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TRACTS
OF THE
>
SOCIETY OF THE FRIENDS OF ITALY.
TRACT No. IV.
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I
. .1
MAZZINI’S LECTURE,
DELIVERED AT THE
OS THE
FRIENDS OF ITALY,
HELD IN THE
GREAT HALL, FREEMASONS’ TAVERN,
ON THE EVENING OF
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 11th, 1852,
♦
LONDON:
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on application at the Society’s Offices.
1 852.
�OBJECTS OF THK SOCIETY.
1. —By public meetings, lectures, and the press—and especiallv by affording opportunities to the
most competent authorities for the publication of works on the history of the Italian National
Movement—to promote a correct appreciation of the Italian question in this country.
2. —To use every available constitutional means of furthering the cause of Italian National
Independence, in Parliament.
3. —And generally to aid, in this country, the cause of the independence and of the political
and religious liberty of the Italian people.
V All persons agreeing with the objects of this Society can become members by paying an
annual subscription of half-a-crown or upwards.
MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
Alexander, Charles, Dundee
Gemmell, Rev. R., Dundee
Alexander, Rev. Dr. W L., Edin. Giles, Rev. Dr.. Bampton
Giltillan, Rev. George, Dundee
Allsop, T., Redhill
Andrews, R.. Mayor of Southam. Gill. T. H., Birmingham
Goderich, Lord. London
Armstrong, Rev. G., Bristol
Ashurst, W. H., Muswell Hill Grant, Rev. Brewin, Birmingh.
Ashurst, W. H , Jun., London Gray, Tho., Newcastle-on-Tyne
Baldwin, James, Birmingham Gregory, Dr. Wm., Edinburgh
Baxter, Rev. J. C., Dundee
Greig, James, Edinburgh
Baxter, W. E., Dundee
Hannay, Rev. A., Dundee
Baynes, Rev. J. A,, Nottingham Harrison, George, Edinburgh
Harvey, George, R.S.A., Edinb.
Beard, Dr., Manchester
Birch, W. J., Pudlicott
Hawkes, S. M., London
Herford, Rev. W. H.,Lancaster
Black, Adam, Edinburgh
Bray, Charles, Coventry
Hervey, T. K., London
Hole, James, Leeds
Browne, Henry, Lewes
Brown, Dr. Samuel, Edinburgh Holyoake, G. J., London
Bruce, W. D., London
Hooper, George, London
Byles, William, Bradford
Horne, R. H., London
Horsburgh, James, Dundee
Carleton, R. A., Waterford
Case, W. A., London
Howard, W.. Southwark
Christie, Rev. J., Dundee
Howitt, William, London
Clarke, Rev. Charles, Glasgow Hunt, Leigh, London
Collet, C. D., London
Hunt, Thornton, Hammersmith
Collett, John, London
Hunter, John, Edinburgh
Coningham, W., Brighton
Ierson, Henry, A.M., London
Corss, J., Shoreditch
Ireland, A., Manchester
Cook, Rev. David. Dundee
Jenner, Charles, Edinburgh
Cowen, J., Jun., Blaydon-burn Jerrold, Douglas, London
Cox, Robert, Edinburgh
Landor, Walter Savage, Bath
Crawshay, G., Newcas.-on-Tyne Larken, Rev. E. R., Lincoln
Crompton, Rev. J., Norwich
Latimer, T., Exeter
Crosskey, Rev. W., Derby
Leaf, William, London
Crossley, John, Halifax
Lewes, G. H., Kensington
Davis, John, London
Linton, W. J.. Miteside
Dawson, Geo., M.A., Birming. Lonsdale, Dr., Carlisle
Dillon, Frank, London
Low, Alexander, Dundee
Donatty, T., London
Low, Rev. Andrew, Dundee
Duncombe, T. S., M.P., Finsb. Macdonald, Rev. A., Sheffield
Dunlop, A. Murray, Edinburgh Mackay, Dr. Charles, London
Durham, J., Dundee
Mackenzie, R., Dundee
Macready, W. C., Sherbourne
Easson, Alexander, Dundee
Epps, Dr., London
McGavin, Rev. J. R , Dundee
Fife, Sir J., Newcastle-on-Tyne McKniglit, Dr., Belfast
Forbes, Henry, Bradford
McLaren; Duncan, Edinburgh
Forster, John, London
McLeod, Dr., Ben Rhydding
Forster, W. E., Rawdon
Malleson,Rev.J.P.,B.A.,Bright.
Fowler, J., Sheffield
Marsden, M. E., London
Foxton, Rev. F. J., Cheltenham Marston, J. Westland, London
Froude, J. A., Plasgwynant
Masson, David, London
Furtado, C., London
Miall, Edward, London
Gaskell, F. Chelsea
. Milne, J. D., Jun., Aberdeen
More, Professor, Edinburgh
Morton. E. J., Halifax
Moore, Richard, London
Mowatt, Francis, M.P., Penryn
Mudie, John, Dundee
Newman, Professor, London
Nichol, Professor J. P., Glasgow
Oswald, H. C., Aberdeen
Palmer, P-ev. E. A., Dundee
Palmer, Rev. Jabez, Dundee
Pare, William. Dublin
Parry, J. H., London
Pigott, E. F. Smyth, London
Pillans, J. Wilson, Edinburgh
Prout, Thomas, Westminster
Raine, C.. Newcastle-on-Tyne
Ramsay, James, Dundee
Reston, Rev. James, Dundee
Rough, George, Dundee
Russell, Francis, Edinburgh
Russell, Dr. J. R.. Edinburgh
Schmitz, Dr. L , Edinburgh
Scholefield, W.,M.P., Birming,
Scott, W. B., Newcastle
Shaen, W., London
Simpson, Professor, Edinburgh
Simpson, James, Edinburgh
Simpson, W., London
Slack, H. J., Brixton
Smiles, Dr., Leeds
Smith, Rev. W. A., Dundee
Smith, Charles, Dundee
Smith, William, Edinburgh
Solly, Rev. Henry, Cheltenham
Stansfeld, Hamer, Leeds
Stansfeld, J., Jun., Brompton
Stephen, George, Dundee
Stuart, Lord Dudley C., M.P.,
Stuart, Peter. Liverpool
Syme, Rev. G. A., Nottingham.
Syme, Ebenezer, London
Taylor, P. A., Sydenham
Tillett, J. H., Norwich
Travers, N., London
Trevelyan, Arthur, London
Vincent, Henry, London
Watson, Patrick, Dundee
Watson, John, Dundee
Weller, E. T., London
Weir ,W., London
Wilson, T., London
Wright, Robert, Birmingham
Treasurer: P. A. Taylor.
Secretary: David Masson.
I
Bankers: Messrs. Rogers, Olding, and Co., 29, Clement’s-lane, Lombard-street j
to whom subscriptions may be paid to the Treasurer’s account.
�' 4 of « ’ • no iSiiT
M. MAZZINI’S LECTURE.
• i
On the evening of the 11th of February, 1852, the first
Conversazione of Members and Friends of the Society of the
Friends of Italy, was held in the Great Room, Freemasons’ Hall,
Great Queen Street, London. P. A. Taylor, Esq., the Treasurer
of the Society, took the Chair, and introduced M. Mazzini to the
meeting.—The Lecture which M. Mazzini then delivered is here
reprinted with explanatory Notes, in accordance with, it is believed,
the unanimous and earnest desire of all who had the privilege of
hearing it.
After a few simple prefatory remarks, M. Mazzini proceeded
. as follows :—
Three duties are incumbent, I think, upon any man who rises in
a foreign land to claim sympathy, or more direct efficient help, for
his own country : to state candidly, unreservedly, his own case,
his objects, his aims, what he struggles for, from whence his right,
the right of his country, is derived; to prove that his aim is not a
noble dream, to be perchance realized in far distant uncertain time,
but an actual claim of real stirring life, checked or suppressed by
evil agencies which may and can be removed—not the fond
thought of a solitary worshipper of the ideal, but the feeling, the
heart-pulsation of the millions—not a prophecy, but a line of con
temporary history; and, lastly, to declare unambiguously, without
any cowardly, Jesuitical reticence, what he wants from the land
where his appeal is put forward. Thank God and my country, I
can fulfil these duties. What we, the National Italian party, are,
what we want, what we hope, what free England ought to do for
us, may be frankly stated to an English audience, without fear or
tactician-like precautions. We have nothing to conceal. We may
be wrong or right, mistaken or sanguine in some of our intellectual
views, but we are, and ever will be, true—true to others as to
ourselves. It is a comfort, a comfort that soothes even exile, to be
able to say so in a time in which all daring of moral sense seems
to be extinct under the atheistical, conventional ties of what they
. call the political, diplomatic, official world—that is, of a world, the
�4
mission of which ought to be, speaking out boldly and powerfully
the word of the silent unofficial millions. It is a comfort to me,
in a time in which no statesman ventures to say to the usurper
at his own door, “you have broken your oath; you have, without
the least shadow of necessity, and merely for personal ambition’s
sake, shot, butchered, transported, pillaged ; therefore, we cannot
transact business with you;”—and, when even republican mani
festoes* have promulgated from Paris to the world the impious
doctrine now in course of expiation, that a fact is to be accepted,
though the righteousness of that fact is denied—to feel that I can
eagerly seize this first occasion of expressing summarily the aims
and views of the Italian national party, with a wish that everything
I say may be remembered by each of you, and prove a test for
judging what we have done, and what we shall endeavour to do.
I.
First, then, what we are. The ruling spirit; the general creed—
for individual exceptions you will not take to account—of our
national party. It is not enough that we have, and claim a right;
you must know the direction in which we mean to exercise it.
Life is no sacred thing, unless it fulfils, or struggles to fulfil, a
mission. Right is a mere assumption, unless it springs from
the intended accomplishment of a duty. There have been in
these troubled days so many errors engrafted on truth, so many
sects and heresies defacing our own pure religion of God-like
humanity, and there have been—there are still—so many calum
nies and accusations heaped, intentionally or not, on Italian
liberalism and on myself, that it has grown impossible to state
simply one’s own belief; but one feels bound to declare, first, what
that belief is not. This, then, I am going to do, as briefly and
explicitly as I can.
We are not Atheists, unbelievers, or sceptical. Atheism
is despair; scepticism weakness.
And we are full of hope,
faith, and energy, that nothing, time or events, will quench. Our
whole life is an appeal, a protest against brute force.
To whom,
if not to God ? Between God, the everlasting truth, and force—•
between providence and fatality—can you find an intermediate
safe ground for a struggling nation ? We believe in God, as we
believe in the final triumph of justice on earth; as we believe in
an ideal of perfection to be pursued by mankind, in the mission of
our country towards it; in martyrdom, which has no sense for the
godless; in love, which is to me a bitter irony if not a promise—
the bud of immortality. The analysing, dissolving, dissecting
materialist doctrine of the eighteenth century may prove una
voidable, wherever and whenever you want to probe, to ascertain
* Note. The Manifesto of M. Lamartine as Member of the Provisional Govern
ment of France and Minister of Foreign Affairs, in February, 1848, did not recognize
the Treaties of 1815 as rightfully binding, but accepted them as existing facts.
�5
the degree of rottenness that is in the state. It cannot go beyond;
and we want to go beyond. We want to accomplish an act of
creation; to elicit life—collective, progressive life—for the millions,
through the millions. Can we do that through anatomy ? The cold,
negative, destroying work of scepticism was being completed under
French influence, was coming to a close with French influence in
Italy some twenty-four years ago, when first I felt that life was “ a
battle and a march,” and chose the way that I shall never desert.
It had undermined and destroyed Papacy, though the form was left
behind, still erect, weighing like an incubus on the heart of the
nation, a gigantic corpse, aping life. But everybody in Italy
knows that it is a corpse. And there it lies in its state robe, on its
state coffin called a throne, with a death scroll in its hand signed
“ Gaeta,’’ .from which no glittering of French or Austrian bayonets
can dazzle our quick Italian eye away. What need have we now
of the anatomist’s knife? Give us the light of God, the air of God
—freedom; the corpse will sink to dust and atoms. Thank God,
we have in Italy no other corpse to bury. Aristocracy, royalty,
have never been possessed, in our land of municipalities, of real
active life. They have been cloud-like phantoms, brought across
the history of the Italian element by foreign winds and storms.
They will pass away, as soon as we shall be enabled to enjoy our
own pure, radiant skies, and breathe unmixed the air that flows
from our own Alps.
Materialism has never been a thing of pure Italian growth. It
has sprung up as a reaction against Papacy, and from influences
exercised at times when our genuine spontaneous life was lost, by
foreign schools of philosophy. But it is a proud characteristic of
the Italian mind—and history, when more earnestly and deeply
sifted, will prove, I trust, the truth of what I say—that it naturally
and continuously aims at the harmonising of what we call synthesis
and analysis—theory and practice—or, as we ought to say, heaven
and earth. It has a highly religious tendency—a lofty instinctive
aspiration towards the ideal, but coupled with a strong, irresistible
feeling that we ought to realize as much as we can of that ideal in
our terrestrial concerns ; that every thought ought to be, as far as
possible, embodied into action. From our Etruscan towns built
and ruled according to a certain heavenly scheme, down to our pro
claiming Jesus sole King of Florence, in the 16th-century*—from
the deep religious idea with which the soldier of ancient Rome
identified his duties towards the city, down to the religious symbol,
the Carroccio,f led in front of our national troops in the middle
ages—from the Italian school of philosophy, founded in the south
of the Peninsula by Pythagoras, a religious and a political society
at once, down to our great philosophers of the 17th century, in each
of whom you will find a scientific system, and a political Utopia—
* Note. Vide B. Varchi, Guicciardini, Sismondi. A similar circumstance is recorded
of the Scotch Covenanters, in their time of persecution.
+ See Note A, Appendix.
�6
every manifestation of free, original, Italian genius, has been the
transformation of the social earthly medium under the consecration
of a religious belief. Our great Lombard league was planned in
Pontida,* in an old monastery, the sacred ruins of which are still
extant. Our republican parliaments in the old Tuscan cities were
often held in the temples of God.
We are the children and inheritors of that glorious tradition.
We feel that the final solution of the great religious problem, eman
cipation of the soul, liberty of conscience, acknowledged throughout
and for all mankind, is placed providentially in our hands; that the
world will never be free from organised imposture before a flag of
religious liberty waves high from the top of the Vatican ; that in
such a mission to be fulfilled lies the secret of our initiative, the
claim we have on the heart and sympathies of mankind. How
should we wither our beautiful faith in the icy streams of atheism?
We, whose life has been twice—never forget it—the unity of Europe,
how should we, now that we are bent on a more completely national
evolution, trample down that privilege under some fragmentary
negative creed, spuming the parent thought, and leaving indi
viduality to float in the vacuum of nothingness ?
We are not Anarchists, destroyers of all authority, followers of
Proudhon, the Mephistopheles of democracy. The whole problem
of the world is to us one of authority. We believe in authority ;
we thirst for authority. But we feel bound to ask—where is it?
With the Pope—with the Emperor—with the ferocious or idiotic
princes, now keeping our Italy dismembered into foreign vice
royalties ? Do they guide ? Do they educate ? Do they believe
in themselves ? They repress they organize ignorance ; they
trample and persecute. They have neither initiating power, noy
faith, nor capacity of martyrdom, nor knowledge, nor love. They
have Jesuits and spies, prisons and scaffolds. Is that guidance
or authority? Can we, without desecrating our immortal souls, with
out betraying the calling of every man, to seek truth and act accord
ingly, bend our knee before them, abdicate into their hands all our
Italian feeling, and revere them as teachers, merely because they
are surrounded by bayonets and gendarmes? We want authority,
not a phantom of authority ; religion, not idolatry; the hero, not
the tyrant. Our problem is an educational one. Despotism and
anarchy are equal foes to education. We spurn them both. The
first destroys liberty ; the second society ; and we want to educate
free agents for a social task.
We are not Terrorists. That again we leave to the weak. Ter
rorism is weakness. It has always been my deep conviction that
the French Regne de la Terreur was nothing but cowardly terror
in those who organized the system. They crushed because they
feared to be crushed; and they crushed all those by whom they
feared to be crushed. They lost the revolution; and that prolonged.
* See Note B, Appendix.
�7
red trace which they left behind their graves is still the most
powerful enemy that French revolution has to encounter within the
heart of the millions. We have nothing to do with it. True
terror—terror to the foes—is energy, energy of bold, continuous,
devoted action; the rushing to the frontier of countless, shoeless,
penniless volunteers, intoxicated with the Marseillaise and with
worship for the sacred name of indivisible France—the true saviours
in 1793 of the republic; it is the proclamation, in which the
Sicilian patriots of 1848 said to the government, “We shall rise
and conquer on such a day if you do not fulfil your promise,” and
the subsequent rising; it is the Lombard barricades begun, at the
Very moment in which Imperial concessions were placarded, by
people who had only in their possession 400 fowling-pieces; it is
our own removing all sentries from our doors in Rome, whilst all.
our troops had been sent out to meet and drive back the King of
Naples at Velletri, and the French invaders were under the walls,
and threatening advices were coming of an intended attempt from
a Popish party against our persons. Against whom should we
apply terrorism in Italy? There were in France, during the great
revolution, sufficient causes—not to justify, but to explain the
course adopted :—a powerful aristocracy in arms at the frontier, a
powerful clergy in the Vendee, in Paris a court plotting with the
foreign enemy, a threatening germ of Federalism in the provinces.
But where in Italy is the internal enemy?
Do not half of
our Lombard martyrs’ names belong — since 1821, since
Confalonieri’s * sufferings at the Spielberg—to what you call our
aristocracy ? Did a single man stand up, ready to encounter mar
tyrdom, for the Pope, when we, first in 1831, then in 1849, decreed
the abolition of his temporal power? Is there a single foreignhonest traveller in Italy—you see that I do not speak of Messrs.
Cochrane and Macfarlane—who can trace there the existence of a
powerful element hostile to our national party? Is there a man of
good impartial sense who doubts that, had French and Austrian
troops not interfered, the Pope, far from being reinstated in Rome,
Would be by this time in Avignon, or Madrid, or perhaps in Dublin ?
The French troops had landed, Austrians and Neapolitans were
marching, and we, compelled as we were to concentrate all our
forces in Rome, had not a single soldier—Ancona excepted—throughout the provinces, when we sent a circular to all muni-i
cipalities in the Roman territory, asking them to declare for
mally and solemnly whether they wished for the re-enthrone
ment of the Pope or the maintenance of our own republican
government? I grounded no hopes on such a manifestation; I
knew that no European government would side by the weak. I
wanted an historical record that I could exhibit, in after times, to
* Count Frederic Confalonieri was engaged in the revolt of Milan against the
French in 1814, of which Austria profited, to substitute herself for France. He was
engaged in the Piedmontese revolution of 1821; fell into the hands of the Austrians;
and. was imprisoned 15 years in the fortress of Spielberg. He died in 1847.
�8
*
all dispassionate seekers of truth as an index of Italian public
opinion ; and it came out. From all localities—with the exception
of two invaded already by French troops—the answer was unani
mous : Republic and no Pope. The documents, all signed, were
published during the siege, and the huge volume could now be
found, neglected and dusty, amongst other Italian documents in
your Foreign-office? Is there any need of Terrorism with such a
people ? At Milan, during the five days’ fighting, Bolza was ar
rested by the people.* Bolza had been, for many years, director
of the police—feeling the hatred of the people, and hating them.
Scarcely a single family in Milan had reached those glorious days
without having suffered through him, without having seen the cold
satanic smile of the man whose supreme delight was that of ac
companying the police agents ordered to arrest his victims.
And
they asked—those men fresh from the barricades and breathing
revenge—what was to be done with him? One of the improvised
military commission, Charles Cattaneo, answered: “If you kill
him, it will be mere justice; if you spare him, it will be virtue.”
Bolza was spared—he is living now. Is there any chance of ter
rorism with such a people ? And it has been so everywhere. Not
a single condemnation to death was pronounced by the republican
government in Rome; not a single one under the republican flag of
Venice. I feel an immense pity for those who repeat against us,
from time to time, the foul accusation: they can never feel what I
felt in witnessing the glorious god-like rising of a people trampled
upon for centuries, yet generous and clement towards its internal
foes as it was brave against the foreign invaders.
Lastly, we are not Communists, nor levellers, nor hostile to
property, nor socialists, in the sense in which the word has been used
by system-makers and sectarians in a neighbouring country. There
is a grand social thought pervading Europe, influencing the thinking
minds of all countries—hanging like an unavoidable Damocles’
sword, over all monopolising, selfish, privileged classes or interests,
and providentially breathing through all popular manifestations,
through all the frequent conflicts arising between usurped authority
and freedom-seeking nations. Revolutions, to be legitimate, must
mark a step in the ascending career of humanity; they must em
body into practical results some new discovered word of the law of
God, the Father and Teacher of all; they must tend to the good of
all-—not of the few. There are no different, fatally distinct natures,
races, or castes, on this world of ours—no sons of Cain and of Abel;
mankind is one, one is the law for all—Progression; one only the
mode of realizing it, a more and more close association between col
lective thought and action. Association, to be progressively, step by
step, substituted for isolated efforts and pursuits, is the watchword of
the epoch. Liberty and equality are, the first, the groundwork, the
basis for association; the second, its safeguard. To every step
* See Note C, Appendix.
�9
towards association must, therefore, correspond a new development
of liberty and of equality. Man is one: we cannot allow one of
his faculties to he suppressed, checked, cramped, or deviated, with
out all the others suffering;—soul and body, thought and action,
theory and practice, the heavenly and the terrestrial elements are
to be combined, harmonized in him. We cannot justly say to a
man, “ Starve and love
we cannot reasonably expect him to im
prove his intellect while, from day to night, he has to toil in physical
machine-like exertion for scanty and uncertain bread. We cannot
tell him to be pure and free, whilst everything around him speaks
bondage, and prompts him to selfish feelings of hatred and reaction.
.Life is sacred in both its aspects, moral and material. Every man
must be a temple of the living God. What past revolutions have
done for the bourgeoisie, for the middle class, for the men of capital,
the forthcoming revolution must do for the proletaire, for the popular
classes, for the men of labour. Work for all; fairly apportioned
reward for all; idleness or starvation for none. This, I say, is the
summed-up social creed of all those who, in the present age, love
and know. To this creed we belong; and no national party would
be worth the name, should it dare to summon up the energies of
the whole nation to a contest of life and death for the mere pur
pose of re-organizing the renegade bourgeoisie of 1830, or the bourgeoise Assembly of 1849. But beyond that we cannot go, we shall
never go. The wild, absurd, immoral dream of communism—the
abolition of property, that is, of individuality asserting itself in the
material universe—the abolition of liberty by systems of social
organization suddenly, forcibly, and universally applied—the sup
pression of capital, or cutting down the tree for the momentary
enjoyment of the fruit—the establishment of equal rewards, that is,
the oblivion of the moral worth of the worker—the exclusive wor
ship of material interests, the materialist notion that “life is the
seeking of physical welfare,” the problem of the kitchen of
humanity substituted for the problem of humanity—the Fourierist
theory of the legitimacy of all passions—the crude Proudhonian ne
gation of all government, tradition, authority—all those reactionary,
short-sighted, impotent conceptions which have cancelled in France
all bond of moral unity, all power of self-sacrifice, and have, through
intellectual anarchy and selfish terror, led to the cowardly accept
ance of the most degrading despotism that ever was—are not and
never shall be ours. We want not to suppress, but to improve; not to
transplant the activity or the comforts of one class to another, but to
'open the wide wards of activity and comfort of all; not to enthrone
on ruins our own individual idea or crotchet, but to afford full scope
to all ideas, and ask the nation, under the guidance of the best and
of the wisest, to think, feel, and legislate for itself. And all this
we have long ago summed up in that most concise and most com
prehensive formula, “ God and the people;” which from individual
^writings of twenty years ago has made its way by its own internal
�10
vitality, through the ranks of Italian patriots, until it shone, hy the
popular will, on the unsullied flag of Rome and Venice. Depend
upon me it will shine there again,—shine on the Alps, shine on the
sea, blessing the whole of Italy, equally unsullied, and teaching
the nations a fragment of God’s everlasting truth.
II.
I have told you what we are: the creed of the Italian national
party. It is for the sake of promoting, of realizing as much as
possible this creed of ours, that we want to be a nation. We want
to be. These things that I now say to you would be death in Italy.
A fragment of this paper seized in the hands of one of my country
men in Lombardy, in Rome, in Florence, in Naples, would lead him
to imprisonment for life, if not to death. Such is our liberty of ex
pressing thought. A meeting like this would be treated as insur
rectiondissolved by musketry and the charge of bayonets. A
bit of tricoloured ribbon forgotten in the corner of a drawer—and
let it be a woman’s drawer—brings the owner to prison, often to a
more degrading punishment.
A rusty dagger, the lock of a
musket found in a house, is death or imprisonment for life through
out all the Lombardo-Venetian territory. A threat written in the
darkness of night, by an unknown hand, on the wall of a house, is
imprisonment or heavy fine to the inhabitants of the house. An
Italian Bible read by three persons in a private room is, in Tuscany,
in the country of Savonarola, imprisonment and exile. The secret
denunciation of a spy—perhaps your personal enemy—is imprison
ment and rigorous surveillance (precetto). Bengal tricoloured illu
minations have led to the galleys for twenty years Dreosti* and his
young companions in Rome. Some statistical notes found on a
young man, Mazzoni, at the threshold of your consular agent,
Freeborn, have been deemed sufficient, a few weeks ago, to doom
him to a dungeon. Men like Nardonif and Virginio Celpi, marked
as thieves, condemned for forgery, rule, under French protection
and Popish blessing, over property, life and liberty. Prisons are
full; thousands of exiles are wandering in loneliness and starvation,
from Monte Video to Constantinople, from London to New York,
from Tunis or Malta to Mexico. Go wherever you will, that living
protest of the Italian national party, the Italian emigration will
meet your eye. It has passed before me, an exile since twenty-two
years, in silent, still deeply eloquent continuity; from the remnants
of the patrician monarchical emigration of 1821 to the professional,
middle-class men of 1831; from the young, pure, enthusiastic,
prophetic spirits of 1833 to the deluded thousands of Lombard
volunteers in 1848, to the Roman men of the people in 1849; some
appealing from exile to suicide, some withering in scepticism, the
suicide of the soul; others worn out by poverty and cares; all
telling me, as I fancied, like ghosts of my country, her woes,
* See Note D, Appendix.
f See Note E, Appendix.
�11
her hopes, and her errand—live, suffer, and struggle. Such
is the political condition of Italy. You have all read Mr. Gladstone’s
revelations concerning Naples. Prevail on the writer to go and
sojourn for a certain amount of time in Sicily, in Romagna, in
Tuscany, in Lombardy, on the Venetian lagoons—in that uncon
querable mother of great woes and destinies, Rome. I pledge all
my being that similar pages will flow from his honestly indignant,
though inconsistently conservative pen. The absence of all poli
tical liberty, of all personal security, of all guarantees of justice;
the systematic corruption of Italian souls through Jesuits, spies, and
ignorance; the systematic and unavoidable plundering of our
financial resources; the deadly influence of narrow, weak, sus
picious despotism, on our industry, on our trade, oh our navigating
power—all these must be by this time granted facts with you; my
task is higher than a long, sad enumeration of actual Italian suf
fering. Are we to be or not to be ? Are we doomed, for the sake
of a pope, as the French government said,* or of an emperor, as
some of your so-called statesmen still say, to be the Pariahs, the
Helots of the nations; or are we entitled to live amohgst you the
free, full, unfettered, untrammelled life that God grants ? This is
the question—an entirely moral one between you and us. It
matters little that we are more of less physically tortured:—that we
are pressed more or less heavily by taxation—that we feed on cheap
or high-priced loaves. I speak of our soul’s bread, education and
action. We are twenty-five millions of Italians, writing the same
language, blessed with the same deep blue skies, nursed by the
same maternal songs, imbued by the same tendencies, worshipping
the same national geniuses—Dante, Colombo, Galileo, Michael
Angelo—starting from a glorious common tradition, thrilling at the
sight of the one tricolored national flag, and at the blessed mys
terious words of patria, Italy, Rome. We long to love and be
loved. We think that we have thoughts to impart to our sister
nations—thoughts to receive from them; great deeds to achieve
through our united efforts; and fragments, as I have said, of the law1
of God to unveil and to apply. We want to commune, to progress—
to worship no lies, no idols, no phantoms,—but truth, genius, and
virtue. And the very configuration of* our country, the only true
peninsula in Europe, speaks of unity ; and out national frontiers
are the Alps and the sea. Are we not, then, entitled to a national
life, to a national compact, to a national1 flag? And when the
foreign oppressor comes and tells us “You shall remain dismem
bered, slaves, speechless, unhoriored, without a name, without a
flag, without ah acknowledged mission in Europe,” are we to sub
mit, or to struggle? That is the question now before you. If you
resolve it in the affirmative, you are bound to help us as far as it
lies iri your power. Could you ever resolve it iff the negative,
their, indeed, you would be unworthy of the liberty that blesses
* See Note F, Appendix;
�12
your shores. Liberty is a principle, or nothing. The great problem
to be solved, by all those who believe in one God, is not that men
to a certain amount or under a certain degree of latitude should be
fred, but that man, the being created in the image of God, shall be
free ; that the very name of slavery shall be cancelled from the
face of the earth, from the spoken language of all those who can
whisper a word of love.
We shall struggle—struggle to the last. Help us if you can;
for, with my hand on my heart, and a serene yet bold look meeting
yours, I can tell you ours is a holy struggle, commanded to us by
Providence, and meant for good. Yes, we shall struggle; and
when I say this, I speak the mind, the unconquerable decision of
the millions. We are ripe for liberty and independence. Before
1848 and 1849, I would have uttered these words with hesitation;
not now. Thank God, we have proved to all Europe that liberty
is with us the watchword of a whole people, and that we could fight
and bleed, fall and not despair, for it. Ours is a popular cause.
In March 1848, we drove away a powerful organised Austrian
army. Between the city and the sea not a single foreign soldier was
to be seen; those who remained had sought refuge in the fortresses
of Mantua, Peschiera, and Verona.
Our volunteers had reached
the Tyrol. Who fought those wonderful battles, if not the people ?
Who are they—the men who died, during the five days, at the
barricades of Milan? The official list has been published by
Cattaneo. They belong, most of them, to the people. Who, if
not the people, fought in 1849 in Bologna,* keeping the Austrians
during days out of an open town, accessible on every side ? Who,
if not the people, kept the French troops at defiance in Romef for
more than one month ? Who, if not the people, endured patiently
and uncomplainingly, during eighteen months at Venice, I continued
fighting, pecuniary sacrifices, bombardment, privation, and cholera
morbus? Who, if not the people, fought heroically against
Haynau at Brescia,§ after the defeat of Novara? And now, even
now, does not the list of condemnations, weekly appearing in the
official gazettes of the Roman States, of Venice, and of Milan,
bear witness to the tendency of our popular classes ? From a
valuable series of documents, published in Italian Switzerland, on
the national struggles of 1848 and 1849, the Society of the Friends
of Italy will have, I trust, one of these days, to draw the materials
of a tract in which the feelings of our popular classes will be
evinced by facts and cyphers. Meanwhile, let me record here,
with pride, that in 1848, from Sicily to the Italian Tyrol, one single
watchword, “ Italia,” was to be heard on the lips of our multitudes;
that, before 1848, all attempts of the Austrian government to
organise a second Galicia, by a communistic war of the peasantry
against the landlords in Lombardy, proved unsuccessful against the
* See Note Gy Appendix.—+ See Note H, Appendix.—J See Note I, Appendix. j
§ See Note J, Appendix,
�13
patriotic feeling of our agricultural population; that such was the
predominance of the national element over all others in the Lom
bardo-Venetian provinces, that the March insurrection was decided
upon and realised when liberal concessions from the Emperor,
concerning the press and internal administration, were giving
hopes of a materially better state of things; and that now, after
almost all the revolutionary generation of 1848 and ’49 has been
swept away by the storm, dead, imprisoned, or wandering in foreign
lands, our secret—for secret it must be—organisation throughout
the land is so powerful that loan notes, clandestine publications,
and messengers are despatched, from town to town, with nearly the
same degree of security that you have in your own intercourse
from London to Dublin and Edinburgh. Thousands belonging to
our popular classes are involved in this mysterious underground
propagandism, and the secret lies unrevealed. They can shoot or
send to the galleys; our clandestine press they cannot seize.
These are telling facts. Few struggling nations can exhibit similar
proofs of a constant unanimous will.
III.
And now to my third point. What do we want from you?
What can England do for us?
First, you can give us moral
strength; create a strong, compact, organised public opinion in
our favour ; collect facts, information, positive data concerning our
wants, our rights, our struggles, our sufferings; and, through
pamphlets, lectures, newspaper articles, scatter them through the
land. Speak loudly, unceasingly for us. Do not allow base
calumnies to circulate unanswered, against our national party.
Oppose to them our solemn declarations, our programmes, our acts
whenever we have had a field for action. Let the name of Rome
appear inscribed on your flags whenever you meet for popular
manifestations. Let no meeting take place for liberal popular
objects without a voice rising to say, “ Remember Rome and Italy.
Remember that freedom is a general principle, or a merely selfish
impotent concern. Remember that at no long a distance from your
shores a mighty nation, from which your forefathers drew the best
part of their life, civilisation and art, lies groaning under Austrian
brute force and papal soul-corrupting despotism.” Let this Society
of the Friends of Italy, to whom we owe our actual meeting, be
your nucleus of operation, and soon become the enlarged field of
a continuous relentless propagandism for Italian liberty and inde
pendence.
Secondly, you can give us parliamentary official help. Through
petitioning, through electioneering questions, through personal in
fluence and suggestions, summon your representatives, and through
them your statesmen, to a more complete view of your, national
fife; to a better moral understanding of England’s part and mission
in Europe. Tell them that the life of a nation is twofold—internal
�14
and external, national and international; that between these two
there must be harmony, oneness of purpose, to be accomplished
through different manifestations ; that England’s vital principle is
religious, political, commercial liberty; and that it must be repre
sented abroad as within your shores. Tell them that England pro
claimed, since 1831, through her statesmen, non-intervention as the
ruling principle of her policy in international matters; that England
meant then that the principle should be universally accepted, and
that each people was to be thenceforward free to settle undisturbed
and independent its own domestic concerns; that such a principle,
though incomplete and unequal to the fulfilment of our duties—for
we must always be ready to interfere for good—would still have
proved sufficient, if honestly carried into execution, for the triumph
of right and liberty throughout all Europe; but that it has been,
and is, grossly, insultingly, and systematically violated by the
despotic powers, until it has come to this, that though any abso
lutist emperor, king, or prince, interfere for evil, England should
never be allowed to interfere for good. Tell them that, should
England have energetically told Russia “you shall not crush
Hungary,” and told France “you shall not crush Rome,” Rome
and Hungary would now be free; that Rome and Hungary, recollect
ing the promises of 1831, were claiming such a word from England;
that England’s silence was a shame and a sin; that shame, as
well as invasion, is death to a nation ; that from a will far superior
to all political calculations every sin is, sooner or later, expiated;
and bid them look to once proud and powerful, now fallen, France.
Tell them that the circle traced by continental scheming despotism
is drawing every day closer to your shores; and that imperialist
resentments, combined with old autocratic jealousy and plans,
ought not to be despised. Tell them that, even if immediate
danger were not impending, it is the duty of statesmen to look not
merely to the emergencies of the day, but to more distant times ; not
merely to the transient present, but to the future of their own
country; that England is more and more isolating herself in
Europe; that whilst no despotic power is actually or ever can be
friendly to England, no people amongst those who are inevitably
called to organise themselves as nations will be, once liberty con
quered, her friend and ally, unless the seeds of friendly alliance are
sown during the struggle; that systematic indifference will lead to
nothing in a not far distant future, when the map of Europe shall
have to be redrawn, but to old political connexions being lost with
out any new being found; to old markets for England’s industrial
activity being closed without any new being opened. And tell
them never to forget that the best national defences for England
are now placed abroad; that her best resistance to corrupting papal
encroachments would be the free emancipated Rome of the people;
and that a single bit of our Italian tri-coloured flag carried from
Naples to Milan, and appealing from there to Hungary and Vienna,
�15
would more powerfully divert from England’s shores all schemes of
invasion or indirect war than any calling out of militia or increase
of naval forces and expenditure.
Thirdly and lastly, you can give material help—the material help
that European capitalists and loanmongers are lending daily to
despotic powers; the material help which, like the body to the
soul, is the condition, sine qua non of every struggle even morally
carried, of every proscribed manifestation of thought.
IV.
I have told you what we are, and what we want—what you can
give.
My brief task is over.
May your own soon begin!
Through gratefulness for the hospitality I have found on your
shores, through intense admiration for many qualities of English
mind and heart, through sacred individual affections, which I shall
never betray, there is not a thought dearer to me, after the eman
cipation of Italy, than that of a cordial active sympathy, and of a
powerful future alliance, between your nation and mine.
�APPENDIX.
Note A.—The Carroccio was a large car, drawn by four white oxen.
When the inhabitants of a city took the field against the enemy, the Car
roccio occupied the centre of the camp. An altar was raised on the car
over which floated the flag of the Republic ; a select body, comprised of
the bravest young men, was chosen to defend it. The Archbishop of
Milan officiated at the altar, raised on the Carroccio, at the battle of
Legnano in 1167, when the Lombard League gained a decisive victory
over Frederick Barbarossa. The fight was most terrible around the sacred
car. The German cavalry had succeeded in penetrating to the Carroccio,
and was on the point of getting possession of the flag, when its chosen
guard renewed their oath of dying in its defence, and repulsed the enemy.
Note B.—The League of Pontida, A. d. 1167.—The emperor Frederick
Barbarossa endeavoured to make himself absolute master of Italy. The
Lombard Republics and the Pope leagued together against him; the former
to defend the liberties of their country, the latter, because the emperor
sustained against him the pretensions of the Anti-pope Victor. It was in
a Capucin monastery at Pontida, between Bergamo and Milan, that the
league was concluded, on the 8th of April, 1167, by the Delegates of the
Republics and the Pope. Milan had already been twice compelled to
capitulate through famine ; on the last occasion the city had been razed to
the ground, and the conqueror had caused the very soil to be ploughed up
and sown; and yet, only 19 days after the proclamation of the League,
on the 27th of April, the populations of the confederated cities were already
flocking to Milan, to rebuild its walls and reinstate the citizens who had
been expelled from it. After two fruitless campaigns, the Emperor
descended again upon Italy, for the seventh time, in 1176, nine years after
the formation of the League, and was completely routed by the Italians at
Legnano, a fortified town some fifteen miles from Milan, on the road to
the Lago Maggiore. Italy might then have definitely acquired her inde
pendence, butthe Pope, Alexander III., being now recognised by Frederick,
declared himself satisfied, abandoned the League, laboured to weaken it,
and supported the imperial power in Italy, judging it less dangerous to
Papacy than the Italian Republics. The peace of Constantine, which
closed this great war, is memorable in this, that it marks the epoch when
the Papacy deserted the banner of the peoples, to pass into the camp of
their oppressors. (Vide V. Muratori, Sismondi.)
Note C.—Count Louis Bolza, of a patrician family of Como, is perhaps
the most detested name in Italy; as the man has been Austria’s most
devoted police agent and spy. Astute and ferocious, he sought out and
provoked disorders for the pleasure of denouncing them and of quenching
�them in blood. Essentially depraved, given up to the worst vices, he had
nevertheless the one instinctive faculty of love of offspring. The future of
his children never ceased to occupy his thoughts, and feeling the horrible
inheritance which he left to them in his name, his history, and his iniqui
tous profession, he left them certain express directions in his will, which
fell into the hands of the people of Milan when they took bim prisoner.
“ Change your name if it is possible; but, at all events, never accept em
ployment in the Austrian police. Woe to him who enters there. The
Austrian police corrupts everything with which it comes in contact; once
having treated with it, it is impossible to retreat; everything must be
sacrificed to it; dignity, morality, your whole soul. One ends by identify
ing oneself with its appetites and its requirements. My daughters too, let
them never marry an employe of the police.” This man was taken
prisoner at Milan, on the 20th of March, 1848, the second day of the bar
ricades, by the people which he had so long tortured, but was released
unhurt. He is still living at Trieste.
Note D.—Dreosti, a young Roman, was arrested with some twenty
companions, and convicted of having taken part in an illumination at Rome
consisting of tricoloured Bengal lights, on the 9th of February, 1850, in
commemoration of the Republic. He was condemned to twenty years of
the galleys. The Roman people still religiously continue to commemorate
the anniversary of the proclamation of their Republic. The details of its
commemoration this present year will be found in the March Number of
the Monthly Record of the Society.
Note E.—Na/rdoni, Colonel in the Pontifical Army, knight of all the
orders of knighthood instituted by the Popes, and now one of the most
important personages of the clerical party and of those most in favour with
Pius IX. This man is the same Nardoni who in 1812 was condemned by
the Assize Court of Fermo, for theft accompanied with aggravating cir
cumstances, to five years forced labour in chains, and to be branded°with
the letters L. F. (Lavori Forzati) on the left shoulder. See the Roman
journals of 1848 and 1849, which reprinted the judgment of the Assize
Court of Fermo.
Note F.—The incompatibility of Papacy and liberty was not merely
admitted, but loudly proclaimed by the Catholic party and the majority of
the French Assembly, in the sittings of the 18th, 19th, and 20th October
1849. M. Odillon Barrot, President of the Council, said: “ Although the
separation of the two powers, temporal and spiritual, be throughout Europe
necessary for liberty of conscience, for true and durable liberty, this prin
ciple cannot be admitted for Rome.” M. Thiers : “ We are entitled to
deny to the Romans their right of overthrowing, in the name of their own
sovereignty, the temporal power of the Pope, necessary to Christian
Europe.” M. Thuriot de la Rosier^; “ What are the Roman States ....
The Roman States were created not by their own efforts, but by the power
the labour, and the sword of Catholicism......... The Papacy is a creation
of Catholicism ; without the Pope there would be no Roman States, there
would not even be a city of Rome......... The Roman States have been
created for the residence of the Popes ..... The sovereignty of the
Pope has been established by all Catholics, and all Catholics have therefore
the right of defending it. If the Roman States attempt to overthrow the
government which Catholicism has imposed upon them, Catholicism must
prevent them......... The sovereignty of the Catholic peoples is superior to
�18
the sovereignty of the Roman people......... There can he no Roman
Nationality.” M. de Montalambert: “ If the Pope were to make con
cessions ......... he would no longer enjoy his great popularity amongst
Catholics......... If he were to establish—I don’t say liberty of the press
or the national guard—but merely the Deliberative Consulta in matters of
taxation, which his motu proprio refuses, I avow that our confidence in
him would be diminished.” See the French Moniteur—sittings of the
Assembly of the 18th, 19th, and 20th October, 1849.
Note G.—Bologna, 1848. In the beginning of August the Austrian
General, Welden, after the Lombard Campaign, so fatal to the Pied
montese, approached Bologna at the head of 5,000 men. The Papal
Government, secretly in accord with Austria, had left the city without
troops, that Austria might destroy the national party there which was
desirous of war. The clerical party, which was in power in the city, had
opened the gates to receive the enemy. The people rose alone, and after a
long and bloody combat, expelled the Austrians on the 8th of August, 1848.
Bologna, May, 1849. Austria invaded the Republic in the north,
whilst Naples, Spain and France attacked it in the south and west.
On the 7th May, an Austrian General attacked Bologna with 12,000 men.
All the Republican troops had been recalled to Rome; there were but
1000 soldiers left, who, seduced by their officers, who were acting secretly in
the interests of the Pope, refused to fight. Nevertheless the people resisted
alone, and the town only yielded on the 16th, after six days of continuous
bombardment.
Note H.—Rome. The history of the short, but memorable existence
of the Roman Republic is sufficiently well known. On the 9th of Feb
ruary, 1849, the Assembly, chosen by universal suffrage, proclaimed the
Republic, by a majority of 150 to 11 votes; against the downfall of the
Pope, there were but 5 votes. The downfall of the Pope, and the
establishment of the Republic, was agreed to by all the municipalities not
occupied by the enemy. In the month of May, 1849, the Roman States
were invaded by 30,000 French, 25,000 Austrian, 25,000 Neapolitan, and
12,000 Spanish soldiers—a combined force of upwards of 90,000 men. The
Republic had only been able to arm 13,000 soldiers. It resisted Austria at
Bologna and Ancona; it beat and expelled the Neapolitans; it held in
check the French army for two months before Rome, repulsing it twice, on
the 30th of April and the 3rd of June. The city of Rome sustained 27
days investment and siege, resisted for 12 days after breaches had been
opened and under bombardment, and held its defences for 9 days after the
enemy had forced an entrance through the breach. The Roman army had
not a single deserter, and dissolved itself rather than consent to enter into
the service of the Pope. During the siege of Rome there were no arrests,
no political condemnations ; and the French prisoners were set at liberty
without conditions. See Society’s Tract No. II.
Note I.— Venice defended itself for 17 months. Abandoned by the
King of Sardinia, unsupported by Lombardy, left to fall again under the
yoke of Austria, condemned by English and French diplomacy, the
Venetian Assembly replied, on the 2nd of April, 1849, to the summons of
Radetzky to surrender, by this memorable decree: Venice will resist
Austria at all costs (ad ogni costo.) The bombardment continued from
the 24th of May to the 6th of August, 1849, the day of capitulation. The
Austrians had batteries of the strength of 180 cannon against the city and'
its forts. Upwards of 80,000 projectiles fell in the fort of Marghera alone.
�19
Venice only capitulated after having exhausted its provisions and its
munitions of war; water had become bad and difficult to obtain; the
bread was black and unwholesome ; and for 30 days cholera had begun to
rage ; the bombs reached three quarters of the city, and the people were
obliged to crowd themselves together in the remaining portion; there was
no more ice for the wounded, no quinine fer those attacked by fever,
(the French vessels had brutally refused to supply either ice or medicines
to the hospitals) and the troops were reduced to a third of their original
force by fever and the fight. Venice at length yielded, on the 6th of
August; on that day not another ration of bread was left for the soldiers
in the magazines. To meet the cost of this long defence, the citizens of
Venice incurred a debt of about 40 millions of francs. (See the history
of the siege, published at Capolago, in the “ Collection of Documents of
the Sacred War.”)
Note J.—Brescia, 1849. Brescia, a city of 40,000 inhabitants, domi
nated by a castle occupied by the Austrians, rose on the 23rd March,
whilst the Piedmontese army engaged Radetzky on the banks of the
Ticino.
The Piedmontese army deserted the field in two days’ time ; but the brave
city, left to itself, resisted until the 2nd of April. The barricades and
the houses were defended with desperate courage from day to day. The
population was exposed to the cross fire of the fort within the city, and of
thebesieging corps. At length it yielded, hopeless of succour, and having
exhausted its munitions of war. The official report of Haynau admits
that the Austrians lost 1476 soldiers, 33 officers, 3 colonels, and General
Nugent. What was above all admirable in this defence was, that the
Brescians learnt, on the 29th of March, of the defeat and the Armistice of
Novara, and that they still resisted for 3 days. (See “Collection of
Documents of the Sacred War.”)
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A collection of digitised nineteenth-century pamphlets from Conway Hall Library & Archives. This includes the Conway Tracts, Moncure Conway's personal pamphlet library; the Morris Tracts, donated to the library by Miss Morris in 1904; the National Secular Society's pamphlet library and others. The Conway Tracts were bound with additional ephemera, such as lecture programmes and handwritten notes.<br /><br />Please note that these digitised pamphlets have been edited to maximise the accuracy of the OCR, ensuring they are text searchable. If you would like to view un-edited, full-colour versions of any of our pamphlets, please email librarian@conwayhall.org.uk.<br /><br /><span><img src="http://www.heritagefund.org.uk/sites/default/files/media/attachments/TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" width="238" height="91" alt="TNLHLF_Colour_Logo_English_RGB_0_0.jpg" /></span>
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M. Mazzini's lecture, delivered at the first conversazione of the Friends of Italy, held in the Great Hall, Freemason's Tavern, on the evening of Wednesday, February 11th, 1852
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Mazzini, Giuseppe
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Place of publication: London
Collation: 19, [1] p. ; 18 cm.
Series title: Tracts of the Society of the Friends of Italy
Series number: No.iv
Notes: From the library of Dr Moncure Conway. Lecture stated the objects of the Italian National Party. Society's list of publications on unnumbered page at the end. Printed by R.S. Francis, Strand, London.
Publisher
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Society of the Friends of Italy
Date
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1852
Identifier
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G5244
Rights
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<a href="http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/"><img src="http://i.creativecommons.org/p/mark/1.0/88x31.png" alt="Public Domain Mark" /></a><span> </span><br /><span>This work (M. Mazzini's lecture, delivered at the first conversazione of the Friends of Italy, held in the Great Hall, Freemason's Tavern, on the evening of Wednesday, February 11th, 1852), identified by </span><a href="https://conwayhallcollections.omeka.net/items/show/www.conwayhall.org.uk"><span>Humanist Library and Archives</span></a><span>, is free of known copyright restrictions.</span>
Format
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application/pdf
Type
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Text
Language
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English
Subject
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Italy
Politics
Conway Tracts
Italy-History-1849-1870
Italy-Politics and Government