consequence is that he starts in life with misdirected powers, and seeks the indulgence of his passions as one of the great purposes of his exis­ tence. Or, it may be that a child’s mind has been distorted into deformity by systematic training in wickedness ; and such children have been looked upon by the world, and, till recently, by the comparatively benevolent, as hopeless subjects for philanthrophic experiment. Again, by neglect or undue indulgence, a spirit of idleness is generated, affecting the mind as well as the body, and the child, who is the victim of such treatment, becomes too lazy to apply himself to work, too ignorant to perceive the error of such a course, and grows up prepared to yield to the first temptation to which his natural wants may expose him. �6 It would be well to picture to ourselves the homes in which many of our criminals have been reared,—the filthy and disgusting lodgings to which necessity has driven them ; but too much has already been said by others about the homes and haunts of the poor to make it necessary for me to dwell in detail on the revolting scenes of misery and degradation presented by some of these places. Too much honour cannot be awarded to those who have laid aside their fastidiousness, and made personal efforts to remedy the evil in question. Many orphans are left in these haunts, without being cared for by those who have the power of rescuing them. Society must remember that if it does not pro­ vide for destitute and orphan children, and if it fails to enforce the duty of lodging them in proper asylums,— where they shall be taught the necessary duties of life, and educated for some useful purpose,—it must pay the penalty by maintaining them as criminals. If no one has taken the trouble to see that such children are taught their duties to society, people ought not to wonder at such children’s ignorance of them. The neglected child is an object of deep commiseration ; for it is left to follow the impulses of its untrained will; as it may be, and generally is, affected by evil circumstances, provoking passion, exciting vanity, or gratifying the lower propensities. Without entering upon the question of hereditary tendencies, or the defective organization, which is the sad inheritance of many a poor child, I may point to the corrupting influences which older criminals exercise upon the juvenile population, not only by example, but by direct instruction. Most persons present, are, no doubt, familiar with the description of “ Old Fagan’s ” establishment, which is very slightly, if at all, over­ drawn. �7 The amount of gross ignorance, in the majority of criminals, is inconceivable. Out of the 100,614 alluded to, 34,279 could neither read nor write ; 61,233 could read or write very imperfectlyj leaving only about 5,000 who had attained to anything like a moderate amount of education. Nor is their ignorance of the elementary branches of knowledge more marked than their want of skill as workmen. I find that, out of the number I have mentioned, 18,949 had no occupa­ tion, and that 43,569 were of the humblest class of labourers. In proposing remedies for the evils alluded to, I would venture to suggest that, though we have to thank our present systems for much good, they are but a step in the right direction. The really efficient working of what is excellent in them may, however, greatly facilitate the application of any new power. The present modified form of the separate system, as carried out in our prisons, is desirable as a ground­ work. Labour is the true foundation on which any plan of discipline should be based—profitable labour, if possible-—but, from work the prisoner should not be suffered to escape. This should have been one of his earliest lessons, and it must, when he is in the prison, form the leading feature of his education. Unless a prisoner is taught the great duty, nay, the absolute necessity, of labour, in vain do we try, by education, to effect his reform. By training his mind we give him powers which are as likely to be used for evil as for good ; a mind subdued by habitual industry will be found better fitted to receive religious impres­ sions, to appreciate moral precepts, and to profit by mental culture. But we must remember that, in order that prisoners may derive ultimate benefit from learning to �8 work, it is necessary that means should be taken to procure employment for them on their discharge; and it is natural that employers should have some reluctance to engage such persons. This is the great obstacle in the way of criminal reform. Few men at present engaged in the work have much hope of producing a permanent improvement on those under their care ; knowing that as soon as the prisoner is liberated he is thrown back—weakened by his first false step—into the very circumstances which led to it. Perhaps the only persons who care for him, beyond the prison gate, are his accomplices, who meet him prepared, first to gratify his appetite, and then to propose fresh schemes of fraud and violence. Those, on the other hand, to whom he has made his promises of amendment, will, in all probability, never see him again till he returns to prison, Thus is his evil course perpetuated, and thus are the hopes of those really interested in his welfare destroyed. The work is too great to be accomplished by the means at present employed. A common excuse, made by discharged criminals on their returning to prison, is, “ I could get no work, and was, therefore, compelled to steal.” This excuse could be effectually removed by instituting Refuge Farms (English Lusks) where a prisoner might be sure of getting work, for which he should receive wages, somewhat lower, at first, than those of the ordinary labourer, but rising, in proportion to his industry, until they should reach the ordinary price of labour. Where it would be inconvenient or impracticable to employ them on land, workshops should be opened. This would be the most convenient form of meeting the difficulty in towns, and this plan has, with great success, been already acted on in London and Wakefield, and also, I believe, in Birmingham. �9 Newcastle stands conspicuous among a few other towns for a large proportion of female prisoners. This is partly due, as in some of the other towns, to the fact of its being a seaport, but not to that alone. In Newcastle the demand for female labour is compara­ tively small. To meet such a want, the establishment of public laundries would be desirable. They would furnish employment for poor women, and would, at the same time, be a convenience and advantage to the public. Up to a recent period, the element of hope was, for practical purposes, almost excluded from our prisons. Now, while there should be no sentimentality about the treatment of prisoners, a just and generous sentiment tells us that any effort on their part towards improve­ ment should be encouraged, and an opening made for those of them who are willing to return to society; for we should remember that “where nothing’s left to hope there’s nought to dread.” No man can live without hope, and, if it be not embodied in our system of discipline, the prisoner will introduce it himself, and feed upon the prospect of some future opportunity of revenging himself on society. Rewards might be given to prisoners, in the form of a small payment, for labour performed in excess of tasks set, and they should be applied for the prisoner’s benefit, after his discharge, by being paid in instalments on the application of the prisoner himself, and on his bringing proof that he is leading an honest life. This would be a better plan than that of lessening the terrors of the prison, by the increase of food or the decrease of sentence, and would guard against the risk of a person receiving assistance who did not continue to deserve it. Some encouraging prospect should be held before the prisoner to excite him to exertion and �10 awaken in him a feeling of self-respect, and a wish to raise himself. On the other hand, he should be presented with an alternative which the most callous and indifferent would dread; for where there is nothing to fear there is an unwillingness to be directed. Most persons who have had any experience of criminals have found that kindness is not appreciated when the power to punish is not recognized. Any system should embrace the power of dealing both with the penitent and the incorrigible. It should be made obvious to the criminal that the executive arm of the law is, beyond a doubt, strong enough to deal with any contingency in his career. Much crime might be prevented by some wellarranged plan for identifying confirmed criminals. At present, through the imperfection of our police arrange­ ments, this can only be partially effected; and, instead of practically illustrating the maxim, “ divide and con­ quer,” we allow this power to be turned against our­ selves ; for there is, in addition to the charm of a wandering life, a sort of freemasonry amongst thieves which enables them to combine most effectually to elude justice, by removing to districts where they are not known by the police, and where they are always sure to find kindred spirits ready to become their acccomplices. They are thus enabled to escape detection and to resist successfully the influences which, if properly directed, might place them in the ranks of honest labour. This difficulty might, in some measure, be met by detective officers paying occasional visits to distant towns, and, in connection with the local police, examining the town or district as well as visiting the prisons, where every facility should be afforded for the recognition of old offenders. �11 With reference to diet, about which there are so many conflicting opinions, I must here assert that the charge of pampering prisoners is not applicable, at any rate, to Newcastle. A reference to the diet table will, 1 think, satisfy every one that prisoners here have no undue indulgence. Strict silence is rigidly enforced ; the apparent conveniences in the cell are only such as are necessary to health; and the cleanliness and order required are regarded by the mass of the prisoners rather as a punishment than a favour. I have no sympathy with those who would make a prison other than a disagreeable place. In considering the convict question I think it should be dealt with as if we had no colonies ; for although, when the colonies were willing to receive convicts, it was politic to avail ourselves of the opportunity, we surely have no right for our sole convenience to force criminals upon them. Every country should be able to deal with its own criminals without having recourse to transportation ; till that is accomplished, a great difficulty remains to be overcome. It would, however, be legitimate, when they have passed the ordeal for testing their sincerity, to give them every facility for leaving the country as free emigrants; and, as in this case, they would probably emigrate singly or in small companies, their removal would be effected without subjecting them to the corrupting influence of the convict ship. I was gratified, when listening on Saturday, to so high an authority as Colonel Torrens, to hear him confirm views of my own, which I published some time since, on the question of trans­ portation to our colonies. The expense attending transportation is very great ; and it prompts us to ask whether the money which it �12 costs might not be expended in a manner calculated tQ ensure more certainly the objects sought—the pro­ tection of the public, and the punishment and reforma­ tion of the criminal. During the late garotting panic, when a speedy transportation of all convicts seemed the only remedy likely to satisfy the public, many localities were indi­ cated as suitable places for founding penal settlements, and among others the Hudson’s Bay territory. Now, in sending convicts to such a place, without a long period of initiatory punishment and training, you would place them in circumstances calculated to excite antagonism to those about them, as they would become aware of the limited power to control them, and the facilities for escape. These circumstances would have a tendency to foster a spirit of insubordination. There would also be a great difficulty in maintaining an efficient staff of officers, as suitable persons could not be easily found to supply the places of the incompetent or unfaithful; In the event of the convicts enjoying any licence— which would almost inevitably be the case—colonists would be exposed to outrages similar to, or worse, than those which so lately shocked the public mind in England. This would not be remedying the evil; it would simply be putting it farther away, and requiring those to bear it who are less favourably circumstanced. The following plan, which I suggested at the time of the panic, and which I had the honour of bringing before the Royal Commissioners, has since received the sanction of many practical men of great experience :— “ Islands off our own coast, situated at a mode­ rate distance from the mainland and from each other, should be made convict depots. By employing a sufficient staff, the government would be in a position to subject criminals to a system of discipline �13 from which we might fairly hope to see some satis­ factory results. If men of violent character found that the authorities were strong enough to subdue them and defy their attempts at revolt, they would be more likely, when sent out as free emigrants, to make them­ selves acceptable, by good conduct, in a new country Supposing one of the Scotch islands to be adopted for a convict depot, a plan, something like the following, might be carried out:—Let there be on the island about ten separate prisons, and let the officers’ residences form a village at the point of the island nearest the mainland. There should be near the village a barrack for the accommodation of an armed guard. The governor should have, from, his residence, a telegraph communicating with the several prisons. He would thus be enabled, in case of outbreak, to concentrate such a force on any particular prison as would not only at once crush a mutiny, but shew the futility of any attempt to escape. / Each separate building ought to be in the charge of an efficient deputy. One should be used for the close confinement and punishment of those who were apparently incorrigible, and in it the most severe dis­ cipline should be enforced—those confined in it never being allowed out of their cells on any pretence ; an­ other should be used for carrying out a rather less rigid discipline; a third as a reception and probationary prison; the other buildings would afford an opportunity for testing different kinds of discipline and for classi­ fying prisoners. The whole would constitute a reformatory course, and afford to each prisoner an opportunity of gaining some advantage, in proportion to his efforts to deserve it. Each might then be drafted to the public works or some other field of labour. �14 “ Correspondence between convicts and their friends should be a great favour, to be earned by exemplary conduct; and tickets of leave at home should be granted only in very exceptional cases. “ In the two buildings allotted for the confinement of the worst class of convicts, there should be no assembling for chapel, but scripture readers or mission­ aries should, under the direction of a chaplain, instruct the prisoners in their cells. “ It is not desirable that men of infamous character should be liberated on the ground of ill health ; a suitable infirmary, with proper necessaries, should be provided for the sick, who should then take their chance of recovery, as any honest poor man would be obliged to do, in case of sickness. It would be better for them to die in a gaol infirmary, where they would receive both spiritual and medical aid, than in the foul dens to which they would return if free. “ The idea sought to be embodied in the foregoingplan is a combination of the deterrent and reformatory principles, under circumstances which would admit of their being carried out in their integrity. “ In dealing with a large number of convicts, it is desirable so to insulate them as to make escape almost impossible. This, as I have shown, might be accom­ plished by locating them on an island ; and in order to prevent a dangerous combination on the part of the prisoners, they should be so subdivided as to enable the governor to quell, without difficulty, any resistance to authority. This is attainable by means of the separate prisons indicated in the plan. “ To facilitate the working out of the reformatory process, the lowest class of convicts should be separated from those who give some promise of amendment, and �15 the worst should be subjected to a discipline sufficiently rigid to destroy the hope of gaining anything by resist­ ance. On the other hand, all of them should be encouraged to improve their own condition by a perse­ vering course of good conduct. “1 refrain from entering upon the consideration of that contingency of solitary confinement, so interesting to the psychologist—insanity—further than to say that, naturally healthy minds do not appear to give way in consequence of such confinement. In any case in which, within my own experience, insanity has been its result, there has been a predisposition in that direction.” It may be an unpleasant suggestion, but truth com­ pels me to add, that a responsibility rests on society to support and guide the weaker member in his effort to stand upright. It is unreasonable to suppose that one who is injured by a fall can walk as well as the man who has not suffered; and we must not forget, that as society, by its neglect, has indirectly assisted in the degradation of the criminal, it is incumbent on it, while punishing the incorrigible, to lend a helping hand to the penitent—remembering that one of the last lessons our Saviour taught us was the possibility of a thief s conversion. September 1st, 1863. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Victorian Blogging Description An account of the resource A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library &amp; Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Conway Hall Library & Archives Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Conway Hall Ethical Society Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Pamphlet Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Observations on criminals: being a paper read before the economic section of the British Association, September 1863 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Robins, T. Description An account of the resource Place of publication: Newcastle-upon-Tyne Collation: 15 p. ; 22 cm. Notes: T. Robins was Governor of Newcastle-upon-Tyne Prisons. From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Read before the British Association for the Advancement of Science. Economic Science and Statistics Section. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Printed at the Daily Journal Office by A. and J.M. Carr Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1864 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context G5391 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <p class="western"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /><br />This work (Observations on criminals: being a paper read before the economic section of the British Association, September 1863), identified by <a href="www.conwayhall.org.uk">Humanist Library and Archives</a>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</p> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Subject The topic of the resource Crime Conway Tracts Criminals Criminals-Rehabilitation-Great Britain Prisons https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/25778/archive/files/688488647716845ea950c77a3c0b30da.pdf?Expires=1784764800&Signature=H8cPm56%7EpTyPqOhbfS8eNTQkP-gKtu8S81KOuLBCL27rdCsahZL6Tofqy8tlU%7EuxBX5sEe9jDrDAYwQRERLQ4gtruBN4KZ4JfsiTfLczcDclZ626Vgt8Q6p2zdoegcmnsDSF60FG3DO-G7jNSG%7EW9p%7E6ezsw3-23ibWMUcfsM12NZ7NAQ7c38tgeLaNVGGMyn1iA0fzh8J8tJ08jnDMwtDd1R3EqTjao7-LBkErIaU8tXm8wyjzaNpgeyctWp4WwUN%7EMFf31BKufVYSvMiiWuvAD6xtlV%7ErMXKHH8AdBvHcFFQ-FCQ8Azb6tT1%7Elr1Hxw0vXrkt1bL%7E8TUedGmBErA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 063a4f102ec9b92f7e61e2e4cfe6eac0 PDF Text Text THE NEW SYSTEM or MUSICAL GYMNASTICS INSTRUMENT IN EDUCATION. jA lecture DELIVERED BEFORE THE COLLEGE OF PRECEPTORS, BY MOSES COIT TYLER, M.A., M.C.P., ^xiiuipnl of tlje bonbon Stljool of ^sitnl fibutalion, Bnnbrr of i^e gjnericHn gssotiniion for tljr gbbtinrmrni of ^rirnre, Hr. *' Intellect in a weak body is like gold in a spent swimmer’s pocket tho richer he would be under other circumstances, by so much the greater his danger now. ’ D. A. Wasson. LONDON; WILLIAM TWEEDIE, 1864; 337, STRAND. �A short life is not given us, but we ourselves make it so.”—Seneca, “ We are weak, because it never enters into our thoughts that we might be strong if we would.”—Salzmann. “The first wealth is health. Sickness is poor-spirited, and cannot serve any one : it must husband its resources to live. But health or fulness answers its own ends and has to spare, runs over and inundates the neigh­ bourhood and creeks of other men’s necessities.”—Ralph Waldo Emerson. “ I am convinced that he who devotes two hours each day to vigorous exercises, will eventually gain those two hours, and a couple more into the bargain.”—Washington Irving. “ The man who invented cricket as surely deserves a statue to his memory as he who won Waterloo.”—Archibald Maclaren. “ The excess of bodily exercises may render us wild and unmanageable; but the excess of arts, sciences, and music makes us faddled and effeminate : only the right combination of both makes the soul circumspect and manly.” —Plato. “ Surely none the worse Christians and citizens are ye for your involun­ tary failing of muscularity.”—Thomas Hughes. �NOTE. The following Address was delivered before the College of Preceptors, at their rooms, in Queen Square, on the evening of Wednesday, March 7th, 1864, the Rev. Richard Wilson, D.D., F.C.P., being in the chair. It was published in The Educational Times for the succeeding month, precisely as it appears in these pages. By the multitude of letters I have since received from educators in all parts of the kingdom, I am tempted to hope that its publication in the present form may be not without good results to the cause of a wise and generous method of education. 29, Delam ere Terrace, Bayswater, May 1st, 1864. a 2 ��MUSICAL GYMNASTICS AS AN INSTRUMENT IN EDUCATION. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, The mind of Lord Bacon, brooding over and methodizing all knowledge within the reach of man, has indicated the boundaries and the relations of physical culture, in the following sentences which I extract from 11 The Advancement of Learning:”—“The good of a man’s body is of four kinds—health, beauty, strength, and pleasure.” Hence the knowledge that “ concerneth his body is medicine, or art of cure ; art of decoration, which is called cosmetique; art of activity, which is called athletique; and art voluptuary, which Tacitus truly calls ‘ eruditus luxus.' ” And after several paragraphs in exposition of the first two branches of bodily knowledge, he continues :—“ For athletique, I take the subject of it largely, for any point of ability whereunto the body of man may be brought, whether it be of activity or of patience ; whereof activity hath two parts, strength and swiftness : and patience likewise hath two parts, hardness against want and extremities, and endurance of pain or torment. ... Of these things the practices are known, but the philosophy that concerneth them is not much inquired into.” I am quite sure that I do not need to consume the time of my auditors on this occasion with any laboured arguments to convince them of the importance of physical culture. Certainly I may be allowed to take this for granted, that all intelligent educators in this age are thoroughly persuaded that the body needs education as truly as does the mind ; that this process of bodily education should commence and continue with that of the mind ; and perhaps I may be indulged in the expression of the opinion, that if the �6 THE NEW SYSTEM OF general practice does not yet equal the general belief upon this subject, it is owing to certain inevitable obstructions presented by the current methods of carrying this belief into effect, rather than to any lack of sincerity in the belief. If those methods were more practicable they would be more practised. At the same time, it has seemed to me that there might be a real advantage gained if I were to make, as the basis of my address this evening, a very brief sketch of the historical and literary antecedents of this important department of education, thereby indicating both the opinions and the proceedings of other ages and other nations upon the subject. I shall paint this sketch as a sort of consecrating background to my picture of 11 The New System of Musical Gym­ nastics as an Instrument in Education.” In searching for the first developments of the art of gymnastics, we must be content to go to that small but sacred spot of earth, whither we are obliged to look for the germs of all our science, art, and song. For, although traces of a crude athletic practice are to be found among the Hebrews and many of the early Asiatic tribes, it was in Greece that gymnastic cultivation first received that systematic attention which raised it to its true rank among the liberal arts. The Greek education was divided into two branches, which com­ prehended their entire disciplinary method either in youth or maturity; and these two branches were, gymnastics for the body, and music (by which they meant the topics presided over by all the nine Muses, such as history, poetry, mathematics, painting, logic, rhetoric, &c.) for the mind. They placed the subject of gymnastics first, and they always kept it first. In their view the education of the body was in the front, both logically and chronologically. Any one familiar with the facts descriptive of Greek education related by Grote, or Thirlwall, or Mitford, will be quite prepared to accept the statement of the ‘1 Encyclopedia Britannica, ’ ’ which asserts that ‘ ‘ the Greeks bestowed more time upon the gymnastic training of their youth than upon all the other departments put together.” The following sentence from the profound and elaborate work of Mr. Grote describes the supreme devotion paid to gymnastics in Sparta, and reflects to a certain extent the prevailing practice of all the other Hellenic States:—•“ From the early age of seven years, �MUSICAL GYMNASTICS. 7 throughout his whole life, as youth and man no less than as boy, the Spartan citizen lived habitually in public, always either himself under drill, gymnastic and military, or a critic and spectator of others.” And, in another part of his history, the same distinguished scholar assures us, that “the sympathy and admiration felt in Greece towards a victorious athlete, was not merely an intense sentiment in the Grecian mind, but was, perhaps, of all others the most widespread and Panhellenic.” And Bishop Potter, in the first volume of his “ Antiquities,” confirms this by the declaration, that <£ such as obtained victories in any of their games, especially the Olympic, were universally honoured, almost adored.” Without entering farther into details, it may be sufficient to say, that we have abundant evidence to assure us that the art of gymnastics was held in the highest honour throughout Greece. It was recognised and sustained by the State. Solon introduced into his code a special series of laws for its protection. The art was consecrated by every sentiment, religious, literary, and domestic. Certain of the gods were regarded as the peculiar patrons of the gymnasium. The teachers of morals discoursed of attention to physical exercise as a distinct virtue, calling it apenj yvpraffriK)], the gymnastic virtue. The great historic sects in Grecian philosophy took their titles from the gymnasia, where they were first expounded. Moreover, he who should excel in gymnastics thereby won high personal distinction and the most honourable rewards of the State. Thus in the mind and life of a Grecian in the ancient time, gymnastics entwined themselves with all his ideas of individual culture and personal dignity, piety, beauty, health, prowess, literary power, philosophy, and political renown. We have not the same temptation to linger over the story of Roman gymnastics. With regard to the position of bodily culture in the Roman plan of education, there is the testimony of Eschenberg, who affirms that corporal exercises were viewed by them, especially in the earlier times, as a more essential object in education than the study of literature and science. This is a sentence which glances both ways. It may mean that their devotion to gymnastics was very great; it may hint that their appreciation of literature and science, at the period referred to, was very small. However, it seems evident that, prior to the time of the emperors, the gymnas­ �8 THE NEW SYSTEM OF tics in vogue were of a rude character, having chief reference to the discipline of military recruits, and to the exigencies of certain athletic games, like the Consualia. Scientific gymnastics came in with the importation of other Greek ideas by the conquerors. The first gymnasium at Rome is said to have been built by Nero. Still the Greek gymnastics never became thoroughly naturalized and assimilated among the Roman people. The art seemed a fair but unprosperous exotic; and after serving a temporary purpose in the hands of scholars and gentlemen, it subsided into the brutality of pugilism and gladiatorship, and finally expired in the general wreck of the Imperial State. The lost art rose again, after its slumber of centuries, with the dawn of Chivalry, but in an altered garb and tone. The medieval gymnastics very naturally took their methods from the chivalric spirit. Fencing, wrestling, vaulting, boxing, the sword exercise, horsemanship, and the dance, now held the place in men’s regard once occupied by the old Greek Pentathlon; and these forms of gymnastics revived the ancient credit of physical culture, and were accorded the universal devotion of princes, and noblemen, and poets, and artists. Tasso, Da Vinci, and Albert Diirer were among the renowned gymnasts of the period. From the decline of Chivalry, onward through the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, the practice of gymnastics fell more and more into disuse; many forms of exercise became quite obsolete—only the limited methods of sparring1 and fencing seemed to remain in the memory of educators. The allusions to gymnastics, scattered through our English literature of the period, abundantly prove to how slight and contracted a scheme the once elaborate Art of Gymnastics had become reduced. But although the practical details of gymnastics may have relaxed their hold upon human attention, the theoretical standing of physical culture, in any comprehensive plan of education, was on all hands, by all respectable writers in the principal languages of Europe, most abundantly and emphatically asserted. The renowned scholar, J. F. Scaliger, published at Lyons, in 1561, a work entitled “ The Art of Gymnastics.’’ Four years later, Leonard Fuchs put forth at Tubingen a treatise on “ Movement and Repose and, in ten years from that date, Ambrose Pare issued at Paris a work with the same title. In the �• y" 9 MUSICAL GYMNASTICS. same year, at Cologne, Jules Alessandrini published a work in twenty-three books, called “ The Art of Preserving Health.” And, tracing the literature of the subject onward through the succeeding one hundred and fifty years, we find similar productions by Borelli, Brisseau, Paulline, Stahl, Hoffmann, and Burette. It is pleasant to find a distinct and very earnest statement of the claims of physical education in a continental writer who lived before Shakspeare, and whom we happen to know Shakspeare read and loved. For in a very brilliant essay by Montaigne on the education of youth, occurs this passage :—“ I would have a boy’s outward behaviour and the' disposition of his limbs formed at the same time with his mind. It is not a soul, it is not a body, that we are training up ; it is a man, and we ought not to divide him into two parts.” Turning from the continental languages to our own, we are proud and grateful to discover that English literature, so rich in philosophy and poetry, and in the gems of perfect speech, is by no means behind other literatures in the department of Physical Education. Let it never be forgotten by us, that the first book ever written in our English tongue on education was on Physical Education ; and so long ago as 1540, in the reign of Henry VIII., and by no less a man than Sir Nicolas Bacon, who is said to have trained Elizabeth to empire. I have already shown that his illustrious son, Lord Bacon, did not neglect this alcove of human thought and knowledge ; and no one at all acquainted with his pages can have failed to observe how thoughtfully and reverently he considered the body’s welfare, speaking of “the human organization as so delicate and so varied, like a musical instrument of complicated and exqui­ site workmanship, and easily losing its harmony.” The next important work in English literature upon this subject, is Milton’s Tract on Education. In this most eloquent essay, the great bard defines education as “ that which fits a man justly, skil­ fully, and magnanimously to perform all the offices, both private and public, of peace and war; ” and after recommending a plan “ likest to those ancient and famous schools of Pythagoras, Plato, Isocrates, and Aristotle, and such others, out of which were bred such a number of renowned philosophers, orators, historians, poets, and princes, all over Greece, Italy, and Asia,” he claims that his P �10 THE NEW SYSTEM OF own method should exceed them, and “ supply a defect as great as that which Plato noted in the commonwealth of Sparta; whereas that city trained up their youth most for war, and these in their Academies and Lyceums all for the gown, this institution of breed­ ing shall be equally good both for peace and war. Therefore, about an hour and a half ere they cat at noon should be allowed them for exercise, and due rest afterwards. . . . The exercise which I com­ mend first, is the exact use of their weapon, to guard and to strike safely with the edge or point; this will keep them healthy, nimble, strong, and well in breath; is also the likeliest means to make them grow large and tall, and to inspire them with a gallant and fearless courage, which, being tempered with seasonable lectures and precepts to them of true fortitude and patience, will turn into a native and heroic valour, and make them hate the cowardice of doing wrong. They must be also practised in all the locks and gripes of wrestling, wherein Englishmen were wont to excel, as need may often be in fight to tug, to grapple, and to close. And this will perhaps be enough wherein to prove and heat their strength.” Advancing to the next prominent English writer upon education, we come to the calm and judicious works of John Locke ; and no one will be surprised to hear that Locke’s scheme of education recognized the value of full attention to the development of the bodily health and vigour. “ A sound mind in a sound body,” remarks this great philoso­ pher in his treatise entitled “ Some Thoughts concerning Educa­ tion,” “ is a short description of a happy state in this world. He that has these two has little more to wish for ; and he that wants either of them will be but little the better for anything else. Men’s happiness or misery is most part of their own making. He whose mind directs not wisely will never take the right way ; and he whose body is crazy and feeble will never be able to advance in it.” The foregoing authorities from our earlier English literature are enough to indicate what I desired to represent—namely, that the department of Physical Education has an honourable and unquestion­ able basis in the recognition of the most illustrious writers of the English language ; and it will be sufficient for me to add, that every important, writer on education, from John Locke to Horace Mann aud Herbert Spencer, has reiterated, in a great variety of forms, �MUSICAL GYMMASTICS. 1 and with the use of erudition and logical appeal, these earlier claims on behalf of Physical Education. I think no one can have accompanied me to the present point in my address, without having forced upon his mind this thought— the extraordinary contrast between theory and practice with re­ ference to physical culture in our modern systems of education, especially in England and America. I have just made reference to our greatest and most influential writers on education, all enforcing the claims of physical culture ; and yet, when we look at the facts as they stand before our eyes on every hand, we must acknowledge that these claims are strangely disregarded. It may seem a very bold statement, but it has been made by wise and cautious tongues, that our modern education practically ignores the body, practically forgets that boys and girls who are its subjects are endowed with corporeal natures, for the healthful, vigorous, and symmetrical development of which it is strictly responsible. I do not doubt the existence of many beautiful and cheering exceptions to this rule. I know also that these exceptions are happily increasing. But up to latest dates, the vast majority of educational institutions, both in Great Britain and America, have failed to recognize the true position of physical culture in the work of education. Take London alone. Bringing schools of every grade into the account, the general rule is, that bodily culture is either wholly unprovided for, or at best is left to the option of each pupil; and even when, in exceptional cases, bodily exercise is made impera­ tive, the amount required bears no proportion to the efforts made for intellectual exercise. Now, I most strenuously affirm that this is not recognizing the true position of physical culture. And I venture to lay down the proposition, that physical culture will not receive its true recognition until every school is founded on the creed that the body is as essentially the subject of its educational care as the mind, requiring for its development scientific preparation and earnest conscientious practice ; that physical exercise should not be left as an optional thing, but should be made an integral part of every day’s hearty work ; moreover, that this branch of education should in every instance be conducted by wise, well-educated, and competent masters, and should be no more committed to the undirected efforts, to the whims and haphazard experiments of the n 2 �12 THE NEW SYSTEM OF pupils, than should geometry or grammar; and consequently, ano finally, that it is as absurd to establish a school omitting to make provision for adequate gymnastic education, as it would be to invite pupils to a school in which no arrangements were made for desks, forms, chairs, books, pens, maps, or paper. In short, the word educa­ tion should be understood to embrace in its operation our entire nature, mental and physical; both departments advancing together hand in hand, mutually respectful, helpful, and tolerant. Bodily culture should be received as an equal and an honoured occupant in the great Temple of Education, not kept standing upon the door­ steps like a shivering beggar, nor thrust down into the scullery as if it were some servant of dirty work. But having spoken of the vast and startling discrepancy between theory and practice in our modern education with reference to phy­ sical culture, I hasten to express the opinion that this is a phe­ nomenon for which the conductors of schools cannot generally be censured. I am convinced that it has been chiefly owing to the low tone of public appreciation upon this subject, whereby school­ masters have lacked the encouragement and support of parents in any efforts to bring this department up to its proper level; and second, to certain radical faults in the common methods of bodily culture, which have rendered their general adoption either incon­ venient, undesirable, or impossible. I claim the right to bear this testimony. It is an honest one—not given with any purpose of empty compliment. It is my constant duty and privilege to be thrown into conversation with teachers ; and I can truly say that I generally find them anxious to realize a higher standard of practice in the department than they have yet attained, but trammelled and thwarted by these practical difficulties to which I have made allusion. Perhaps the fundamental remedy for this is direct and energetic action upon the general mind of the nation, to inform it more thoroughly of the reasons for bodily education, and to imbue it with more earnest convictions as to the duty of parents in sustaining schoolmasters in their efforts to attend properly to the subject. We must create a public sentiment for educational gymnastics. From pulpit and platform and lecture desk and printed column, there must stream a current of knowledge and influence for physical �MUSICAL GYMNASTICS. 13 regeneration, which shall place the cause upon its proper basis in the intelligence and moral sense of the Anglo-Saxon race. But, as I have already intimated, even when other difficulties are removed, obstacles frequently occur, arising from the methods of gymnastic practice commonly used. The old system of heavy gymnastics, with its fixed beams, bars, ladders, swings, and wooden horses, requires a considerable outlay for its construction ; but more than all requires a large room for its occupation. Ours is a civiliza­ tion of large cities ; space is precious ; and any system which is to meet the wants of the time must be so very simple in its machinery as to be capable of introduction wherever there is standing room. The civilization of precious space will not be apt to give up room for bulky systems, no matter how good. The gymnastics must be adapted to the civilization; the civilization will not adapt itself to the gymnastics. When, therefore, from want of room or other cause, teachers have been obliged to forego this heavy system, and have resorted to the method technically called “ drilling,” as administered by a “ drill-serjeant,” they have frequently been aware of a difficulty of the very opposite character, viz., that the method was too light and apparently superficial, besides soon becoming monotonous and uninteresting—so obviously inadequate as a means of physical culture, that they not seldom begrudged the time which they gave to it. Accordingly, in very many cases, masters, dissatisfied with both experiments, have been obliged to content themselves by encouraging the usual games of the play-ground, if they are so fortunate as to have a play-ground; although conscious that these sports are by no means a realization of physical education, and especially that they do not counteract the worst tendencies of the school-room, viz., the tendencies to stooping shoulders and narrow chests. It is at just this angle of thought that I desire to bring to your notice a new system of gymnastics, which has been devised by an eminent medical man, and a practical educator of our time, for the very purpose of filling up this lamentable chasm in our modern educational practice ; a system which has now undergone the test of several years’ rigorous experiment, and has come forth from the trial with success. This system is at the present time attracting attention in England �14 THE NEW SYSTEM OE under the name of 11 Musical Gymnastics.” It was constructed by Dio Lewis, M.D., of Boston, Massachusetts, a physician and medical writer of great renown in his native land. I shall now endeavour to describe to you this very original and novel system; and to point out several particulars in which it seems to me beautifully adapted to meet our modern wants. I shall first attempt a verbal description ; but, as words can but poorly portray movements so unique as those which constitute this system, I have brought with me several of my juvenile pupils, who will present to you, after my lecture, some characteristic specimens of the method. Let it be said, then, in brief, that the new gym­ nastics differ from all preceding systems as regards the apparatus employed, the mode of the employment, and the results attending employment. The system discards, at once and totally, the heavy, complicated machinery of the old gymnasium, and adopts instead light wooden rings, wooden rods, wooden dumb-bells, and wooden clubs. None of these implements are attached to post, or wall, or ceiling ; but each is merely held in the hand when used, and laid aside when the exercises connected with it are performed. Further­ more, the exercises which this simple apparatus involves are elaborated, with a view to their physiological value, in distinct sets; each exercise has its own invariable place in the series to which it belongs; all are adapted to quick and stirring music ; they combine almost infinite variety with consummate simplicity and precision; and, finally, they admit of being performed in drawing-room, school-room, or hall, wherever there is space suf­ ficient for outspread arms, in a manner the most graceful, pleasing, and appropriate. With your permission, I shall now go over these statements, and develop them somewhat more in detail. And, first, concerning the machinery of the new system. There have been two difficulties in constructing a system of gymnastics which should be capable of universal diffusion. On the one hand, if the method was thorough, the apparatus was too elaborate, too costly, and absorbed too much space; on the other hand, if the apparatus was simple, the exercises failed in thoroughness, variety, and prolonged interest. It seems to me that Dr. Lewis’s system happily and ingeniously reconciles both extremes of difficulty. It �MUSICAL GYMNASTICS. 15 will not be laborious to prove to you that the apparatus is simple. One of my boys has brought here to-night, in his hands, four gymnasiums. The apparatus is so slight and inexpensive, that the humblest primary school can afford to get them, and can find room to use them. And with these simple and uncostly implements are connected a vast multitude of the most varied, powerful, and graceful movements, bringing into play, under healthful conditions, every muscle, joint, and member of the human body. Perhaps the greatest encomium to be pronounced on Dr. Lewis is, that he has struck a vein which every teacher can go on working without end : he has indicated a path which leads to perpetual additions of exercise conceived in his spirit, but presenting constant variety to the pupil. So much for the apparatus. Second, concerning the mode of its employment. Under this head there are several particulars to which I wish to direct your attention. And the first has reference to a gymnastic principle, interpreted by a law in mechanics. Momentum is made up of two factors, weight and velocity. Allowing momentum to remain the permanent quantity, the greater the weight, the less the velocity ; and, conversely, the greater the velocity, the less must be the weight. Passing over to the realm of gymnastics, that term which corres­ ponds to momentum is the amount of exertion each one is capable of putting forth with safety ; and it is plain that if you have heavy weights, you must have slow movements ; and, on the contrary, if you would have rapid movements, you must have light weights. It costs as much effort to pass a light body through the air swiftly, as it does to pass a heavy one slowly. Now, the more common idea in our modern gymnastics has been to give prominence to weight. How many pounds can you put up ? what vast Herculean burden can you carry ? have been the test questions, and have indicated the direction of the average gymnastic ambition. But the new system inverts this order, and seeks to give prominence to the idea of velocity in gymnastics rather than of weight. It claims that a better muscular result is obtained by this method. It claims that, while huge lifting power is quite desirable for those who design following the profession of a porter, or a hod-carrier, or a coalheaver, it is not so important, for ladies and gentlemen in the more usual avocations of life, as flexibility, grace, ease, fineness rather �16 THE NEW SYSTEM OF than massiveness, poise, perfect accuracy and rapidity of muscular action, and a general diffusion of muscular vigour. Dr. Lewis is fond of illustrating the differentia in the systems—on the one hand of weight, on the other hand of velocity'—by pointing to the van­ horse, with his vast though stiff muscles, with his slow, ponderous elephantine movements, just fit to draw burdens for the world ; and then to the carriage-horse, with his graceful, airy, elastic step, his rapid movement, his vivacity, his fineness of nerve and muscle. What I have just said will serve to indicate the mechanical principle of the new gymnastics. I must now direct your attention to its fundamental physiological principle. It adopts the plan of lively moderate exercises, in opposition to the plan of laborious, violent, exhausting movements. I believe the idea is becoming very generally accepted by physiologists, that the muscular system may be cultivated at the expense of the vital; that a man may develop a magnificent shell of muscle, and draw away to the surface the life and power of the interior; that a man may become very weak by becoming very strong. I need only remind you of the recent discussion upon this subject in The Lancet, suggested by the defeat of Heenan. * I think a wrong direction has been given to * “ Those who know what severe training means will, perhaps, agree with us that Heenan was probably in better condition five weeks before meeting his antagonist than on the morning of his defeat; although, when he stripped for fighting, the lookers-on agreed that he seemed to promise himself an easy victory, while exulting in his fine proportions and splendid muscular develop­ ment. It is now clearly proved that Heenan went into the contest with much more muscular than vital power. Long before he had met with any severe punishment, indeed, as he states, at the close of the third round, he felt faint, breathed with difficulty, and as he described it, his respiration was ‘ roaring.’ He declares that he received more severe treatment at the hands of Sayers than he did from King; yet, at the termination of the former fight, which lasted upwards of two hours, he was so fresh as to leap over two or three hurdles, and distance many of his friends in the race. It was noticed on the present occa­ sion that he looked much older than at his last appearance in the ring. “ Without offering any opinion as to the merits of the combatants, it is certain that Heenan was in a state of very deteriorated health when he faced his opponent, and it is fair to conclude that deterioration was due in a great measure to the severity of the training which he had undergone. As with the mind, so with the body, undue and prolonged exertion must end in depression of power. In the process of the physical education of the young, in the train- �MUSICAL GYMNASTICS. 17 the ambition of boys. A vulgar desire has been created to rival draught-horses, and porters, and the muscular monstrosities of the circus. The idea has been cherished, that one must do much— must make vast, straining, depleting exertions. Has not this ten­ dency been carried too far ? Especially injurious is this process to the young. Many a fine fellow at Cambridge and Oxford trains for the boat-race, and wins heart-disease. Many a fine fellow carries off the oarsman’s laurels, and expends in that attempt the vitality which might help him to get any other kind. But hasten­ ing from this point, I add, that the new system discards the acrobatic principle. It makes no provision for ground and lofty tumbling. It does not invite its disciples to practise locomotion by rolling over and over; it does not ask them to stand on their heads, or walk on their hands, or practise any form of personal inversion or revolution in the air. Those who are fond of acrobatic gymnastics will of course pursue them. I believe many people who need artificial exercise have been deterred from gymnastics by their repugnance to this sort of performance. I need not remind you, also, that any gymnastic method which makes much of acrobatics, so far forth excludes the whole female sex from the advantages of gymnastics. There is but one other point of which I desire to speak, while attempting to describe the modus of the new gym­ nastics ; and that point has reference to the introduction of music, for the purpose of stimulating and regulating bodily movements. When I consider the value of music as recognized in dancing and in military life, I wonder that the importance of making it an essential and an inseparable element in gymnastics has not sooner attracted the deliberate attention of educators. In Dr. Lewis’s system music is made so central a member, that without it we can do nothing. When the music leaves off, we adjourn. Having spoken of the machinery and the method of the new gymnastics, I must say a few words as to the results. One of the ing of our recruits, or in the sports of the athlete, the case of Heenan suggested a striking commentary of great interest in a physiological point of view. While exercise, properly so called, tends to development and health, excessive exertion produces debility and decay. In these times of over-excitement and over­ competition in the race of life, the case we now put on record may be studied with advantage.”—The Lancet. �18 THE NEW SYSTEM OF most precious and honourable of these results is, that the new system is essentially fitted for both sexes; or, to bring out more pointedly the idea which I aim to convey, 'while it provides an elaborate scheme of exercise for man, there is not, within all its ritual, one exercise which cannot be performed with equal safety, propriety, and success, by woman. I do not need to insist upon the immense desirableness of such a result. Surely, if either sex is to be excluded from gymnastics, let it be ours. Boys and young men have at least something, in the athletic sports of the playground and the field, to atone for the loss of scientific bodily culture. If they lose gymnastics, the loss is not without a species of remedy. But if young ladies are denied gymnastics, there seems to be abso­ lutely no indemnification. Herbert Spencer tells us that near his own residence is a school for boys and one for young ladies. In the uproar, the vociferation, the gleeful shouts of the playground, he was instantly informed of the existence of the former ; but many months had elapsed, after taking that residence, before he was made aware that an establishment for young ladies was in full operation in the very next house, enjoying, too, a large garden overlooked by his own windows. * Among the physiological results of the new system, I can truly say, also, that a very marked feature is the symmetry of the muscular development produced. For every muscle of the body Dr. Lewis has devised movements. No class of muscles receives attention to the neglect of the rest. The result is a beautiful, harmonious, complete cultivation of the entire body. Moreover, a large series of movements are constructed with the view of counterbalancing the tendencies of our modern life, and especially of our modern school life, to a depression and narrowing of the chest, and to the formation of an uncomely roundness upon the shoulders. One of my pupils, a student in a well-known college of London, informed me last evening, that, although he has been under my care but one quarter, his tailor was startled to find the size of his chest enlarged by two or three .inches. The great peril of our Anglo-Saxon race is from pulmonary weakness. Our * “ Look at the number, still too great, o£ schools,—I beg pardon,—of Academies, where young ladies are educated within an inch of their lives, per* fected into paleness, and accomplished into spinal distortion and pulmonary phthisis.”—'W. B. Hodgson, Esq., LL.D. �MUSICAL GYMNASTICS. 19 gymnastics should direct their remedial enginery to that quarter. I can only hint at the peculiar benefit resulting from the habit of performing all these bodily movements in strict musical time. Whatever muscular development’ ensues becomes far more closely associated with the intelligence and will. The whole frame at last seems embued with the musical principle, vitalized and permeated by some breath of harmony, grace, and accurate ease. Although I have by no means brought forward all the important results which in experience have attracted my notice, I dare not trespass upon your patience longer than to mention this other one'; namely, the attractiveness of the new gymnastics to those who practise it. The new system insists upon being enjoyed, if pursued at all. It seeks to stir the sources of exhilaration, mirth, enthusiasm. It seeks to achieve this by the vivacious character of the movements, by the contagion of perfectly concerted action, and by the delightful stimulus of music. Of course much depends, also, upon the magnetic power, the cheerfulness and playfulness of the teacher. I can honestly testify that when these conditions are complied with, the new gymnastics rise far above the dreary level of task-work and monotonous drudgery, and are literally and permanently a pleasure, they recognize the artistic necessity of touching the play-impulse. They attempt to inaugurate, during the hour devoted to gymnastics, a sort of physical jubilee, a carnival of the emotional and vital powers. Ladies and Gentlemen, I have thus endeavoured to give you a verbal account of the new system of Musical Gymnastics; and in one moment you will have an opportunity of witnessing an ocular demonstration of it. I cannot take my seat, however, without expressing the earnest hope, that the claims of physical education are destined to receive still more largely the recognition of the public, and especially of those engaged in the high, sacred, and most responsible vocation of teaching the young. In his brilliant and deeply suggestive work on Education, Rousseau has said,—“ Do you wish to cultivate the intelligence of your pupils, cultivate the power that controls it. Exercise the body continually ; made it robust and healthy, to make a. wise and rational individual.” Jean Paul puts a profound �20 the new system of musical gymnastics. truth into exquisite imagery, when he says in Titan, that Don Gaspard, in revising a scheme of education for his son, “had chosen that more attention should be paid to bodily health than to mental superfoetation ; he thought the tree of knowledge should be grafted with the tree of life. Alas, whoever sacrifices health to wisdom has generally sacrificed wisdom too.” �APPENDIX. i. Remarks on Mr. Tyler’s Lecture by Members of of Preceptors. the College At the conclusion of the foregoing Lecture, Mr. Tyler introduced a class of his pupils who executed, to the accompaniment of music on the piano, a variety of movements with dumb-bells, rings, and wands. The subject was then open for discussion by the meeting, and the following are some of the remarks elicited as reported in the Educational Times. Very excellent speeches also were made by Dr. Hessel and Mr. Oppier, which are here omitted. In my heart I honoured them for the patriotic enthusiasm with which, under the mistaken suppo­ sition of an attack by me, they came to the defence of “ German Gymnastics ” as practised by their countrymen at the present day ; but, as their remarks were based on a misapprehension of my own meaning, doubtless bunglingly conveyed, I do not think it neces­ sary to publish them. So far am I from disparaging what these gentlemen purposed to defend, that in all my public lectures on gymnastics I have endeavoured to pronounce an affectionate eulogy upon the Germans as the foremost of modern nations in devotion to physical culture, they having lifted it more than sixty years ago out of the sad limbo of Lost Arts, and having worthily and success­ fully cherished it down to the present day. The Rev. A. Conder said, that he fully concurred with the Lecturer in the opinion that violent gymnastics, like violent mus­ cular exertion of every kind, are most injurious. As a Cambridge man, he had had many opportunities of observing this ; and it was well known that those who in early manhood were distinguished for their skill in athletic sports, too frequently paid the penalty for their disregard of the laws of health, by premature loss of vigour. He was acquainted with a large public school in Ireland, in which �22 APPENDIX. violent games were at one time very much in vogue; but it was observed that diseases of the heart became prevalent among the boys ; and the result was, that the authorities had to prohibit the objectionable sports. . Mr. Conder thought, therefore, that the system explained by Mr. Tyler deserved the serious consideration of all teachers, as it appeared to afford ample scope for the due exercise of the muscles, without the risk of producing any of the evils to which other plans often gave rise. W. B. Hodgson, Esq., LL.D., F.C.P., said, that he had never listened to a lecture with which he was more pleased than he had been with Mr. Tyler’s. He had not been impressed so much with the novelty of the views maintained in it, as with the clearness with which their soundness had been demonstrated, and with the constant reference to physiological principles. It was of great importance to remember that gymnastics deserved' to be carefully studied, not merely, or even chiefly, for the sake of the body, but above all in order that the mind may acquire full development and strength. Some people might decry this doctrine as savouring of materialism; but it is now universally admitted that it is neces­ sary to attend to the health of the brain as a condition of intel­ lectual soundness and vigour ; and it scarcely required to be proved that this admission virtually included the larger proposition, that the health of the whole body affects the condition of the mind. Every one must have had opportunities of convincing himself that this is the fact, and of the truth of Rousseau’s assertion,—“ The stronger the body, the more it obeys : the weaker the body, the more it commands.” Dr. Hodgson expressed his concurrence in the principle laid down by Mr. Tyler, that the object of gymnastics should be to develop not mere strength, but rather rapidity and flexibility of movement, of which the exercises that they had seen performed were admirable examples. The reason for the pre­ ference had been clearly stated by the Lecturer, and it depended on the distinction between muscular force and vital force. These forces were by no means identical, or even convertible; and the latter might, and too often was, sacrificed to the other: a serious mistake, which amounted in fact to the sacrifice of the end to the means—of life to the instruments of life. For this folly there was now less excuse than at any former period, since the circumstances �APPENDIX. 23 of civilized life rarely, if ever, required the exertion of great physical strength. The speaker said that he had always been a great pedestrian; and experience had satisfied him that the power of endurance exerted in walking twenty or thirty miles a day, depended much more on general good health, and especially on sound digestion, than on muscular development. With respect to the exercises which Mr. Tyler’s pupils had gone through, every one must have been struck with their great diversity, their ele­ gance, and their perfect adaptation to the requirements of females as well as of boys. He trusted that the Lecturer’s system would be extensively adopted in this country, where there was a great need for well-devised and regulated physical education. Dr. Hodgson said he had no wish to discuss the question of originality, which had been raised, but which was comparatively unimportant. There could be no doubt, however, that the application of music to gymnastics was not new; it had been made years ago in the system known as the Kinder Garten; and the speaker had, six years ago, seen the girls at the London Orphan Asylum, Upper Clapton, go through a series of exercises accompanied with music. F. J. Weigiitman, Esq., of Hollywood School, Brompton, said that as he had the honour and satisfaction of being the first school­ master in this country who had made use of Mr. Tyler’s services for the instruction of his pupils, and had thus had good opportunities for observing the results of his system, he wished to make a few remarks on the subject. And first he would observe, that admir­ able as were the exercises which they had seen that evening, they must not be considered as anything more than fragmentary speci­ mens of a complete and carefully progressive system, of which, consequently, they were altogether incapable of conveying an adequate idea. As the exercises required close attention and prompt action, they had considerable value as a means of mental training, and as aiding in the formation of habits of self-control and command. The memory especially was brought into a state of great activity, so that boys were able, with little or no external suggestion, to go through the whole or a long series of complex movements in their proper order. Another point was, that the pupils took very great pleasure and interest in the musical gymnas­ tics, which they regarded not as a part of their school work—in which light drilling was too often viewed by boys—but as a real �24 APPENDIX. amusement and relaxation, from which therefore they derived the greatest possible benefit. The last observation he had to make was that Mr. Tyler’s system was an excellent introduction to music, by developing and cultivating the perception of musical time. The speaker said he had often been much amused by the awkward attempts of beginners to keep time in their movements. At first many of them appeared to be quite uninfluenced by the music, but tried to do what was required by watching and imitating the movements of the other pupils. This necessarily prevented simul­ taneousness of motion, and led to highly laughable consequences. After a few lessons, however, even those who were the worst in this respect showed manifest signs of improvement; a new sense seemed to be awakened in them; and at length their perception of musical time became fully developed, and they were then able to perform the whole of the exercises, guided by the music alone. He con­ sidered that this, though a merely collateral advantage of the system, was one of considerable value. Dr. Brewer, in moving a vote of thanks to the Lecturer, said that he was sure Mr. Tyler had no intention of giving offence to the admirers of. German gymnastics, or of attributing to the systems now pursued in Germany the evils which he had so ably pointed out. He believed that the Lecturer employed the term “ German gym­ nastics ” to designate the system which he condemned merely as a brief mode of expression, which was justified to a certain extent by what had at one time prevalent in Germany, without at all intending to convey the impression that that state of things still existed. J. P. Bidlake, Esq., B.A., seconded the motion for a vote of thanks to the Lecturer; and said that although he knew from ex­ perience that gymnastics, with the ordinary kind of apparatus, might be employed without injury, provided due care in superin­ tending the exercises were taken, yet he believed Mr. Tyler’s system was in many respects far preferable, and he intended there fft-e to endeavour to introduce it into his school. Mr. Tyler, in acknowledging the vote of thanks, expressed his obligation to the meeting for the great kindness and attention with which he had been listened to, and disclaimed any intention to give offence by the use of the term 11 German gymnastics,” his reason for employing which had been correctly interpreted by Dr. Brewer. �£5 APPENDIX. II. Notices by the Press. In pursuing my labours as a public lecturer, I have had the satis­ faction of presenting the subject of Gymnastics to assemblages of every class; to the aristocratic visitors on Saturday mornings at the Royal Polytechnic, to the gentlemen of science and of critical acumen gathered at the meetings of the Metropolitan Board of Health Offices, to the learned scholars and the practical educators composing the College of Preceptors, and finally, to the more general and popular audiences who sustain the Literary Institutes of town and country. In chapels, in school-rooms, in lecture halls, in theatres, and even in the open air, during the last twelve months have I been trying to preach the ethics of physical regeneration, and to inaugurate a crusade against the embattled infidelities of bodily weakness and neglect. These manifold efforts have awakened in some quarters considerable discussion, among the newspapers and otherwise. To those who shall, in this treatise, learn of the new system of Musical Gymnastics for the first time, it may be interesting to know somewhat of the voice of public opinion upon the subject, as echoed in the public journals. I therefore place together, in this article, a few of these newspaper accounts. Fi'om The Albion, Liverpool, December 21, 1863. “ Among the many inventions and devices by which, of late years, new interest has been given to the pursuit of physical health by means of exercise, none is more beautiful or useful than Dr. Lewis’s system of Musical Gymnastics, lately introduced in an improved form, and with marked success, by Mr. Hulley, at the Rotunda Gymnasium. “ The system is peculiarly adapted for ladies, because, while fully exerting, it does not overtask the strength of the participants, �26 APPENDIX.. and it has a great charm for all who use it in the variety and live­ liness of the exercises of which it consists. The appliances used are equally simple and ingenious. Amongst them are rings, balls, bags for throwing, sceptres, and other simple implements. By the varied use of these, a most complete education of the whole muscular system is secured ; and by the adaptation of music to the exercises, a grace and fascination is thrown over them, which every one can appreciate, but which will be especially valued by those who are practically versed in the comparative merits of the different methods of gymnastic education. For its effects on the frame, the new system has such warm testimonies from principal members of the faculty as establish it to be fully as beneficial in its results as it is attractive in operation. u We hope to hear of the extension of the system to many schools and institutions. The portability of the apparatus prevents the existence of any obstacle to its general introduction, and its popu­ larity where tried is universal. It is most gratifying to find that, especially in the higher circles, the importance of gymnastics to both sexes is now generally recognized. It is not too sanguine to expect from this reform an absolute renovation of the race in process of time; and the great encouragement given to Mr. Tyler in London, is one remarkable symptom of its spread. All who aid in it may pride themselves that they have done something to banish from generations yet unborn many of the misshapen forms and languid constitutions which are a sad testimony to the physical declension that ensues when morbid habits of inaction are generally indulged.” F 'orn The Weekly Record, London, July 15th, 1863. li MUSICAL GYMNASTICS. 11 A large and fashionable audience assembled in the Vestry-hall, Chelsea, last Monday evening, to listen to an address by Mr. Moses C. Tyler, M.A., and to witness the exercises of a class of Mr. Tyler’s pupils in the new system of musical gymnastics. These gymnastics are entirely novel in their apparatus and methods ; can be performed with equal success and benefit by ladies, gentlemen, �APPENDIX. 27 and children; are executed to the accompaniment of music; and are not only very beautiful and conducive to health, but are also very attractive to those who engage in them. “ The chair was taken by George Wallis, Esq., of the Kensington School of Art, who presented Mr. Tyler to the audience in a very felicitous speech. Mr. Tyler’s address was devoted to the impor­ tance of scientific physical culture, and to an explanation of the peculiar features of the new system of which he is the introducer in London. At its conclusion the platform was cleared, and a fine class of boys from Hollywood School, Brompton, took their places on the stage, and presented a succession of exercises which they had been taught. Their execution of these movements was in concert, and with musical accompaniment, and produced the greatest delight and enthusiasm in the spectators, who expressed their approbation by rounds of hearty applause. The exercises were, indeed, very exciting and picturesque, and must have a fine effect on the health and forms of all who practise them. They realized the description applied to them by the New York Times :—‘ They are poetry in motion, and motion set to music.’ “ After these exercises had been given, brief speeches were made by Mr. Weightman, Master of Hollywood School, bearing testimony to the success of these gymnastics among his pupils ; by B. Water­ house Hawkins, Esq., the distinguished anatomist, whose eloquent approbation of the new system, from the stand-point of scientific observation, electrified the audience ; by Dr. Woolmer, of Warwick­ square, who expressed his views as to the importance of bodily culture, and his endorsement of the method which had been pre­ sented ; by Mrs. Bessie Inglis, the accomplished lecturer, whose address was admirable in thought and diction; and finally by Mr. William Tweedie, who gave an account of his interest in physical education, and of his acquaintance with the gymnastic system which had been presented that evening, and who concluded by moving a vote of thanks to Mr. Tyler for his address, and to the members of Hollywood School for their brilliant part in the doings of the meeting. “ A vote of thanks to the Chairman, Mr. Wallis, was also heartily carried. “ The audience separated at a late hour, apparently highly �28 APPENDIX. delighted. Among the distinguished persons present we observed the intellectual face of Elihu Burritt, ‘the learned blacksmith,’ who seemed intensely interested, but whose delicate condition of health prevented his taking any active part in the meeting. As a whole, the meeting was a rare and striking success.” From the Marylebone Mercury, January 1864. 11 METROPOLITAN ASSOCIATION OF MEDICAL OFFICERS OF HEALTH. <{ The usual monthly meeting of the above association was held at the Scottish Corporation Hall, Crane Court, Fleet Street, on Saturday, the 16th inst., Dr. Thomson, F.R.S., president, in the chair. 11 Physical Training.—Mr. Moses C. Tyler, M.A., who was present for the purpose of exhibiting by means of some of his pupils his system of physical training for schools, said that his mode of training claimed to be a compact and simple method of physical culture. He could only give a few samples, and those of the simplest nature, although whole schools could go through a similar course, and the usual accompaniment was a piano. A half dozen youths were then introduced, and to the chiming of a bell and the beating of a drum passed through a number of very grace­ ful exercises with dumb bells, rings, and wands. Mr. Tyler at the conclusion said that the object of his system was, by exercise, to develop the whole of the muscles of the body, and that it was adapted equally for the strongest men or the most delicate ladies ; and he would take the liberty of mentioning one result that his system had accomplished. He had been told by masters of schools where it was introduced, that that which before had been looked on as a mere mechanical effort was now viewed as a pleasing recreation. Another of the advantages would, he believed, be that it would do away with the tendency to round shoulders, which prevailed among bitli girls and boys, by the bending over the desks to their lessons. Mr, Liddle said he thought he might express the thanks of the association to Mr. Tyler. So far as he (Mr. Liddle) had seen of the system, it appeared to recommend itself for general adoption. �APPENDIX. 29 There was nothing- violent in it, or likely to strain the muscles ; and it would give health and physical development to both boys and girls. He would move that a vote of thanks be given. Dr. Druitt seconded. The Chairman said that he thought the system highly deserving of encouragement. Dr. Lankester had no doubt that it would be beneficial. The vote was carried unanimously.” From the City Press, March, 1864. il London Mechanics’ Institution.—On Wednesday, M. C. Tyler, Esq., M.A., gave a lecture on the 1 Art of Gymnastics,’ which was received with the approbation that it well deserved. Mr. Tyler pointed out the anomaly that, of those ancient nations whose intellectual works remain as models in literature, the Greeks, Romans, &c., actually devoted more time and space to the due training of the body than to mental culture, whilst most modern nations, until a very recent period, had neglected the mus­ cular arts, or had caused them to become matters of reproachful tendency. The energy and effective address of the lecturer placed the cause in a favourable point of view, and having successfully pleaded the necessity for muscular exercise and recreation, he showed how, by musical accompaniment, the graceful motions im­ parting muscular power could be made most acceptable to childhood and to classes. Mr. Tyler received and deserved the thanks of the audience for his manly and patriotic influence in favour of judicious exercises and games.” From the Standard, February 8th, 1864. 11 Royal Polytechnic Institution.—The third fashionable morning entertainment was given on Saturday, February 6th. Among the novelties presented, was a lecture on ‘The Art of Gymnastics,’, by Moses Coit Tyler, Esq., M.A., illustrated by twelve of his pupils. This is a very interesting exhibition, abounding in graceful evolutions by the pupils. Mr. Tyler’s system �30 APPENDIX. repudiates the course of gymnastics which prevailed some years ago, by which many boys were seriously injured. By his plan, the exercises are so regulated that females may adopt the system with­ out any fear of injury from violent contortions of the body. Mr. Tyler’s accompanying address on the importance of gymnastic training as promoting physical health was very striking.” The Morning Advertiser (Feb. 2) describes the exercises as 11 exceedingly graceful, manly, and beautiful;” the Morning Star (Feb. 2) as “at once attractive and useful as a means of physical development;” the Daily News (Feb. 2) as “something won­ derful.” From the Whetstone Circular, March 12, 1864. “Working Men’s Institute.—Mr. Tyler’s lecture on 1 Gym­ nastics, Ancient and Modern,” on Thursday evening last, was deservedly well attended. We went to get an idea worth carrying out, and we got it. The development of the intellectual to the neglect, and to a certain extent at the expense, of the physical energies of youth, has hitherto been sadly the rule in all our systems of education ; but in Musical Gymnastics we find a remedy which cannot be gainsayed. How shall we enumerate the advan­ tages of the system ? The expense of its accessories is trifling, and the space for earning it out can be found in any school-room of moderate dimensions. Moreover, parents cannot object to the system, seeing that their boys and girls can all engage in it, for its movements do not require turning over on heads and heels, or vaulting on each other’s shoulders. Active motion without severe bodily exertion; muscular, as an aid to vital action; endless change of position; and the calling into play every joint and muscle of the limbs by turn, are its principal features.” �APPENDIX. 31 From the Bethnal Green Times, March 26tli, 1864. PEEL GROVE INSTITUTE. 11 Mr. Moses Coit Tyler, M.A., the celebrated Professor of Gym­ nastics, gave a highly interesting lecture at the above institute on Monday evening, March 21st. “ The lecturer gave a historical sketch of the gymnastic art, and quoted the opinions of eminent men concerning it, and concluded by exhibiting his new system, which is evidently far in advance of any other, with a class of boys who have been under his training. The audience was no more spell-bound by the graceful evolutions of these lads, all of which were performed t,o music, than they were by the lecturer’s eloquence and forcible rhetoric. Their fixed eye, their riveted attention, and oft-repeated bursts of applause, were sufficient to show their appreciation of the speaker’s delineation. • “ Mr. Tyler’s genius is well directed towards awakening an in­ terest in the neglected subject of physical culture. In his hands it is sure to revive. We wish the gifted lecturer and his good work abundant success.” III. The Gymnastic Club at Regent’s Park College. The following expression, as the latest one received from the different institutions with which I am connected, I append for the value it may have to those who are interested in the practical working of the new gymnastics as an educational process :— “ Regent's Parle College, 11 April 19th, 1864. 11 Dear Sir,* —I have been requested by the Members of the Gymnastic Club at Regent’s Park College, to express to you their satisfaction and pleasure in receiving1 the course of exercises, through which you have led them, this last quarter. They would specially notice the interesting character given to the practice by the introduction of music. �32 APPENDIX. “ They already feel the benefit of these exercises, and are persuaded that, if persevered in, they cannot fail to accomplish their object in training all the muscles to a prompt and vigorous action, and so in promoting a sound physical culture. 11 With warm assurances of regard, and with grateful acknow­ ledgments of your kind attention, “ I remain, “ Yours very truly, “ James Sully, “Hon. Sec. £i Moses Coit Tyler, Esq.” � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Victorian Blogging Description An account of the resource A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library &amp; Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Conway Hall Library & Archives Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Conway Hall Ethical Society Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Pamphlet Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The new system of musical gymnastics as an instrument in education: a lecture delivered before the College of Preceptors Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tyler, Moses Coit Description An account of the resource Place of publication: London Collation: 32 p. ; 21 cm. Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Appendix includes remarks made on Tyler's lecture by members of the College of Preceptors. The Address was delivered before the College of Preceptors, at their rooms in Queen Square, on the evening of Wednesday, March 7th,1864, the Rev. Richard Wilson was in the chair. It was published in the Educational Times in April 1864. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available William Tweedie Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1864 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context G5198 Subject The topic of the resource Education Health Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (The new system of musical gymnastics as an instrument in education: a lecture delivered before the College of Preceptors), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Language A language of the resource English Gymnastics Physical Education