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                    <text>SCIENTIFIC PROPAGATION.
BY JOHN HUMPHREY NOYES.

T is generally agreed among the highest thinkers that sociology
is the science around which all other sciences are finally to be
organized. But this nucleus is manifestly complex, and we may
still inquire, where is the nucleolus ?—which of the departments
into which sociology is divisible is the center of the center ? The an­
swer, if it has not yet been uttered, is fast forming in the general
mind. The vital center of sociology, toward which all eyes are turn­
ing, is the science which presides over reproduction. It is becoming­
clear that the foundations of scientific society are to be laid in the sci­
entific propagation of human beings.
In perfecting animals we attend to two things, viz., blood and train­
ing ; and we put blood first. But in the case of human beings we
have thus far left blood to take care of itself, and have given all of our
attention to training. Education is well advanced, but we are begin­
ning to see that it is like the ancient writing of manuscripts, a slow
process, with many drawbacks. We labor to perfect the individual, but
what we want is the art of multiplying copies of our work. Educa­
tion is waiting for its printing-press, and its printing-press is to be
scientific propagation.
The duty of the human race to improve itself by intelligent pro­
creation has certainly been seen, in some dim way, from the earliest
ages. The analogy between breeding animals and breeding men is so
obvious, that it must have thrust itself upon the reflections of the wise
at least as long ago as when Jacob overreached Laban by cunningly
managing the impregnation of his flocks. Four hundred years before
the Christian era, Plato represented Socrates as urging on his pupils
this analogy and the duty resulting from it, in the following plain
terms:

Z

“ Tell me this, Glaucon; in your house I see both sporting dogs and a great
number of well-bred birds ; have you ever attended to their pairing and bringing
forth young?”
“ How? ” said he.
“ First of all, among these, though all be well-bred, are not some of them far
better than all the rest ? ”
“ They are.”
“ Do you breed, then, from all alike; or are you anxious to do so, as far as pos­
sible, from the best breeds ? ”
“ From the best,”

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“But how? from the youngest or the oldest, or from those quite iu their
prime ? ”
From those in their prime.”
“ And if they are not thus bred, you consider that the breed, both of birds and
dogs, greatly degenerates ? ”
“ I do,” replied he.
“ And what think you as to horses,” said I, “ and other animals ; is the case
otherwise with respect to them ? ”
“ It were absurd to think so,” said he.
“ How strange, my dear fellow! ” said I; “ what extremely perfect government
must we have, if the same applies to the human race ! ”
“ Nevertheless it is so,” replied he.
Republic, Book 5, Chap. 8.

Perhaps Socrates died for this bold criticism; but his thought did
_ not die. This same argument from analogy, which has thus been
pressing on the human conscience in all ages, has become actually
clamorous in modern times. The physical sciences, as they have been
successively developed, have all turned by inevitable instinct toward their
predestined center. Their drift has constantly been from the inorganic
to the organic, and from the organic to. the reproductive. Agassiz passes
from geology to biology, and finds the secret of biology in embryology.
Darwin gathers all he finds in the botany and zoology of all ages into
the demonstration that plants and animals can be molded ad libitum
by attention to the laws of reproduction.
His object was to establish a theory looking backward to the origin
of species, but the practical result of his labors has been to establish a
theory looking forward to the duty of scientific propagation. His great
theme is the plasticity of living forms. He shows, first, how nature
alone, in the countless ages of the past, has slowly transmuted plants
and animals; then how the unsystematic care of man, since the dawn
of intelligence, has hastened these changes; and finally how modern
science and skill have rapidly perfected the races that are subservient to
human use. In all this he has been at work on Plato’s argument. He
has not dared to make the application, but others have not dared to
ignore it, and to them Darwin has been an awful preacher of the law
of God.
Along with the evolution of the physical sciences, there has been
an enormous growth of zeal and skill in practical breeding. Every
plant and animal that man can lay hands upon has been put through a
course of variations and brought to high perfection. And every suc­
cess in practical breeding has added emphasis to the law that com­
mands man to improve his own race by scientific propagation. Every
melting pear, every red-cheeked apple, every mealy potato that modern
skill presents us, bids us go to work on the final task of producing the
best possible varieties of human beings. Every race-horse, every
straight-backed bull, every premium pig tells us what we can do and
what we must do for man. What are all our gay cattle fairs, but eloquent
reminders of the long-neglected duty of scientific human propagation ?

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And this preaching has not been wholly without effect. There is
evidently much resulting conviction among those who read and thiuk
on scientific subjects. Nobody really attempts to obey the law pro­
pounded, or even expects to ; but all approve of it. In this as in other
cases, we “ consent unto the law that it is good, but how to perform
that which is good we find not.”
Phrenologists, popular physiologists, and reformers of various kinds
have long been busy carrying over the laws of Darwin into the public
conscience, translating analogy into application ; and it is remarkable
how common it has become for books and newspapers to acknowledge
the duty of scientific propagation, and confess that in this matter “ we
are all miserable sinners.” In a rapid run through a mass of popular
literature nearest at hand, we have met with the following specimens
of out-cropping conviction:
“ With the acceptance by scientific thinkers of the principles of structural
transformation upon which Mr. Darwin’s theory is based, must needs come their
recognition by men of unscientific education, and their application to individual
life. No scientific thought, thoroughly established and wrought into the belief of
the common people, can be without its influence upon their life. Men have as
much need to apply the doctrine of Mr. Darwin to themselves as to their horses
and cattle.”—American Exchange and Review.
“ Consider agriculture, horticulture, flori-culture, the stock-raisers, even the
‘ fanciers,’ and borrow from them the lessons they practice so accurately. Think of
it! Years of study have resulted in volumes of registered observations and deduc­
tions for the improvement of the brute races. The horse, the ox, the swine, and
every other domestic animal has been raised to a higher type of physical being.
Even flowers and vegetables are thought worthy of this same care ; yet the pre­
cious casket of the human soul is left to dwindle down from one stage of degen­
eracy to another, till a large proportion of the human race are employed in the
vocations that can only flourish upon human decay.”—Dr. Chaklotte Loziek, in
the Tribune.
“Agricultural reports have teemed with lessons for breeding and taking care of
all our stock except the most precious—that of ourselves and our children. The
Atlantic cable sinks to insignificance compared with the science of the develop­
ment of man. We exhibit beautiful animal stock, but deformed, erysipelatory,
rickety, narrow-chested, dyspeptic, teeth-rotten, flabby-muscled, scrofulous, crook­
ed-backed, bad-jointed girls and boys, with diseased kidneys, diseased livers, and
bad nerves. Let all agricultural orators open their mouths against these terrible
evils of the land.”—American Institute Transactions for 1858, p- 160.
“What is needed, in order to improve the physical characteristics of American
children, is. in the first place, to find out wherein they deviate from the true model,
and then to set at work influences which, under the laws of reproduction, shall
directly tend to induce conformity thereto, instead of deformity. It is just as easy
to improve the breed of children as the breeds of domestic animals ; for the human
organism is as impressible in this respect as the organisms of animals, and, I think,
rather more so—the susceptibility in this direction being in ratio to the rank.
“ If it be true that, in the case of a sheep, you can, by proper heed to certain
laws, including as these do certain conditions of living, so change a species of that
animal that, from being a small animal with a small quantity of wool, it, shall be­
come a large animal with only a small quantity of wool; or from being a large ani
mal with a small quantity of wool, it shall become less in size, but with a larger

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fleece, you have reached a point in the modification of the animal structure which
may seriously affect all its vital conditions. If this can be done in the case of one
species of animals, it can in others—in truth, in all others—and man forms no ex­
ception to the rule.”—Dr. Jackson, in ‘'Laws of Life.”
We ask our friends to read our extracts from Darwin attentively, and see if
they do not discern, looming in the background of the facts here presented, a most
gigantic question affecting the future of human society—that, namely, relating to
its scientific propagation. If the races of plants and animals have been so far im­
proved as is there shown, by attention to selection in breeding, the question comes
up in force, what is man about at this late day, that he is not applying the same
principles and observations in a scientific manner to the improvement of his own
race ? If the farmer achieves with perfect certainty the elevation of his flocks and
herds to a certain standard of form and size, beauty and disposition, by observing
the fixed laws of propagation, why should not something be done systematically
for man in the same way ? Why should not beauty and noble grace of person, and
every other desirable quality of men and women, internal and external, be propa­
gated and intensified beyond all former precedent, by the application of the same
scientific principles of breeding that produce such desirable results in the case of
sheep, cattle and horses ? Farmers and herdsmen all over the civilized world are
enthusiastic in regard to matters that relate to the improvement of stock. Socie­
ties are founded, principles are discovered and practically applied, and the ends of
the earth are ransacked for desirable animals with which to cross and develop new
excellencies. But while this is true of the animals below us, man leaves the infi­
nitely higher question of his own propagation to the control of chance, ignorance,
and blind passion. The place where science should rule most of all, is ruled by the
least science ; the subject around which the highest enthusiasm should cluster, is
viewed with the most indifference. Human Breeding should be the foremost ques­
tion of the age, transcending in its sublime interest all present political and scien­
tific questions, and should be practically studied by all. May the time hasten wheD
this shall be ! ’’—Religious Paper.

A writer in the Galaxy (a popular monthly) closes a brilliant account
of horse-breeding with the following argumentitm ad hominem :
“ In the language of the clergy, permit me to make a personal application:
At this moment ten times as much care and thought and money are devoted
to the production of perfect horses or pigs, as to men and women. By observance
of the sgme care, and application of the same rules, as above stated for horses, it is
possible to produce a race of men and women which shall be healthy, spirited, hand­
some and enduring. The world is full of weedy, homely, suffering human beings,
and who is to blame ? A man has as good a right to be handsome as a pig, a
woman as a horse, certainly.
“Are we then demented? It is a very curious question, one which we com­
mend to the careful consideration of the ‘ Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to
Animals.’ ”

So far we have come since Plato; and yet all this is only an appli­
cation of the little Socratic argument that we quoted, written two
thousand years ago.
Let us not make too much of these confessions. This swelling
flood of conviction has burst no barriers yet. It is well known that
the present constitution of society absolutely precludes, in man’s case,
anything like what has been done for plants and animals; and these
confessors have no idea of changing the constitution of society. They

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101

cry aloud for what ought to be done; but when they come to the how,
their voices grow feeble. Thus the writer in the Exchange and Review,
whose doughty preaching stands first among the above quotations, im­
mediately after it falls off into such mumbling as this:
“ Passion ancl ignorance have too long held sway over the motives which prompt
the best of us to assume the relation upon which our own as well as the happiness
of our children depends. That ordinary mortals shall consider the future advance­
ment of the race in the selection of their wives, is rather more than our knowl­
edge of human nature justifies us in hoping. Nor are we quite prepared to adopt
the extreme materialistic view, and relinquish the institution of marriage in
favor of a selected class whose sole duty it shall be to improve and elevate the type
of the race. But in a general way we can suffer ourselves to be influenced in the
choice of our wives by the knowledge that the mental and physical qualities we
bring to the union must be blended and intermixed in the natures of our children ;
and the reflection that the habits of our life and thought, and the various condi­
tions into which we are driven, or suffer ourselves to drift, have their immediate
and necessary outgrowth in those natures, should produce some effect upon our
own self-conduct and control.”

Galton, alate English writer, has actually gone forward a step beyond
Darwin in the Platonian argument. He demonstrates by elaborate sta­
tistics that genius and all other good qualities are hereditary in human
families. Nobody doubted this before; but it is a satisfaction to have
such a point seized and fortified by science. He passes over from anal­
ogy to the beginning of direct proof that human nature is as plastic
and obedient to the laws of reproduction as that of animals and plants,
and therefore as properly the subject of scientific treatment. The ob­
ject of his book, he says, is to show “ that a man’s natural abilities are
derived by inheritance, under exactly the same limitations as are the
form and physical features of the whole organic world. Consequently,
as it is easy, notwithstanding those limitations, to obtain by careful
selection a permanent breed of dogs or horses gifted with peculiar
powers of running or of doing anything else, so it would be quite
practicable to produce a highly gifted race of men by judicious mar­
riages during several consecutive generations.” So far Galton advances
beyond Darwin’s line. But when he comes to the point where it is
necessary to look beyond his theory to the duties it suggests, he sub­
sides into the meekest conservatism. “ It would be writing to no use­
ful purpose,” he says, “ were I to discuss the effect that might be pro­
duced on population by such social arrangements as existed in Sparta,
[which arrangements were only a distant approach to the system which
all breeders of animals pursue.] They are so alien and repulsive to
modern feelings that it is useless to say anything about them; so I
shall confine my remarks to agencies that are actually at work, and
upon which there can be no hesitation in speaking.” Then he goes
on to show what can be done by wise marriages, much in the vein of
the phrenologists.
A writer in the new English journal of science called “ Nature,”

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even discusses, after a fashion, the possibility of improving the human
race by applying the Darwinian principles. But it is curious to see
how gingerly he touches the practical part of the subject. After show­
ing that in the case of wild animals which mate without interference,
any improvement by variation must be exceedingly slow, and that in
the case of domestic animals, owing to scientific propagation, the prog­
ress is incomparably more rapid, he speaks thus cautiously and mys­
teriously of the human problem :
“ The case of man is intermediate in rapidity of progress to the other two.
The development of improved qualities can not be insured by judicious mating,
because as a rule human beings are capricious enough to marry without first
laying a case for opinion before Mr. Darwin. Neither would it be easy, nor perhaps
even allowable, to extend any special protection by law or custom to those who may
be, physically and intellectually, the finest examples of our race. Still, two things
may be done ; we may vary the circumstances of life by judicious legislation, and
still more easily by judicious non-legislation, so as to multiply the conditions favor­
able to the development of a higher type ; and by the same means we may also
encourage, or at least abstain from discouraging, the perpetuation of the species by
the most exalted individuals for the time being to be found.”

This last hint is the boldest we have seen; and yet it is but a hint.
Thus we find the public generally, and even the most advanced
'writers, simply under conviction in the presence of the law of scientific
propagation. The commandment has come; we all acknowledge it
and preach it, and “delight, in it after the inward man, but we see
another law in our members warring against the law of our minds.”
Duty is plain; we say we ought to do it—we must do it; but we cam
not. The law of God urges us on ; but the law of society holds us
back. This is a bad position. Either our convictions ought to become
stronger and deeper till they break a way into obedience, or we ought
to be relieved of them altogether.
The boldest course is the safest. Let us take an honest and steady
look at the law. Let us march right up to this terrible analogy which
has been so long troubling the world, and find out exactly what it is,
and how far the obligation which it suggests is legitimate. What
ought to be done can be done. It is only in the timidity of ignorance
that duty seems impracticable.
In order to get clearer ideas of the analogy which is pressing upon
us, and of the duty which results from it, we propose for fresh consid­
eration the following questions: 1. What has been done for plants and
animals ? 2. How has it been done ? 3. How far and by what means
can the same be done for human beings ? This last question will
require a survey of the special difficulties in the case of man, and will
lead to some criticism of existing institutions. Without much formal­
ity the remainder of this article will be devoted to the discussion of
these questions.
To show what has been done for plants and animals, we cannot do
better than to put Darwin on the stand. His testimony is known to

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philosophers, but it ought to be familiar to everybody. The following
are quotations from his late work on the results of Domestication :
“ As to plants, no one supposes that our choicest productions have been pro­
duced by a single variation from the aboriginal stock. We have proofs that this is
not so in some cases, in which exact records have been kept; thus, to give a very
trifling instance, the steadily increasing size of the common gooseberry may be
quoted. We see an astonishing improvement in many florists’ flowers, when the
flowers of the present' day are compared with drawings made only twenty or thirty
years ago. * * * And the gradual process of improvement through longer
periods may plainly be recognized in the increased size and beauty which we now
see in the varieties of the heartsease, rose, pelargonium, dahlia, and other plants,
when compared with the older varieties or with their parent-stocks. No one would
ever expect to get a first-rate heartsease or dahlia from the seed of a wild plant.
No one would expect to raise a first-rate melting pear from the seed of the wild
pear, though he might succeed from a poor seedling growing wild, if it had come
from a garden stock. The pear, though cultivated in classical times, appears, from
Pliny’s description, to have been a fruit of very inferior quality. The art which
has produced such splendid results from such poor materials has consisted in
always cultivating the best known variety, sowing its seeds, and, when a slightly
better variety has chanced to appear, selecting it, and so onward. * * *
11 Let us now briefly consider the steps by which domestic races of animals have
been produced, either from one or from several allied species. Some little effect
may, perhaps, be attributed to the direct action of the external conditions of life,
and some little to habit; but he would be a bold man who would account by such
agencies for the differences of a dray and a race-horse, a grayhound and blood­
hound, a carrier and tumbler-pigeon. One of the most remarkable features in our
domesticated races is that we see in them adaptation, not indeed to the animal’s or
plant’s own good, but to man’s use or fancy. Some variations useful to him have
probably arisen suddenly, or by one step ; many botanists, for instance, believe that
the fuller’s teazle, with its hooks, which cannot be rivalled by any mechanical con­
trivance, is only a variety of the wild Dipsacus; and this amount of change may
have suddenly arisen in a seedling. So it has probably been with the turnspit
dog ; and this is known to have been the case with the ancon sheep. But when
we compare the dray-horse and race-horse, the dromedary and camel, the various
breeds of sheep fitted either for cultivated land or mountain pasture, with the wool
of one breed good for one purpose, and that of another breed for another purpose ;
when we compare the many breeds of dogs, each good for man in very different
ways ; when we compare the game-cock, so pertinacious in battle, with other breeds
so little quarrelsome, with ‘ everlasting layers ’ which never desire to set, and with
the bantam so small and elegant; when we compare the host of agricultural, culi­
nary, orchard and flower-garden races of plants, most useful to man at different
seasons and for different purposes, or so beautiful in his eyes, we must, I think, look
further than to mere variability. We cannot suppose that all the breeds were sud­
denly produced as perfect and as useful as we now see them; indeed, in several
cases, we know that this has not been their history. The key is man’s power of
accumulation ; man adds them up in certain directions useful to him. In this
sense he may be said to make for himself useful breeds.
“ The great power of this principle of selection is not hypothetical. It is certain
that several of our eminent breeders have, even within a single lifetime, modified
to a large extent some breeds of cattle and sheep. In order fully to realize what
they have done, it is almost necessary to read several of the many treatises devoted
to this subject, and to inspect the animals. Breeders habitually speak of an ani­
mal’s organization as something quite plastic, which they can model almost as they
please. If I had space I could quote numerous passages to this effect from highly

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competent authorities. Youatt, who was probably better acquainted with the
works of agriculturists than almost any other individual, and who was himself a
very good judge of an animal, speaks of the principle of selection as ‘that which
enables the agriculturist not only to modify the character of his flock, but to change
it altogether. It is the magician’s wand, by means of which he may summon into
life whatever form and mold he pleases.’ Lord Somerville, speaking of what
breeders have done for sheep, says :—‘ It would seem as if they had chalked out
upon a wall a form perfect in itself, and then had given it existence.’ That most
skillful breeder, Sir John Sebright, used to say, with respect to pigeons, that ‘he
would produce any given feather in three years, but it would take him six years to
obtain head and beak.’ * * *
“ What man has effected within recent times in England by methodical selec­
tion, is clearly shown by our exhibitions of improved quadrupeds and fancy birds.
With respect to cattle, sheep, and pigs, we owe their great improvement to a long
series of well-known names—Bakewell, Colling, Ellman, Bates, Jonas Webb, Lords
Leicester and Western, Fisher Hobbs, and others. Agricultural writers are unani­
mous on the power of selection : any number of statements to this effect could be
quoted; a few will suffice. A great breeder of shorthorns says : ‘ In the anatomy
of the shoulder modern breeders have made great improvements on the Ketton
shorthorns by correcting the defect in the knuckle or shoulder-joint, and by laying
the top of the shoulder more snugly into the crop, and thereby filling up the hol­
low behind it. * * * The eye has its fashion at different periods ; at one time
the eye high and outstanding from the head, and at another time the sleepy eye
sunk into the head; but these extremes have merged into the medium of a full,
clear, and prominent eye with a placid look.’
“Again, hear what an excellent judge of pigs says: ‘The legs should be no
longer than just to prevent the animal’s belly from trailing on the ground. The
leg is the least profitable portion of the hog, and we therefore require no more of it
than is absolutely necessary for the support of the rest.’ Let any one compare the
wild boar with any improved breed, and he will see how effectually the legs have
been shortened.
“Few persons except breeders are aware of the systematic care taken in select­
ing animals, and of the necessity of having a clear and almost prophetic vision into
futurity. Lord Spencer’s skill and judgment were well known ; and he writes: ‘ It
is therefore very desirable, before any man commences to breed either cattle or
sheep, that he should make up his mind as to the shape and qualities he wishes to
obtain, and steadily pursue this object.’ Lord Somerville, in speaking of the mar­
velous improvement of the New Leicester sheep effected by Bakewell and his suc­
cessors, says : ‘ It would seem as if they had first drawn a perfect form, and then
given it life.’ Youatt urges the necessity of annually drafting each flock, as many
animals will certainly degenerate ‘from the standard of excellence which the
breeder has established in his own mind.’ Even with a bird of such little importtance as the canary, long ago (1780-1790) rules were established, and a standard of
perfection was fixed, according to which the London fanciers tried to breed the
several sub-varieties. A great winner of prizes at the pigeon-shows, in describing
the short-faced almond tumbler, says : ‘ There are many first-rate fanciers who are
particularly partial to what is called the goldfinch beak, which is very beautiful;
others say, take a full-size round cherry; then take a barley-corn, and judiciously
placing and thrusting it into the cherry, form as it were your beak ; and that is not
all, for it will form a good head and beak, provided, as I said before, it is judi­
ciously done; others take an oat; but as I think the goldfinch-beak the hand­
somest, I would advise the inexperienced fancier to get the head of a goldfinch, and
keep it by him for his observation.’ Wonderfully different as is the beak of the
rock-pigeon and goldfinch, undoubtedly, as far as external shape and proportions
are concerned, the end has been nearly gained.

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“ Not only should our animals be examined with the greatest care whilst alive,
but, as Anderson remarks, their carcasses should be scrutinized, ‘ so as to breed
from the descendants of such only as, in the language of the butcher, cut up well.’
The ‘ grain of the meat’ in cattle, and'its being well marbled with fat, and the
greater or less accumulation of fat in the abdomen of our sheep, have been attended
to with success. So with poultry ; a writer, speaking of Cochin-China fowls, which
are said to differ much in the quality of their flesh, says, ‘ the best mode is to purcliase two young,brother cocks, kill, dress, and serve up one; if he be indifferent,
similarly dispose of the other, and try again ; if, however, he be fine and wellflavored, his brother will not be amiss for breeding purposes for the table.’
“ The great principle of the division of labor has been brought to bear on selection. In certain districts ‘ the breeding of bulls is confined to a very limited num­
ber of persons, who. by devoting their whole attention to this department, are able
from year to year to furnish a class of bulls which are steadily improving the gene­
ral breed of the district.’ The rearing and letting of choice rams has long been, as
is well known, a chief source of profit to several eminent breeders. In parts of
Germany this principle is carried with merino sheep to an extreme point. ‘ So im­
portant is the proper selection of breeding animals considered, that the best flock­
masters do not trust to their own judgment, or to that of their shepherds, but em­
ploy persons calied “ sheep-classifiers,” who make it their special business to attend
to this part of the management of several flocks, and thus to preserve, or, if possi­
ble, to improve, the best qualities of both parents in the lambs.’ In Saxony, when
the lambs are weaned, each in his turn is placed upon a table, that his wool and
form may be minutely observed. ‘The finest are selected for breeding, and receive
a first mark. When they are one year old, and prior to shearing them, another
close examination of those previously marked takes place : those in which no defect
can be found receive a second mark, and the rest are condemned. A few months
afterwards a third and last scrutiny is made ; the prime rams and ewes receive a
third and final mark ; but the slightest blemish is sufficient to cause the rejection
of the animal.' These sheep are bred and valued almost exclusively for the fine­
ness of their wool; and the result corresponds with the labor bestowed on their
selection. Instruments have been invented to measure accurately the thickness
of the fibres ; and ‘ an Austrian fleece has been produced of which twelve hairs
equalled in thickness one from a Leicester sheep.’ * * *
“ The care which successful breeders take in matching their birds is surprising.
Sir John Sebright, whose fame is perpetuated by the ‘ Sebright Bantam,’ used to
spend ‘two and three days in examining, consulting, and disputing with a friend
which were the best of five or six birds.’ Mr, Bult, whose Pouter-pigeons won so
many prizes, and were exported to North America under the charge of a man sent
on purpose, told me that he always deliberated for several days before he matched
each pair. Hence we can understand the advice of an eminent fancier, who writes,
‘ I would here particularly guard you against having too great a variety of pigeons;
otherwise you will know a little of all, but nothing about one as it ought to be
known.’ Apparently it transcends the power of the human intellect to breed all
kinds : 1 it is possible that there may be a few fanciers that have a good general
knowledge of fancy pigeons ; but there are many more who labor under the delu­
sion of supposing they know what they do not.’ The excellence of one sub-variety,
the almond-tumbler, lies in the plumage, carriage, head, beak, and eye ,’ but it is
too presumptuous in the beginner to try for all these points. The great judge
above quoted says, ‘there are some young fanciers who are over-covetous, who go
for all the above five properties at once; they have their reward by getting noth­
ing.’ We thus see that breeding even fancy pigeons is no simple art: we may
smile at the solemnity of these precepts, but he who laughs will win no prizes.”—
Da/rwin’s Animals and Plants under Domestication.

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Our primary object in these citations was to show what has been
done for plants and animals; but they also partly answer our second
question as to the how. It is necessary, however, to bring into more
prominence two or three of the practical measures by which the domes­
tic races have been perfected.
The art of the animal-breeder, so far as mere propagation is con­
cerned, is all contained in two precepts, viz.: Breed from the best, and
Breed in and in; and these precepts are reducible to one; for, after a
choice stock has been commenced, breeding in and in is breeding from
the best. The second precept simply prescribes for choice varieties
what the first prescribes for choice individuals. Now it happens that
these are the very precepts of the scientific law of propagation which,
if applied to human generation, would impinge most violently on the
constitution and feelings of society. Breeding from the best means in­
tolerable discrimination—suppression for some, and large liberty for
others ; and breeding in and in means incest. In order, therefore, to
get the law derived from, analogy honestly before us in all its bearings
on human interests, we must enlarge on these features of scientific
propagation.
The negative part of breeding from the best, which is the suppres­
sion of the poorest, is effected in the case of the lower animals by two
measures, viz.: 1. Castration; and 2. Confinement. The positive part
of the process is carried on by selecting for propagation the best indivi­
duals of both sexes, but especially males.
The special importance of selection in respect to males is founded
on the constitutional difference between the sexes as to the amount of
reproduction of which they are respectively capable. For example, a
mare can produce, at the very most, only about fifteen colts in her
whole lifetime. But a stallion can produce a hundred in a single year.
The thorough-bred horse Messenger, in the course of his life, begot a
thousand; Hambletonian begot eleven hundred; and a descendant of
Hambletonian begot twelve hundred. And for proof that the male
transmits his special qualities on this great scale, it is recorded that the
English racer, Eclipse, begot three hundred and thirty-four horses that
won races; and King Herod begot four hundred and ninety-four suc­
cessful racers. So that, with reference to direct action on the character
of a single generation, the male has the advantage over the female in
the ratio of more than fifty to one. And although the female may pro­
duce very great results in the second generation—since any one of her
male offspring taking her place, may produce his thousand, conveying
her characteristics—yet it must ever remain true that the principal
means of breeding choice stocks is by the selection of males. Thus the
present generation of fine horses in this country, numbering probably
its millions, is said to have come mainly from less' than a half dozen
famous stallions. A writer in the Galaxy, before referred to, gives the
following account of the process by which our national trotting horse
has been created:

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“ England has produced or perfected the race-horse; America, the road-horse.
England, by great care, great skill, and vast expenditure of money, has perfected
the race-horse ; wonderfully fine, and altogether useless. America, by great care,
great skill, and a considerable expenditure of money, has produced the trotter;
altogether valuable—that is the difference.
“ This quality—the swift trot—has been, in a sense, created by man, and is now
transmitted and perpetuated. How ?
“ By breeding from such horses as showed such a tendency, and by training the
progeny so as to create increased speed, which increased speed has been transmitted
and intensified. It has now reached a single mile in 2 minutes 171 seconds, and
twenty miles within the hour. What more can be done ? No man can tell.
“ The history of tiffs achievement in breeding can be traced. I said to Mr.
Goldsmith, the great horse-breeder at Walnut Grove, ‘ Whence comes tiffs tremen­
dous trotting action, as shown in the American road-horse. Racing men assert that
the natural feist gait of the horse is the run, and that no high-bred horse trots fast
naturally.’
“ ‘ I will show you a little of the natural fast gait,’ said he.
“ Then were brought in succession three young horses, three-year-olds. They
were turned loose in the open field, and went trotting away at a great stride, head
and tail erect. Then they were scared along by running at them ; the dog went
after them, and still they trotted fast; if they broke into a run, they came down
again almost instantly; it was evident that they had a fast trot, which was the
gait they preferred.
“ ‘ What is your explanation of this matter ?’ said I.
“ ‘ I will tell you. There have stood in this country the following stallions, all,
except Bellfounder and Abdallah, thoroughbreds, and they nearly so :
Messenger, about 1795.
Baronet, about 1795.
Seagull, about 1820.
Bellfounder, about 1831-32.
American Star, about 1840.
Abdallah, about 1848-50.
And some others. Of these, Messenger, Bellfounder, American Star, and Abdallah
were natural trotters, and it is asserted that Messenger has come in at the end of a
running race on a fast trot. Out of these natural thoroughbred trotters have come
our great road horses.’ ”—G-alamy, March, 1869.

We must remind the reader that we are not now attempting to lay
down the law for human propagation, but only to give a clear idea of
the methods pursued by animal-breeders. Perhaps reasons may be
found for treating man exceptionally; and possibly the breeders have
not yet found the very best way of treating animals. However these
things may be, our present business is to exhibit without disguise or
suppression the processes by which animals are being perfected; and
for this purpose we ask some further attention to the principle of
selecting males, and the physiological facts upon which that principle
is founded.
In the propagation of any race, of course two things must be kept
in view, viz., Quantity and Quality—increase of numbers and increase
of value. And it will be seen from what we have stated above, in
regard to the difference between the sexes as to the power of reproduc­
tion, that the function of the female bears a special relation to the in­
crease of numbers, and that of tlie male to increase of value. To sim­
plify the matter, suppose we have a hundred males and a hundred
females to breed from. Now it is evident that in order to produce the

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greatest number, we must keep all the females breeding up to their full
capacity. But it is not necessary to keep all the males thus breeding.
If ninety-nine of them out of the hundred were castrated, the one left
might fertilize all the germs in the hundred females, and the numbers
produced would be the same as if all the males were in full potency
and doing their best. Hence it is clear that, without diminishing the
quantity of production, we may exercise a very stringent discrimina­
tion in selecting males. The whole doctrine of the matter may be
reduced to the following general formula : The quantity of production
will be in direct proportion to the number of fertile females; and the
value produced, so far as it depends on selection, will be nearly in in­
verse proportion to the number of fertilizing males.
These are the first principles of animal breeding as it stands.
Whether and how far they will be found to be transfer able to human
generation may remain an open question. But it is best for us, at all
events, to know exactly what we are talking about when we use the
Platonian argument for scientific propagation.
Let us now look at the second precept of the animal breeders, which
requires breeding in and in. Darwin says that the object aimed at by
eminent breeders is always “to make a new strain or sub-breed, supe­
rior to anything previously existing.” This, let us observe, is quite a
different matter from general efforts to improve whole races. It is one
thing to seek in any existing race the best animals we can find to breed
from, which has always been done more or less, and which implies no
segregation; and it is another tiling to start a distinct family and keep
its blood pure by separation from the mass of its own race. It is this
last method that has produced the Ayrshires and the Shorthorns and
the Leicesters. The terms “thorough-bred,” “blooded-stock,” “pure
blood,” etc., have no meaning except as they refer to this method of
segregation. This indeed is the principal work of modern science in
propagation, as distinguished from the unsystematic improvements
made in all past ages. It deserves a distinct name, and we will take
the liberty to call it. Stirpiculture.
Now it is obvious that this method of breeding must begin with a
pair, or, at most., with a small number of chosen animals, and must
proceed by propagating exclusively, or nearly so, within its own circle.
In fact it is a return to the conditions which are generally supposed to
have existed at the beginning of all species, the human race included.
It is an attempt to create a new race by selecting a new Adam and Eve,
and separating them and their progeny from all previous races. This
process implies breeding in and in, in two senses. First there must be,
in the early stages, mating between very near relatives, as there was in
Adam’s family; and secondly, there must be, in all stages, mating be­
tween members of the same general .sfocZ; who are all related more or
less closely. This last kind of mating is properly called breeding in
and in, though it may not be incest in the human sense of the word.

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As a matter of fact it is well known that animal breeders pay very little
attention to the principles of the law of incest in any stage of their pro­
ceedings. It is even a matter of doubt and disputation among them
whether there is any harm in the closest and longest breeding between
relatives. Darwin and the best authorities among the breeders incline
to the opinion that long-continued mating of relatives, near or remote,
leads finally to weakness of constitution and infertility. But they all
agree that breeding in and in must be the general law for choice
stocks, and that whatever infusion of foreign blood may be necessary
must be altogether exceptional. And the general opinion among them
is that the necessity of infusion of foreign blood may be obviated alto­
gether by keeping several flocks of the same family in conservatories
at some distance from each other, and exchanging breeders between
them. Darwin has a long chapter on the effects of close interbreeding
and crosses, from which we quote the following specimens:
“ That evil directly follows from any degree of close interbreeding has been
denied by many persons ; but rarely by any practical breeder ; and never, as far as
I know, by one who has largely bred animals which propagate their kind quickly.
Many physiologists attribute the evil exclusively to the combination and conse­
quent increase of morbid tendencies common to both parents : that this is an active
source of mischief there can be no doubt. It is unfortunately too notorious that
men and various domestic animals endowed with a wretched constitution, and with
a strong hereditary disposition to disease, if not actually ill, are fully capable of
procreating their kind. Close interbreeding, on the other hand, induces sterility;
and this indicates something quite distinct from the augmentation of morbid ten­
dencies common to both parents. The evidence I have collected convinces me that
it is a great law of nature, that all organic beings profit from an occasional cross
with individuals not closely related to them in blood; and that, on the other hand,
long-continued close interbreeding is injurious.
* * * “ The evil consequences of long-continued close interbreeding are not
so easily recognized as the good effects from crossing, for the deterioration is
gradual. Nevertheless it is the general opinion of those who have had most expe­
rience, especially with animals which propagate quickly, that evil does inevitably
follow sooner or later, but at different rates with different animals. No doubt a
false belief may widely prevail like a superstition ; yet it is difficult to suppose that
so many acute and original observers have all been deceived at the expense of much
cost and trouble. A male animal may sometimes be paired with his daughter,
granddaughter, and so on, even for several generations, without any manifest bad
results; but the experiment has never been tried of matching brothers and sisters,
which is considered the closest form of interbreeding, for an equal number of gen­
*
erations
There is good reason to believe that by keeping the members of the

* The degrees of consanguinity, as reckoned by animal-breeders, are different
from those of either the common or the civil law. When Blackstone asks “ Why
Titius and his brother are related,” and answers, “ Because they are both derived
from the same father,” he presents but half the truth. They are related because
they are both descended from the same father u/itZ the same mother. This addition
doubles the relation, and brings them nearer to each other than they are to either
of their parents. A son has fifty per cent, of the blood of his father; but he has
one hundred per cent, of the blood of his brother; for they both have fifty per cent,
of the blood of their father and fifty per cent, of the blood of their mother, making
iu each one hundred per cent, of the same combination. Brothers having thus
absolutely the same blood, it follows that uncles have the same relation to nephews

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same family in distinct bodies, especially if exposed to somewhat different condi­
tions of life, and by occasionally crossing these families, the evil results may be
much diminished, or quite eliminated.
* * * “ With cattle there can be no doubt that extremely close interbreed­
ing may be long carried on, advantageously with respect to external characters,
and with no manifestly apparent evil as far as constitution is concerned. The same
remark is applicable to sheep. Whether these animals have gradually been ren­
dered less susceptible than others to this evil, in order to permit them to live in
herds—a habit which leads the old and vigorous males to expel all intruders, and
in consequence often to pair with their own daughters—I will not pretend to de­
cide. The case of Bake well’s Longhorns, which were closely interbred for a long
period, has often been quoted; yet Youatt says the breed ‘had acquired a delicacy
of constitution inconsistent with common management,’ and ‘ the propagation of
the species was not always certain.’ But the Shorthorns offer the most striking
case of close interbreeding ; for instance, the famous bull Favorite (who was him­
self the offspring of a half-brother and sister from Foljambe) was matched with his
own daughter, granddaughter, and great-granddaughter; so that the produce of
this last union, or the great-great-granddaughter, had
or 93.75 per cent, of the
blood of Favorite in her veins. This cow was matched with the bull Wellington,
having 62.5 per cent, of Favorite blood in his veins, and produced Clarissa; Clarissa
was matched with the bull Lancaster, having 68.75 of the same blood, and she
yielded valuable offspring. Nevertheless Collings, who reared these animals, and
was a strong advocate for close breeding, once crossed his stock with a Galloway,
and the cows from this cross realized the highest prices. Bates’s herd was esteemed
the most celebrated in the world. For thirteen years he bred most closely in and
in ; but during the next seventeen years, though he had the most exalted notion of
the value of his own stock, he thrice infused fresh blood into his herd: it is said
that he did this, not to improve the form of his animals, but on account of their
lessened fertility. Mr. Bates’s own view, as given by a celebrated breeder, was,
that ‘to breed in and infiw a bad stock was ruin and devastation; yet that the
practice may be safely followed within certain limits, when the parents so related
are descended from first-rate animals.’ We thus see that there has been extremely
close interbreeding with the Shorthorns; but Nathusius, after the most careful
study of their pedigrees, says that he can find no instance of a breeder who has
strictly followed this practice during his whole life. From this study and his own
experience, he concludes that close interbreeding is necessary to ennoble the stock ;
but that in effecting this the greatest care is necessary, on account of the tendency
to infertility and weakness.®
and nieces as that of fathers to children ; and cousins, having each fifty per cent,
of the blood of brothers, i. e., of the same blood, are in the same relation to each
other as that of half-brothers. Thus, according to the breeders’ reckoning, incest
between father and daughter is precisely the same as between uncle and niece;
and incest between half-brother and sister is the same as between cousins, and so
on.—J. H. N.
* It is worth mentioning that the finest collection of thoroughbred cattle in
America—that of Walcott and Campbell, at the New York Mills, near Utica, N. Y.
—is a herd of Shorthorns descended from these very animals bred in England by
Collings and Bates. The writer of this article has a copy of the herd-book in which
their pedigrees are given. The bull Favorite is often mentioned among their pro­
genitors ; and one of the finest of them is a descendant of the triple incest men­
tioned above. The writer has also had the pleasure of inspecting the herd, under
the polite guidance of its manager, Mr. Gibson, and can testify, as an eye-witness,
to their wonderful size and beauty. One of the cows measures twenty-eight inches
in breadth across the hips. Eleven thousand dollars have been refused for another.
Breeding in and in is still going on in this American branch of the Shorthorn
family, as it has been for many generations in the original English stock.—J. H. N.

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Ill

* * * “ With sheep there has often been long-continued interbreeding within
the limits of the same flock; but whether the nearest relations have been matched
so frequently as in the case of Shorthorn cattle, I do not know. The Messrs.
Brown, during fifty years, have never infused fresh blood into their excellent flock
of Leicesters. Since 1810 Mr. Barford has acted on the same principle with the
Foscote flock. He asserts that half a century of experience has convinced him that
when two nearly related animals are quite sound in constitution, in-and-in breed­
ing does not induce degeneracy; but he adds that he ‘ does not pride himself on
breeding from the nearest affinities.’ In France the Naz flock has been bred for
sixty years without the introduction of a single strange ram. Nevertheless, most
great breeders of sheep have protested against close interbreeding prolonged for too
great a length of time. The most celebrated of recent breeders, Jonas Webb, kept
five separate families to work on, thus ‘ retaining the requisite distance of relation­
ship between the sexes.’ ”

We have now perhaps a sufficient view of what has been done for
the lower races, and how it has been done. The laws of scientific
propagation, so far as analogy can teach them, are before us. It is time
to inquire how far and by what means these laws can be applied to
the human race.
In the first place, there can be no rational doubt that the laws of
physiology are in general the same for man as for other animals. In­
deed the most important of these laws, so far as our present subject is
concerned, has just been scientifically fastened upon man by Mr. Galton. He demonstrates that not only the physical qualities of individ­
uals and races, but their intellectual, artistic, and moral characteristics,
and even their spiritual proclivities, are as transmissible as the speed of
horses. There can be no doubt that if it were possible for men and
women to be directed in their propagation by superior beings, as ani­
mals are, or by their own sincere enthusiasm for science, the results of
suppressing the poorest and breeding from the best would be the same
for them, as for cattle and sheep. There can be no doubt that, if it
were compatible with public morality and with the proper care of
women and children, to “ give special privileges to the most exalted in­
dividuals in the perpetuation of the species,” as the English journal of
science suggested, the elevation of the human species would be as rapid
as that of any of the lower races. Indeed the difference between the
sexes in regard to the power of reproduction, which is the reason for
special selection of males, is even wider in the case of man than in that
of horses; and, though existing institutions wholly ignore it, we may
be sure that, in the nature of things, it gives man superior possibilities
of improvement of blood. Finally, there can be no doubt that by
segregating superior families, and by breeding them in and in, superior
varieties of human beings might be produced which would be compar­
able to the thoroughbreds in all the domestic races.
We have in history at least one splendid demonstration of the
powrer of segregation and breeding in and in, which goes far toward
establishing the entire parallelism between man and the lower animals
in respect to the laws of propagation. The Jews may fairly be regarded

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s

c i A' /v r ii&gt;'i c n. ft o r a &lt;.

i ti

on

as a distinct and superior variety of the human race. Here is an exhi­
bition of the interbreeding out of which that stock issued:

The curved, broken lines indicate marriages. They show that
Abraham married his sister (though she was only a half-sister, accord­
ing to Genesis xx. 12); that Nalior married his niece; that Isaac mar­
ried the daughter of his cousin, Bethuel, who also was son of Milcah,
another cousin ; that Lot, the progenitor of Ruth, who was a progeni­
tress of David and Christ, propagated by his own daughter; that Jacob
married two of his first cousins on his mother’s side, who were also the
granddaughters of one of his father’s cousins, and great-granddaughters
of another; that Bethuel was grandson of Terah by his father, and
great-grandson by his mother; that Rebecca and Laban, the children
of Bethuel, could thus trace their lineage to Terah by two lines, i. e.,
through Nahor and Haran; that Isaac could trace his lineage to Terah
by two other lines, i. e., through Abraham and Sarah ; and conse­
quently that Jacob, the child of Isaac and Rebecca, could trace his
lineage to Terah through four lines, i. e., through all four of Terah’s
children. \
These probably are not half the connections that actually existed
between the first generations of the Jewish stock. We are not in­
formed where Haran, Bethuel, Lot, and Laban got their wives ; but we
may presume, from the fashion of the family, that they found them, or
some of them, within the circle of their own kindred.
Thus it is evident that the Jewish stock was at first established by
a very complicated system of breeding in and in. Afterward Moses
made laws against marriages of relatives; but it should be observed also
that the rite of circumcision and the whole moral force of the Mosaic
economy favored segregation, and was opposed to foreign marriages.
The policy of the Jewish institutions, as seen in the times of Ezra and
Nehemiab, was as severe against marriage with the heathen as against
/'a...,,

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incest. The truth, therefore, is, that the original practice of breeding
in and in, though ultimately prohibited in reference to individual rela­
tionships, was continued and enforced on the national scale. The
Jews, as a people, have always been breeding in and in. Mating be­
tween very close relatives was necessary at the beginning, and not
necessary afterward; and so it is and must be in every development of
a new stock. As the numbers increase, close relationships can be
avoided, and yet the blood can be kept pure.
We conclude, therefore, that breeding in and in was the first and
general law of Jewish stirpiculture. At the same time it is evident
that there was an exceptional policy at work by which foreign blood
was introduced from time to time into the Jewish stock. This policy
is seen in the cases of Rahab, Ruth, Bathsheba, etc., and doubtless ex­
isted to a large extent in less notable cases that are not seen. Infusion
of the best Gentile blood has always been an important incidental of
Jewish stirpiculture.
We have, then, as the result of this historical view, two principles
contrasted and yet cooperative—breeding in and in the first law, and
foreign infusion the second; the first controlling, the second excep­
tional. These are precisely the two laws, as we have seen, that Darwin
and the cattle-breeders are promulgating. And to complete the par­
allel, we can even discern in the two widely-separated colonies of
Terah’s descendants, and the interbreeding between them in the times
of Isaac and Jacob, an arrangement exactly like the separate conserva­
tories recommended by our modern authorities to eliminate the evils of
breeding in and in. So that the essential laws of scientific propaga­
tion, as developed in animal breeding, have, in this renowned instance,
already been carried over to human beings, and have produced the
most perfect race in history.
Though it must be conceded that, in the present state of human
passions and institutions, there are many and great difficulties in the
way of our going back to the natural simplicity of the Hebrew fathers
or forward to the scientific simplicity of the cattle-breeders, yet it is
important to know and remember that these difficulties are not physio­
logical, but sentimental. As the old theologians used to say, our in­
ability to obey the law of God is not natural, but moral. We are too
selfish and sensual and ignorant to do for ourselves what we have done
for animals, and we have surrounded ourselves with institutions cor­
responding to and required by our selfishness and sensuality and igno­
rance. But for all that we need not give up the hope of better things,
at least in some far-off future. If the difficulties in our way were
natural and physiological, no amount of science or grace could ever
overcome them; but as they are only passional and institutional, we
may set the very highest standard of thorough-breeding before us as
our goal, and believe that every advance of civilization and science is
carrying us toward it.

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The advantage of holding on to our birthright of hope lies in the
fact that it keeps us in the way of free thought and free discussion.
We cannot agree with Galton that “it would be writing to no useful
purpose to discuss social arrangements that are alien and repulsive to
modern feelings,” and that we must confine our attention “ to agencies
that are actually at work.” True science does not thus wait on human
movements. We hold that the very highest premiums ought to be
offered for new social inventions favorable to the scientific propagation
of human beings. And the freest discussion of such inventions would
not necessarily involve any treason to existing society, while it would
gradually and safely prepare transitions which are inevitable.
And now,, as liege subjects of that great law which we have, been
bringing to view, and which is manifestly pressing on all men both by
analogy and by direct demonstration, we propose to set an example of
free thought and free discussion, by criticising some of the institutions
that confront that law, and by looking beyond them as far as we can
toward measures which in time to come may lead on to full obedience.
1. Undoubtedly the institution of marriage is an absolute bar to
scientific propagation. It distributes the business of procreation in a
manner similar to that of animals which pair in a wild state ; that is,
it leaves mating to be determined by a general scramble, without attempt
at scientific direction. Even if the phrenologists and scientific experts
had full power to rearrange the pairs from time to time according to
their adaptations, there would still be nothing like the systematic selec­
tion of the best and suppression of the poorest, which is perfecting the
lower animals. How much progress would the horse-breeders expect
to make if they were only at liberty to bring their animals together in
exclusive pairs ?
As we have already intimated, marriage ignores thé' great difference
between the reproductive powers of the sexes, and restricts each man,
whatever may be his potency and his value, to the amount of produc­
tion of which one woman, chosen blindly, may be capable. And while
this unnatural and unscientific restriction is theoretically equal for all,
practically it discriminates against the begt and in favor of the worst ;
for while the good man will be limited by his conscience to what the
law allows, the bad man, free from moral check, will distribute his seed
beyond the legal limits as widely as he dares. Moreover there is a
fundamental fallacy in the pet theory of the halfwayists that science
may somehow be insinuated into marriage by instructing the upper
classes how to mate judiciously. For what is gained in one quarter by
such management must be lost in another. The principle of the case
may be seen better in a small example than in a large one. Suppose
we have simply four candidates for pairing instead of four millions—
viz., a superior man and a superior woman, and an inferior man and
an inferior woman. The advocates of judicious mating would bring
about a union between the superior man and the superior woman ; and

�SCIENTIFIC

PROPAGATION.

115

this pair doubtless would have some fine children. But this arrange­
ment would also compel a union between the inferior man and the
inferior woman, and they would certainly have some very poor chil­
dren. How much would be gained on the whole by this operation,
especially if, as generally happens, the inferior pair should prove to be
most prolific ? So on the large scale, the lucky ones who get the good
mates of course leave the refuse to the unlucky ones; and the result is
simply no progress, except that of “making the rich richer, and the
poor poorer.” We are safe every way in saying that there is no possi­
bility of carrying the two precepts of scientific propagation into an in­
stitution which pretends to no discrimination, allows no suppression,
gives no more liberty to the best than to the worst, and which, in fact,
must inevitably discriminate the wrong way, so long as the inferior
classes are most prolific and least amenable to the admonitions of sci­
ence and morality.
What then ? Are we necessarily the enemies of marriage because
we say these things ? By no means. We still concede that marriage
is the best thing for man as he is. It is the glory of marriage that it
utilizes the passions of men so as to make them provide homes for
women and children. This is a prime necessity of propagation, scien­
tific or unscientific, and must be well cared for at all events, even if we
have to postpone the application of science to improvements in repro­
duction. Animals are perfected, as we said at the beginning, by atten­
tion to two things—training and blood. Thus far training, with home
as the indispensable means of training, has been necessarily the main
object of human institutions, and doubtless marriage has been the best
arrangement that could be devised for this single end. But it certainly
is not adapted to the final and superior object of improving blood.
We give marriage the credit that belongs to it, and hope it may remain
till institutions shall be devised that shall provide for both training
and blood.
2. As the general law of marriage forbids breeding from the best, so
the special law and public opinion against consanguineous marriages
forbids breeding in and in. And as there is no sure line of demarca­
tion between incest and the allowable degrees of consanguinity in mar­
riage, the tendency of high-toned moralists is generally to extend the
domain of the law of incest, and so make all approach to scientific
propagation as difficult as possible. Thus there have been movements
in various quarters within a few years to place marrying a deceased
wife’s sister under the ban of law; and the State of New Hampshire
has quite recently forbidden the marriage of first cousins as incestuous.
At the same time it must be acknowledged that an opposite tendency
has manifested itself among scientific men in Europe and in this coun­
try. The pressure of analogy from animal-breeding has led physiolo­
gists and ethnologists to re-examine the old doctrines in regard to con­
sanguineous connections, and venture on some resistance to the pre­

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SCIENTIFIC

PROPAGATION.»

vailing ideas of incest. This is done very carefully, of course, so as not
to give shocks. The most that has been attempted has been to defend
the marriages of cousins, dropping an occasional hint in extenuation
of the pairing of uncles with nieces. A memorable controversy on this
line was in progress some years ago among the savants of France, in
the course of which Dr. E. Dally read before the Anthropological
Society of Paris a learned article, entitled “ An Inquiry into Consan­
guineous Marriages and Pure Races,” which article was afterwards pub­
lished in the “Anthropological Review” of London (May, 1864), and
was pronounced “excellent” by Mr. Darwin. To show how far the
scrutiny of the old doctrines has proceeded, we extract from this article
as follows:
“ A distinguished pupil of the Paris hospitals, M. B----- , has communicated to
me a case of consanguineous marriage drawn from his own family. I here give a
copy of his note on the subject:
“ ‘ It seems, from information which has been handed down to me by my family,
relating to a period of about one hundred and fifty years (i. e., counting from the
great-grandfather of my father), that five generations have married among their
first cousins; the degree of relationship has never descended beyond the first
cousins, excepting in two cases, where the daughters of first cousins have been mar­
ried by their second cousins. These five generations have contracted a certain num­
ber of marriages which I am not able to particularize, and in which the mean num­
ber of children has been three or four. The total number of branches as direct as
collaterals has been one hundred and twenty to one hundred and forty. There has
been no idiot or deaf-mute, met with. I may add that the number of branches
is the more surprising since a great number of them have devoted themselves to a
life of celibacy, or have made religious professions.’
* * * “M. Périer has mentioned, according to M. Yvan, the beauty of the
inhabitants of the island of Reunion, who descend from a few couples only, and yet
have known how to preserve their purity of blood. Most of the French colonies,
where they are prosperous, offer the same character ; in fact, we may remark even
in France itself, isolated spots or isolated groups of individuals in the heart of a
mixed population ; there are very few travelers who have not noticed it, and this
has never been with a view of establishing their degeneracy. Among this number
are most of the little fishing villages on the coast of France, where the sailor-popu­
lation lives side by side with the agriculturists, without ever marrying among
them. Such is Pauillac (Gironde), about which my friend, Doctor Ferrier, has
written me a letter, from which I take this extract: ‘Pauillac contains one thou­
sand seven hundred inhabitants ; most of them are robust, vigorous, and well-made
sailors ; the women are renowned for their beauty aud the clearness of their com­
plexion. There is, perhaps, no other place in France where consanguineous mar­
riages are more frequent, and where the case of military exemption is more rare.’
The inhabitants of Batz are either workers in salt-pits or fens. Their hygienic con­
dition is admirable, and misery is unknown in the country. I find, besides, from
my notes, that there are very few of the inhabitants who are relatives beyond the
sixth degree; for the most part their relationship is of the third or fifth degree:
the children are numerous, and average from two to eight in each marriaga1
“ M. Subler, in a recent journey, has been able to establish the extraordinary
beauty of the inhabitants of Gaust, in the valley of Assau, in the midst of the
Pyrenees. The custom of marrying relations is so inveterate among them that,
before marrying an inhabitant of another commune, the young men of Gaust ask
permission of the chief men of the place. Our friend, M. Maximin Legrand, has
mentioned the same facts about the town of Ecuelles, near Verdun-sur-Saone : and

�SCIENTIFIC PROPAGATION.

117

I tliink I could quote a hundred, perhaps a thousand, places in France which fulfill
the same conditions.”
*

In the course of his article Dr. Dally discusses the pure races, such
as the European aristocracies and the Jews, and concludes that in
these examples vital power and beauty have been the result of close
interbreeding.
There has been quite recently a notable tendency to similar discus­
sions and conclusions among physiologists in this country; and we
have late news from England that Parliament has finally legalized the
marriage of a deceased wife’s sister. So far there is certainly a weaken­
ing of the barriers against scientific propagation.
3. Besides the general difficulties which science has to contend
with in the laws of marriage and incest, defended by the whole mass
of religionists and moralists, there are particular sects which sin against
tbe law of scientific propagation in special ways, and with a high hand.
Let us look at some of them.
The Catholic Church forbids its priests to marry. But its priests
are its best men. Therefore the Catholic Church discriminates directly
and outrageously against the laws of scientific propagation. In effect
it castrates the finest animals in its flocks. It encourages the lowest
scavenger to breed ad libitum, and forbids Father Hyacinthe to leave a
single copy of himself behind him. We join Galton in the following
invective:
“ The long period of the dark ages under which Europe has lain, is due, I
believe, in a very considerable degree to the celibacy enjoined by religious orders
on their votaries. Whenever a man or woman was possessed of a gentle nature
that fitted him or her to deeds of charity, to meditation, to literature, or to art, the
social condition of the times was such that they had no refuge elsewhere than in
the bosom of the Church. But the Church chose to preach and exact celibacy.
The consequence was that these gentle natures had no continuance, and thus, by a
policy so singularly unwise and suicidal that I am hardly able to speak of it with­
out impatience, the Church brutalized the breed of our forefathers. She acted pre­
cisely as if she had aimed at selecting the rudest portion of the community to be,
alone, the parents of future generations. She practiced the arts which breeders
would use who aimed at creating ferocious, currish, and stupid natures. No won­
der that club-law prevailed for centuries ovei’ Europe ; the wonder rather is, that
enough good remained in the veins of Europeans to enable their race to rise to its
present very moderate level of natural morality.”

The Shakers are in the same position with the Catholics. They
claim to be the noblest and purest people in the world, a sacred gene­
ration, raised by grace high above the rest of mankind; and yet, with
full powers to propagate their kind, they virtually castrate themselves,
and expend their labors and wealth on their own comfort and on mis­
begotten adopted children, leaving the production of future genera­
tions to common sinners.» Doubtless they excuse themselves by appeal­
ing to the examples of Jesus and Paul; but they wrong those martyrs
of the past. Jesus and Paul were soldiers who had not where to lay
their heads, and well they might refrain from taking women and chil­
dren into their terrible warfare. But the Shakers live in peace and

�118

SCIENTIFIC

PROPAGATION.

plenty, having the best of houses, farms and barns, and actually breed
the best of horses and cattle. So that they have no such excuse as the
early Christians had for refusing to breed men. We doubt not that
they are sinning in ignorance; but that only makes it the more our
duty to tell them that, with their large communistic conservatories,
and their material and spiritual wealth, they are just the people to take
hold of scientific propagation in earnest, and in advance of the rest of
the world; and they could not do a better thing for themselves or for
mankind than to expend the vast fund of self-denial and cross-bearing
purity which they have accumulated in celibacy on a conscientious and
persevering effort to institute among themselves the noble art of breed­
ing from the best.
It is curious to observe that while the law of scientific propagation
on the one hand thus criticises some of the holiest institutions and
sects, on the other it finds traces of good in some of the vilest forms of
existing society. For instance, polygamy, so far as the fact of obtain­
ing and supporting many wives implies that a man is superior to his
fellows, is an approximation at least to nature’s wild form of breeding
from the best, which is more than can be said of monogamic mar­
riage. Again, slavery is always more or less a system of control over
propagation; and so far as the interest of masters leads to selection,
like that practiced in animal-breeding, it tends to the elevation of the
subject race. Probably the negroes have risen in the scale of being
faster than their masters, for the same reason that horses and cattle
under man’s control rise faster than man himself. Even common
licentiousness, cursed as it is, is sometimes not without compensations
in the light of the propagative law. It is very probable that the feudal
custom which gave barons the first privilege of every marriage among
their retainers, base and oppressive though it was, actually improved
the blood of the lower classes. We see that Providence frequently
allows very superior men to be also very attractive to women, and very
licentious. Perhaps with all the immediate evil that they do to morals,
they do some good to the blood of after generations. Who can say
how much the present race of men in Connecticut owe to the number­
less adulteries and fornications of Pierrepont Edwards ? Corrupt as he
was, he must have distributed a good deal of the blood of his noble
father, Jonathan Edwards; and so we may hope the human race got a
secret profit out of him. Such are the compensations of nature and
Providence.
Dare we now look beyond present institutions to the possibilities
of the future ? We may at least point out briefly the main boundaries
of what is needed and must come. The institutions that shall at some
future time supercede marriage and its accessories, whatever may be
their details, must include certain essentials, negative and positive,
which can be foreseen now with entire certainty.
In the first place they must not lessen human liberty. Here we
touch the main point of difference between the cases of animals and

�SCIENTIFIC PROPAGATION.

119

men, and the point of difficulty for our whole problem. Animals,
under the unlimited control of man, can easily be kept apart and
brought together as science prescribes. But man as a race has no
visible superior. That fact declares that his destiny is self-government.
And in accordance with that destiny, the institutions that scientific
propagation waits for must be founded on self-government. The
liberty already won must not be diminished, but increased. If there
is to be suppression, it must not be by castration and confinement, as
in the case of animals, or even by law and public opinion, as men are
now controlled, but by the free choice of those who love science well
enough to “make themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven’s
sake.” If mating is to be brought about without regard to the senti­
mental specialities that now control it, this must be done only for those
whose liberty consists in obeying rational laws, because they love truth
more than sentimentalism.
There is another thing that the institutions of the future must not
do; they must not injure home. Here we touch another point of
difference between the cases of animals and human beings. Man has
a social nature that demands very different treatment from that of
animals. The best part of human happiness consists in sexual and
parental love, and the best part of human education consists in the
training of these passions in the school of home. That school must
not be superceded or weakened by the new arrangements, but must be
honored more than ever.
Can this be done consistently with the changes which scientific
propagation requires ? That is the hard question which science has
now to solve. We offer but a hint toward its solution. If home
could be enlarged to the scale, for instance, of the Shaker families, and
if men and women could be taught to enjoy love that stops short of
propagation, and if all could learn to love other children than their
own, there would be nothing to hinder scientific propagation in the
midst of homes far better than any that now exist. The Shakers claim
that by making the Church the unit of society, they have the best of
homes even now, without enjoying sexual and parental love in the
direct way. How much more complete might be their home-life if
they should some time heed our suggestion, to introduce home-propa­
gation in the self-denying way which science requires, and for which
their long cross-bearing has prepared them.
Something of this kind, undertaken by intelligent and conscien­
tious men, endowed with abundant wealth, and under the sanction of
government, may ultimately combine home and liberty, with scientific
propagation. And it is for such inventions as this, or others more per­
tinent and hopeful, that discussion ought to be set free, and kings and
congresses, social science societies, ethnological societies, philanthro­
pists of all kinds, and rich men who wish to dispose well of their
money, should be offering the very highest premiums.
At all events the practical difficulties of our problem must not turn

�120

SCIENTIFIC- PROPAGATION.

us away from the study and discussion of it. The great law which
Plato and Darwin and Galton are preaching, is pressing hard upon us,
and will never cease to press till we do our duty under it. And the
need of doing something' for the radical improvement of humanity is
imminent. Galton calls earnestly for a new race. Hear his appeal:
“ It seems to me most essential to the well-being of future generations, that the
average standard of ability of the present time should be raised. Civilization is a
new condition imposed upon man by the course of events, just as in the history of
geological changes new conditions have continually been imposed on different, races
of animals. They have had the effect either of modifying the nature of the races
through the process of natural selection, whenever the changes were sufficiently
slow and the race sufficiently pliant, or of destroying them altogether, when the
changes were too abrupt or the race unyielding. The number of the races of man­
kind that have been entirely destroyed under the pressure of the requirements of
an increasing civilization, reads us a terrible lesson. Probably in no former period
of the world has the destruction of the races of any animal whatever been effected
over such wide areas, and with such startling rapidity, as in the case of savage man.
In the North American continent, in the West Indian islands, in the Cape of Good
Hope, in Australia, New Zealand, and Van Diemen’s Land, the human denizens of
vast regions have been entirely swept away in the short space of three centuries,
less by the pressure of a stronger race than through the influence of a civilization
they were incapable of supporting. And we too, the foremost laborers in creating
this civilization, are beginning to show ourselves incapable of keeping pace with
our own work. The needs of centralization, communication, and culture call for
more brains and mental stamina than the average of our race possess. We are in
crying want for a greater fund of ability in all- stations of life, for neither the classes
of statesmen, philosophers, artisans, nor laborers are up to the modern complexity
of their several professions. An extended civilization like ours comprises more in­
terests than the ordinary statesmen or philosophers of our present race are capable
of dealing with, and it exacts more intelligent work than our ordinary artisans and
laborers are capable of performing. Our race is overweighted, and appears likely
to be drudged into degeneracy by demands that exceed its powers.”

In another point of view, a tremendous crisis is upon us. The
socialisms and spiritualisms which have engaged public attention in
the last thirty years seem to have weakened the very constitution of
society. Free love, easy divorce, foeticide, general licentiousness, and
scandalous law-trials in high life, are the symptoms of the times.
Many believe that marriage is dying. • Is it not remarkable that in this
state of things the loud call for scientific propagation is rising ? Is
there not a rational and even Providential connection between these
phenomena ? If the powers above are summoning us to the great en­
terprise of peopling the planet with a new race, why should not the
old institutions, which are too narrow for such an enterprise, be pass­
ing away ? The birth of the new always comes with agony and rup­
ture to the old. At all events, whether the time for the decease of
marriage has come or not, let us not doubt that it must come before
the will of God can be done on earth as it is in heaven; and let us be
ready, when it does come, to make sure that the formative idea of the
dispensation to come after it shall be nothing less than scientific
propagation.

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                <text>Place of publication: [New York]&#13;
Collation: [97]-120 p. ; 26 cm.&#13;
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                    <text>IS THERE ANY^ AXIOM OE CATTSALTTY” ?

AXXo p'tv ri tan to atnov

ovtl, aXXo S’ skilvo, avtv ov to a'irtov ovk av ttot’ tit]
atViov.^PLAT. jpferfo, 99 b.

•

A
rPHE cultivation of the Natural Sciences has advantageously
contractedsthe .meaning of the word “ Cause,” which formerly
was identified (as its derivative “Because” still is) with every answer
to the question “ Why?” and was said to lurk in the conditional
clause of every hypothetical proposition. But now, we withdraw
the word both from the logical ground of a belief (causa cognoscendl),
and from the interdependence of mathematical magnitudes (causa
essendif We do not, with Aristotle, call the premisses of a syllogism
the causes of the conclusion (An. Post. I. ii. 22), and, with Spinoza,
the essence or definition of Substance, the Cartse of its existence. And
though we say “ If two circles touch each other internally, their
centres and point of contact will be in the same straight line,” we
do not speak of the internal contact as the cause of straightness in
the uniting line. The order'of consecutive thought is expressed by
the word “ Beason.” The relations with which mathematical truth
is concerned have no origin or consecution inter se; but exist in
reciprocal interdependence, which may be traversed in various orders.
Were there only an unchanging universe, there would be, in the
modern sense, no Cause and Effect. Between “ Things,” as such,
this relation cannot exist; it requires Phenomena. It is only with

w

�IS THERE ANY “AXIOM OF CAUSALITY”?

637

the causa nascencli that we have now to do. We speak, no doubt, of
objects,—a glacier, a coal-bed, an asteroid,—being caused by this
or that; but only as having assumed their present form in time.
Change alone, however, does not suffice to give entrance to
causality. A body existing in a state of uniform rectilinear motion
would be always under change, bM the ^change would not be an
effect; nor for the body’s movement through one segment of its
course should we assign as cause its movement through the pre­
vious segment. Successive stages of continuous and unvaried change
do not constitute the relation : the two terms must be ih^edwgeneous.
There are thus two marks of an effect: .it must &lt;be; a phenomenon, and
not homogeneous with the Cause. Whatever carries these marks
obliges us to look beyond itelf; for what ? for its origin in some­
thing different. This difference might be satisfied hither by simply
another phenomenon, or by what is other than phenomenon.
I. Suppose the Cause to be ^another phenomenon; in what does the
relation between the two consist ?
1. Is it in Time-*succession ? Is habitual antecedence tantamount
to Causality ? This hypothesis is already excluded by the rule of
heterogeneity already given, for habitual antecedence, belonging
equally to successions of the like and of the unlike, makes no provi­
sion for satisfying this rule. After using up the resources of habitual
succession, we should therefore still .have to set up a .supplementary
law of Thought, that every change must be referred to something
other than its own prior stage.
2. Is it in Sequence + Heterogeneity; so that where two different,
phenomena are invariably successive in the same order,.the prior is
cause of the posterior? Not so, unless the blossoms of the almond
are the cause of its leaves; and low water the cause &lt;of high; and
the off fore leg of a horse moves his hind near one; and the fall of
the leaf is the cause of winter; and (to recur to an old example not
yet tortured to death) night the -cause of day. Successions of this
kind, constant yet independent of each other, we can conceive multi­
plied to any extent. Suppose them to be universal, so as to occupy
the whole field of observation,. There would still be laws of invari­
able order; definite rules of co-existence and succession, securing
the means of prediction; but no causality. Premonitory signs are
still something short of causes.
3. Is the shortcoming remedied by stipulating that the sequence
shall be “ unconditional” ? By decorating his “invariable antece­
dent ” with this new mark, Mr. Mill completes its promotion to the
rank of Cause. First, let us see whether we have got here a new
mark at all. When does an antecedent become invested with this
“ unconditionality ” of relation ? When upon its presence, whatever

�638

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

else may be or not be, the second phenomenon regularly happens.
Whether it has this character or not can be learned only by letting
all other conditions absent themselves by turns, and so reveal their
indifference to the result; and finding the residuary element to be
the sole constant. What we discover thus, however, is nothing but
our old acquaintance “ invariableness,” cleared by comparison with
its inconstant companions.
Or, in order to make “ uncondition­
ality” mean more than “ invariableness,” shall we insist that the
antecedent is to be the sole condition “ requisite,” on the occurrence
of which the second phenomenon is “sure to happen, ” and “ will follow
in any case ” ? How, then, am. I to know such an antecedent when
I see it ? What test do you give me of this exclusive requisiteness,
—this sureness to happen ? If it be anything else than the old
invariableness, it cannot be got out of your time-succession; but
assumes a cognition of necessity other than that of habitual sequence,
a certainty of the future other than lies in the juxtaposition of prior
and posterior. In short, it is not from foreseeing its sequel in the
future that we recognise anything as Cause; but from knowing it
as Cause that we are sure of its sequel. Either, therefore, the mark
“ unconditional?” is simply “ invariable ” over again; or else the
rule given to us is, “ Take an antecedent: see that it is invariable :
mind that nothing else is requisite: and you have the Cause ”—a pre­
scription more prudent than instructive.
It is a vain attempt, then, as Sir John Herschel remarks, “to
reason away the connection of cause and effect, and fritter it down
into the unsatisfactory^lation of habitual sequence.” (Treatise on
Ast., ch. vii.)
Yet between phenomenon and phenomenon, as occurring in time,
no other relation is observable. Three things only can we notice
about them; their resemblance or difference; their order in space;
their order in time; and scrutinise them as we may under this last
aspect, we can never (as Hume and Brown have adequately shown)
make out anything more about them than which comes first and
which next. Higher magnifying powers, new refinements of dis­
covery, may detect unsuspected intermediaries; and bisect and
re-bisect the intervals, till a pair of seeming proximates is pulverized
into a long series ; as the light of Sirius, once regarded as a simple
transaction between the star and the eye, cannot now be scientifically
described without ;ffiiany xa |phapter on undulations, and refraction,
and physiological optics, and the mental interpretation of the visual
field. But the process only introduces more terms into the conse­
cution, and reveals nothing other than consecution. Perceptive
experience and observation, then, can never, it is plain, carry us
beyond premonitory signs, laws of co-existence and succession; and

�■IS

ANY “AXIOM OF CAUSALITY"? 639

Kf, as we have maintained, these fall short of Causality, Comte is so
far right in expunging the quest of causes from the duties of
■Inductive Science, and confining it to the work of generalization,
measurement, and deductive prediction. In this he seems to me to
I be more correct than Brown and the Mills, who continue to use
the language of Causation, after it has been atrophied by reducing
it to live on “habitual sequence.”
And if premonitory signs are all that Science can find, so are they
all that Science wants. It culminates in prevision and its counter­
part, retrospection ; and in order to read truly the past and future of
the world, it is needful and it is sufficient to Know the groups of
concomitant and the order of successive phenomena. Were they
all loose from each other as sand-grains, or as soldiers filing out of
a barrack-gate, still, so long as they were regularly disposed and
regimented, we should know what’ to look for behind, before, and
around, and this would satisfy our scientific curiosity. But that
there is something else which it does not satisfy is1 plain, from our
not being content with the language of succession and premonition,
but trespassing into terms of causEion. We compel the antecedents
to profess more than antecedence. "We look on the perceptible con­
ditions as standing for an imperceptible Causality, hiding within
them or behind them. That they only represent it to our mind, and
are not identical with it, is evident from the way in which the word
“ Cause ” may be shifted about amongst them, settling now on this
condition, now on that, and again upon the aggregate of them all;
never absent, but always movable. For instance, the clock strikes
twelve: required the Cause. The answer may be,—the hands have
reached that point; or, there is a bell for the hammer to hit; or,
there is a hammer to hit the bell; or, the beats of the pendulum
keep the time; or, the iron weight gives motion to the works; or,
the earth’s attraction operates on pendulum and weight. The prin­
ciple on which we select among the conditions that which we
designate as Cause has been variously stated. It has been often said
that we pitch upon the most active element, and single it out in
disregard of the passive conditions ; but it would be a good account
of a robbery to say that the safe was not locked. Mr. Mill thinks
that we elect as cause “the proximate antecedent evMf’ rather than
any antecedent state. And it is, he says, in ordrl^ to indulge this
tendency, and escape the necessity of admitting permanent things,
like the earth, into the list of caus'es, that we have set up the
“ logical fictions ’ of “ Force ” and “ Attraction," and stowed them
away into the earth, to execute for us any jerks and pulls that we
may require; for so I understand the statement, that we represent
to ourselves the “ attraction ” of the earth “ as exhausted by each
effort, and therefore constituting at each successive instant a fresh
vol. xiv.
uu

�640

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

fact, simultaneous with, or only immediately preceding, the effect/’
(Log., B. III., ch. v., s. 3.) This bold attempt to reclaim the pro-l
vince of dynamical language for the successional theory of causation
seems to me to belong to the class of “ heroic remedies,” getting
over a difficulty by adopting it, and formulating it as an advantage.
Surely the earth’s “ attraction ” is held to be no less “ permanent ”
than the earth itself; and the spasmodic conception of it, as put
forth per saltuni wherever it has some new thing to do, is a pecu­
liarity of Mr. Mill’s imagination. To the idea of “Force ” we resort,
not to break down but tojfgpin persistency, and fill the measure of
power fully up to the durability of matter ; so that, instead of being
an escape into the phenomenal theory of Causality, it is precisely our
method of deliverance, from it.
To avoid the difficulty of singling out a cause from among the
conditions, it is now usual^o take them all in the aggregate, and to
deny causality to anything short of the whole. This conception, in
which Mr. Mill rests, is due to Hobbes, who says :—“ When we seek
after the Cause of any propounded effect, we must in the first place
get into ouF mind an exact notion or idea of that which we call
Cause, viz., that a cause is the sum or aggregate of all such acci­
dents, both in the agent and the patient, as concur to the producing
of the effect propounded; all which existing together, it cannot be
understood but that the effect existed with them ; or that it can
possibly exist, if any one of them be absent.” (Elem. Phil., P. I.,
ch. vi., s. 10.) However well this definition may work for the pur­
poses of natural science, it does not satisfy the psychological condi­
tion of saying what
mean by “ Obtuse,” and why we habitually
distinguish between atr/a and aXvaeria, and refuse to put the members
of the “ aggregate ” upon a level. Is it not thus ? In asking for a
Cause, we ask always an a&amp;ma^^Muestion——why Z7w‘s phenomenon
rather than that—why some, phenomenon rather than none : and
whatever it be that upsets th® equilibrium of conditions and turns
the scale of this alternative is selected by us as the Cause. As the
two members are not explicitly stated, the positive phenomenon
inquired about may, in different hearers, undergo comparison with a
different suppressed term ; and hence they will not all alight upon
the same condition as the cause. Why does the clock strike twelve
(rather than eleven)!’ because the hands have just reached that point:
(rather than not strike) ? because of the hammer and bell: (rather
than not go at all) ? because of the pendulum and weight. I believe
that this principle gives an adequate account of the apparently
random selection of a cause from among a host of indispensable con­
ditions.
No phenomena, however, whether thus divided or left in the group,
can pass beyond the rank of premonitory signs, or give us more than

�gZA fTHERE ANY “AXIOM OF CAUSALITY”? 641

the nidus of Causality, inasmuch as they disclose nothing but their
order; and by causality we mean more than order.
II. The required heterogeneity, then, of Effect and Cause must be
sought on the remaining side of the alternative; the Cause, not being
another phenomenon, must be other than phenomenon, i.e., “ Noumenon,” or entity given by the very make of the intellect itself. The
axiom, ‘‘Every phenomenon has a cause,” instead of meaning,
“Every phenomenon invariably succeeds anothei' phenomenon,”
really means, “ Every phenomenon springs from something other
than phenomenon.” That this, is a true account of the law of thought
appears :—
1. From its a priori character. This character it plainly has.
For how can the causal law be inductively gathered by experience,
when it is the incunabula of experience itself, the condition of the very
scene in which we gain it ? The external world springs up for us
simply in answer to our intellectual demand for a Cause of our sensa­
tions ; which, apart from that demand, could never present them­
selves to us as effects, with counterparts elsewhere in space. Why,
but for this primary law, should we want any exit from our own im­
mediate states ? Why not take them as they come, stop with them
where they are, and let them weave their tissue upon the inner walls ?
Moreover, as Helmholz has observed, there’rf’is a clear indication of
the logical character of the causal law in this—that no experience
is of the least avail to refute it. We often have occasion to discharge
our long-established explanations of phenomena; but however often
baffled, we can never raise the question whether perhaps they are
without cause. In this persistency of search, however, there are, I
think, two distinct beliefs involved—one, in the 'uniformity of
nature; the other, in the derivative origin of phenomena. These, I
think, are not on the same footing. Of the former, Mr. Mill’s
inductive explanation seems to be sufficient; and it might perhaps
be unlearned in such a world as he supposes, where all uniformity
should be broken up. But the second belief would, I conceive,
survive such experience; nor is there any tendency in the apparent
lawlessness of phenomena to make us think that' they issue from no
power. Of these two beliefs—often confounded together—if is the
second alone which I designate as the principle of Causality, and claim
as an axiom a priori. It has nothing to do with the consecution of
phenomena. Amid order or disorder, we equally regard them as
the outcome of power. The other belief-^-not in causation, but in
premonitions—can only be copied from the successions which it
attests, and it would be absurd to suppose that if their uniformity
were broken up, the mind would be driven by intuitive necessity to
rely upon it when it was gone.
If the principle of Causality is an d priori intellectual law, the

�642

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

“ Cause ” which, it obliges us to think will naturally be, not pheno­
menon, but noumenon.
2. From the indispensableness of Dynamical language for the
proper expression of causal relations, and the confessed impossibility
of translating the literature of science into terms of mere co-existence
and succession among phenomena. The very writers who most
rigorously limit us to laws of uniformity—Comte and Mill—are
obliged, no less than others, t® speak the dialect of “Forceand in
a single page I find the litter recognising “the action of forces,
“ the propagation of influences,” “ instantaneous ” and “ continuous
forces,” “ centres of force ” (Log., B. III., ch. v., s. 1); while the
former, falling in with the phraseology of physical astronomy, tells
how the equilibrium of the solarsystem is the “necessary conse­
quence of gravitation 5” atod, in his anthropological exposition, assures
us that, in force and intensity, each lower principle has the advan­
tage over the higher. What is this idea of “ Force ” still clinging
to those who insist^ that “ alOii we know is phenomena”? Hume,
admitting that we hav-e it, treated it as a figment of customary
association,.-—-a subjective nexus of ideas turned into an illusory
objective bond. The mere recent representatives of his doctrine
deny that such phrases are more than a shorthand compend for
invariable succession, or carry any other meaning to the mind.
This construction Of the phrases is assisted by the fact that Force is
inconceivable without gradations, while Succession is inconceivable
with them : and the difference between the more and the less, the
difficult and the easy, the intense and the remiss, which intelligibly
enters into dynamical facts, brings only nonsense to the relation of
Prior and Posterior. Another device for recalling “ Force ” into the
Time-field is to define it as “ Tendency to Motion.” Motion I know
as a phenomenon j but what sort of phenomenon is the “ Tendency ” ?
If it is outwardly there at all, is it anything else than just the
dynamical element which it tries to expel ? The only way of con­
struing it in harmony with the theory is to treat it as not outwardly
there, but as intimating our belief that, under certain supposed
conditions, there would.be motion. This subjective interpretation
puts into the language a meaning which will work; only it is not
our meaning; for We intend to assert something, not about our
hypothetical beliefs, but about the bodies outside us. And it is
incumbent on one who accepts the construction to explain the
objective character of the language, and why it is that, without
mistake of phrase, we mean one thing, and ought to mean another ?
On the whole, the language of Agency, with its measures of intensity,
could never have sprung from an experience limited to successions.
Laws of order are not yet causes ; and if we know anything of causes,
we know more than Laws.

�IS THERE ANY 11AXIOM OF CAUSALITY"? 643
The axiom, then, stands, that “Every phenomenon springs from
something other than phenomenon
and this TVoz/menon is Power.
III. It remains to find the form in which it is given to us.
1. The cognition of an external world is the most conspicuous
primary application of the Causal law. In virtue of this law the
understanding sets up in space before it the Cause of what is felt in
the organs of Sense, and effects the transition from Sensation to
Perception. In sensation itself there is nothing objective; and that
we ever escape beyond our skin is due to the intellectual intuitions
of Space, Time, and Causality. Physiologically, not less than psycho­
logically, it seems, the distinction is marked between mere sense and
perception. Flourens attests that the removal of a tubercle will
destroy visual sensation; the retina becomes insensible, the iris
immovable. The removal of a cerebral lobe leaves undisturbed the
visual sensation, the sensibility of the retina, the contractibility of
the iris; but it destroys perception. (De la Vie et de V Intelligence,
2me Edit., p. 49.) Objectivity, then, is given to us by the Causal
law, and is not itself a phenomenon, but the construction which the
Understanding puts upon phenomena.
2. ’ Mere objectivity, however, or external existence, would still
not appear in the form of Power, were it not introduced to us as the
antithetic term (the non-Ego) to our own personality (the Ego).
Two functions, fundamentally contrary, co-exist in our nature ;—a
sensitive receptivity, in virtue of which we are the theatre of
feelings;—and a spontaneous activity, in virtue of which we expend
energy and effect movements. These are contraries, as taking
opposite lines of direction; to the centre and from the centre; the
initiative abroad, and the initiative at home; sensation arriving
without notice, and sensation earned by executive act signalled from
within. In the crossing lines of these functions do we first find
ourselves, and, as distinguished from ourselves, the objective world.
Had we only the passive receptivity, we should not have sensations,
but be sensations; we should feel,'without knowing that we feel.
But with the exercise of living force or will, the self-consciousness
arises; balanced, in the encounter with limitation and impediment,
by the recognition of something other than self. This pair of
existences becomes known to us merely in relation and antithesis :
in whatever capacity we apprehend the one, in the same must we
oppose to it the other. Now, in putting forth our Will (using the
word for the whole activity which may become voluntary), we
certainly know the Self as Force; we get behind the phenomena
which we produce, and are let into the secret of their origin in a way
which we should miss if we only looked upon them. In other words,
we know ourselves as Cause of them. In this same capacity, then
i.e., dynamically, is the other than Self, known as our own opposite

�644

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

and the universe falls into Causal polarity, in which the outer sphere
is hut the complement of our own Power. Concurrent with this
dynamical antithesis is the geometrical or local antithesis by which
the Ego is known as here, and the non-Ego as there, and whatever is
foreign to ourselves is planted out as external to ourselves. In virtue
of the inseparable union of these two antitheses, as factors of Percep­
tion, Objectivity and Causality necessarily blend in our outer world;
and we cannot separate Matter from Force, or Force from Matter.
The use frequently made of the “ Muscular Sense ” to explain our
introduction to the outer world is unsatisfactory, because the muscular
feelings occur during the delivery of the act, and happen to us just
like the passive feelings of any other sensed whilst the Causal nisus
issues the act, and may perform it, though, through sensory paralysis,
the muscles do not feel at all. ?
Mr. Mill denies our self-knowledge of Causality, on the ground
that, prior to experience, we have no foresight of what we can do.
The question is not whether we can foresee, but whether we can try ;
and whether the putting forth of force, with or without success, is an
experience sui generis. Frustration, from want of foresight, is indeed
an important part of the lesson by which we learn the meaning of
Can and Cannot.
It is, then, under the form of Will that we are introduced to
Causality; and the axiom resolves itself into the proposition, “ Every
phenomenon springs from a Will.” The universe, it is admitted,
appears to men in simple times, to young eyes still, to poets in all
times, as Living Objective Will. But it is supposed that, with the
aids of Science, we learn something better. And certainly we do
learn to discharge the host of invisible powers once distributed
through the world, and, as Law flings its arms more wide, to fuse
the multiform life of nature into One. But no fresh way of access
to the cognition of Power is opened to us. We have to reach it
through the same representative typer and to this hour it has no
meaning to us except what we take from Will. The scientific idea
of Force is nothing but Will cut down, by dropping from it some
characters which are irrelevant for the purposes of classification and
prediction. The idea of Will is not arrived at by the addition of
Force + Purpose ; but that of Force is arrived at by the subtraction
of Will — Purpose. Such artificial abstractions supply a notation
highly serviceable for the prosecution of phenomenal knowledge,
but they can gain no authority against the original intuition on
which they work, and to which they owe their own validity. The
necessity may be disguised, but can never be escaped, of interpreting
the universe by man.
James Martineau.

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                    <text>75

Art.

V.—Shelley.

The Poetical Works of Percy Bysshe Shelley. A revised Text,
with Notes and a Memoir. By W. M. Rossetti. . 2 vols.
Moxon and Co. 1870.

rpHE connexion of Mr W. M. Rossetti's name with a Memoir of
I Shellev and an edition of his works, is a sufficient guarantee
of the impartiality and thoroughness with which these tasks have
been respectively accomplished. There was ample scope for Mr.
Rossetti’s labours in both departments ; indeed, it is not too much
to say that it has been reserved for him to make the first serious
attempt either at a complete biography or a correct text.. This is
in itself no slight distinction; the intelligence, ingenuity, and
industry he has displayed in it are more commendable still; but
the spirit of affectionate enthusiasm in which he has wrought is
best of all, and will insure him the sincere sympathy of all
admirers of Shelley, independently of any estimate which may
be formed of the actual value of his work.
All biographies of Shelley have hitherto been of a fragmentary
character, either from their partial and limited scope, as those
of Trelawny, Hogg, and Peacock; or from their desultoriness,
as the Shelley Memorials; or from imperfect information,
as the narratives of Medwin and Middleton. Of the latter it
is not necessary to say much. Med win’s incredible heedless­
ness and blundering have destroyed the authenticity, and con­
sequently the value of excellent materials. Mr. Middleton’s work
is written in an admirable spirit; but in all other respects what
Medwin’s is to a good book it is to Medwin’s. The Shelley
Memorials contain many documents of the highest interest and
much intelligent literary criticism. They answered their pur­
pose, more could not be required. Mr. Peacock’s notes also, we
suppose, answered their purpose, together with another not con­
templated by the writer—that of demonstrating his entire in­
capacity to understand the man in whose intimacy he had spent
so many years. Notwithstanding, however, the cold and unin­
viting character of Mr. Peacock’s reminiscences, and the serious
misrepresentations which they have been shown to contain, he
deserves our thanks for having preserved some interesting par­
ticulars which would otherwise have been forgotten, and the
precision of his style offers some amends for his singular deficiency
in graphic power. We may dwell somewhat more fully on the
works of Mr. Jefferson Hogg and Captain Trelawny, as it is to
these that we at least are indebted for our most vivid impres-

�76

Shelley.

sions of the poet's personality. Mr. Hogg, besides his unques­
tionable power as a raconteur, was well fitted for his task from
his college friendship with Shelley, and the intimacy he continued
to maintain with him until his final departure from England.
We therefore carry away from the perusal of his book, in which
he d wells with infinite gusto on the minute traits of his immortal
friend, a lively picture of the wild yet gracious figure of the poet
in his youth. Fet whatever our enjoyment of the sparkle of
anecdote and humour, whose quaint brilliancy imparts such a
charm to these pages, we cannot help thinking that Mr. Hogg
mistook one matter of essential importance—the style and man­
ner in which it became him to write of such a man as Shelley.
His keen appreciation of the ludicrous was evidently too strong
a temptation to be resisted, and has thrown an air of grotesque­
ness over his entire work. Another point on which the world has
found it difficult to sympathize with him, is his palpably honest
conviction that the life of Thomas Jefferson Hogg was only
second, if second, in importance to that of Percy Bysshe Shelley
himself. It is almost ungracious to quarrel with irrelevancies
which have afforded us such hearty amusement; but we must
repeat that amusement, although a good thing in itself, is, when
intruded into a biography of Shelley, a good thing out of its
proper place. We believe, however, that his fault was not a want
of love but a lack of imaginative power and keen insight, which
misled him to fasten on the momentary and accidental, instead
of penetrating into the deep and eternal parts of the poet’s
nature.
The other work, which is indeed a mere sketch, but to which
we are most truly indebted for fresh and graphic delineations of
Shelley, is Captain Trelawny’s “ Recollections of the Last Days
of Shelley and Byron,” which, unfortunately for all lovers of
Shelley, scarcely extends over more than the last six months of
the poet’s life. But it bears on every page the impress of love
and sincerity, and possesses at the same time the rare power of
conveying in the simplest language pictures that bear stamped
on them the seal of the most unmistakable reality. The descrip­
tion, for example, of his first meeting with Shelley is inimitable
in its way; but as Mr. Rossetti has wisely incorporated it in
Trelawny’s own words into his Memoir, we refrain from quotiug
it here. But, indeed, the book is full of passages where one
catches no less delightful glimpses of the poet’s ways, while every­
where, even in the most trifling anecdote, we are kept aware of
the fact that we are brought into closer contact with a higher, a
truly godlike nature. One cause of Captain Trelawny’s supe­
riority as a biographer to Shelley’s other friends may probably
be found in the more favourable circumstances under which he

�Shelley.

•

77

approached him in the first instance. Mr. Hogg and Mr. Peacock
made Shelley’s acquaintance when he was young and undistin­
guished | they associated with him on a footing of entire equality,
had obviously no conception of his superiority, and spent the
rest of their lives in finding it out, if indeed they ever attained
to this knowledge at all. Captain Trelawny tells us that he was
led to seek Shelley’s acquaintance by the report of his genius,
his adventurous history, and his unlikeness to the mass of men.
Availing himself of all these scattered materials, as well as of
a number of new and interesting particulars obtained from inde­
pendent sources of information, Mr. Rossetti has for the first
time combined them into a symmetrical whole. And great praise
indeed is due to him for the clear and methodical arrangement
and the straightforward manly tone of his Memoir, which, far
from being a mere compilation, is a substantial and independent
work, bearing the clear impress of the writer’s powerful indi­
viduality» In order, however, to form a correct estimate of Mr.
Rossetti’s Memoir, we should make it clear to ourselves what task
it was he really aimed at accomplishing, and whether he has
accomplished this. He states so plainly that the end he had
in view was to sift and authenticate the extant mass of material
as a contribution towards the systematizing of a “ Life of
Shelley/* that it would be a wilful misrepresentation of the whole
scope of his work to measure it by a standard at which it never
aimed. The condensed scheme on which Mr. Rossetti’s Life had
necessarily to be written has probably made it impossible for him
to enter more deeply into the poet’s character; this drawback,
however, is partly compensated by the resulting compression of
matter and nervousness of style. We confess that in our judg­
ment a more vivid picture of the poet’s individuality might have
been obtained if the illustrative anecdotes, instead of being all
massed together in one section, had been distributed over the
whole extent of the Life in the natural order of their occurrence.
We think that by these means a certain local colour would have
been obtained, and greater life and motion imparted to the flow
of the narrative. We question also the desirability, taking of
course the necessary brevity of the Memoir into consideration, of
devoting bo large a portion of the allotted space to Shelley’s
views on Art, while rather hurrying over his opinions on religion
and philosophy, and also perhaps thereby curtailing the writer’s
own criticism on Shelley’s poems.
Our account of Mr. Rossetti’s edition would be very incom­
plete without some notice of what forms, after all, its distin­
guishing feature, and will always render its appearance an era
in the history of Shelley’s writings. We allude to its character
as the first critical edition of the poet’s works. Respecting the

�78

Shelley.

need of such a revision there has been but one opinion among
the students of Shelley, whose impatience at the frequently
marred and mangled condition of the text has borne a tolerably
fair proportion to their capacity for the apprehension of its
beauties It will suffice to cite the testimony of the late Pro­
fessor Craik, of Mr. F. T. Palgrave, and of Mr. Swinburne.
Several partial attempts—among which special recognition is
due to the ingenious emendations of Mr. F. G. Fleay—had pre­
viously been made to remedy the defects unmistakably indi­
cated ; but to Mr. Rossetti belongs the honour of having first
grappled with the task as a whole. His task has in the main
been exceedingly well performed. His edition is a monument of
unwearied assiduity, of vigilant attention to the minutest detail.
Such labour is the indispensable condition of correctness; but it
needed an interest in his author passing the ordinary love of
editors to enable Mr. Rossetti to spare so much time from the
brilliant but precarious feats of conjectural emendation for the
humbler, but not less essential scrutiny of punctuation and
orthography, and the rectification of annoying grammatical negli­
gences. His services in the former department are inestimable,
and it is only to be regretted that they must necessarily elude
the recognition of all but the most critical readers. The amend­
ment of Shelley's careless grammar is a more delicate matter;
but we are disposed to think that Mr. Rossetti has not exceeded
the latitude which may be fairly claimed by an editor of clear
judgment, and fully exempt from the taint of hypercriticism. As
regards the several arrangement of the volumes, we are only
disposed to regret (and we cannot help regretting strongly) the
dislocation occasioned by the removal of several of the most
important poems to the appendix of fragments. Not only is
their effectiveness greatly impaired by their juxtaposition with
fugitive and imperfect snatches of verse, but the parts of the
collection from which they have been removed appear impove­
rished by their absence. The more we are enabled to regard
Shelley’s pieces as so many passages of one grand poem—the
poetical interpretation of a life—the more we must regret such
interruptions of the sequence of his thought.
As an emendator, Mr. Rossetti has two main resources—
collation with the original editions and conjecture. The first
has assisted him to some admirable corrections ; as, for instance,
the restoration of the vivid and Shelleian word ruining, in
a passage of “ Alastor,” which since the first edition has always
been printed “ Wave running on wave.” As a conjectural
corrector Mr. Rossetti has not always been equally successful,
and we shall be able to show that many of his most plausible
suggestions are unfounded ; but fortunately these have usually

�Shelley.

79

remained in the state of suggestions, and have not been incorpo­
rated with the text. To no man was ever less applicable,
indeed, Dryden’s shrewd criticism on critics, that they study
rather to display themselves than to explain their authors. Mr.
Rossetti seldom scruples without some reasonable ground; and
if in many instances his scruples are needless, there are many
others where they have been called forth by a real corruption,
which he has instinctively felt without seeing how to remove it.
In other instances his corrections are brilliant and indisputable,
as in stanza vi. of the dedication of the “ Revolt of Islam,”
where the lines—
“ Which crushed and withered mine, that could not be
Aught but a lifeless clog, until revived by thee,”

are themselves marvellously “revived” by the simple substitution
of clod.
We would gladly have dwelt longer on Mr. Rossetti’s charac­
teristics as an editor, but we must pass on to the contribution
which we are ourselves enabled to offer to the improvement of
Shelley’s text, a contribution which we can bring forward without
misgiving, inasmuch as it is derived from the only infallible source
of information, the original MSS. themselves. These documents,
M students of Shelley are aware, were examined by Mr. Garnett
in 1862, with the result of the discovery of ninety pages of pre­
viously unknown matter printed in that gentleman’s valuable
Relics of Shelley,” as well as not a little more, which now
appears for the first time in Mr. Rossetti’s edition. From various
circumstances, however, the examination was in some respects
Cursory, and more was done for the enrichment than for the
correction of the text, although some very interesting emendations
were made, such as “ might” and “ earth,” for “ light” and “ air”
in the first stanza of the lines written at Naples. We must
here express how deeply we are indebted to Mr. Garnett, and
to the liberality of Shelley’s representatives, in now being able to
offer, the results of a more minute examination made since the
publication of the recent edition. A few words must suffice to
explain why this examination has proved less productive than
might have been hoped. Shelley’s MSS. may, from our present
point of view, be divided into two classes—those of poems pub­
lished during his lifetime, and of poems published after his
death. The former, although a great part of the “ Prometheus”
is fortunately an exception, have in general shared the usual
fate of MSS. sent to the printer—they have been disregarded,
as chrysalis cases for which no man concerns himself after the
emergence of their Psyche. The rough drafts of these poems,
indeed, are extant in many instances, but except where the printed

�so

Shelley.

text is evidently faulty, it would manifestly be unsafe to unsettle it
on their authority. On the other hand, the second class of MSS.,
with a few exceptions, such as the “ Witch of Atlas,” exists solely
in the form of rough drafts, usually written three or four times over,
and in these instances perpetually at variance with each other.
It would be easy to fill pages with such variations, but in all
such cases, as it appears to us, the presumption is in favour of the
received reading, which probably was not adopted without good
authority, perhaps that of some more perfect copy now lost. Thus
for example, we should hesitate to substitute Cl innocent heaven*
for “serene heaven/’ in the “ Ode to Naples/’ although the variad
tion is entitled to great respect from the beautiful condition of the
copy, and from this being the only one which contains the two
“ introductory epodes” as Shelley unclassically styles them—a
circumstance of great interest, as it shows that these exquisitely
beautiful stanzas were an afterthought. The inspection of two
pieces, however, has been fruitful of results, though on opposite
accounts—that of the “ Letter to Maria Gisborne” from the
perfect, that of the “ Triumph of Life” from the chaotic cha­
racter of the original MS. The examination of the “ Prome­
theus” has also led to the correction of several errors which had
insinuated themselves from the necessity of entrusting the cor­
rection of the proofs to others. Several alterations in the minor
poems, generally of much interest, may also be regarded as
indisputable, and as such entitled to a place here. Finally, we
shall enumerate the instances in which emendations proposed by
Mr. Rossetti, or mentioned in his notes, have not been confirmed
upon an appeal to the original. Our references are in all cases
made to his edition.
Vol. I.
Prometheus Unbound, p. 317, 1. 21.—“And gnash beside
the streams of fire, and wail Your foodless teeth.” The punctua­
tion is faulty. In the original, which is always carefully punc-i
tuated, there is a comma after gnash and wail respectively, but
not after fire, showing that wail is here not a verb but a sub­
stantive. The allusion is to the two infernal streams, Phlegethon
and Cocytus. P. 327, at bottom, for silent footsteps read
killing. P. 330, stage direction at the beginning of act ii.,
for lonely read lovely. P. 333, 1. 29, for morn read moon. P.
337, 1. 6, the much queried lake-surrounded is correct,
though not very intelligible. P. 337, 1. 18, “And wakes the
destined soft emotion.” The sense has hitherto been obscured
by the erroneous punctuation. Destined ought to be followed
by a full stop. L. 21, for streams read steams. P. 338, 1. 15,
for on read in. P. 372, 1. 25, “Radiance and light,” read life,
avoiding the tautology.

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Vol. II.
Letter to Maria Gisborne, p. 245, 1. 9, for philosophic read
\ philanthropic, as already acutely conjectured by Mr. Rossetti.
L. 18, 1‘ Which fishes found under the utmost crag,” read
fishers, one of the most striking examples conceivable of
the wonderful way in which the most trifling modification will
Sometimes convert nonsense into sense. An almost equally re­
markable instance is afforded by the first line on the following
page, “ Reply to them in lava-cry, halloo,” where the sense has
been utterly perverted by placing a hyphen instead of a comma
between lava and cry. The earthquake demons do not reply
to the gnomes’ toast in lava-cries, but in lava itself, a more
congenial beverage. Same page, L 24, for green read queer.
P. 247, four lines from bottom, for know read knew. P. 248, at
top, for acting read citing. P. 249, 1. 12, the celebrated pas­
sage on Godwin has been tampered with. It originally read—•
“ That which was Godwin, greater none than he
Though fallen and fallen on evil times, to stand.”

Consideration for Godwin evidently dictated an alteration which
in justice to Shelley should now be revoked. Same page, three
lines from bottom, for said read read. The blanks on p. 251,
1» 80, should be filled with the names of Hogg, Peacock, and
Smith. That on p. 252, 1. 10, is unfortunately irretrievable.
Triumph of Life, p. 397, eight lines from the bottom,
toursued or spurned the shadows, read shunned. Last line, for
wiocZ lawn-interspersed, read wood-lawns interspersed. P. 899,
1. 8, for thunders read thunder. L. 6, for meet read greet. P.
400, 1. 16, supply while before “the shock.” P. 401, 1. 24, for
sentiment read nutriment. P. 403, eight lines from bottom,
&gt;fill up the chasm thus:—
“ Even as the deeds of others, not as theirs,
And then------”

P. 404, 1. 8, for comest read earnest. L. 23, for years dawn
read season. Same page, three lines from bottom, for her read
the. P. 406, first line, “ out of the deep cavern, with palms so
tender, omit out, and insert and before with. L. 3, omit the.
K 17, for to read in. P. 409,1. 7, “ The words of hate and care,”
for care read awe, thus negativing the ingenious correction of
words into world, proposed by Mr. Rossetti, which we had re­
warded as nearly certain, and which still appears to us more
beautiful both in sense and music. Same page, 1. 18, for vale
read isle. The correction is significant from the fact that these
countless swarms of bats are found in the Indian Archipelago,
not upon the continent. The idea was probably suggested to
[Vol. XCIV. No. CLXXXV.J—New Series, Vol. XXXVIII. No. I.
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Shelley by Trelawny’s narratives of his adventures in these
regions. L. 29, for rode like demons read sate like vultures.
P. 410, seven lines from the bottom, for wrapped read wrought.
Mr. Rossetti had divined an error, which he proposed to amend
by reading shaped or warped.
How wonderfully Shelley usually improved on his first drafts
is again shown by the commencement of the “ Triumph of Life,”
which originally stood as follows :—
“ Out of the eastern shadow of the earth
Amid the clouds upon its margin grey,
Scattered by night to swathe in its bright birth
In gold and fleecy snow the infant Day,
The glorious Sun arose, beneath his light
The earth and all.”

As it now stands the Introduction to the “ Triumph of Life”
is one of the most highly wrought and perfect passages we know
in poetry.
Translation from Faust, p. 494, stage direction, Faust
dances and sings with a girl. The song is as follows :—
Faust.

“ I had once a lovely dream
In which I saw an apple tree,
Where two fair apples with their gleam
To climb and taste attracted me.”
The Gibe.

. “ She with apples you desired
From Paradise came long ago :
With you I feel that if required,
Such still within my garden grow.”

Same page, three lines from the bottom, “ Are we so wise, and
is the pond still haunted ?” This is an absurd mistranslation of
the original, “Wir sind so klug, und dennoch spukt’s in
Tegel,” the allusion being to the recent apparition of a spectre
in the hamlet of Tegel, to the scandal of enlightened persons.
The blunder is not, however, attributable to Shelley, who, not
knowing what Tegel meant, left a blank in consequence, but to
the person who published his MS. in the Liberal.
Miscellaneous corrections. Julian and Maddalo, vol. i.
p. 290, 1. 14. For dales read vales, the word employed by
Milton in the passage referred to—Lines to Misery, st. x. 1. 2.
The rough draft has lovers instead of shadows, which having
been also in Med win’s copy, and being, as Mr. Rossetti justly
observes, more uncommon and poetical, should we think be
adopted. Lines to an Indian Air, vol. ii. p. 210, 1. 9, in what
is to all appearance the last written of the many drafts of this

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divine song, the words “champak odours” are distinctly altered
into “odours of my chaplet.” The alteration is startling, and we
confess our preference for the poem as it stood in the older
edition. Although it makes the line agree more formally in
metre with the corresponding verses of the other two stanzas,
yet it loses that subtle musical charm which it previously
possessed.
[ The Question, p. 225. The line hitherto missing from the
second stanza of that exquisite poem is, “ Like a child, half in
tenderness and mirth.” Mutability, p. 272, 1. 9, for too read
Aow. Prince Athanase, last line, p. 307, for frame read flame.
Otho, p. 309, 1. 20, for buy read bring, instead of wring, as
'ingeniously surmised by Mr. Rossetti. On Keats, p. 351, 1. 2,
for montldess read prfniZess, omitting and. Evening, p. 358,
1. 8, for enormous read cinereous. Fragment of an unfinished
Drama, p. 358,1. 27, for spring read spray. Cyclops, p. 447,
1. 23, insert “ to be” after “ not,” as suggested by Mr. Rossetti.
Epigram from, Plato, p. 457, 1. 5, for does read doth. Pan
awl Echo, p. 458, 1. 14, omit the.
Besides those already mentioned, the following emendations,
proposed by Mr. Rossetti, or adverted to in his notes, are nega­
tived by the evidence of the MS., vol. i. p. 257, 1. 10, there for
¿free. ‘ P. 314, eight lines from bottom, ghostly for ghastly.
P. 327, 1. 10, bestrewn for between. P. 365, 1. 3, obscure for
o&amp;scene. Vol. ii. p. 210, 1. 9, pine for fail. P. 247, 1. 25, age
for eye. P. 449, 1. 20, manoeuvre for measure. Dr. Dobbin’s
ingenious suggestion of “ stony” for “ strong” in the “ Hymn to
Mercury,” st. viii. 1. 1, is confirmed by the MS.
Notwithstanding all that has been effected, the imperfections
of Shelley's MSS. still leave a not inconsiderable field open for
eoniectural emendation, and the following suggestions may
perhaps help to elucidate a few obscure readings :—
I A well-known passage in “ Alastor” (vol. i. p. 107) has occasioned
infinite perplexity to Mr. Rossetti and Mr. Swinburne. The latter
abandons it as hopeless ; the former endeavours to render it
intelligible by a change in the punctuation, according to which
it reads as follows :—
“ On every side now rose
Rocks which in unimaginable forms
Lifted their black and barren pinnacles
In the light of evening, and (its precipice
Obscuring) the ravine disclosed above.”

“ According to my punctuation,” says Mr. Rossetti, “ the state­
ment is, that there were certain rock-pinnacles which, while they
obscured the precipice (or precipitous descent) of the ravine, left
the ravine itself visible higher up.” If, however, these spires of
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rock were less elevated than the walls of the ravine, we cannot
understand how they should be “ lifted in the light of evening,”
or how they could with any propriety be termed pinnacles at all.
A pinnacle is surely the highest and not the lowest point of the
rock. But if for disclosed we read inclosed, all is plain, and
we get a beautiful picture with scarcely any disturbance of the
text.
In the “Revolt of Islam” (canto iii. st. 15) is a passage abso­
lutely preposterous as it stands :—
“ The moon was calm and bright,—around that column
The overhanging sky and circling sea
Spread forth in silentness profound and solemn,
The darkness of brief frenzy cast on me,
So that I knew not mine own misery.”

This is evidently nonsense ; darkness could not be spread forth
by the calm brightness of sky and sea. Cast should be altered
into past, and a colon substituted for the comma at the end of
the third line.
In Prometheus Unbound (vol. i. p. 351), Ocean says—
“ My streams will flow
Round many peopled continents.”

Read many-peopled as a compound epithet. The meaning is
not that there will be more continents than heretofore after the
liberation of Prometheus ; but that, in consequence of their
exemption from war and other calamities, these continents will
henceforth be more populous.
With these few remarks we must take leave of the biography
and textual criticism, and we are indeed sorry that within our
limits it is simply impossible to render justice to the thoroughness,
the impartiality, the indefatigable labour and genuine love which
are Mr. Rossetti’s most eminent characteristics as biographer
and editor. We cannot, however, refrain from expressing our
extreme surprise and disappointment when, on looking over
“Queen Mab” in the new edition, we saw the deforming
transformation which that poem had undergone. It is true
the alterations which Mr. Rossetti has introduced into the
text are taken from the “ Dsemon of the World,” which Shelley
purposed to be a modified extract of “ Queen Mab,” and pub­
lished in the same volume with “ Alastor and other Poems.
But we can only infer from this fact that when once the inspira­
tion which went to the shaping of any work ot art has totally
passed away, a poet may easily mar his own creation by trying
to make it better. Though “ Queen Mab” may in some respects
be a crude production, yet it is so full of the sap and ferment
of genius, and bears so unmistakably the stamp of Shelley’s
peculiar characteristics, that besides the value it possesses for us

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as poetry, it has the additional interest of being the earliest
' production in which we can trace the true workings of the poet’s
mind. And it appears to us that for this reason, if for no other,
1 the text ought to have been allowed to remain as it originally
stood; for with regard to those really juvenile effusions such as
the “Wandering Jew” and the “Posthumous Fragments of
Margaret Nicholson,” which Mr. Rossetti has seen fit to print in
the appendix to this edition, it is a pity he has thus rescued
Ithem from the oblivion they so richly deserve. But indeed the
new readings of “ Queen Mab,” so far from possessing any greater
poetic beauty whether of idea or expression, seem to us invariably
a diluted version of the original.
But let the reader judge for himself. We will first quote the
lines as they stand in the original “ Queen Mab,” and place
underneath them the alterations in the present edition.
“The Fairy’s frame was slight; yon fibrous cloud
That catches but the palest tinge of even,
And which the straining eye can hardly seize
When melting into eastern twilight’s shadow
Were scarce so thin, so slight, but the fair star
That gems the glittering coronet of morn,
Sheds not a light so mild, so powerful,
As that which bursting from the Fairy’s form
Spread a purpureal halo round the scene,
Yet with an undulating motion
Swayed to her outline gracefully.”
“ The Fairy’s frame was slight; slight as some cloud
That catches but the palest tinge of day
When evening yields to night—
Bright as that fibrous woof when stars indue
Its transitory robe,
Her thin and misty form
Moved with the moving air;
Such sounds as breathed around like odorous winds
Of wakening Spring arose,
Filling the chamber and the midnight sky.”

Mark here those changes which, although apparently often
’trifling, yet alter the whole delicate texture of this exquisite
passage : instead of the original and most apt epithet applied to
the cloud, “ fibrous,” we get nothing at all in the later version,
and we are indeed at an utter loss to account for the alteration.
Thus, for the simple expression “ palest tinge of even,” we find
this awkward way of saying the identical thing, “ palest tinge of
day, when evening yields to night,” &amp;c.; but far worse, the
truly lovely line, “ the fair star that gems the glittering coronet
of morn,” is omitted altogether, swallowed up, annihilated.
The limits of our essay will not allow us to give any further

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examples, but we could cite passage after passage where the
original beautiful text has been equally marred. And we must
be allowed here to express the earnest hope, which we can
hardly doubt will be echoed by all lovers of Shelley, that in any
future edition “ Queen Mab” may be restored to its original form.
Let us now, however, turn our attention to the criticism of the
works themselves; and as it is Mr. Rossetti’s evident disposition
to lay the chief stress on the technical execution of Shelley’s
poems, touching but slightly on their subject-matter and general
design, we may perhaps be justified in dwelling somewhat mor®
fully on the latter point, thus endeavouring to supplement a
deficiency highly characteristic of certain tendencies predomi­
nant in contemporary art and poetry. For while on the one
hand there is in our age a propensity to depreciate the important
functions of the Beautiful, thus robbing the speculative faculties
of an ally that would impart form and colour to their abstractions,
we have on the other hand the no less mischievous error of
giving an undue prominence to workmanship and execution, and
looking on form and colour, not as the temple where the image
of the god stands enshrined, but as the very deity itself. By
these fatal demarcations and barriers erected in the mental
territories, where one realm is assigned to the Beautiful, another
to the True, and a third to the Good, we impoverish each one
of these three great forces, and in the mistaken conviction of
thereby strengthening their respective activities we obstruct that
interchange of influences which should vivify the .¿Esthetics*
Ethics, and Science of a nation. Let us for one moment stay to
consider what would become of the Beautiful, if, securely dammed
up against the influx of moral convictions and the speculations
and discoveries of the reasoning faculties, it were subsisting in
proud isolation only on and through itself. Assuredly epics such
as the “ Divina Commedia” and “ Paradise Lost,” revolving the
mighty problems “concerning God, free will, and destiny,”
struck and wound their roots inextricably round the deepest
philosophic and religious thought of their time, while the very
structure of tragedy, consisting as it does, not in the blind
and insensate conflict of passion hurtling on passion (else the
commotion of waves and winds would be an equally tragic
spectacle), but of passion lashing in mutinous revolt the iron
front of the moral law, has its foundations laid in the ethical
convictions of mankind.
What then, we may well inquire, is to become of poetry if
cut off from influences of such vital importance to its two great
divisions—the Epos and the Drama. It is evident that the form
and manner, from the imperative necessity of which, however,
we would be the last to detract, would thus truly comprise the

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Alpha and Omega of a work of Art And thus the same care
would be lavished on the polishing of a pebble or a diamond, the
polishing and setting being considered the chief things needful.
This total misapprehension of its divine mission necessarily produces that blight of all true poetry—namely, mannerism. Far
, otherwise indeed was Shelley^s conception of poetry. Both in
I theory and practice be would have extended its limits to an
almost incredible extent, enclosing both science and philosophy
within its domain. In his “ Defence of Poetry,” he goes even so
far as to say that the distinction between poets and prose writers
is a vulgar error, and that not only Plato and Bacon, but “all the
authors of revolution in opinion are not only necessarily poets
as they are inventors, nor even as their words unveil the per­
manent analogy of things by images which participate in the life
of truth, but as their periods are rounded and rhythmical, and
contain in themselves the elements of verse, being the echo of
the eternal music.”
L Considering how marked was Shelley’s bias towards this view,
we think Mr. Rossetti somewhat apt to undervalue what con­
stitutes the true centre of gravity of all the poet’s divine crea­
tions, when, as for example, in speaking of“ Alastor” with reference
to “Queen Mab” (of which, in our judgment, he speaks too irre­
verently when he thinks it necessary to state that it is not
unmitigated rubbish), he remarks that in the former we have
at last “ the genuine, the immortal Shelley.” With all due
deference to Mr. Rossetti’s opinion, we must yet dissent from
this assertion; and while admitting the wonderful advance in
the perfection of form, in the exquisiteness of the language, and
greater musical subtlety in the rhythm of the blank verse, still
we think that in many respects “the genuine, the immortal
Shelley” can more truly be traced in “ Queen Mab” than even in
“ Alastor,” as it palpitates with that intense faith in progress, that
fiery love of liberty, that impetuous passion for reforming the
World, which are, after all, the distinguishing features of Shelley,
and which were brought out in their full glory in his “ Revolt of
Islam,” and “ Prometheus Unbound.” Shelley indeed, when
he launched that enfant terrible of a poem into the world, fully
believed in his power of making a breach in the solid rampart of
custom, so as to take by storm and overnight, as it were, that
great stronghold in which theology, monarchy, and matrimony
have hitherto braved even the sap of Time and Change. It is
with an emotion wavering between a smile and a tear that we
think of this frail, gentle, pure, and lofty being who, with
“ weak hands though mighty heart,” dared that triple-headed
power which rules the world. It is doubtless by the violent
recoil of hopes forced back upon his own mind, and debarred

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their natural fieiy action on the nation at large, that we must
interpret the sad and solemn harmonies of “Alastor.” These
spring from the revulsion of those impassioned aspirations to
which “ Queen Mab” owed its being, and the despair that broods
over them is but the shadow cast by the sun of hope itself. It
is therefore a total misapprehension of the dominant quality of
Shelley s mind, if, as is so often the case, those poems which
express, in however beautiful and inimitable a manner, his
melancholy or despondent moods, are considered as his most re­
presentative poems; on the contrary, they are but the expressions
of that dominion which the momentary and the casual must
exercise over every mind still subject to the varying influences
of life; but that which indeed constitutes “the intense, the deep,
the imperishable” Shelley, which will exercise a constraining in­
fluence over the centuries, is the aspiration after goodness no
dejection could quench—the faith in humanity which doubts
might assail, but never shake; the love which year after year
of the short life in which he met with so much persecution and
bitter hate, rounded to a fuller and more resplendent orb.
Let us, however, now turn our attention to the poem next in
chronological sequence, “ The Revolt of Islam/’ which Mr.
Rossetti has despatched in a few words, and which appears to us
to be a mine of inexhausted thought. The vast scope, gorgeous
imagination, and enchantment of rhythm and language which
mark this work are so widely known, that we proceed at once
to point out what appears to us to constitute its fundamental
idea, and one which hitherto has been overlooked. This is the
completely changed aspect in which the relation of the sexes
is regarded. Hitherto all poets creating ideals of woman, however
pure or lofty these might be, had depicted her invariably in her
relation as either wife or mistress, mother or daughter—that is,
as a supplement to man’s nature, or, as Milton plainly expresses
it—
“ He for God only, she for God in him

or, in other words, he raised to the contemplation of an infinite;
she condemned to that of his finite nature.
To Shelley belongs the honour of being the first poet who '
has embodied, in a shape of the loftiest loveliness, the most
momentous of all our modern ideas—that of the emancipation of
women from this subjection to men. He is thus the poetic fore­
runner of John Stuart Mill, and has achieved in the world of the
ideal that which is now being realized practically by the man of
science. For by making his verse the receptacle of his bold and
lofty speculations on that subject, and by impregnating with
them the highest and most sensitive minds of the generation that

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succeeded his own, he has doubtless opened one of the paths
which have led to the present widespread movement regarding
this question.
In Cythna we hail a new female type, and one indeed which
I hitherto has been repugnant to poets, who, if they approached at
all that side of woman’s character which she represents, approached
it either to distort its features or to soften them down to the more
1 accepted standard. But Shelley, with his usual fearlessness, bates
not one jot of the idea. He holds that woman, just as man, is
or should be a being whose sympathies are too vast—whose
thoughts too multiform to converge to the one focus of personal
love, and that in the self-same way it is at once her right and
her duty to take an active share in the general concerns of
humanity, and to influence them, not only indirectly through
others, but directly by her own thoughts and actions. Thus
►Cythna, prophet, reformer, and martyr—invested with all the
glow and glory which the poet’s imagination could bestow on
her-—is a creation unique in the whole range of fiction.
The poet, with deep insight, indicates in canto ii. that the
task of the regeneration of woman can only be brought about by
woman herself; that it is she who must rouse man’s interest,and
kindle his enthusiasm in her cause, for, as Laon says—
“ This misery was but coldly felt, till she
Became my only friend, who had indued
My purpose with a wider sympathy;
Thus, Cythna mourned with me the servitude
In which the half of humankind were mewed,
Victims of lust and hate, the slave of slaves ;
She mourned that grace and power were thrown as food
To the hyaena lust, who, among graves
Over his loathed meal, laughing in agony, raves.

And I still gazing on that glorious child,
liven as these thoughts flushed o’er her :—‘ Cythna, sweet,
Well with the world art thou unreconciled ;
Never will peace and human nature meet,
Till free and equal man and woman greet
Domestic peace ; and ere this power can make
In human hearts its calm and holy seat,
This slavery must be broken.’ ”

Such an exalted ideal of woman necessarily produced a con­
ception and expression of love which is simply supreme. The
sensuous and susceptible temperament which usually underlies
poetic genius has almost inevitably the tendency of stimulating
the passions too strongly in one direction, and from this point
of view Plato had doubtless a fair excuse for his verdict against
the poets as elements of disturbance and fiery insurrection in

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the serene atmosphere of his model state. Shelley, however,
forms in this respect a marvellous exception. His love, indeed,
would almost require the baptism of some new name to distin­
guish it from the lower and lesser passion which currently goes
by that appellation, for it “ transcends the senses infinitely as
heaven does earth.” Unrivalled in this respect is the sixth
canto of the “ Revolt of Islam/’ where the poet, secure in the
“ golden purity” of bis nature, has fearlessly penetrated into the
fiery depths of human passion, blending it in strains of laby­
rinthine music with the subtlest ecstasy which emanates from the
spirit. Between such a conception, embracing the whole circum­
ference of love, and that of Keats, for example, who describes
it much in the same spirit of childlike sensuousness with which
he descants on “lucent syrops” and other “spiced dainties,” or
of Byron, to whom in some of his most powerful flights it revealed
no deeper aspect than that of being “youth’s madness,” what
an immeasurable distance! These remarks naturally lead us
to Epipsychidion, where Shelley, apparently bursting the last
link of “ dull mortality,” has not only sustained the inspiration
of his subject at a dizzy height, but, soaring ever higher in
miraculous ascent, lands us ultimately in the Empyrean of love
itself. We indeed cannot comprehend how Mr. Rossetti, after
some just remarks descriptive of the beauty of its poetry, could
actually bring himself to say of this most exquisitely lovely pro­
duction, “ I may confess, however, to doubting whether it is quite
a justifiable poem to write. Its very mood tends towards the
intangible, and its framework of imagery and symbol remains to
this day an enigma to students of the poetry and the life of
¡Shelley /’ to which our only answer is that, to put such a question
with regard to such a poem is in our opinion equivalent to asking
whether the “Symposium” or the “Vita Nuova,” or any work,
in short, where that most delicate bloom of the emotions, neces­
sarily the rare attribute of a “ sacred few,” finds its peculiar
expression, was a justifiable production. If Mr. Rossetti had not
shown in his criticism on Walt Whitman a remarkable power of
appreciating qualities of genius the most opposite to what con­
stitutes the sculpturesque or the pictorial in poetry, we might
probably have inferred that his intimate appreciation of the
sister art of painting had had an influence in diminishing his
appreciation of works whose subject-matter belonging essentially
to the inward and incommensurable life of thought, necessitated
a mode of treatment which, adapting itself to this quality, occa­
sionally verges on the border-land of mysticism ; but this would
evidently have been a wrong inference, and we are therefore at a
loss to account for Mr. Rossetti s estimate of Epipsychidion.
Ot the “Prometheus Unbound,” that greatest production of

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Shelley, Mr. Rossetti has given us such a powerful and correct
estimate, that nothing further remains to be said of it in a narrow
compass ; it is, indeed, such a noble specimen both of his style
and criticism that we cannot abstain from quoting it as it
stands—
“ There is, 1 suppose, no poem comparable in the fair sense of that
word to 8 Prometheus Unbound.’ The immense scale and boundless scope
&lt;jf the conception; the marble majesty and extra-mundane passion of
the personages ; the sublimity of ethical aspiration • the radiance of
ideal and poetic beauty, which saturates every phase of the subject,
and almost (as it were) wraps it from sight, as it were, and transforms
it out of sense into spirit; the rolling river of great sound and lyrical
rapture, form a combination not to be matched elsewhere, and scarcely
to encounter competition. There is another source of greatness in
this poem neither to be foolishly lauded nor (still less) undervalued.
It is this—-that Prometheus Unbound, however remote the foundation
of its subject-matter and unactual its executive treatment, does in
reality express the most modern of conceptions, the utmost reach of
speculation of a mind which burst up all crusts of custom and pre­
scription like a volcano, and imaged forth a future wherein man should
be indeed the autocrat and renovated renovator of his planet. This it
is, I apprehend, which places Prometheus clearly, instead of disputably,
at the summit of all latter poetry ; the fact that it embodies in forms
of truly ecstatic beauty, the dominant passion of the dominant intel­
lects of the age, and especially of one of the extremest and highest
among them all, the author himself. It is the ideal poem of perpetual
and triumphant progression—the Atlantis of Man Emancipated.”

Owing to the necessary limits of our essay, we must pass over
the 88 Cenci,” that drama which is the most magnificent refutation
of the charge often brought against the poet, that he was unable
to conceive and embody any character out of himself, or portray
the dark and malignant passions of human nature, and content
ourselves with a few remarks on 88 Adonais”and “Hellas,” the poet's
last complete compositions, and which doubtless contain the best
and maturest expression of his philosophical thought. Indeed, we
think Mr. Rossetti's section on the religion and philosophy of
Shelley necessarily defective from his scanty recognition of these
two poems, and from his not rendering sufficient justice to the
intense earnestness on these matters, which so essentially cha­
racterizes Shelley, as, for example, when he says, 88 The general
tenor of ‘ Adonais’ may seem to amount to the expression of a
positive belief in the immortality of Keats, as a separate individual
soul; but we must be on our guard against poetic abstractions
and (not to use the word disrespectfully) poetic machinery.”
One of the stanzas from which M r. Rossetti would draw such an
inference, where it is said—

�92

Shelley.
“ He is made one with Nature : there is heard
His voice in all her music, from the moan
Of thunder to the song of night’s sweet bird ;
He is a presence to be felt and known
In darkness and in light, from herb and stone
Spreading itself where’er that Power may move
Which has withdrawn his being to its own;
Which wields the world with never wearied love,
Sustains it from beneath, and kindles it above—”

justifies, in our opinion, the direct opposite of this conclusion—
namely, that Shelley appears, first, to have held that death was
the cessation of the separate insulated consciousness of the
individual, and the redistribution of the atoms that build up
his existence into the general universe of things ; secondly, that
whatever form of ultimate development this separate entity had
attained, during its transit through life, reacted again on passing
thence on the general universe—
“ Compelling there
All new successions to the forms they wear.”

Any attempt, however, to range the swift and subtle spirit of
Shelley into a distinct school of philosophy, would, in our opinion,
be an undertaking as ill judged as assuredly futile : for, as he
primarily looks at the world with the eyes of the poet, he arrives
at his deepest convictions concerning it less through any sustained
chain of systematic reasoning, than through flashes of intuitive
perception, born of his intense absorption into, and passionate
worship of, the great Cosmos. As it is fabled that Pygmalion
was consumed by so potent a passion for the marble image that,
clasping it, he mastered the cold repose of the stone itself, and
won a response from its locked lips, even thus every true poet
stands in his relation to Nature, and besieges her with prayers,
tears, and entreaties, weary watches, and devouring aspirations,
till he feels at last the throb in the stony veins, hears the murmur
of the muffled voice, till, from the sun and the sea, the trees and
beasts, yea, the very stones, there burst awful manifestations,
opening glimpses, strange and sudden, into the vast dumb
mystery. To have cast the brilliant net of his language over
these divine but too fugitive moments of spiritual experience,
and thus for ever to have retained them in song, is one of the
highest of the many achievements of this transcendent genius.
But although we are thus convinced that Shelley’s philosophy
cannot, in the strict sense of that word, be classed under any
existing system of metaphysics, yet we think it evident that the
bent of his mind impelled him strongly towards an idealistic
conception of the universe ; and it is curious to note that, even

�Shelley.

93

in his days of rampant materialism, when saturated with the
study of Hume and the French encylopsedists, he sought a
vehicle for those views in “ Queen Mab,” he ever and anon, when
^wrought up to a pitch of high lyrical exaltation, bursts into ex­
pressions that are the direct contrary of his professed opinions,
as when he says, for example, “ Soul is the only element.” This
of course by no means implies that Shelley’s thought was
stationary, but merely that his mind possessed an original bias
towards transcendentalism ; and there can be little doubt that
his positive assertions of atheism spring in great part, as is well
illustrated by an anecdote told in Mr. Rossetti’s Memoir, from
the deep conviction that every advance towards truth must be
painfully impeded, till the obstacles which an intolerant faith
opposed to it had been fairly demolished. Many of his asser­
tions therefore should be considered relatively rather as missiles
used by a fearless combatant, than statements of an actual con­
viction. It is evident however that, although there are passages
in “ Queen Mab” which certainly seem very much in harmony
with “ Hellas” and “Adonais,” yet the main philosophical concep­
tion is in fact widely different, and we recognise the clearest
expression of this difference in the address to the “ Spirit of
Nature” (“Queen Mab,” p. 89). In this fine piece of declama­
tion, the Spirit of Nature is represented as insensible to all
moral distinctions, and by a necessary consequence, as devoid of
moral beauty. It is therefore no object of adoration, love, or
even admiration : it is a mere machine, and what is still worse,
the human beings produced and controlled by it must be as
little the objects of affection or admiration. The spirit so
gloriously described in “ Adonais” is something widely different.
“Its smile kindles the universe;” “it wields the world with
never-wearied love.” It is compared to a fire, reflected with an
Infinite variety of intensity by an infinite multitude of mirrors;
if the reflection is imperfect, the fault is in the mirror, not in
the fire. In a word, the spirit of “ Queen Mab” is Necessity, and
is addressed as such ; the spirit of “ Adonais” is Love, and is
addressed as such. By so much higher as the idea of love is
than the idea of necessity, by so much better as the poetry of
“Adonais” is than the poetry of “Queen Mab,” by so much
higher and better are Shelley’s last thoughts than his first.
There is another noteworthy distinction. In “ Queen Mab” the
operation of the spirit is limited to the visible universe ; it is
expressly said to be “contained” by Nature. In “Adonais,” on
the other hand, it contains Nature ; it not merely pervades but
invests the universe—“ Sustains it from beneath and kindles it
above,” The same idea is still more forcibly expressed in the
prologue to “ Hellas”—

�94

Shelley.
“ Deem not thy worlds
Are more than furnace-sparks or rainbow-drops
Before the Power that wields and kindles them.”

Briefly, the spirit in “ Queen Mab” is contemplated as merely
immanent in the universe. In “Adonais” and “Hellas” it is im­
manent still, but also transcendent., In this latter poem, indeed,
we find that the immaterialism of Shelley had reached its cul­
minating point, and it is a significant fact that he was studying
Kant in September, 1821, and actually translating Spinoza in
November of the same year, at the time when “ Hellas” was
completed. How intently his mind must have been engaged on
these metaphysical speculations is evident from the fact that he
represents the Sultan in the midst of insurrection, whilst his
throne totters on the verge of ruin, as actually listening during
an interview with Ahasuerus to the most profound exposition
on the non-existence of matter. This is certainly carrying the
love of philosophizing to an incredible extent. But the passage
itself soars to such sublime heights of thought, and is moreover
such a complete resume of Shelley’s last convictions on these
subjects, that we are fain to crown these few inadequate remarks
with its surpassing splendour—
“ Sultan! talk no more
Of thee and me, the future and the past;
But look on that which cannot change—the One,
The Unborn, and the undying. Earth and ocean,
Space, and the isles of life or light that gem
The sapphire floods of interstellar air,
This firmament pavilioned upon chaos,
With all its cressets of immortal fire,
Whose out wall, bastioned impregnably
Against the escape of boldest thoughts, repels them
As Calpe the Atlantic clouds—this whole
Of suns and worlds, and men and beasts and flowers,
With all the silent or tempestuous workings
By which they have been, are, or cease to be,
Is but a vision ;—all that it inherits
Are motes of a sick eye, bubbles and dreams ;
Thought is its cradle and its grave, nor less
The future and the past are idle shadows
Of thought’s eternal flight—they have no being ;
Nought is but that it feels itself to be.”

Is there not a strange significance in this fact, that the last
work of importance on which this restless inquirer was engaged
should have been cut off abruptly at this point of interrogation,
“Then what is Life?” Bewildered cry cast into space whose
mournful reverberations were straightway muffled in death !
Evidently projected on a colossal scale, and wrapped in an

�Shelley.

95

atmosphere of supernatural mystery, where dream is super­
imposed on dream, there is in the “ Triumph of Life” a weird
labyrinth of gloom and glare, and amid the cloudy whirl of grey,
half-ghastly phantoms, gleams of a celestial radiance which
almost recd to us the visions of the Apocalypse. Its allegory
is still indeed, and we fear must in part probably remain, a
magnificent riddle; we nevertheless entertain the hope that a
minute comparison with passages both in the poetry and prose
Blight help us to discover coincidences of symbol and imagery
which should throw a ray of light on the dark intricacy. There
can be no doubt that “ the shape all light” which is described as
appearing to Rousseau gliding out of the deep cavern along the
river—
“ With palms so tender
Their tread broke not the mirror of its billow,”

is the Urania of which it is said in “ Adonais”—
“ Out of her secret paradise she sped
Through camp and cities rough with stone and steel,
And human hearts which to her aery tread
Yielding, not wounded, the invisible
Palms of her tender feet where’er they fell.”

I On the other hand, the New Vision of the Car, wherein sits
a hooded figure crouching in the shadow of the tomb, represents
Life, and the Janus-visaged shadow who guides it with bandaged
eyes may be identified with
44 The world’s eyeless charioteer—
Destiny,”

spoken of in “ Hellas.” The excessive glare which is described
as proceeding from that chariot dims the fair shape, as hurrying
©n with solemn speed it whirls the loud million triumphantly
along with it. This probably means that all but a chosen few
are seized and preyed upon by the multitudinous passions of the
world, whose fiercer fires extinguish the celestial flame or aspira­
tion after perfection. Rousseau himself is a type of those men
of genius who, having allowed the impure breath of earth to
alloy the spark with which their spirit had been kindled, have
thus in part subjected themselves to corruption. It also appears
probable that “ The Fable,” printed in the “ Relics of Shelley,”
and itself a remarkable fragment, written about the same time
as “ Epipsychidion,” affords a clue to that perplexing allegory of
the phantoms near the end of the poem. It is there said that
by the counsel of Life, Love left man in a savage place with
on|y the company of shrouded figures, of whom it is said,
“None can expound whether these figures were the spectres of

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                    <text>REBUILDING THE TEMPLE.
BY SALEM DUTCHER.

T is proposed to offer some suggestions for the better government
of these United States.

I

The Money Power.—I. Under the present system the Senate
consists of 74 members and the House of 243. A majority in
either body, or 38 in the Senate and 122 in the House, constitute a
quorum; and a majority of a quorum, or 20 in the Senate and 62 in
the House, can pass any appropriation bill. It is suggested that the
rule should be a two-thirds vote, or, as the figures now stand, 50 in the
Senate and 162 in the House. This would forbid the slipping through
of appropriations “ on a thin house,” and impede, if not prevent, appro­
priations for party purposes.
e .
II. The President has no option as to the items of an appropriation;
he must approve all or reject all, and to remedy the evil growing out
of this—called “sandwiching,” or the insertion of corrupt items in a
bill otherwise fair and right—it is suggested that he should have the
power to approve any appropriation and disapprove any other appro­
priation in the same bill, returning the disapproved items as in the
case of any other veto.
.
III. A practice has grown up in Congress of appropriating the pub­
lic lands, money, and credit to private railway companies, which com­
panies while constructing their roads out of the property of the people
of the United States, yet charge said people for the use of said roads as
fully as if they had been built with the companies’ own private means.
The corruptions superinduced by this practice are even more signal
than the injustice it embodies of charging the people for the use of
their own property; and it is suggested that Congress should be strictly
inhibited from any loan or gift of the lands, money, or credit of the
United States to any person, association, or corporation for the pur­
poses of internal improvement.
New States.—The Senate consists of two representatives—aptly
termed ambassadors—from each State, and by reason of this equality
all the States are governmentally upon a par. On any given bill the
one member in the House from Nevada may vote no, and the thirty-one
members from New York vote aye, thus— supposing the vote of the
House otherwise to be equally divided—carrying the measure by thirty
majority; but on reaching the Senate the two Nevada senators are

�182

REBUILDING

THE

TEMPLE.

equal in their votes to the two from New York, and so far as any
measure turns on the States in question, Nevada puts New York at a
dead-lock. The chain being no stronger than its weakest link, it thus
appears that the political superiority of a large State to a small one is
more fanciful than real, and in this view the immense importance of
admitting a State may be perceived. And yet, just as twenty-five per
cent of Congress may appropriate millions, the same small proportion
can bring in new States. The temptation so to do for the purpose of
retaining or enlarging party power is one that these few years past haye
shown to be irresistible, and it is therefore suggested that no new States
should be admitted save by a two-thirds vote of both houses, the Senate
voting by States.
The Presidency.—Under the present system the President is eligible
indefinitely, and experience has proven that no sooner is a man chosen
to the chief magistracy than he uses the powers of that office to secure
a re-election. It is suggested, therefore, that the President be not
re-eligible.
Office.—The practice of putting up the public employments of the
United States as a prize for the victorious party at each presidential
election is too notorious an evil to need exposition. An efficient, faith­
ful, and necessary public officer should not be removed so long as his
services are necessary, trustworthy and competent, always excepting
members of the Cabinet and persons in the diplomatic service, the
nature of whose employ renders it proper that the executive should
have the power to remove them at pleasure. Saving these, it is sug­
gested that all public officers should be removable by the appointing
power when their services are unnecessary, or for misconduct or ineffi­
ciency, and not otherwise. On this as a basis a civil service, which is.
an institution of slow growth, might be reared.
The Treaty Power.—Under the present system, it is the preroga­
tive of the President, “by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present
concur.” As this latter clause puts it in the power of two-thirds of a
quorum, or but a fraction over one-third of the whole number of sena­
tors, to concur in the making of any treaty proposed by the executive,
it follows, as the law now stands, that the President and any 26 out of
the 74 senators may conclude a treaty which shall be as binding upon
the United States as the Constitution itself. By such treaty, further­
more, the faith of the United States may be pledged to the payment of
any large amount of money—as witness the $7,000,000 in gold coin for
Alaska—without any consultation with, or consent by, the House,
which is supposed to be so peculiarly the guardian of the public wealth
that all bills for raising revenue must originate therein, and on such
pledge the House is reduced to the alternative either of repudiating
the same and thus staining the credit of the republic, or acceding to an
appropriation which it may not approve either in object or amount.

�REBUILDING

THE

183

TEMPLE.

To do away with the evils of so anomalous a disposition of powers, it is
suggested that in case a proposed treaty calls for money, the concur­
rence of the House by a two-thirds vote thereof should be obtained as
to so much of said treaty as regards the contemplated expenditure, and
then that two-thirds of all the senators elected to the Senate concur in
the treaty as a whole; all treaties not calling for money beyond a cer­
tain merely ministerial amount, say $50,000, to be concurred in by a
majority of all the senators elected.
Representation.—Coming to the House, which is supposed to repre­
sent population, it appears that though the popular vote at the presi­
dential election of 1868 was 2,985,031 Republicans to 2,648,830 Demo­
crats, the representatives stand 164 Republicans to 70 Democrats, instead
of 129 Republicans to 114 Democrats, as it should have been on the
ratio of the popular vote. This disproportion is due much less to a
defect in, than to an interference with, the electoral system. But for
extraneous violence the elections of 1868 would have given the compo­
sition of the House as 124 Republicans to 119 Democrats, which would
fairly enough have represented the popular vote as above given. As
regards the general result, therefore, it does not appear but that the
present electoral system, if respected, would give a representation in
the House consonant with the political ‘ complexion of the republic at
large; but, on coming to particulars, it is evident that the representa­
tion of the several States is not always a fair reflex of party strength
within them. Thus, the actual and proportionate representation
respectively of Massachusetts and Kentucky as compared with the
strength of parties within those States, is as follows :
VOTE.

REPRESENTATIVES.
Proportionate.
Actual.

Hep.

Massachusetts, . . .
Kentucky, . . . .

Dem.

R.

D.

R.

D.

132,000
40,000

63,000
116,000

7
2

3
7

10
0

0
9

To provide against such nullification of the minority as this is the
aim of minority, or proportional, representation, of which, as the elec­
tion of Representatives is purely a State matter and this paper regards
the Federal polity alone, nothing will be said save so far as respects the
effect of minority representation on the House. It is carefully to be
borne in mind that, while proportional representation may give the
minority more voice, it by no means follows that it necessarily gives
that minority more power. Somewheres the majority must rule, and
that place is the representative body. On the subject of representation,
it is suggested that, whatever good results may enure to particular
States from proportional representation, a correct reflex in the House of
the whole country can be best obtained by a removal of all present re­
straints upon the electoral system set forth in the Federal Constitution
and a relegation of the people of the United States to their original un­
fettered right of selecting as their representatives whom they please.

�184

REBUILDING

THE TEMPLE.

The best practical manner of carrying into effect the suggestions of
this paper need not now be touched. For the present it is sufficient to
commend them on their abstract merits to the public attention.
REMARKS BY EDITOR.
In giving place to Mr. Dutcher’s paper, I wish to say, that while I
heartily approve of all the suggestions he makes, I do not believe their
adoption would restore health to the body politic. The disease is moral,
not political ; the difficulty is not so much with the machinery as with
the driving power. All our legislative bodies, municipal, state and
national, are corrupt because the moral sense of the American people
has been debauched by a series of unfavorable influences. Among
these may be mentioned :
1. The decay of theology. The Protestant sects in their days of
vigor and virulence did supply a sort of moral sense to the community
which has been gradually weakening with the growth of liberalism and
the accumulation of proofs of the unsoundness, historically and scien­
tifically, of the current theological dogmas. The belief in a hell was a
low motive to influence conduct, but it had its effect when men had a
real fear of eternal torments.
2. The anti-social and individualistic character of the philosophy
which underlies American institutions is beginning to bear its bitter
fruit. In the American conception, the individual is everything—he
is the centre of the universe; hence egotism, selfishness, the pursuit of
individual good without regard to the general welfare, The Human
Rights dogma, carried out logically, can have no other result than
social and political anarchy. The Transcendental Philosophy, so-called,
Liberal Christianity; the writings of Channing, Parker, Emerson,
Beecher and Frothingham, all help in this movement toward chaos and
the moral death of the nation.
3. The ease with which wealth is acquired in this age of invention
and machinery, and the universal belief in that most damnable of all
the doctrines of the political economists, that property is a personal
appendage and not an institution to satisfy social needs, is turning the
whole nation, women as well as men, into mere selfish money grubbers.
All Americans are on the “ make.”
The only hope is in the growth of a religion and a philosophy more
in accord with the higher instincts of humanity. These in time will
indicate a polity which will restore health and soundness to the state.
The outlook to the political philosopher is very gloomy, so far as the
immediate future is concerned. We have entered upon an era of cor-'
ruption; of public and private dishonesty appalling to contemplate.
Fraud will abound and violence, I fear, will accompany it. Let the
reader cut this out and paste in his common-place book to read ten
years from now.

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                    <text>WHAT WE BELIEVE.
A DIALOGUE BETWEEN AN INQUIRER AND AN “INCOMPLETE”
POSITIVIST.

I

NQUIRER. I understand you do not believe in a Personal God 01
great First Cause.
Positivist. We neither deny nor affirm respecting either.
There may be a God such as Christians and Mohammedans gen­
erally accept as existing, but they no more than we can demonstrate
the fact, if it be a fact.
Inquirer. Then your religion does not recognize any God at all.
Positivist. Oh yes, it does. John Stuart Mill has done us grievous
injury in saying that August Comte propounded a religion without a
God or a future state; whereas we, with Comte, believe in both, if
allowed to define what we mean. Our Supreme Being is Humanity,
whom we love and serve. We say the only God man can know, or
whose existence can be- demonstrated, is the collective Man—the sum
of all human personalities, past, present, and future.
Inquirer. This strikes me as vague. How can you make a Thing
or a Person out of what is clearly an abstract conception ?
Positivist. But the human mind does very readily personify abstract
conceptions. The Town, the State, the Nation, the Church are no
more actual things or entities than is Humanity; yet they are—they
convey a definite impression to the rudest intelligence. Now Human­
ity clearly exists as a subjective conception no less than an objective
phenomenon.
Inquirer. But how about the Creator? How do you account for
the origin of the universe ?
Positivist. We know nothing of the beginning of things. It is be­
yond our ken. So far as we know, matter and force are eternal.
Science proves this in that no atom of matter can be destroyed or any
force wasted. Each can take a different form, but the precise quantity
or energy of the one or the other always exists in the same definite pro­
portions. Hence to the human scientific mind there never was a be­
ginning—there never can be an end. Eternity with us is a circle; in
other words, the old Hindoo symbol —the serpent with his tail in his
mouth. The ordinary conception is that of a straight line with a be­
ginning and end.

�/

WHAT

WE BELIEVE.

149

Inquirer. When you discriminate between matter and force, do you
mean that there is any real difference between them ?
Positivist. Oh, I speak in a popular way of course. We want what
Mr. Lincoln called the “plain people” to understand us. We know of
matter only through force; that is, through its changes—by the im­
pression it makes upon us; but this conception, which is simple enough
to you or me, is too subtile for common comprehension, and hence we
speak of matter and force as two distinct entities.
Inquirer. But the ordinary conception of God must have some valid
basis.
Positivist. So it has. All gods are idealizations of man himself.
They are man-made. Every attribute, with two important exceptions,
which the human race in its past history have ascribed to its gods, is
purely human. Thus love, justice, wisdom, mercy, as well as revenge­
fulness, vanity, and lust—in short, all the emotions and passions which
have been attributed to Deity, are purely human. To these have been
added conceptions of the Infinite and Absolute, which are extra-human.
The elements which compose the popular notion of God vary with
every age. The Jewish Jehovah was stern, revengeful, jealous, vain;
the Christian God is a tender, loving Father; the more human or man­
like the God, the better he is—hence the noblest Deity of all is the
man Christ-Jesus. In short, this brief and imperfect analysis shows us
that Humanity is, after all, the only pure metal in this alloy of gods.
Let us consecrate all our energies to the service of the only Supreme
Being we can ever know—Humanity. There may be in addition an
Infinite and Absolute Deity; we do not say there is not; but we hold
with Sir William Hamilton, Prof. Mansell, and Herbert Spencer, that
from the laws of our being we can never know or understand Him;
He is out of all relation with us. Unlike Herbert Spencer, we regard
the worship of an unknowable God as a rank absurdity. His ways
cannot be as our ways, nor his thoughts as our thoughts. He is for
us as if he were not. Such is the verdict of modern Philosophy and
Science.
* Inquirer. How about Immortality? If a man die, shall he live
again ?
Positivist. We know we live upon this earth. We do not know
that we shall continue our personal consciousness after death. It may
be so, but we cannot demonstrate .it by any scientific proof. If the
phenomenon of Spiritualism so-called could be proven, all would be
plain sailing; but it resists scientific tests. There is, however, a real
immortality which we are scientifically sure of. We know that the
materials of which we are composed are indestructible. Every atom
which has formed a part of this body of mine from birth to death will
exist forever. And so too of the forces I generate; they cannot be lost
or wasted. “ The good I do lives after me.” I live in my children—in
the work I do—in what I hand down from those who came before to

�150

WETA T

WE BELIEVE.

those who will follow me. The machine becomes unusable and decays,
but the forces to which it gave birth live forever.
Inquirer. But does not life lose much of its interest and glory by
being confined to this earth, and the few, the very few years we spend
upon it ?
Positivist. We must take things as they are, and not as we would
like them to be. No doubt the hope of a personal, conscious immor­
tality has done much in times past to soften and brighten the harsh
lot of myriads of human beings who else would have been given over
to despair from the wretchedness of their material surroundings; but
notwithstanding the comfort men have got from this and other pleasant
illusions, we Positivists decline countenancing the dogma of conscious
immortality until it is proven. So far it has no basis of fact to rest
upon. If it ever should be demonstrated, we should believe in it; but
we do not think this possible.
Inquirer. Do I understand you to wish to unsettle the faith of the
mass of mankind in a Personal Creator of the universe and a Personal
Immortality ?
Positivist. By no means. The prevalent disbelief and scepticism is
to us a worse symptom of the times than the current theological illu­
sions. Any religion, even the most baseless, is better than the bald
atheism and materialism which is gaining such hold upon the age.
We want to build up a religion to supply the -spiritual needs of man­
kind, and one which is based upon the facts of nature. The old faiths
rest upon supernatural authority and revelation; the new, upon dem­
onstrated facts — in other words, upon science. The priest of the
Past appealed to the Unknown; the priest of the Future will be the
expounder, or rather the declarer, of the Known.
Inquirer. Does the belief in a future state do any harm ?
Positivist. Yes; it attracts the best and purest minds of the race
away from the solution of practical problems involving human well­
being, to the consideration of insoluble questions. Now what is needed
is that all the energies of the race shall hereafter be devoted to making
this earth the fabled heaven. Human effort should be confined to
human improvement, and to making the earth more habitable.

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                    <text>Our Indian Relations.
one. The world is all complex to
the child, to the savage. Science
simplifies by formulating laws and
grouping results. Religion needs
to be simplified in like manner.
The Gospel as an abstraction is as
perplexed as other abstractions. Ap­
ply it in life, and you will find that it
simplifies itself more and more. Peo­
ple may talk as much as they will of
the subtleties which it delights man­
kind both to invent and to refute.
This may be a harmless, even a useful
mental gymnastic. But let us seek
more and more for this applied
Gospel, and for such purity of
prescription and stringency of ex­
ample as may help us more and
more to its application. And one
word more about simplicity. There
are two opposite views of God, which,
like other oppositions, should illusstrate instead of excluding each
other. God may be considered in

his three-fold aspect, for every true
unity is capable of a three-fold in­
terpretation. But the unity of God
remains for Christianity the cardinal
doctrine, the simplest, most scien­
tific and practical. So pray let us
hold to this divine unity, which does
not exclude the study of trinity, but
which must preclude any such divi­
sion. I think you ought to have
more Unitarian churches in NewYork—more, and other. The want
of centrality makes itself felt in this.
Much thought which orthodoxy
fails to crystallize does not enter
into the faithful combination which
forms a church; and this is the last
place in the world in which such a
concourse of consciences can be dis­
pensed with. Here the faithful
should constantly meet, and uphold
each other in the constant, peaceable
warfare against the wrongs that un­
dermine society.

OUR INDIAN RELATIONS.
BY

COLONEL

S.

F.

Y?;

TAPPAN.

“ A sound of war is on the western wind ;
The sun, with fiery flame, sweeps down the sky ;
Athwart his breast the crimson shadows fly
Of fearless forms no fetters e’er can bind.

-3

“ The eagle plunges from his mountain nest,
And screaming, soars above the distant plain,
/
Plucking his plumes without a pang of pain,
Though stained with blood from his own beating breast.”

Again is the country startled by
reports of an impending conflict, the
hurrying of troops to the plains, and
active preparations for an armed
contest with the Sioux Indians. The
excitement is temporarily allayed by
an occasional telegram from Wash­

ington, that the general of the army
is confident that there is to be no
serious trouble after all. He is
alarmed, and foolishly imagines that,
having raised the storm, he can coni
trol it. He very well knew—for he is
not an idiot—that when he, with his

�Otir Indian Relations.
Meutenant, as early as last October,
deliberately planned the betrayal and
assassination of a small camp of
Piegans, when the winter and small­
pox should have rendered them com­
pletely helpless ; a conspiracy that
culminated, in January last, in a mas­
sacre so atrocious as to fill the coun­
try with amazement and horror; that
such a deed of shame would drive
the Indians to make common cause
and retaliate, and a general war
would be the result. Having for
months failed to force the Comanches, Kiowas, Cheyennes, Arrapahoes, and Apaches to open hostilities,
by massacre and the most excessive
cruelties, he made sure work of it by
the destruction of the Piegans. And
now, while making extensive pre­
parations for war, and demanding an
increase of the army, he assures the
country that the trouble will soon be
at an end.
War threatens us, which, under the
circumstances, will prove the greatest
of calamities, a calamity not so much
in the loss of life and treasure, as in
the loss of our national honor and
fame. The government, not the
Indians, is at fault; for it refuses
them simple, even-handed justice,
which is all they demand, as a condi­
tion of a permanent and honorable
peace. This nation is guilty of a
wanton, persistent violation of sacred
obligations, entered into with the red
men of the west, and thereby forces
them on to the war-path as their
only means of self-preservation and
safety, as their only tribunal for a re­
dress of grievance, their only way of
resisting the terrible and infamous
edict proclaimed against them, that
they are to be “ exterminated, men,
women, and childrenthat the

17

dreaded fate of the poor sick Piegans
is to be theirs, whenever an oppor­
tunity offers the troops for the con­
summation of such transcendent trea­
chery and atrocity. They see the
black and piratical flag displayed in
their country by our army, and com­
prehend its villainous and bloody
import. They understand fully the
design of their Christian, civilized,
and cowardly enemy who refuses them
quarter, and glories in the massacre
of helpless men, women, and children.
They know very well that if they
submit they are lost; if they rely upon
the plighted faith of the nation, they
are betrayed and assassinated.
The regular army, in its fear of re­
duction, becomes a scourge to the
Indians, and to the country as well;
it afflicts them with suffering and
death, while it fastens upon us as
a people dishonor and shame. It
commends them to the eternal sympa­
thy of mankind as victims, while we
are doomed to be execrated for all
time to come as the assassins. Of
the two give me the fate of the In­
dian. “ Better the victim than the
assassin.” Better leave the world by
the hand of violence, the last of a
noble race more sinned against than
sinning, than to remain forever with
untold wealth, unlimited power and
fame, with the consciousness of hav­
ing aided in the destruction of an en­
tire people, for no crime, but upon
the miserable, cowardly, and false
assumption, criminal in the ex­
treme, that we could not govern or
civilize it.
Believing that all this trouble ori­
ginated with men of prominence, for
the purpose of preventing a threaten­
ed or anticipated reduction of our
military establishment; that wars with

�78

*

Our Iudiait Relations,

Indians are wholly unnecessary, can
easily be avoided, and are dishonor­
able to all connected with them ;
that the children of the wilderness
only demand simple justice as a con­
dition of a permanent and honorable
peace ;. the writer enters his earnest
protest against these warlike proceed­
ings, and declares that there is no
necessity or justification for them
whatever; 'that under the circum­
stances it is not war but massacre,
and, if persisted in, fastens upon our
beloved country a crime more atro­
cious and infamous than that of the
St. Bartholomew massacre in France
a few centuries ago.
With these convictions, the writer
will attempt, in this and future num­
bers of The Standard, to present
the true state of this great cause ; to
write from an experience of years
among the Indians of the plains and
the Rocky Mountains ; first, as an
officer in the military service, in com­
mand of troops and posts in their
country, and afterward as a member
of the Indian Peace Commission, cre­
ated by unanimous vote of Congress,
by an act approved July 20th, 1867 ;
writing with no other wish or desire
than to deal justly with all, arraigning
before the country the real criminals,
whatever their position may be, and
protecting from misrepresentation
and slander the innocent, under what­
soever ban they may exist.
The United States Indian Com­
mission was organized some two
years ago, by distinguished and phi­
lanthropic gentlemen of New-York,
for the benevolent and statesmanlike
purpose of removing the ban of out­
lawry from the Indians, making them
citizens of the United States, pro­
tected by and amenable to its laws ;

to prevent the government from
waging wars against its wards and
dependents ; to promote their ad­
vancement in the useful arts, pursuits,
and education of civilization, and so
far influence the government and
public opinion as to create a whole­
some and humane sentiment con­
cerning their rights and privileges;
to publish and circulate the best in­
formation, from official and other
sources, concerning the condition and
interests of the unfortunately pro­
scribed Indian race ; also to facili­
tate the organization of similar asso­
ciations throughout the country, and,
by agitating this question, create a
better public sentiment, which would
induce Congress to give it sufficient
prominence to command their atten­
tion, and thereby secufe the much
required legislation.
For two years this commission has
existed and labored in various ways,
doing splendid service, sending one
of their number, Mr. Vincent Col­
yer, to visit the Indians of the plains
and mountains, to examine into and
report their condition and Wants.
Faithfully and ably was this work
performed by their agent, who, return­
ing to this city to make preparations
for a visit, under the auspices of this
commission to the native population
of Alaska, was appointed by Presi­
dent Grant, in recognition of his
valuable service on the plains, and
the importance of the New-York as­
sociation, as one of the Board of In­
dian Commissioners, and sent to our
newly acquired territory of the ex­
treme north-west, from which he re­
turned a few months later and sub­
mitted his able and faithful report,
which, more than any thing else, will
prevent a costly war in that quarter.

�Our Indian Relations.
The military were determined to bring
about a conflict with the Indians
by outrages upon them. Now, the
record so unmistakably vindicates
the peaceful character and intentions
of the natives of Alaska, and so
strongly condemns the conduct and
actions of the troops stationed there,
that trouble is averted.
This commission is still at work,
sustained by the public sentiment of
the country, although that sentiment
does not yet find expression in simi­
lar organizations which are so much
needed. At a meeting of the com­
mission on the evening of the 26th
of April, at the. Cooper Institute,
presided over by the president of the
society, the distinguished and vene­
rable Peter Cooper, Esq., resolu­
tions were unanimously adopted, call­
ing upon the friends of this great
movement throughout the country
to organize for cooperation with this
association, and to meet with it in
convention on the 18 th of May. A
call that the exigencies of the public
service demand, should be generally
responded to by the American peo­
ple.
At the April meeting referred to,
the Indian question was discussed in
its broadest and truest sense. One of
the speakers, Hon. Sidney Clarke,
member of Congress from Kansas,
and Chairman of the House Commit­
tee on Indian Affairs, in his adddres
stated an important truth when he
said, “All the government wanted in
this crisis was an Indian policy.”
Now, no well-defined arid understood
policy exists. The President, deter­
mined on a radical reform in the ad­
ministration of Indian affairs, has
sent well-known peace men as the
representatives of the government to

the Plains Indians, with most favor­
able results, even while the nation’s
wards rest under the ban of outlawry
and outrage, and are the victims of
the most violent passions and unjust
prejudices, with the army determined
on war, and Congress refusing its aid.
Even under these adverse circum­
stances, the policy of the present ad­
ministration has commended itself
to the country as a success. What
would it not be if these obstacles
were removed and the President had
a clear field ? It proves beyond ques­
tion that the Indians are not opposed
to a permanent and honorable peace.
During the summer of 1865, after
the Sand Creek massacre, and during
the continuance of a war that fol­
lowed as a consequence of that cow­
ardly and infamous atrocity, Congress
saw the necessity of a radical change
in the administration of Indian affairs,
and delegated a committee of their
own members—including the then
President pro tern, of the Senate—
to proceed at once to the Indian
country, ascertain the cause of trou­
bles, and suggest a remedy. These
distinguished gentlemen faithfully
performed the work assigned them,
reported as the cause of Indian wars
the fact that the Indian was an out­
law, and the remedy a very simple
one, namely, the extension of the civil
law over the Indian country. To
secure this, they prepared an act
which passed the Senate by a con­
siderable majority, but it was after­
ward defeated in the House. This
committee had no difficulty in con­
ferring with the then hostile tribe.
The Cheyennes heard of their com­
ing, and stood ready to meet, and
did meet them in council, when an
agreement of peace was made and

�8o

Our Indian Relations.

faithfully adhered to by the Indians,
until the burning of their village two
years after.
In 1867, war again existed on the
plains, attended with a fearful loss
of life, a serious interference with
settlement and travel, and an im­
mense expense of treasure. The
Indian Peace Commission was cre­
ated by act of Congress, approved
by the President on the 20th of
July. This commission was sent
out to meet the hostile Indians, which
was easily done. Council with them
was held, hostilities on their part
stayed, and terms of settlement agreed
upon. After which the commis­
sion reported to Congress not only
the causes of Indian wars, but sug­
gested the remedy: The ban of
outlawry must be removed from the
Indian, the protection of laws ex­
tended over him, civilization, edu­
cation, liberty, and a permanent
home guaranteed to him and his
forever. Unfortunately for the coun­
try and the peace of the plains, these
recommendations have not yet been
acted upon.
Consequently, Congress is not free
from all guilt in this matter; it has
persistently refused to legislate upon
the subject, as advised by its own
commissions ; but, on the contrary,
has repudiated them in a manner
so treacherous and unjust that the
Secretary of the Interior was im­
pelled to send in a special message,
indorsed by the President, defending
the Peace Commission and its deal­
ings with the Indians from the un­
accountable action of the House of
Representatives.
*
The treatment of the Indians for
centuries, by the government and
people, has made them outcasts and

vagabonds, has fastened upon them
the enslaving and degrading ban of
outlawry, given free license to ruf­
fians to murder them as if they were
wolves, has encouraged the army to
betray and massacre them while trust­
ing in the plighted faith of the re­
public, has robbed them of their right
to the soil, and driven them step by
step, by treachery and atrocity, be­
yond the pale of civilization, govern­
ment, and law; has outraged them
in every possible way, at one mo-|
ment dealing with them with all the
solemnity and dignity of an indepen­
dent power, and then spurning them
as if they were poisonous reptiles.
Even with this system of wrong
and outrage, persevered in for hun­
dreds of years, we have not yet suc-l
ceeded in destroying the truly noble
and generous characteristics of their
nature, have not converted them into
fiends; they still retain their virtues,
and are, in the words of the Indian
Peace Commission, “ the very embo­
diment of courage •” my experience
among them enables me to add, of
honor as well. They have never
yet, from the earliest settlement of
the continent by their enemies, who
hunted them with bloodhounds, maim­
ed and murdered them by hundreds
and thousands, and sold their children
into slavery, until now, equaled the
whites in atrocities upon the living
and the dead, in perfidy and treach­
ery—never, to our shame, never.
The Indian race is able to present
for the admiration of the world re­
presentative men, men like the Che­
yenne chieftain Moke-ta-va-ta,
(Black Kettle,) whose peer for all
the manly heroic virtues does not
exist, and never has existed in our his­
tory, or the history of any other na-

�Disbanding of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society.
The writer, who knew Mokeintimately and well for
years, once told the story of his
■Uft and services, of his magnani­
mity, generosity, integrity, and cou­
rage, to the celebrated historian,
Mr. Motley, and challenged him
to refer to his equal in any age or
* history; he could not do it. Moketa-va-ta is without a peer, the true
hero, the true man; he sleeps by the
side of his ever faithful and devot­
ed wife, Vo-ish-ta, in his bloody
shroud, on the crimson banks of
the Wichata.

tion.

ta-va-ta

“ And thou wert slain. Whoever dared to trace
His name upon the order for thy death
Will wear the sting until his latest breath,
And bind the curse of Cain upon hislrace.”

Betrayed, assassinated, and muti­
lated by our troops, in a massacre of
unparalleled atrocity and treachery,
applauded by the commanding gene­
rals of the army as a glorious victory.

81

“ Moke-ta-va-ta, thy wrongs shall be redressed,
Thy viewless form fills all the vernal air;
Nor earth’s fair bosom, nor the spring more fair,
Can stay the footsteps of a race oppressed.

Their name is legion, and from mountain slope
And distant plain their fearless forms appear,
All conquering and all potent, without fear
They come with our proud nation now to cope.

And if the rivers shall run red with blood,
And if the plain be strewn with mangled forms,
And cities burned amid the battles' storms,
Ours is the blame—not thine, thou great and good.
Thy name shall live a watchword for all time—
A herald and a beacon-light to all
On whom the tyrant and the despot fall,
Making thy death a heritage sublime.

If of this noble line thou wert the last,
And stood on the extremest ocean verge,
Thy eloquence would all thy people urge,
And in one deadly conflict they would cast
Their gauntlet in our shameful, flaming face,
And then, without a thought of praise or blame.
Would perish to’avenge thy noble name,
And prove that thou wert of a kingly race.
A sound of war is on the western wind;
The sun, with fiery flame, sweeps down the sky;
Athwart his breast the crimson shadows fly,
Of fearless forms no fetters e’er can bind.
Down through the golden gateway they have
The mighty scions of a nation come
In sweeping circles from their shining home.
With weapons from the battle-plains of Go a.

DISBANDING OF THE PENNSYLVANIA ANTI-SLAVERY
. SOCIETY.
BY JOHN K. WILDMAN.

After the consummation of that
act in the progress of liberty which
banished political restrictions on ac­
count of color, there seemed to be
nothing left for the anti-slavery so­
cieties to do but disband. This be­
came a willing service, grateful to
every member. They had witnessed
the fulfillment of the pledge made to
the colored people of the nation, and
saw that the grand purpose of the
anti-slavery movement was thereby
accomplished. All that was essenVol. i.—6

tial in the aim and scope of the con­
stitutions of their societies had be­
come absorbed in that of the United
States. It was therefore fitting that
they should meet together and ex­
change congratulations and fare­
wells.
The final meeting of the national
society was followed by that of its
auxiliary of Pennsylvania, which oc­
curred on the 5th of May, just a
third of a century from the date of
its organization. Rare indeed was the

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                <text>Our Indian relations</text>
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                <text>Taffan, Samuel F. [1831-1913]</text>
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                    <text>ON THE MIGRATION OE EABLES.
A Lecture delivered at the Royal Institution, on Friday,
June 3^ 1870.

OUNT not your chickens before they be hatched,” is a wellknown proverb in English, and most people, if asked what
was its origin, would probably appeal to La Fontaine’s delightful
fable, “ La Laitiere et le Lot au LaitL
~We all know Lerrette,
lightly stepping along from her'village to the town, carrying the
milk-pail on her head, and in her day-dreams selling her milk for
a good sum, then buying a hundred eggs, then selling the chickens,
then buying a pig, fattening it, selling it again, and buying a
cow with a calf. The calf frolics about, and kicks up his legs—so
does Perrette, and, alas! the pail falls down, the milk is spilt, her
riches gone, and she only hopes when she comes home that she may
escape a flogging from her husband.
Bid La Fontaine invent this fable ? or did he merely follow the
example of Sokrates, who, as we know from the Phsedon,! occupied
himself in prison, during the last days of his life, with turning into
verse some of the fables, or, as he calls them, the myths of JEsop.
* La Fontaine, Fables, livre v£., fable 10.
, t Phaadon, 61, 5. /ztnl St tov Stop, IvvoTfraQ, on rov 7roit]Ttjv S'toi, eimp ptXXot 7toi??t4c
ttvai, Troitiv pvOovg, dXX’ ov XbyovQ, koi avtog ovk f) pvOoXoyiKos, 8ia ravra Sr/ ovq
TrpoxtipovQ ti%ov Kaitf)Tw&lt;TTap.ijp pvdovQ Toi&gt;Q Aioukov, tovtujv eiroirjffa otg vrpwrGsg

�ON THE MIGRATION OF FABLER.

573

La Fontaine published the first six books of his fables in 1668,
*
and it is well known that the subjects of most of these early fables
were taken from JEsop, Phsedrus, Horace, and other classical fabulists,
if we may adopt this word “ fabulistej” which La Fontaine was the
first to introduce into French.
In 1678 a second (edition of these r§ix books was published,
enriched by five books ^&gt;f new fables, and in 1-694 a new edition
appeared, containing one additional book,, thus completing the
collection of his charming poems.
The fable of Perrette stands in th© seventh book, and was pub­
lished, therefore, for the first’time in the edition ©fj 16^8-. In the
preface to that edition La Fontaine says :.'“It is ,not necessary that
I should say where I have taken the subjects of these new fables.
I shall only say, from a sense of gratitudes. that I owe the largest
portion of them to Pilpay, the Indian sage.”
If, then, La Fontaine tells us himselfrthat’he borrowed the subjects
of most of his new fables from Pilpay, the Indian sage, we have
clearly a right to look to India, in order rtojsee whether,fan the ancient
literature of that country, any traces can be discovered of Perrette
with the milk-pail.
Sanskrit literature is very rich in fables 'and stories no other
?
*
literature can vie with it in that respect,? nay,, it is ektrcmely likely
that fables, in particular animal fables, had their principal source in
India. In the sacred literature of the Buddhists fables held a most
prominent place. The Buddhist preachers, Addressing themselves
chiefly to the people, to the untaught, the uncared for, the outcast,
spoke to them, as we still speak to children, in-fables, an proverbs
and parables. Many of these fables and parables must have existed
before the rise of the Buddhist religion; 'others, no‘ doubt, were
*
added on the spur of the moment, just as Sokrates would invent a
myth or a fable whenever that form of argument seemed to him most
likely to impress andT convince his hearers. But Buddhism gave a
new and permanent sanction to this whofe branch of moral mythology,
and in the sacred canon, as it was settled in tW third century before
Christ, many a fable received, and holds to the present day, its
recognised place. After the fall of Buddhism in India, and even
during its decline, the Brahmans claimed the inheritance of their
enemies, and used their popular fables for educational purposes.
The best known of these collections of fables in Sanskrit is the
Pan^atantra, literally the Pentateuch, or the Pentamerone. From
it and from other sources another collection was made, well known
to all Sanskrit scholars by the name of the Hitopadesa, i.e., Salu­
tary Advice. Both these books have been ^published in England
* Robert, “Fables Inedites,” des XIIe, X1IT, et Xiye Socles; Paris, 1825;
vol. i. p. ccxxvii.

�574

THE CONTEMPORAR Y RE VIE W.

and Germany, and there are translations of them in English,
German, and French.
*
. The first question which we have to answer refers to the date of these
collections, and dates in the history of Sanskrit literature are always
difficult points. Fortunately, as we shall see, we can in this case fix
the date of the PanA-atantra at least, by means of a translation into
ancient Persian, which was made about 550 years after Christ, though
even then we can only prove that a collection somewhat like the Pan/ratantra must have existed at that time ; but we cannot refer the book,
in exactly that form in which we now possess it, to that distant period.
If we look for La Fontaine’s fable in the Sanskrit stories of the Pan/catantra, we do not find, indeed, the milkmaid counting her chickens
before they are hatched, but we meet with the following story :__
“ There lived in a certain place a Brahman, whose name was Svabhava
kripana, which means ‘a born miser.’ He. had collected a quantity of
rice by begging (this reminds us somewhat of the Buddhist mendicants),
and after having dined of it, he filled a pot with what was left over. He
hung the pot on a peg on the wall, placed his couch beneath, and looking
intently at it.all the night, he thought, ‘Ah, that pot is indeed brimful of
rice. Now, if there should be a famine, I should certainly make a hundred
rupees by it. With this I shall buy a couple of goats. They will have
young ones every six months, and thus I shall have a whole herd of goats.
Then, with the goats, I shall buy cows. As soon as they have calved, I
shall sell the calves. Then, with'the cows, I shall buy buffaloes; with the
buffaloes, mare’s'; When the mares have foaled, I shall have plenty of
horses; and when I sell them, plenty of gold. With that gold I shall get
a house with four wings. And then a Brahman will come to my house,
and will give me his beautiful daughter, xvith a large dowry. She will have
a son, and I shall call him Somasarihan. When he is old enough to be
danced on his father’s knee, I Khali sit with a book at the back of the stable,
and while I am readings the boy will see me, jump from his mother’s lap,
and run towards me to be danced on my knee. He will come too near the
horses, hoof, and, full of angeHl shall call to my wife, “Take the baby;
take him! ’ But she, distracted by some domestic work, does not hear
me. Then I get up, and give her such a kick with my foot.’ While he
thought this, he gave a kick with his foot, and broke the pot. All the rice
fell over him, and made him quite white. Therefore, I say, ‘ He who makes
foolish plans for the future will be white all over, like the father of Somasarman.’” f

I shall at once proceed to read you the same story, though slightly
modified, from the Hitopadesa.J The Hitopadesa professes to be
* “ Pantschatantrum sive Quinquepartitum,” edidit I. G. L. Kosegarten. Bonna&gt;
1848.
“ Pantschatantra, Fiinf Bucher indischer Fabien, aus dem Sanskrit iibersetzt.” Von
Th. Benfey. Leipzig, 1859.
Hitopadesa, with interlinWr translation, grammatical analysis, and English trans­
lation, in Max Muller s Handbooks for the study of Sanskrit. London, 1864.
Hitopadesa, eine alte indische Fabelsammlung aus dem Sanskrit zum ersten Mai in
das Deutsche iibersetzt.” Von Max Muller. Leipzig, 1844.
t PanZ-atantra, v. 10.
-+ Hitopadesa, ed. Max Muller, p. 120; German translation, p. 159. ’

�ON THE MIGRATION OF FABLES.

575

taken from the Pan7i:atantra and some other books ; and in this case
it would seem as if some other authority had been followed. You
will see, at all events, how much freedom there was in telling the
old story of the man who built castles in the air.
“ In the town of Devikotta there lived a Brahman of the name of
Deva-sarman. At the feast of the gre^ equinoi he received a plate full
of rice. He took it, went into^a potted shop, which was full of crockery,
and, overcome by the heat, he^ay dow# in a
began to doze. In
order to protect his plate of rice$ he kept a stigk. in his hand, and began to
think, ‘Now, if I sell this plate of rice, I shall receive ten cowries (kaparclaka). I shall then, on'tnd’spot, buy1 plots':and”pilWes, and afier having
increased my capital again and a'gain, I shall buy aiifl sell b^te’l nuts and
dresses till I grow enormously rich. Then I shall marry four wives, and
the youngest and pretties^ of th.^^E.,1 shall make a great pet of. Then
the other wives will be so angry, and begin to quarrel. But I shall be in
a great rage, and take a^sr^ck1/and givO' them-argT6d flijf^ing? . . . While
he said this, he flung * is&gt; Ml^k aw^y the plate of ‘ricA was Smashed to
B
pieces, and many of the pot-spin theu§hop were .broken. The pAhr, hearing
the noise, ran into the shop, and when he s^gvhis^piet^hrofcen, he gave the
Brahman a good scolding, and drove him out qi his shop. Therefore I say,
‘He who rejoices over plans for the future will ’chine Io fe-ief, like the
Brahman who broke the pots.’ ”
In spite of the change of a Brahfiumirrto a milkmaid, no one,
I suppose, will doubt that we have here in the fitorie® of the Pan/ratantra and Hitopadesa the first germs of LrffFontain ’s fable. But
e
*
how did that fable travePall the way from IiM’M; fid1 Craned r How
did it doff its Sanskrit garment and dbh the lig^ht dress of modern
French ? How was the stupid Brahman boVn Ugain as the brisk
milkmaid, “ cotillon simple et souliers plats ?”
It seems a startling case of longevityffh’sJt while languages have
changed, while works of art have perished, while empires have risen
and vanished again, this simple children’s story should have lived
on, and maintained its place of honour and its undifepu^ed sway in
every school-room of the East and every nursery4 of fihe West. And
yet it is a case of longevity’ so wellftMte^fied that even the most
sceptical would hardly venture to question it. We have the pass­
port of these stories viseffl at every place tnrough which they have
passed, and, as far as I can judge, ^(Ffditement ehfyegle. The story
of the migration of these Indian fables from East to West is indeed
wonderful; more wonderful and mdre fflltfuctive khan many of
these fables themselves. Is it not wonderful that we should teach
our children the first, the most important lesson® of worldly wisdom,
nay, of a more than worldly wisdom, from bo’oks borrowed from
Buddhists and Brahmans ? from heretics and idolaters Is it not in­
structive that wise words spoken a thousand, nay, two thousand years
ago, in a lonely village of India, should, like precious seed scattered
broadcast all over the world, still bear fruit a hundred and a thousand
^VOL. XIV.
QQ

�57&amp;

THE CONTEMPORARY RE VIE W.

fold in that soil which is the most precious before God and man, in
the soul of a child ? No lawgiver, no philosopher has made his
influence felt so widely, so deeply, and so permanently as the author
of these children’s fables. But who was he ? We do not know.
His name, like the name of many a benefactor of the human race, is
forgotten. We only know he was an Indian—a nigger, as some people
would call him—and that he lived at least two thousand years ago.
No doubt, when we first hear of the Indian origin of these fables,
and of their migration from India to Europe, we wonder whether it
can be so; but the fact is, that the story of this Indo-European
migration is not a matter of theory, but of history, and that it
was never quite forgo tBn either in the East or in the West. Each
translator, as he handed on his treasure, seems to have been anxious
to show how he came by it. Huet, the learned Bishop of Avranches,
had only to examine the prefaces of the principal translations of the
Indian fables in order to track their wanderings, as he did in his
famous “ Traite de l’Origine des Romans,” published at Paris in
1670, two years after the appearance of the first collection of La
Fontaine’s fables. Since his time the evidence has become more
plentiful, and the whole subject has been more fully and more pro­
foundly treated by Sylvestre de Sacy, by Loiseleur Deslongchamps,f
*
and by Professor Benfey. J But though we have a more accurate
knowledge of the stations by which the Eastern fables reached their
last home in the West, Bishop Huet knew as well as we do that they
came originally from India through Persia by way of Bagdad and
Constantinople.
In order to gain a commanding view of the countries traversed by
these fables, let us take our position at Bagdad in the middle of the
eighth century, and watch from that central point the movements of
our literary caravan in its progress from the far East to the far West.
In the middle of the eighth century, during the reign of the great
Khalif Almansur, Abdallah ibn Almolcaffa wrote his famous collection
of fables, the “Kalila and Dimna,” which we still possess. The
Arabic text of these fables has been published by Sylvestre de Sacy,
and there is an English translation of it by Mr. Knatchbull, formerly
Professor of Arabic at Oxford. Abdallah ibn Almokafia was a
Persian by birth, who after the fall of the Omeyyades became a
convert to Mohammedanism, and rose to high office at the court of
the Khalifs. Being in possession of important secrets of state, he
* “ Calilah et Dimna, ou, Fables de Bidpai en Arabe, precedees d’un memoire sur
l’origine de ce livre.” Par Silvestre de Sacy. Paris, 1816.
t Loiseleur Deslongchamps, “Essai sur les Fables Indiennes, et sur leur introduction
en Europe.” Paris, 1838.
j “ Pantschatantra, Fiinf Bucher indischer Fabeln, Marchen und Erzahlungen, mif.
Einleitung.” Von Th. Benfey. Leipzig, 1859.

�IDJV THE MIGRATION OF FABLES.

577

became dangerous in the eyes of the Khalif Almansur, and was foully
*
murdered.
In the preface, Abdallah ibn Almokaffa tells us that he
translated these fables from Pehlevi, the ancient language of Persia;
and that they had been translated into Pehlevi (about two hundred
years before his time) by Barzurjeh-, the physician of Khosru
Nushirvan, the king of Persia, the contemporary of the Emperor
Justinian. The king of Persia had heard that there existed in
India a book full of wisdom, and he had commanded his Vezier,
*
Buzurjmihr, to find a man acquainted with the languages both of
Persia and India. The man chosen wais Barzuyeh. He travelled to
India, got possession of the book, translated it into Persian, and
brought it back to the Court of Khosru. Declining* all rewards
beyond a dress of honour, he omfly stipulated that an account of his
own life and opinions should be added to the book. This account,
probably written by himself, is extremely curious. It is a Religio
Medici of the sixth centuryj and shows us a soul dissatisfied with
traditions and formularies, and striving after truth; and finding rest
only where many other seekers afterbrufh have(found their only rest
before and after him, in a life devoted to alleviating the sufferings
of mankind.
There is another account of the journey of this Persian physician
to India. It has the sanction of Firdusi, in the great Persian epicr
the Shah Hameh, and it is considered by some f as more original
than the one just quoted. According to it,, the Persian physician
read in a book that there existed in India trees or herbs supplying
a medicine with which the dead could be restored to life. At the
command of the king he went to India in search of those trees and
herbs; but, after spending a year in vain researches, he consulted
some wise people on the subject. They told him that the medicine
of which he had read as having the power of restoring men to lifehad to be understood in a higher and mote spiritual sense, and that
what was really meant by it were ancient books of wisdom preserved
in India, which imparted life to those who, were dead in their folly
and sins. J Thereupon the physician translated these books, and oneof them was the collection fablessjthe Kalila and Dimnah.
^
*
It is possible that both these stories were, later inventions j: but the
fact remains that Abdallah ibn Alniokaffa, thqjauthor of the oldest
Arabic collection of our fables, translated them from Pehlevi, the
language of Persia at the time of Khosru Nushirvan, and that the
Pehlevi text which he translated was believed to be a translation of a
book brought from India in the middle of the sixth century.
* See Weil, “ Geschichte der Chalifen,” vol. ii. p. 84.
t Benfey, p. 60.
J Cf. Barlaam et Joasaph, ed. Boissonade, p. 37.

'■*

�578

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

In this Arabic translation the story of the Brahman and the pot of
rice runs as follows :—
“ A religious man was in the habit of receiving every day from the house
of a merchant a certain quantity of butter (oil) and honey, of which, having
eaten as much as he wanted, he put the rest into a jar, which he hung
on a nail in a corner of the room, hoping that the jar would in time be
filled. Now, as he was leaning back one day on his couch, with a stick in
his hand, and the jar suspended over his head? he thought of the high price
of butter and honey, ancfeaid t® himself,‘1 will sell what is in the jar, and buy
with the money which I obtain for it ten goats, which, producing each of
them a young one evgry ^rmonths, in addition to the produce of the kids
as soon as they begin Ap bear, if will not be long before there is a large
flock.’ He continued to make his calcu&amp;tions, and found that he should at
this rate, in.th^cKWd of two years, have more than four hundred goats.
‘ At the expiratiqn. of^hjs ;term I will buy,’ said he, 1 a hundred black cattle,
in the proportion ^fj^bull or a cow for every four goats. I will then pur­
chase land, and hirBworkmen to plough it with the beasts, and put it into
tillage, so that before five years are over I shall, no doubt, have realized a
great fortune by the sale of the milk which the cows will give, and of the pro­
duce of my land. My next business will be to build a magnificent house, and
engage a nufflibqr^pf^e^an.ts, both male and female; and, when my esta­
blishment is competed, I will marry the handsomest woman I can find, who,
in due time becoming a mother, will present me with an heir to my posses­
sions, who, as he advances in age, shall receive the best masters that can
be procured; and, if the progress which he makes in learning is equal to my
reasonable expectations, I shall be amply repaid for the pains and expense
which I have bestowed upon himbut if, on the other hand, he disappoints
my hopes, the rod which I have herb shall be the instrument with which I
will make him feh the’ displeasure of a justly-offended parent.’ At these
l
*
words he suddenly raised thh handi ’which held the stick towards the jar,
and broke it, and the contents ran down upon his head and face.......... ” *

You will have observed the coincidence between the Arabic and
the Sanskrit versiorfsj'but also a considerable divergence, particularly
in the winding up of the story. The Brahman and the holy man
both build their castles in the air ; but, while the former kicks his
wife, the latter only chastises his son. How this change came to pass
we cannot tell. One might suppose that, at the time when the book
was translated from Sanskrit into Pehlevi, or from Pehlevi into
Arabic, the Sanskrit story was exactly like file Arabic story, and that
it was changed afterwards. But another explanation is equally
admissible, viz., that the Pehlevi or the Arabic translator wished to
■avoid the offensive behaviour of the husband kicking his wife, and
therefore substituted the son as a more deserving object of casti­
gation.
We have thus traced our story from Sanskrit to Pehlevi, and from
Pehlevi to Arabic ; we have followed it in its migrations from the
hermitages of Indian sages to the court of the kings of Persia, and
* “ Kalila and Dimna; or, the Fables of Bidpai, translated from the Arabic.”
the Rev. Wyndham Knatchbull, A.M. Oxford, 1819.
- AJ ;

By

�ON THE MIGRATION OF FABLES.

579

from thence to the residence of the powerful Khalifs at Bagdad. Let
us recollect that the Khalif Al Mansur, for whom the Arabic trans­
lation was made, was the contemporary of Abderrhaman, who ruled
in Spain, and that both were but little anterior to Harun al Rashid
and Charlemagne. At that time, therefor’©,' the way was perfectly
open for these Eastern fables, after theydhad on®e reached Bagdad,
to penetrate into the seats of Western-' learning, fend to spread to
every part of the new empire @f Charlemagne. They may-have done
so, for all we know ; bnt nearly three huildredi years' p’ass1 ^before these
fables meet us again in th® literature^ of EuropeJ ThefCwlovingian
empire had fallen to pieces^ Spain ^ad^-been rescued from the
Mohammedans, William the, Qon&lt;pteEorrhjad landed-in England, and
the Crusades had begun toAurn the' thoughts ©flMEurope towards the
East, when, about the year 1080, we hear of a Jew, p'f the name of
Symeon, the son of Seth, who translate.^, th,ese fables
Arabic
into Greek. He states in his prefaoe that the book came originally
from India, that it was brought td the King (Mosrofef of Persia, and
then translated into Arabic. His o,wn translation inipCJGreek has
been preserved, and has been published, though very; s imperfectly,
under the title of Stephanies and Ichnelates.
*
Here our fable is told
as follows (p. 337) :—
“It is said that a’beggar kept some honey an#butter In a jar close to
where he slept. One night he'thus thought Within himself:- f I shall sell this
honey and butter for however small a1 sum; wit-h it I Shall buy ten goats,
and these in five month's will produce as many again. In five years they
will become four hundred. With them I shall bfiy due huWdtfedl cows, and
with them I shall cultivate some land. And What WithHheir1 halves and
the harvests, I shall become rich in five years, and build a house with four
wings,j- ornamented with gold, and buy all kind’s of WyagK. and marry a
wife. She will give me a child, and I shall call him. Beauty. It will be
a boy, and I shall educate him properly h and if I see him lazy, I shall give
him such a flogging with this stick. • • .L With these words he took a
stick that was near him, struck the jar, and broke ^t, sq that the honey and
milk ran down on his beard.yA,

This Greek translation mighty no doubf^have reached La Fontaine ;
but as the French poet was not a great scholar, least-of all a reader
of Greek MSS., and as the fables of Sytaleon Seth werb not published
till 1697, we must look for other channels through which the old
fable was carried along from East to West.
* Specimen Sapientice Indorum Veterum, id est Liber Ethico-Politicus pervetustus,
dictus Arabice Kalilah ve Limn ah, Greece Stephanites ot Ichnclates, nunc primum
Greece ex MSS. Cod. Holsteiniano prodit cum versione Latina, opera S. G. Starkii.
Berolini, 1697.
f This expression, a four-winged house, occurs also in the PanZcatantra. As it does
not occur in the Arabic text published by De Sacy, it is clear that Symeon must have
followed another Arabic text in which this adjective, belonging to the Sanskrit, and no
doubt to the Pehlevi text also, had been preserved, j

�58o

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

There is, first of all, an Italian translation of the Stephanites and
Ichnelates, which was published at Ferrara in 1583.
*
The title
is, “ Del governo de’ regni. Sotto morali essempi di animali ragionanti tra loro. Tratti prima di lingua Indiana in Agarena da Lelo
Demno Saraceno. Et poi dall’ Agarena nella Greca da Simeone Setto,
philosopho Antiocheno.
Et hora tradotti di Greco in Italiano.”
This translation was probably the work of Giulio Nuti. There is,
besides, a Latin translation, or rather a free rendering of the Greek
translation^ by the learned Jesuit, Petrus Possinus, which was pub­
lished a4 Rome in 1666,f This may have been, and, according
to some authorities, has really been one of the sources from which

#

* Pertsch; Orient und Occident, vol. ii. p. 2®. Here the story is told as follows
*“ Perche si contache un cert© pouer huomo hauea uicino a doue dormiua, un mulino
&amp; del buturo, &amp; una notte tra se pensando disse, io uenderd questo mulino, &amp; questo
butturo tanto per il meno, che io comprerd diece capre. Le quali mi figliaranno in
cinque mesi altre.tante,&amp; in cinque anni multiplicheranno fino a quattro cento; Le
quali barattero in cento buoi, &amp; Bdn essi seminaro una capagna, &amp; insieme da
figliuoli loro, &amp; dal frutto della terra in altri cinque anni, sard oltre modo ricco, &amp; faro
un palagio quadro, adorato, &amp; comprerd schiaui una infinite, &amp; prendero moglie, la
quale mi fara un figliuolo, &amp; lo nominero Pancalo, &amp; lo faro ammaestrare come bisogna.
Et se vedro che non si curi con questa bacchetta cosi il percotero. Con che prendendo
la bacchetta che gli era uieina, &amp; feattendo di esaa il vaso doue era il buturo, e lo ruppe,
&amp; fuse il butturo. Dopo gli partori la moglie un figliuolo, e la moglie un di gli disse,
habbi un poco cura di questo fanciullo o marito, fino che io uo e torno da un seruigio.
La quale essendo andata fu aneo il marito ohiamato dal Signore della terra, &amp; tra tanto
-auucnne che una serpe sali sopra il fanciullo. Et vna donzella uicina, corsa la, 1’ uccise.
'Tomato il marito uide insanguito 1’ vseio, &amp; pensando che costei 1’ hauesse ucciso,
.auanti che il uedesse, le diede ^ul-&gt;qapo, di un bastone, e 1’ uccise. Entrato poi, &amp; sano
trouando il figliuolq, &amp; la serpe morta, si fu grandemente pentito, &amp; piase amaramente.
Losi adunque i frettolosi in molte cose errano.” (P. 516.)
t Georgii Pachymeris Michael Palseologus, sive Historia rerum a M.P. gestarum, ed.
Petr. Possinus. Eomse, 1666.
Appendix ad observationes Pachymerianas, Specimen Sapientiaa Indorum veterum
liber olim ex lingua Indica in Persicam a Perzoe Medico : ex Persica in Arabicam ab
Anonymo: ex Arabica
Gt-aecam a Symeone Seth, a Petro Possino Societ. Iesu,
novissime e Grseca in Latin am translatus.
“ Huie talia serio nuganti haud paulo cordatior mulier. Mihi videris, Sponse, inquit,
nostri cujusdam famuli egentissimi hominis, similis ista inani provisione nimis remotarum
et incerto eventu pendentium rerum. Is diurnis mercedibus mellis ac butyri non magna
copia collects, duobus ista vasis e terra coctili condiderat. Mox secum ita ratiocinans
nocte quadam dicebat: Mel ego istud ac butyruni quindecim minimum vendam denariis.
Ex his decern Capras emam. Has mihi quinto mense totidem alias parient. Quinque
annis gregem Caprarum facile quadringentarum confecero. Has commutare tunc placet
cum bobus centum, quibus exarabo vim terras magnam et numerum tritici maximum
congeram. Ex fructibus hisce quinquennio mftfflKplieSftlis, pecuniae scilicet tantus existet
modus, ut facile in locupletissimis numerer. Accedit dos uxoris quam istis opibus
ditissimam nansciscar. Nascetur mihi filius quern jam nunc decerno nominare Pancalum. Hunc educabo liib'eralfesime, ut nobilium nulli concedat. Qui si ubi adoleverit,
ut juventus solet, contumacem se mihi praebeffit, haud feret impune. Baculo enim hoc
ilium hoc modo feriam. Arreptum inter haec dicendum lecto vicinum baculum per
tenebras jactavit, casuque incurrens in dolia mellis et butyri juxta posita,' confregit
utrumque, ita ut in ejus etiam os barbamqfie stillae liquoris prosilirent; caetera effusa
et mixta pulveri prorsus corrumperentur; ac fundamentum spei tantae, inopem et
multum gementem momento destitueret.” (P. 602.)

�ON THE MIGRATION OF FABLES.

58i

La Fontaine drew his inspirations. But though La Fontaine mayhave consulted this work for other fables, I do not think that he
took from it the fable of Perrette and the milk-pail.
The fact is, that these fables had found several other channels
through which, as early as the thirteenth century, they reached the
literary market of Europe, and became familiar as household words,
at least among the higher and educated classes. We shall follow
the course of some of these channels. First, then, a learned Jew,
whose name seems to have been Joel,translated our fables from Arabic
into Hebrew (1250?). His work has been preserved in one MS. at
Paris, but has not yet been published, except the tenth book, which
was communicated by Dr. Neubauer to a German. journal, Orient unci
Occident (vol. i. p. 658). This Hebrew translation was translated by
another Jew, Johannes of Capua, into Latin. His translation was
finished between 1263r—1278, and, under the title of Dwectorium
humance vitce, it became very seen a popular work with the select
reading public of the thirteenth century.
*
Itiwas translated into
German at the command of Eberhard, the great Duke of Wiirtemberg, and both the Latin text and the German translation occur, in
repeated editions, among the rare books printed between 1480 and
the end of the fifteenth century, f A Spanish translations, founded
both on the German and the Latin texts;, appeared at Burgos in
1493
and from these different swrees flowed in the sixteenth
* Directorium Humanae Vitae alias Parabolae Antiquorum Sapientum, fol. s. 1. e. a. k.4:
“Dicitque olim quidam fuit heremita apud quendam regem. Cui rex providerat
quolibet die pro sua vita. Scilicet provisionem de sua coquina eft vasculum de melle.
Ille vero comedebat decocta^ et reservabat mel in quodam vase suspenso super suum
caput donee esset plenum. Erat autem mel percarum in illis diebus. Quadam vero die:
dum jaceret in suo lecto elevato capite, respexit vas mellis quod super caput ei pendebai. Et recordatus quoniam mel de die in diem vendebatur pluris solito seu carius,
et dixit in corde suo. Quum fuerit hoc vas plenums vqndam ipsum uno talento auri :
*
de quo mihi emam decern oves, et successu temporis he dyes facient filiog et Alias, et
erunt viginti. Postea vero ipsis multiplicatis cum Aliis et Aliabus in quatuor annis
erunt quatuor centum. Tunc de quibuslibet quatuor. ojvibusi emam vaccam et bovem
et terram. Et vaccaa multiplicab.untur in Aliis, quorum masculos accipiam mihi in
culturam terre, praeter id quod percipiam de eis de lacte et lana, donee non’consummatis
aliis quinque annis multiplicabuntur in tantum quod habebo mihi magnas substantiae
et divitias, et ero a cunctis reputatus dives et honestus. Et ediAcabo mibi tunc grandia
et excellentia ediAcia pre omnibjus meis'vicinis et consanguindbus, Haque omnes de meis
divitiis loquantur, nonne erit mihiillud jocundum, cum omnes homines mihi reverentiam
in omnibus locis exhibeant. Accipiam postea uxorem de nobilibus terre. Cumque
earn cognovero, concipiet et pariet mihi Alium nobilcm et delectabilem cum bona
fortuna et dei boncplacito qui crescet in scientia et virtute, et relinquam mihi per ipsum
bonam memoriam post mei obitum, et castigabjq -ipsum dietim: sijmee recalcitraverit
doctrine; ac mihi in omnibus erit obediens, et si non : percutiam eum isto baclo et erecto
baculo ad percutiendum percussit vag mellis et fregit ipsum et deAuxit mel super
caput ejus.”
+ Benfey, Orient und Occident, vol. i. p. 138.
+ Benfey, Orient und Occident, vol. i. p. 501. Its title is: “Exemplario contra los
enganos y peligros del mundo,” ibid. p. 167-68.

�582

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

century the Italian renderings of Firenzuola (1548) and Doni
*
(1552).f As these Italian translations were repeated in French £
and English, before the end of the sixteenth century, they might no
doubt have supplied La Fontaine with subjects for his fables.
But, as far as we know, it was a third channel that really brought
the Indian fabtes to the immediate notice of the French poet. A
Persian poet, of the ;name of Nasr Allah, translated the work of
Abdallah ibn Almokfefla into Persian about 1150. This Persian trans­
lation was enlarged mF sth e fifteenth century by another Persian poet,
Husain ben A^^alledteZ Vakz, under the title of Anvari Suhaili.§
This name will be familiar to many members of the Indian Civil
Service, as being one of the old Haileybury class-books which had to
be construed by all’who wished to gain high honours in Persian.
This work, or lat lea's! the first books ofijit, were translated into French
by David Sahid of Ispahan^ and published at Paris in 1644, under the
title of Livre desSiimi&amp;Ies^ou^ la Condmtc des Rois, compose par le Sage
Pilpay, Indien. Thisl translation, we know, fell into the hands of
La Fontaine?; iand a number of his most charming fables were
certainly borrowed from it.
But Perrette withothe milk^pail has not yet arrived at the end of
her journey, for if we’ look a the “ Livre des Lumieres,” as pub­
t
*
lished at Paras#-we find neither the milkmaid nor her prototype, the
Brahman who kicks'hishwife-, or the religious man who flogs his boy.
That story occursAn the latter chapters, which were left out in the
French translation; and. La Fontaine, therefore, must have met with
his model elsewher^;^
Kemeniber; that »/• all our wanderings we have not yet found the
milkmaid^ but only -the Brahman or the religious man. What we
want to know is who first brought about this metamorphosis.
No doubt Ld Fdntairie whs quite the man to seize on any jewel
which was contained inthe Orientalfables, to remove the cumbersome
and foreign-looking -setting, and thifo. to place the principal figure in
that pretty frame in which most of us have first become acquainted
with it. But in this case the charmer’s wand did not belong to*
§
* Discorsi degli amimali, di Messer Agnolo Firenzuola, in Prose di M. A. F.
(Fiorenza, 1548;)'
t La Moral Filosophiadel Doni, trattada gli antichi scrittori. Vinegia, 1552.
Trattati Diversi di Sendebar Indiano, filosopho morale. Vinegia, 1552.
+ Le plaisant et facetieux discours des animaux, nouvellement traduict de tuscan en
fran&lt;jois, Lyon, 1556, par Gabriel Cottier.
Deux livres de filosofie fabuleuse, le premier pris des discours de M. Ange Firenzuola,
le second extraict des traictez de Sandebar indien, par Pierre de La Rivey. Lyon, 1579.
The second book is a translation of the second part of Doni’s “ Filosofia morale.”
§ The Anvar-i Suhaili, or the Lights of Ganophs, being the Persian version of the
Fables of Pilpay, or the Book, Kalilah and Damnah, rendered into Persian by Husain
VAiz U’l-Kashifi, literally translated by E. B. Eastwick, Hertford, 1854.

�DM THE MIGRATION OF FABLES.

583

La Fontaine, but to some forgotten worthy, whose very name it will
be difficult to fix upon with certainty.
We have, as yet, traced three streams only, all starting from the
Arabic translation of Abdallah ibn Almokafia, one in the eleventh,
another in the twelfth, a third in the thirteenth century, all reaching
Europe, some touching the very steps of the throne of Louis XIV.,
yet none of them carrying the leaf which contained the story of
“ Perrette/’ or of the “ Brahman,” to the threshold of La Fontaine’s
home. We must, therefore, try again.
After the conquest of Spain by the Mohammedan^ Arabic litera­
ture had found a new home in Western Wurope, and among the
numerous works translated fmm- Arawfe into Latin dr 'Spanish, we
find in the middle of thePthirteenth cehtiiry a Spanish translation
of our fables, called 11 Calila e Dymna.
*
This was translated into
Latin by Raimond de Beziers in
Lastly, we find in the same century another translation from
Arabic straight into Latin verse, by Baldo, which bdcame known
under the name of “ ffisopus alter.”-f* This translation has lately been published, by Don Pascual de G-ayangos in the
Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, Madrid, 1860, vol. li. Here the story runs as follows
(p. 57):—
“ Del religioso que vertio la miel et la manteca sobre su cabeza.
“ Dijo la mujer
‘ Dicen que un religioso habia cada dia limosna de casa de un mercader rico, pan e manteca e miel e otras cosas, et comia el pan e lo al condesaba, et ponia
la miel e la manteca en un jarra, fasta que la finchd, et tenia'la jarra colgada a la cabecera
de su cama. Et vino tiempo que encarecio la miel e la manteca, et el religioso fablo un
dia consigo mismo, estando asentado en su cama, etdijo asi: Venaere cuanto esth en esta
jarra por tantos maravedis, e comprare con ell" diez cabras, et emprenarse-han, e
pariran h cabo de cinco meses ; et fizo cuenta de esta guisa, et fallo que en cinco anos
montarian bien cuatrocientas cabras. Desi dijo : Venderlas-he todas, et con el precio
dellas comprare cien vacas, por cada cuatro cabezas una vaca, e haberd simiente e
sembrare con los bueyes, et aprovecharme-he de los becerros et de las fembras e de
la leche e manteca, e de las mieses habre grant habenyet labrare muy nobles casas, e
comprare siervos e siervas, et esto fecho casarme-he con una mujer muy rica, e fermosa,
e de grantjlogar, e emprenarla-he de fijo varon, e nacera complido de sus miembros,
et criarlo-he como a fijo de rey, e castigarlo-he con esta yara, si non quisiere ser
bueno 6 obediente.’ E el deciendo esto, alzo la vara que tenia en la mano, et ferio en
la olla que estaba colgada encima del, d quebrola, e cayole la miel e la manteca sobre
su cabeza.” &amp;c.
t See Poesies inedites du moyen age, par M. Ednlstand Du Meril. Paris, 1854.
XVI. De viro et vase olei (p. 239):—
“ Uxor ab antiquo fuit infecunda marito.
Mesticiam (I. moestitiam) cujus cupiens lenire vix (I. vir) hujus,
His blandimentis solatur tristi[ti]a mentis :
Cur sic tristaris 1 Dolor est tuus omm's inanis r
Pulchrae prolis eris satis amodo munere felix.
Pro nihilo ducens conjunx haec verbulaprudens,
T
His verbis plane quod ait vir monstrat inane :
■ Rebus inops quidam . . . (bone vias, tibi dicam,)
: : , ' ■&gt;
Vas oleo plenum, longum quod retro per aevum
Legerat orando, loca per diversa vagando,
Pune ligans ar(e)to, tecto[que] susjjendit.ab alto.
Sic preestolatur tempus quo pluris ematur[atur]
Qua locupletari se sperat et arte beari.
Talia dum captat, haec stultus inania jactat

�5§4

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

From these frequent translations, and translations of translations,
in the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, we see quite clearly
that these Indian fables were extremely popular, and were, in fact,
more widely read in Europe than the Bible, or any other book.
They were not only read in translations, but having been introduced
into Sermons, homilies, and works on morality, they were improved
upon, acclimatized, localized, moralized, till at last it is almost im­
possible to recognise their Oriental features under their homely
disguises.
I shall give you one instance only.
Rabelais, in his (l Qargantua/’ gives a long description how a man
might conquer the whole world. At the end of this dialogue, which
was meant as a satire on Charles V., we read :—
“ There was there present at that time an old gentleman well experienced
in the wars, a stern soldier, and who had been in many great hazards,
named Echephron; who, hearing this discourse, said: ‘ I do greatly doubt
that all this enterprise will be like the tale, or interlude, of the pitcher, full
of milk, wherewith a shoemaker made himself rich in conceit; but when the
pitcher was broken, he had not whereupon to dine.’ ”

This is clearly our story, only the Brahman has, as yet, been changed
into a shoemaker only, and the pot of rice or the jar of butter and
honey into a pitcher of milk. Now it is perfectly true that if a writer
of the fifteenth ce-n^iry changed the Brahman into a shoemaker, La
Fontaine might, wifth the hame right, have replaced the Brahman by
his milkmaid. Knowing that the story was current—was, in fact,
common property in the fifteenth century, nay, even at a much
earlier date, we might; really be satisfied after having brought the
germs of Perr'gwe within easy reach of La Fontaine. But, fortunately,
we can make at least one step further, a step of about two centuries.
This giant step backward brings us to the thirteenth century, and
there we find our old Indian friend again, and this time really
changed into a milkmaid. The book I refer to is written in Latin,
and called Dialogus Creaturarum opdime moralizatus; in English, the
Dialogue of Creatures moralized. It was a book intended to teach
the principles of Christian morality by examples taken from ancient
fables. It was evidently a most successful book, and was translated
into several modern languages. There is an old translation of it in
Ecce potens factus,Cuero cum talia naetus,
Vinciar uxori quantum queo nobiliori :
Tunc sobolem g-ignam, -so meque per omnia dignam,
Cujus opus morum genus omne praeibit avorum.
Cui nisi tot vitae fuerint insignia rite, • ■
Fustis hie absque mora feriet caput ejus et"[h]ora.
Quod dum nai’raret,^extramque minando levaret,
Ut percussisset puerum quasi praesto fuisset
Vas in preedictum manu's -ejus dirigit ictum
Servatumque sibi vas il[l]ico fregit olivi.”

�ON THE MIGRATION OF

585

ff)® O W
p QP'H
gp® P

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pbf5 QQ M

Pip p »
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O’ o' B' S

�586

THE CONTEMPORAR Y RE VIE W.

English, first printed by Caxton, and afterwards repeated in 1816.
I shall read you from it the fable in which, as far as I can find, the
milkmaid appears for the first time on the stage, surrounded already
by much of that scenery which, four hundred years later, received its
last touches at the hand of La Fontaine.
“ Dialogo C. (p. ccxxiii.) Foi’ as it is but madnesse to truste to mocbe in
surete, so it is but foly to hope to moche of vanyteys, for vayne be all
erthly thinges longynge to men, as sayth Davyd, Psal. xciiii: Wher of it is
tolde in fablys that a lady uppon a tyme delyvered to her mayden a gcilon of
mylke to sell at a cite,fcSd by'the way, as she sate and restid her by a dyche
side, she began to
the money of the mylke she wold bye an
henne, the which shulde brin-ge forth chbkyns, and when they were growyn
to hennys she wolde sell them and bFpiggis, and eschaunge them in to
shepe, and the shep4
in
*
to oxen, and so whan she was come to richesse she
sholde be maried right worshipfully unto some worthy man, and thus she
reioycid. And whan she ;Was thus metvelously comfortid and ravisshed
inwardly in her secrete solace, thinkynge with howe greate ioye she shuld
be ledde toward® the chirche with her husbond on horsebacke, she sayde to
her self: ‘Goo wl, goo we.’ Sodavnly® she smote the grounde with her
fote, myndynge^o spurrp
hoSI (but her fote slypped, and she fell in
the dyche, and there lay®| her mylke,.fend so she was farre from her pur­
pose, and never had that she hopid- to have.” *

Here we have arrived at the find of our journey. It has been a
long journey across fifteen. o£ twenty centuries, and I am afraid our
following Perrette from country to country, and from language to
language, may have tired some of my hearers. I shall, therefore,
not attempt to fill the gap that divides the fable of the thirteenth
century from La Fontaine. Suffice it to say, that the milkmaid,
having once taken the place of the Brahman, maintained it against
all comers. We find her as Dona Truhana, in the famous Conde
Lucanor, the work of the Infante Don Juan JYanuel,^ who died in
* The Latin text is more simple :—“ Unde cum quedam domina dedisset ancille sue
lac ut venderet et lac portaret ad urbem juxta fossatum cogitare cepit quod de pcio lactis
emerit gallinam quae faceret pullos quos auctos in gallinas venderet et porcellos emeret
eos que mutaret in oves et ipsas in boves. Sic que ditata contraheret cum aliquo nobili et
sic gloriabatur. Et cum sic gloriaretur et cogitaret cum quanta gloria duceretur ad
ilium virum super equum dicendo gio gio cepit pede percutere terram quasi pungeret
equum calcaribus. Sed tunc lubricatus est pes ejus et cecidit in fossatum effundendo
lac. Sic enim non habuit quod.se adepturam sperabat.”—Dialogus Creaturarum optime
moralizatus (ascribed to Nicolaus Pergaminus, supposed to have lived in the thirteenth
century). He quotes Elynandus, in Gestis Romanorum. First edition, per Gerardum leeu
in oppido Goudensi inceptum, munere Dei finitus est, Anno Domini, 1480.
t He tells the story as follows :—“There was a woman called Dona Truhana (Ger­
trude), rather poor than rich. One day she went to the market carrying a pot of honey
on her head. On her way she began to think that she would sell the pot of honey,
and buy a quantity of eggs, that from those eggs she would have chickens, that she
would sell them and buy sheep ; that the sheep would give her lambs, and thus calcu­
lating all her gains, she began to think herself much richer than her neighbours. With
the riches which she imagined she possessed, she thought how she would marry her sons
and daughters, and how she would walk in the street surrounded by her sons and
daughters-in-law; and how people would consider her very happy for having amassed

�ON THE MIGRATION OF FABLES.

587

1347, the grandson of St. Ferdinand, the nephew of Alfonso the Wise,
though himself not a king, yet more powerful than a king; renowned
both by’his sword and by his pen, and possibly noibignorant of Arabic,
the language of his enemies. We find her again in the Contes et
Nouvelles of Bonaventure des Periers* published in the sixteenth cen­
tury, a book which we know that La Fontaine was well acquainted
with. We find her after La Fontaine in all fee languages of Europe.
You see now before your eyes thd- bridge on ‘which our fables
came to us from East to WeS$. The' same Lfiridge which brought
us Perrette brought us hundred1!. of W&gt;lfe, all originally sprung
up in India, many of them carefully kollecwd1 by Bilclffkist priests,
and preserved in their sacred canon, afterwards handed on to
the Brahman ic writers of a' later age. Carried c ‘by Barzuyeh
from India to the edurt of Persia, then to the courts of the
Khalifs at Bagdad and Cordova, and of the1 empntors at Constanti­
nople. Some of them, no doubt, peFished on ‘feeff'Journey, others
were mixed up together, others wdre changetiHill w should hardly
*
e
*
know them again. Still, if you on'de know the eventful journey of
Perrette, you know the journey ot 'all the Other tables that belong to
this Indian cycle; "'-Few of them have’g'one ferough So many changes,
few of them haw' found so many
4
*RWcts^
whether in the courts of
kings or in the huts of beggars? Few of felrn "have been to places
"
*
where Perrette has n&lt;# also been. This is why I selected her and
her passage through the world as fee beisl^ illustration of a subject
which otherwise would require 3 a whole course of lectures to be
*
treated in its completeness?
But though our fable represents
large class Oircluster of fables,
it does not represent all. There ’were seferhl cdliec'tibns, besides the
PanZ'atantra, which found their way from India to Europe. The
so large a fortune, though, she had. been so poor. "While she was ttenkirioi over all
this, she began to laugh for joy, and struck her heard andlogead with he^hand. The
pot of honey fell down/w’as, broken, and s|l shbdhot tears because she had lost all that
she would have possessed! itf the pot of honey had’hotfeden broken.” 1
* Bonaventure des Periers, Les Contes pu' lfes N^yellgs^ Asfdsterdam, 1735;
Nouvelle XIV. (vol. i. p. 141). (First edition, Lyon, 1,55&amp;) “ Et ne les (les
Alquemistes) SQauroit-onimieux compaW qu’a une boffne ’feWnl1 qui portoit une potee
de laict au marche, faisant son compte ainsi: qu’elle la vendroitI deux liards: de ces
deux liards elle en achepteroit une doi^ainefd’^T^Sj/leeqjUelJigliljermetfroit couver, et en
auroit une douzaine de poussins: ces poussins deyiendroient .gjjands, et les feroit
chaponner : ces chapons vaudroient 6inq so|zla piece,ce serort un escu et plu?, dont
elle achepteroit deux cochons, masle et femelle : qui deviendroient grands et en feroient
une douzaine d’autres, qu’elle vendroit vingt solz la ^pmee q apres les . avoir nourris
quelque temps, ce seroient douze francs.,; dont elle achepteroit une iumcnt, qui porteroit
un beau poulain, Iequel croistroit et deviendroit tant gentil: il sauteroit et feroit
Et en disant Sin, la bonne femme, de l’aise qu’elle avoit en son compte, se print a faire
la ruade que feroit son poulain: et en ce faisant sa potee de laict va tomber, et se
respandit toute. Et voila ses oeufs, ses poussins, ses chappons, ses [cochons, sa jument,
et son poulain, tous par terre.”

�588

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most important among them is the Book of the Seven Wise Masters,
or the Book of Sindbad, the history of which has lately been written
with great learning and ingenuity by Signor Comparetti.
*
These large collections of fables and stories mark what may be
called the high roads on which the literary products of the East were
carried to the West. But there are, beside these high roads, some
smaller, less trodden paths on which single fables, sometimes mere
proverbs, similes, or metaphors, have come to us from India,
from Persepolis, from Damascus and Bagdad. I have already
alluded to the powerful influence which Arabic literature exercised on
Western Europe through Spain. Again, a most active interchange
of Eastern and Western ideas took place at a later time during the
progress of the Crusades. Even the inroads of Mongolian tribes into
Russia and the East of Europe kept up a literary bartering between
Oriental and Occidental nations.
But few would have suspected a Father of the Church as an im­
porter of Eastern fables. Yet so it is.
At the court of the same Chalif Almansur, where Abdallah ibn
Almokafla translated the fables of Calila or Bimna from Persian into
Arabic, there lived a Christian of the name of Sergius, who for many
years held the high office of treasurer to the Chalif. He had a son
to whom he gave the best education that could then be given, his
chief tutor being one Cosmos, an Italian monk, who had been taken
prisoner by the Saracens, and sold as a slave at Bagdad. After the
death of Sergius, his son succeeded him for some time as chief
councillor (^7rpwToavp./3ovXos) to the Chalif Almansur. Such, however,
had been the influence of the Italian monk on his pupil’s mind, that
he suddenly resolved to retire from the world, and to devote himself to
study, meditation, and pious works. From the monastery of St. Saba,
near Jerusalem, this former minister of the Chalif issued the most
learned works on theology, particularly his Exposition of the Orthodox
Faith. He soon became the highest authority on matters of dogma
in the Eastern Church, and he still holds his place among the saints
both of the Eastern and the Western Churches. His name was Joannes,
and from being born at Damascus, the former capital of the Chalifs,
he is best known in history as Joannes Damascenus, or St. John of
Damascus. He must have known Arabic, and probably Persian;
but his mastery of Greek earned him, later in life, the name of
Chrysorrhoas.,, or Gold-flowing. He became famous as the defender
of the sacred images, and as the determined opponent of the Emperor
Leo the Isaurian, about 726. It is difficult in his life to distinguish
between legend and history, but that he had held high office at the
court of the Chalif Almansur, that he boldly opposed the iconoclastic
* Ricerche intorno al Libro diSindibad.

Milano, 1869.

�ON THE MIGRATION OF FABLES.

589

policy of the Emperor Leo, and that he wrote the most learned
theological works of his time, cannot easily be questioned.
Among the works ascribed to him is a story called Barlciam and
*
Joasaph
There has been a fierce controversy as to whether he was
the author of it or not. Though for our owii immediate purposes it
would be of little consequence whether the book was written by
Joannes Damascenus or by some fess distinguished '-tecclesiastic, I
must confess that the arguments hitherto adduced against his author­
ship seem to me very weak.
The Jesuits did not like the book, because it was a religious novel.
They pointed to a passage in whichJthe HolyMSrhost is represented as
proceeding from the Father “ and the Son/’ as incompatible with the
creed of an Eastern ecclesiastics' That very passage, however, has now
been proved to be spurious and it should be borne in mind, besides,
that the controversy on the procession of the Holy Ghost from the
Father and the Son, or from the Father through the Son, dates a
century later than Joannes. The fac^&lt; again, that the author does
not mention Mohammedanism,f proves nothing against the author­
ship of Joannes, because, as he places BufSam ‘ and Joasaph in the
early centuries of Christianity, he would have ruined his story by
any allusion to Mohammed’s religion, then only a hundred years
old. Besides, he had written -a separate work, in which the relative
merits of Christianity and Mohammedanism are discussed. The
prominence given to the question of the worship of images shows
that the story could not have been written much Before the time of
Joannes Damascenus, and there is nothing in the style of our author
that could be pointed out as incompatible with the style of the
great theologian. On the contrary, the author of Barlaam and
Joasaph quotes the same authors whom Joannes Damascenus
quotes most frequently—e.g., Basilius and Gregorius Nazianzenus.
And no one but Joannes could have taken long passages from his
own works without saying where he borrowed them.
* The Greek text was first published in 1832 by Boissonade, in his “Anecdota
Graeca,” vol. iv. The title as given in some MSS. is:—laropia
Ik rijp
evSorspas t&amp;v A.i9iottuv xiopaQ, rfjp ’IvSuv XsyopivriQ, 7rpd£ rrjv ayiav ttoXiv ptTtvsxGiLaa Sia ’Iioavvov povaxov [other MSS. read, avyypai^iiaa irapd tov ayiov irarpoQ
'r]p.G&gt;v laiavvov rov bapaaK^vov],. avSpoi; Tipiov Kai evaptrov p.ovf}g tov ayiov
kv
y o (SioQ BapXaap Kai luaaatp ro&gt;v aotSipiov Kai paxapiaiv. Joannes Monachus occurs
as the name of the author in other works of Joannes Damascenus. See Leo Allatius,
Prolegomena, p. l., in Damasceni Opera Omnia. Ed. Lequieu5jl748. Venice.
At the end the author says : Ewj &lt;i&gt;oe to irlpap tov irapovTOQ Xoyov, ov Kara 5vvap.iv
spijv yeypa^Ka, KaOiog aK/jKoa irapii tujv dipevSup TrapactoaiKoruv pot Tipiiov dv5pG&gt;v.
rsvotro Sbr/pap, tovq avaytvuoKovraQ re Kai aKovovraQ ttjv ipvxexptXij Siriyrjaiv ravrip’,
t&gt;]£ peptSop a^ia&gt;9ijvai t&amp;v evapttTTTjaavaiov Tip Kvp'np evxalg Kai irpttrflsiaiQ BapXaap. Kai
lotdoatp tivv paKapiuv, Trepi o&gt;v t) 5ir)yijaiQ. See also Wiener Jahrbucher, vol. lxiii. p.
44—83 ; vol. lxxii. p. 274—88 ; vol. lxxiii. p. 176—202.
t Littre, Journal des Savants, 1865, p. 337.
J The Martyrologium Romanum, whatever its authority may be, states distinctly

�590

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

The story of “ Barlaam and Joasaph ”—or, as he is more commonly
called, Josaphat—may be told in a few words: “ A king in India,
an enemy and persecutor of the Christians, has an only son. The
astrologers have predicted that he would embrace the new doctrine.
His father, therefore, tries by all means in his power to keep him
ignorant of the miseries of the world, and to create in him a taste fol
pleasure and enjoyment. A Christian hermit, however, gains access to
the prince, and instructs him in the doctrines of the Christian religion.
The young prince is not only baptized, but resolves to give up all
his earthly.richesf; and, after having converted his own father and
many of his subjects, he follows his [teacher into the desert.”
The real object of the book is to give a simple exposition of the
principal doctrines of the Christian religion. It also contains a first
attempt at comparative theology, for in the course of the story there is a
disputation on the merits of the principal religions of the world—the
Chaldaean, the Egyptian, the Greek, the Jewish, and the Christian.
But one of the chief attractions of thip manual of Christian theology
consisted in ^.number of fables and parables with which it is
enlivened. Most of them have been traced to an Indian source. I
shall mention one only which has found its way into almost every
literature of the world: *—
“ A man was pursued by a unicorn, and while he tried to flee from it, he
fell into a pit. In falling, he stretchfed out both his arms, and laid hold of
a small tree that was growing on one side of the pit. - Having gained a firm
footing, and holding to the tree, he fancied he was safe, when he saw two
mice, a black ana a white one, busy gnawing the root of the tree to which
he was clinging. Looking d’own into the pit, he perceived a horrid dragon
with his mouth wide aspen, ready to devour him, and when examining the
place onjjjwhi^h his^fpet rested, the heads of four serpents glared at him.
Then he looked up. and observed drops of honey falling down from the tree
to which he clung. {Suddenly the unicorn, the dragon, the mice, and the
serpents were-all forgotten, and his mind was intent only on catching the
drops ofisW^t ho®ey trickling down froniithe tree.”

An explanation is hardly required. The unicorn is Death, always
chasing man; the pit 1 is the world; the small tree is man’s life,
*
constantly gnawed by the black and the white mouse—i.e., by night
and day; the four serpents are the four elements which compose the
human body ;■ the dragon below is meant for the jaws of hell.
that the . acts of Barlaam :ahd Josaphat were written by Sanctus Joannes Damascenes.
“ Apud Indos Persia Ififaitimos sanctorum Barlaam et Josaphat, quorum actus mirandos
sanctus Joannes Damascenus conscripsit.” See Leonis Allatii Prolegomena,
Joannis
Damasceni Opera, ed. Lequien, vol. i.p. xxvi. He adds : Et Gennadius Patriarcha per
Concil. Florent., cap. 5. oi% ij/TTov be Kai 6 ’hodwijc 6 peyaQ rov SapaaKoii d&lt;p&amp;aXp.b$
tv
BapXaa/x Kai 'Iwcrdtpar rwv ’Ivdojv fj.aprvpei Xiyov.
* The story of the caskets, well known from the Merchant of Venice, occurs in
Barlaam and Josaphat,Though it is used there for a different purpose.

�&lt;AV THE MIGRA TION OF FABLES.

59i

Surrounded by all these horrors, man is yet able to forget them all,
and to think only of the pleasures of life, which, like a few drops of
honey, fall into his mouth from the tree of life.
*
But what is still more curious is, that the author of Barlaam
and Josaphat has evidently taken his very hero, the Indian Prince
Josaphat, from an Indian source. In the “ Lalita Vistara”—the life,
though no doubt the legendary life, of Buddha—the father of Buddha
is a king. When his son is born, the Brahman Asita predicts that
he will rise to great glory, and become either a powerful king, or,
renouncing the throne and embracing the life of i, hermit, become a
Buddha.f The great object of his father is to prevent this. He
therefore keeps the young prince, when he grows up, in his garden
and palaces, surrounded by all pleasures which might' turn his mind
from contemplation to enjoyment. More especially he is to know
nothing of illness, old age, and death, which might open his eyes to
the misery and unreality of life. After a time, however, the prince
receives permission to drive out; and then follow the three drives,f
so famous in Buddhist history. The places where these drives took
place were commemorated by towers still standing in the time of
Fa Ilian’s visit to India, early in the fifth century after Christ, and
even in the time of Hiouen Thsang, in the seventh century. I shall
read you a short account of the three drives : §—
“ One day when the prince with a large retinue was driving through the
eastern gate of the city, on the way to one of his parks, hd.met on the road
an old man, broken and decrepit. One could; see the veins and muscles
over the whole of his body, his teeth chattered, he was covered with
wrinkles, bald, and hardly able to utter hollow and unmelodious sounds.
He was bent on his stick, and all his limbs and joints trembled. ‘Who
is that man ? ’ said the prince to his coachman. ‘ He is small and
weak, his flesh and his blood are dried up, his muscles stick to his skin, his
head is white, his teeth chatter, his body is wasted away; leaning on his
stick, he is hardly able to walk, stumbling at . every step, Is there some­
thing peculiar in his family, or is this the common lot of all created beings ? ’
“ ‘Sir,’ replied the coachman, ‘that man.is sinkin^cander old age, his
senses have become obtuse, suffering has destroyed his strength, and he is
despised by his relations. He is without support, and useless ; and people
have abandoned him, like a dead tree in a forest. But this is not peculiar
to his family. In every creature youth is defeated by old age. Your father,
your mother, all your relations, all your friends, will come to the same
state ; this is the appointed end of all creatures.’
“JAlas!’ replied the prince, ‘are creatures so ignorant, so weak, and
foolish as to be proud of the youth by which they are intoxicated, not
seeing the old age which awaits them ? As for me, I go away. Coachman,*
§
* Cf. Benfey, Pantschatantra, vol. i. p. 80 ; vol. ii. p, 528'j.Les Avadanas, contos ct
apologues indiens, par Stanislas Julien, i. 132, 191 ; Gesta Romanorum, cap. 168 ;
iHomayun Nameh, cap. iv.; Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, p. 758-59,
h f Lalita Vistara, ed. Calcutt, p. 126.
I J Ibid., p. 225.
§ See Max Muller’s “ Chips from a German Workshop,” 2nd edit., vol. I., p. 211.

VOL. XIV.

R R

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THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

turn my chariot quickly. What have I, the future prey of old age—what
have I to do with pleasure ? ’ And the young prince returned to the city
without going to the park.
.
J
“Another time the prince was driving through the southern gate to his
pleasure-garden, when he perceived on the road a man suffering from ill­
ness, parched with fever, his body wasted, covered with mud, without a
friend, without a home, hardly able to breathe, and frightened at the sight
of himself and the approach of death. Having questioned his coachman,
and received from him the answer which he expected, the young prince said,
Alas !. health is but the sport of a dream, and the fear of suffering must, take
this flightful form. Where is the wise man who, after having seen what
he is, could any longer thinkcof joy and pleasure ? ’ The prince turned his
chariot, and returned to the city,
“ A third time he was driving to his pleasure-garden through the western
gate, when he saw a dead body on the road, lying on a bier, and covered
with a cloth.. The friends stood about crying, sobbing, tearing their hair,
covering their heads with dust, striking their breasts, and uttering wild
cries.. The prince, again, calling his coachman to witness this painful scene,
exclaimed, ‘ Oh, woe to youth, which must be destroyed by old age ! Woe
to health, which ifiust be destroyed by so many diseases! Woe to this life,
where a man remains so short a time ! If there were no old age, no disease’
no death, if thes® could be made captive for ever! ’ Then, betraying for
the first, time his intentions, the young prince said, ‘ Let us turn back, I
must think how to accomplish deliverance.’
A last meeting put an end to his hesitation. He was driving through
the northern gate on the way to his pleasure-gardens, when he saw a
mendicant, who appeared outwardly calm, subdued, looking downwards,
weaiing with an air of dignity his religious vestment, and carrying an almsbowl.
“ ‘ Who is that man ? ’ asked the prince.
7 1 Sir,’ replied the coachman, £ this man is one of those who are called
Bhikshus, or mendicants. He has renounced all pleasures, all desires, and
leads a life of austerity., He tries to conquer himself. He has become
a devotee. Without paskion, without envy, he walks about asking for
alms.’
“ 1 This is good and well said,’ replied the prince. £ The life of a devotee
has always been praised by the wise. It will be my refuge, and the refuge
of other creatures; it will lead us to a real life, to happiness and im­
mortality.’
“ With these words the young prince turned his chariot, and returned to
the city.

If now we turn to the story of Joannes of Damascus, we find that
the early life of Josaphat is exactly the same as that of Buddha.
His father is a king, and after the birth of his son, an astrologer
predicts that he will rise to glory ; not, however, in his own kingdom,
but in a higher and better one ; in fact, that he will embrace the
new and persecuted religion of the Christians. Everything is done
to prevent tnis. He is kept in a beautiful palace, surrounded by all
that is enjoyable; and great care is taken to keep him in ignorance
of sickness, old age, and death. After a time, however, his father
gives him leave to drive out. On one of his drives he sees two men, &gt;
one maimed, the other blind. He asks what they are, and is told

�UN THE MIGRATION OF FABLES.

593

that they are suffering from disease. He then inquires whether all
men are liable to disease, and whether it is known beforehand who
will suffer from disease and who will be free; and when he hears the
truth, he becomes sad, and returns home. Another time, when he
drives out, he meets an old man with wrinkled face and shaking
legs, bent down, with white hair, his teeth gone, and his voice
faltering. He asks again what all this means, and is told that this
is what happens to all men ; that no one can escape old age, and that
in the end all men must die. Thereupon he returns home to medi­
tate on death, till at last a hermit appears, and opens before his eyes
a higher view of life, as contained in the Gospel of Christ.
No one, I believe, can read these two stories without feeling con­
vinced that one was borrowed from the other ; and asFaHian, three
hundred years before John of Damascus, saw the towers which com­
memorated the three drives of Buddha still standing among the
ruins of the royal city of Kapilavastu, it follows that the Greek father
^borrowed his subject from the Buddhist Scriptures. Were it neces­
sary, it would be easy to point out still more minute coincidences
between the life of Josaphat and that of Buddha, the founder of the
Buddhist religion. Both in the end convert their royal fathers, both
fight manfully against the assaults of the flesh and the devil, both
are regarded as saints before they die. Possibly even a proper name
may have been transferred from the sacred canon of the Buddhists to
the pages of the Greek writer. The driver who conducts Buddha when
he flees by night from his palace where he leaves his wife, his only
son, and all his treasures, in order to devote himself to a contempla­
tive life, is called Chandaka. The friend and companion of Barlaam
is called Zardan
*
How palpable these coincidences are between the two stories is best
* In. some places one might almost believe that Joannes Damascenus did not
only hear the story of Buddha, as he says, from the mouth of people who had
brought it to him from India, but that he had before him the very text of the “ LalitaVistara.” Thus in the account of the three drives we find indeed that while the Buddhist
canon represents Buddha as seeing on three successive drives, first an old, then a sick,
and at last a dying man, Joannes makes Joasaph meet two men on his first drive,
one maimed, the other blind, and an old man, who is nearly dying, on his second drive.
So far there is a difference which might best be explained by admitting the account
given by Joannes Damascenus himself, viz., that the story was brought from India,
and that it was told him by worthy and truthful men. But, if it was so, we have
here another instance of the tenacity with which oral tradition is able to preserve the
most minute points of the story. The old man is described by a long string of adjectives
both in Greek and in Sanskrit, and many of them are strangely alike. The Greek
■yspcov, old, corresponds to the Sanskrit yirwa; 7rE7raXaiw/zsyoj, aged, is Sanskrit vriddha;
■ppiKi/w/zs^oe to 7rp60-W7rov, shrivelled in his face, is balini/dtakaya, the body covered
with wrinkles; irapsipevos toq Kvripag, weak in his knees, is pravedhayamanaZi sarvangapratyangai/;-, trembling in all his limbs ; &lt;rvyKEKv&lt;po)Q, bent, iskubpa; ■n-eTrioXiop.svoc,
grey, is palitakesa; EffTEprifnevog tovq oSovrac, toothless, is khawrZadanta; ty/ctKopuva
XaXour, stammering, is khurakhuravasaktakawZAa.

RR2

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THE CONTEMPORARY RE VIE W.

shown by the fact that they were pointed out, independently of each
other, by scholars in France, Germany, and England. I place France
first, because in point of time M. Laboolaye was the first who called
attention to it in one of his charming articles in the Debats
*
A.
more detailed comparison was given by Er. Liebrecht.f And, lastly,
Mr. Beal, in his translation of the “ Travels of Fa Hian,” + called"
attention to the same fact—viz., that the story of Josaphat was
borrowed from the “Life of Buddha.” I could mention the names
of two or three schoiarJ besides who happened to read the two books,
and who could not help seeing, what was as clear as daylight, that
Joannes UawsceniBtook the principal character of his religious
novel from the “ Lalita;. Vistara,” one of the sacred books of the
Buddhists.
This fact is, no doubt, extremely curious in the history of literature;
but there is another fact connected with it which is more than curious,
and I wonder that it has never been pointed out before. It is well
known that the Rory of Barlaam |and Josaphat became a most
popular book during the Middle Ages. In the East it was trans­
lated into Syriac (?), Arabic, Ethiopic, Armenian, and Hebrew ;
in the West it -exists in Latin, French, Italian, German, English,
Spanish, Boliemian, and Polish. As early as 1204 a King of
Norway translated it into Icelandic, and at a later time it was trans­
lated by a Jesuit missionary into Tagala, the classical language of
the Philippine Islands. But this is not all. Barlaam and Josaphat
have actuallywrisentIto the rank of saints, both in the Eastern and
in the Western Churches. In the Eastern Church the 26th of
August is the saints’ day of Barlaam and Josaphat; in the Boman
Martyrologium, the 27th of November is assigned to them.
There have been from time to time misgivings about the historical
character of these two saints. Leo Allatius, in his Prolegomena,
ventured to ask the question, whether the story of Barlaam and
Joasaph was more real than the Cyropaedia of Xenophon, or the
Utopia of Thomas More ; but, en bon Catholique, he replied, that as
Barlaam and JosHrat were mentioned, not only in the Menaea of the
Greek, but also in the Martyrologium of the Koman Church, he could
not bring himself to believe that their history was imaginary. Billius
thought that to doubt the concluding words of the author, who says
that he received th© story of Barlaam and Josaphat from men
incapable of falsehoocwvvould be to trust more in one’s own suspicions
* Debuts, 1859, 21 Mad 26 Jnifiet.
t Bie Quellen des Barlaam und Josaphat, in Jahrbuch fiir roman, und engl. Litteratur,
vol. n. p. 314, 1860.
■
Fah-Hian an(l Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pilgrims, from China to India.
/
A D’ an&lt;^
A-D-) Translated from the Chinese by Samuel Beal. London,
Trubner &amp; Co. 1869.

�ON THE MIGRA TION OF FABLES.

595

than in Christian charity which believeth all things. JBellarminus
thought he could prove the truth of the story by the fact that, at
the end of it, the author himself invokes the two saints Barlaam
and Josaphat! Leo Allatius admitted, indeed, that some of the
speeches and conversations occurring in the story might be the
work of Joannes Damascenus, because Josaphat, having but recently
been converted, could not have quoted so many passages from the
Bible. But he implies that even this could be explained, because
the Holy Ghost might have taught St. Josaphat what to say. At
all events, Leo has no mercy for those “ quibus omnia sub sanctorum
nomine prodita male olent, quemadmodum de sanctis Georgio, Christophoro, Hippolyto, Catarina, aliisque nusquam eos in. rerum natura
extitisse impudentissime nugantur.” The Bishop of Avranches
had likewise his doubts; but he calmed them by saying : “ Non pas
que je veuille soustenir que tout en soit suppose : il y auroit de
la temerite a desavouer qu’il y ait jamais eu de Barlaam ni de
Josaphat. Le temoignage du Martyrologe, qui les met au nombre
des Saints, et leur intercession que Saint Jean Damascene reclame a
la fin de cette histoire ne permettent pas d’en douter.”*
With us the question as to the historical or purely imaginary
character of Josaphat has assumed a new and totally different aspect.
We willingly accept the statement of Joannes Damascenus that the
story of Barlaam and Josaphat was told him by men who came from
India. We know that in India a story was current of a prince who
lived in the sixth century b.c., a prince of whom it was predicted
that he would resign the throne, and devote his life to meditation, in
order to rise to the rank of a Buddha. The story tells us that his
father did everything to prevent this ; that he kept him in a palace
secluded from the world, surrounded by all that makes life enjoyable ;
and that he tried to keep him in ignorance of sickness, old age, and
death. We know from the same story that at last the young prince
obtained permission to drive into the country, and that, by meeting
an old man, a sick man, and a corpse, his eyes were opened to the
unreality of life, and the vanity of this life’s pleasures; that he escaped
from his palace, and, after defeating the assaults of all adversaries,
became the founder of a new religion. This is the story, it may be
the legendary story, but at all events the recognised story of Gau­
tama /Sakyamuni, best known to us under the name of Buddha.
If, then, Joannes Damascenus tells the same story, only putting the
name of Joasaph or Josaphat in the place of Buddha; if all that is
human and personal in the life of St. Josaphat is taken from the
Lalita Vistara ”—what follows ? It follows that, in the same sense
in which La Fontaine’s Perrette is the Brahman of the PaiiZ;atantra,
* Littre, Journal des Savants, 1865, p. 337.

J

�5g6

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

St. Josaphat is the Buddha of the Buddhist canon. It follows that
Buddha has become a saint in the Roman Church ; it follows that,
though under a different name, the sage of Kapilavastu, the founder
of a religion which, whatever we may think of its dogma, is, in the
purity of its morals, nearer to Christianity than any other religion, and
which counts even now, after an existence of 2,400 years, 455,000,000
of believers, has received the highest honours that the Christian
Church can bestow. And whatever we may think of the sanc­
tity of saints, let those who -doubt the right of Buddha to a
place among them read the story of his life as it is told in the
Buddhist canon. If he Mved the life which is there described, few
saints have a better claim to the titlefthan Buddha ;«and no one either
in the Greek or in tSa.e Roman Church need be ashamed of having paid
to his memory the honour that was intended for St. Josaphat, the
prince, the hermit, and the saint.
History, here as elsewhere, is stranger than fiction; and a kind
fairy, whom men call Chance, Bas here, as elsewhere, remedied the
ingratitude and injustice of the ’world.
Max Muller.

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                    <text>-*1l

ON SOME FIXED POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY.

MN view of the many discussions to which the complicated problems

offered by the
of
I may be useful toethnology to 'the British islands have given rise,
it
attempt
pick out, from amidst the confused

masses of assertion, and of inference, those propositions which
appear to rest upon a secure foundation, and to state the evidence
by which they are supported. Such is the purpose of the present
paper.
Some of these well-based, propositions relate to the physical cha-_
racters of the people of Britain and their neighbours ; while others
concern the languagesLwhich they spoke. I shall deal, in the first
place, with the physical questions.
I. Eighteen hundred yeates ago the population of Britain comprised
people of two types of complexion—the one fair and the other dark.
The darh people resembled theAquitani and the Iberians; the fairpeople
icere like the Belgic Gauls.
The chief direct evidence of the truth of this proposition is the
well-known passage of Tacitus:—■
“ Ceterum, Britanniam qui mortales initio coluerint, indigense an advecti,
ut inter barbaros, parum compertum. Habitus corporum varii: atque ex eo
argumenta : nam rutilae Caledoniam habitantium comas, magni artus Germa­
nic,am origin cm asseverant. Silurum colorati vultus et torti plerumquo
crines, et posita contra Hispaniam, Iberos veteres trajecisse, easque sedes
VOL. XIV.

M M

�5^2

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

occupasse, fidem faciunt. Proximi Gallis et similes sunt; seu durante originis vi, seu procurrentibus in diversa terris, positio coeli corporibus habitum
dedit. In universum tamen sestimanti, Gallos vicinum solum occupasse,
credibile est; eorum sacra deprehendas, superstitionum persuasione ; sermo
baud multum diversus * . . .”
This passage, it will be observed, contains statements as to facts,
and certain conclusions deduced from these facts. The matters
of fact asserted are: firstly, that the inhabitants of Britain exhibit
much diversity in their physical character; secondly, that the
Caledonians are red-haired and large-limbed, like the Germans;

thirdly, that the Silures have curly hair and dark complexions, like
the people of Spain; fourthly, that the British people nearest Gaul
resemble the “ Galli.”
Tacitus, therefore, states positively what the Caledonians and Silures
were like; but the interpretation of what he says about the other
Britons, must depend upon what we learn from other sources as to
the characters of these “ Galli.” Here the testimony of “ divus Julius”
comes in with great force and appropriateness. Caesar writes:—
“ Britannia pars interior ab iis incolitur, quos natos in insula ipsi memoria
proditum dicunt: marituma pars ab iis, qui predaa ac belli inferendi causa ex
Belgio transierant; qui omnes fere iis nominibus civitatum appellantur quibus
orti ex civitatibus eo pervenerunt, et bello inlato ibi permanserunt atque
agros colere caeperunt.”f

From these passages it is obvious that, in the opinion of Caesar
and Tacitus, the southern Britons resembled the northern Gauls, and
especially the Belgae; and the evidence of Strabo is decisive as to
the characters in which the two people resembled one another : “The
men [of Britain] are taller than the Kelts, with hair less yellow;
they are slighter in their persons.” J
The evidence adduced appears to leave no reasonable ground for
doubting that, at the time of the Roman conquest, Britain contained
people of two types, the one dark and the other fair complexioned,
and that there was a certain difference between the latter in the
north and in the south of Britain : the northern folk being, in the
judgment of Tacitus, or, more properly, according to the information,
he had received from Agricola and others, more similar to the
Germans than the latter. As to the distribution of these stocks,
all that is clear is, that the dark people were predominant in certain
parts of the west of the southern half of Britain, while the fair stock
appears to have furnished the chief elements of the population else­
where.
No ancient writer troubled himself with measuring skulls, and
therefore there is no direct evidence as to the cranial characters of the
* Taciti Agricola, c. 11.
J “ The Geography of Strabo.”

t De Bello Gallico, v. 12.
Translated by Hamilton and Falconeri: v. 5.

�BRITISH ETHNOLOGY.

5i|

fair and the dark stocks. The indirect evidence is not very satisfactory. The tumuli of Britain of pre-Roman date have yielded two
extremely different forms of skull, the one broad and the other long ;
and the same variety has been observed in the skulls of the ancient
Gauls.* The suggestion is obvious that the one form of skull .may
have been associated with the fair, and the other with the dark,
complexion. But any conclusion of this kind is at once checked by
the reflection that the extremes of long and short-headedness are to
be met with among the fair inhabitants of Germany and of Scan­
dinavia at the present day—the South-western Germans and the
Swiss being markedly broad-headed, while the Scandinavians are as
predominantly long-headed.
What the natives of Ireland were like at the time of the Roman
conquest of Britain, and for centuries afterwards, we have no certain
knowledge ; but the earliest trustworthy records ;prove the existence,,
side by side with one another, of a fair .and a dark stock, in Ireland
as in Britain. The long form of skull- is predominant among the
ancient, as among modern, Irish.
II. The people termed Gauls, and thosecalled Germans, by the Romans,,
did not differ in any important physiol character.
The terms in which the ancient writers describe both Gauls and
Germans are identical. They are always tall people, with massive
limbs, fair skins, fierce blue eyes, and hair, the colour of which ranges
from red to yellow. Zeuss, the great authority on these matters,
affirms broadly that no distinction in bodily feature is to be found
between the Gauls, the Germans, and the Wends, so far as their
characters are recorded by the old historians ; and he proves his case
by citations from a cloud of witnesses.
An attempt has been made to show that the colour of the hair off
the Gauls must have differed very much from that which obtained
among the Germans, on the strength of the story told by Suetonius
(Caligula, 4), that Caligula tried to pass’ off Gauls for Germans by
picking out the tallest, and making them “ rutilare et summittere
comam.”
The Baron de Belloguet remarks upon this passage :—
“ It was in the very north of Gaul, and near the sea, that Caligula got
up this military comedy. And the fact proves that the Belgae were already
sensibly different from their ancestors, whom Strabo had found almost
identical with their brothers on the other side of the Rhine.”

But the fact recorded by Suetonius, if fact it be, proves nothing;
for the Germans themselves were in the habit of reddening their
hair. Ammianus Marcellinus f tells how, in the year 367 a.d., the
* See Dr. Thnmam “ On the two Principal Forms of Ancient British and Gaulish
Skulls.”
t Res Gestae, xxvii.
mm2

�5M

THE CONTEMPORAR Y RE VIE W.

Roman commander, Jovinus, surprised a body of Alemanni near
the town now called Charpeigne, in the valley of the Moselle^
and how the Roman soldiers, as, concealed by the thick wood, they
stole upon their unsuspecting enemies, saw that some were bathing
and others “ comas rutilantes ex more.” More than two centuries
earlier Pliny gives indirect evidence to the same effect when he says
of soap :—
“ Galliarum hoc inventum rutilandis capillis . . . apud Germanos majore
in usu viris quam faeminis.”*

Here we have a writer who flourished only a short time after the
date of the Caligula story, telling us that the Gauls invented soap
for the purpose of doing that which, according to Suetonius, Caligula
forced them to do. And, further, the combined and independent
testimony of Pliny and Ammianus assures us that the Germans were
as much in the habit of reddening their hair as the Gauls. As to
He Belloguet’s supposition that, even in Caligula’s time, the Gauls
had become darker' than their ancestors were, it is directly contradicted
by Ammianus Marcellinus, who knew the Gauls well. “ Celsioris
staturse et candidi poene Galli sunt omnes, et rutili, duminumque
torvitate terribiles,” is his description; and it would fit the Gauls
who sacked Rome.
III. In none of the invasions of Britain which have taken place since
the Roman dominion, has any other type of man been introduced than one
or other of the two which existed during that dominion.
The North Germans, who effected what is commonly called the
Saxon conquest of Britain, were, most assuredly, a fair, yellow, or
red-haired, blue-eyfed, long-skulled people. So were the Danes and
Norsemen who followed them; though it is very possible that the
active slave trade which went on, and the intercourse with Ireland,
may have introduced a certain admixture of the dark stock into both
Denmark and Norway. The Norman conquest brought in new
ethnological elements, the precise' value of which cannot be esti­
mated with exactness; but as to their quality, there can be no
question, inasmuch as even the wide area from which William drew
his followers could yield him nothing but the fair and the dark types
of men, already present in Britain. But whether the Norman
settlers, on the whole, strengthened the fair or the dark element, is
a problem, the elements of the solution of which are not attainable.
I am unable to discover any,grounds for believing that a Lapp
element has ever entered into the population of these islands. So
far as the physical evidence goes, it is perfectly consistent with the
hypothesis that the only constituent stocks of that population, now.
* Historia Naturalis, xxviii. 51,

�BRITISH ETHNOLOGY.

5i5

or at any other period about which we have evidence, are the dark
whites, whom I have proposed to call “Melanochroi” and the fair
whites, or “ Xanthoclvroi.”
IV. The Xanthochroi and the Melanochroi of Britain are, speaking
broadly, distributed, at present, as they were in the time of Tacitus; and
their representatives on the continent of Europe have the same general dis­
tribution as at the earliest period of which we have any record.
At the present day, and notwithstanding the extensive inter­
mixture effected by the movements consequent on civilization and on
political changes, there is a predominance of dark men in the west,
and of fair men in the east and north, of Britain. At the present
day, as from the earliest times, the predominant constituents of the
riverain population of the North Sea and the eastern half of the
British Channel, are fair men. The fair stock continues in force
through Central Europe, until it is lost in Central Asia. Offshoots of
this stock extend into Spain, Italy, and Northern India, and by way
of Syria and North Africa, to the Canary Islands. They were known
in very early times to the Chinese, and in still earlier to the ancient
Egyptians, as frontier tribes. The Thracians were notorious for
their fair hair and blue eyes many centuries before our era.
On the other hand, the dark stock predominates in Southern and
Western France, in Spain, along the Ligurian shore, and in Western
and Southern Italy; in Greece, Asia, Syria, and North Africa; in
Arabia, Persia, Affghanistan, and Hindostan, shading gradually,
through all stages of darkening, into the type of the modern Egyp­
tian, or of the wild Hill-man of the Dekkan. Nor is there any
record of the existence of a different population in all these countries.
The extreme north of Europe, and the northern part of Western
Asia, are at present occupied by a Mongoloid stock, and, in the
absence of evidence to the contrary, may be assumed to have been so
peopled from a very remote epoch. But, as I have said, I can find
no evidence that this stock ever took part in peopling Britain. Of
the three great stocks of mankind which extend from the western
coast of the great Eurasiatic continent to its southern and eastern
shores, the Mongoloids occupy a vast triangle, the base of which is
the whole of Eastern Asia, while its apex lies in Lapland. The
Melanochroi, on the other hand, may be represented as a broad band
stretching from Ireland to Hindostan ; while the Xanthochroic area
lies between the two, thins out, so to speak, at either end, and
mingles, at its margins, with both its neighbours.
Such is a brief and summary statement of what I believe to be the
chief facts relating to the physical ethnology of the people of Britain.
The conclusions which I draw from these and other facts are—
(1) That the Melanochroi and the Xanthochroi are two separate races

�516

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIE~

in the biological sense of the word race; (2) That they have had
the same general distribution as at present, from the earliest times
of which any record exists on the continent of Europe ; (3) That the
population of the British Islands is derived from them, and from
them only.
The people of Europe, however, owe their national names, not
to their physical characteristics, but to their languages, or to their
political relations; which, it is plain, need not have the slightest
relation to these characteristics.
Thus, it is quite certain that, in Caesar’s time, Gaul was divided
‘politically into three nationalities—the Belgae, the Celtae, and the
.Aquitani; and that the last were very widely different, both in language and in physical characteristics, from the two former. The
Belgae and the Celtae, on the other hand, differed comparatively little
either in physique oft in language. On the former point there is the
distinct testimony of Strabo ; as to the latter, St. Jerome states that
the “ Galatians had almost.the same’language as the Treviri.” Now
the Galatians were emigrant Volcae Teetosages, and therefore Celtae;
while the Treviri were Belgae.
At the present day, the physical characters of the people of Belgic
Gaul remain distinct from those of the people of Aquitaine, notwith­
standing the immense changes which have taken place since Caesar’s
time; but Belgaej Celtae, and Aqtuitani (all but a mere fraction of the
last two, represented by the Basques and the Britons) are fused into
one nationality, “ le peuple, Faaneais.’’ But they have adopted the
language of one; set of invaders, and the name of another; their
original names and languages having almost disappeared. Suppose
that the French language remained as the sole evidence of the
existence of the population of Gaul, would the keenest philologer
arrive at any other conclusion than that this population was essen­
tially and fundanmnttelly a “ Latin ” race, which had had some com­
munication with/GeltSi and Teutons ? Would he so much as suspect
the former existence of the Aquitani ?
Community of language testifies to close contact between the
people who speak the language, but to nothing else ; and philology
has absolutely nothing to do with ethnology, except so far as it sug­
gests the existence or the absence of such contact. The contrary
assumption, that. language, is a test of race, has introduced the utmost
confusion into ethnological speculation, and has nowhere worked
greater scientific and -practical mischief than in the ethnology of the
British Islands.
What is known, for certain, about the languages spoken in
these islands and their affinities may, I believe, be summed up as
follows:—

5 ’

«

�BRITISH ETHNOLOGY.

5i7

I. At the time of the Roman conquest, one language, the Celtic,
under two principal dialectical divisions, the Cymric and the Gaelic, was
spoken throughout the British Islands. Cymric was spoken in Britain,
Gaelic in Ireland.
If a language allied to Basque had in earlier times been spoken
in the British Islands, there is no evidence that any Euskarianspeaking people remained at the time of the Roman conquest. The
dark and the fair population of Britain alike spoke Celtic tongues,
and therefore the name “Celt” is as applicable to the one as -to the
other.
What was spoken in Ireland can only be surmised by reasoning
from the knowledge of later times; but there seems to be no doubt
that it was Gaelic; and that the Gaeli^dialect was introduced into
the Western Highlands by Irish invaders.
II. The Belgce and the Celtce, withfifye offshoot® of the latter in Asia
Minor, spoke dialects of the Cymric division of Celtic.
The evidence of this proposition lies-in the statement of St. Jerome
before cited ; in the similarity of the names of places in Belgic Gaul
and in Britain; and, in the direct comparison of sundry ancient
Gaulish and Belgic words which have- been preserved, with the
existing Cymric dialects, for which I must refer to the learned work
of Brandes.
Formerly, as at the present day,, the Cymric dialects of Celtic
were spoken by both the fair and the dark stocks.
III. There is no record of Gaelic being spoken anywhere save in
Ireland, Scotland, and the Isle of Man.
This appears to be the final result of the long discussions which
have taken place on this much-deba^d question. As is the case
with the Cymric dialects, Gaelic is now spoken by both dark and
fair stocks.
IV. When the Teutonic languages first became known, they were
spoken only by Xanthochroi, that is to sayg, by the Germans, the Scandi­
navians, and Goths. And they were imported by Xanthoehroi into Gaul
and into Britain.
- In Gaul the imported Teutonic dialect has been completely over­
powered by the more or less modified Latin, which it found already in
possession; and what Teutonic blood there may be in modern French­
men is not adequately represented in their language. In Britain, on
the contrary, the Teutonic dialects have overpowered the pre-existing
forms of speech, and the people are vastly less “ Teutonic ” than their
language. Whatever may have been the extent to which the Celtic­
speaking population of the eastern half of Britain was trodden out
and supplanted by the Teutonic-speaking Saxons and Danes, it is
quite certain that no considerable displacement of the Celtic-speak-

�5iS

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

ing people occurred in Cornwall, Wales, or the Highlands of Scotland;
and that nothing approaching to the extinction of that people took
place in Devonshire, Somerset, or the western moiety of Britain
generally. Nevertheless, the fundamentally Teutonic English lan­
guage is now spoken throughout Britain, except by an insignificant
fraction of the population in Wales and the Western Highlands.
But it is obvious that this fact affords not the slightest justification
for the common practice of speaking of the present inhabitants of
Britain as an “Anglo-Saxon” people. It is, in fact, just as absurd
as the habit of talking of the French people as a “ Latin” race, because
they speak a language which is, in the main, derived from Latin.
And the absurdity becomes the more patent when those who have
no hesitation in calling a Devonshire man, or a Cornish man, an
“Anglo-Saxon,” would think it ridiculous to call a Tipperary man
by the same title, though he and his forefathers may have spoken
English for as long a time as the Cornish man.
Ireland, at the earliest period at which we have any know­
ledge, contained, like Britain, a dark and a fair stock, which, there
is every reason to believe, were identical with the dark and the
fair stocks of Britain. When the Irish first became known they
spoke a Gaelic dialect, and though, for many centuries, Scandinavians
made continual incursions upon, and settlements among them, the
Teutonic languages made no more way among the Irish than they
did among the French. How much Scandinavian blood was intro­
duced there is no evidence to show. But after the conquest of Ireland
by Henry II., the English people, consisting in part of the descend­
ants of Cymric speakers, and in part of the descendants of Teutonic
speakers, made good their footing in the eastern half of the island,
as the Saxons and Danes made good theirs in England; and did their
best to complete the parallel by attempting the extirpation of the
Gaelic-speaking Irish. And they succeeded to a considerable extent;
a large part of Eastern Ireland is now peopled by men who are
substantially English by descent, and the English language has
spread over the land far beyond the limits of English blood.
Ethnologically, the Irish people were originally, like the
people of Britain, a mixture of Melanochroi and Xanthochroi.
They resembled the Britons in speaking a Celtic tongue; but it
was a Gaelic and riot a Cymric form of the Celtic language.
Ireland was untouched by the Roman conquest, nor do the Saxons
seem to have had any influence upon her destinies, but the Danes
and Norsemen poured in a contingent of Teutonism, which has been
largely supplemented by English and Scotch efforts.
What then is the value of the ethnological difference between
the Englishman of the western half of England and the Irish­

�BRITISH ETHNOLOGY.

519

man of the eastern half of Ireland ? For what reason does
the one deserve the name of a 11 Celt,” and not the other ?
[knd further, if we turn to the inhabitants of the western half of
Ireland, why should the term “ Celts ” be applied to them more than
to the inhabitants of Cornwall ? And if the name is applicable to
the one as justly as to the other, why should not intelligence, perse­
verance, thrift, industry, sobriety, respect for law, be admitted to be
Celtic virtues ? And why should we not seek for the cause of their
absence in something else than the idle pretext of “ Celtic blood ? ”
I have been unable to meet with any answers to these questions.
V. The, Celtic and the Teutonic dialects are members of the same great
Aryan family of languages; but there is evidence to show that a non­
Aryan language was at one time spoken over a large extent of the area
occupied by Nelanochroi in Europe.
The non-Aryan language here referred to is the Euskarian, now
spoken only by the Basques, but which seems in earlier times to have
been the language of the Aquitanians and Spaniards, and may possibly
have extended much further to the East. Whether it has any con­
nection with the Ligurian and Oscan dialects are questions upon
which, of course, I do not presume to offer any opinion. But it is
important to remark that it is a language the area of 'which has
gradually diminished without any corresponding extirpation of the
people who primitively spoke it; so that the people of Spain and of
Aquitaine at the present day must be largely “ Euskarian ” by descent
in just the same sense as the Cornish men are “Celtic ” by descent.

Such seem to me to be the main facts respecting the ethnology of
the British Islands and of Western Europe, which may be said to be
fairly established. The hypothesis by which I think (with Be
Belloguet and Thurnam) the facts may best be explained is this : In
very remote times Western Europe and the British Islands were
inhabited by the dark stock or the Melanochroi alone, and
these Melanochroi spoke dialects allied to the Euskarian. The
Xanthochroi, spreading over the great Eurasiatic plains west­
ward, and speaking Aryan dialects, gradually invaded the
territories of the Melanochroi. The Xanthochroi, who thus came
into contact with the Western Melanochroi, spoke a Celtic lan­
guage ; and that Celtic language, whether Cymric or Gaelic,
spread over the Melanochroi far beyond the limits of intermixture of
blood, supplanting Euskarian, just as English and French have sup­
planted Celtic. Even as early as Caesar’s time, I suppose that the
Euskarian was everywhere, except in Spain and in Aquitaine, re­
placed by Celtic, and thus the Celtic speakers were no longer of one
ethnological stock, but of two. Both in France and in England a

�520

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

third wave of language — in the one case Latin, in the other
Teutonic—has spread over the same area. In France, it has left a
fragment of the primary Euskarian in one corner of the country, and
a fragment of the secondary Celtic, in another. In the British
Islands only outlying pools of the secondary linguistic wave remain in
Wales, the Highlands, Iretagd, and the Isle of Man. If this hypo­
thesis is a sound one, it follows thatgthe name of Celtic is not
properly applicable to the Melanochroic or dark stock of Europe.
They are merely, so to speak, secondary Celts. The primary and
aboriginal Celtic-speaking people are Xanthochroi — the typical
Gauls of the ancient writers and the close allies by blood, customs,
and language, of the Germans.
T. H. Huxley.

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JT

is well known that Bavaria, next after Austria, has been, since
the Reformation, the stronghold of Catholicism in Germany. So
O’’
Teat has been the influence of the Jesuits, and through them of
&lt; O'
the Pope, that it has been called the “ German State of the Church.”
Even lately, after a hard battle with the Liberals, the Ultramontane
Roman or Jesuit party, obtained a majority in the Chamber of
Deputies. Yet at the present time there goes out directly from
A
Munich, the chief town of Bavaria, the most determined opposition
^Tc^Jliq,Jesuits and the claims of the Papacy. This opposition pro^eefe^siiot merely from the diplomatic action of the government; but
g/ytfeii) ‘from two members of the University. Dollinger and Froh^¿^^hainmer represent, indeed, two different kinds of opposition. The
one is concerned chiefly with the dogma of Papal infallibility and
what is connected with it, Roman absolutism and the domination of the
Jesuits. The other goes further, and is striving for the emancipa­
tion of the spiritual life from Papal authority, the constraint of
dogmas, and the excesses of superstitious worship. It seeks also,
by this means, to effect the reconciliation of religion with science and
civilization. Before speaking more fully of these two oppositions,
ke «desirable to take a brief glance at the previous ecclc^iastical history of Bavaria.
Before the Reformation the Bavarian princes and people were Sot
’
vol. xiv.
l L
- /..

�496

THE CONTEMPORAR Y RE VIE TV.

in any way specially inclined to Romanism or Papalism. Oi
contrary, particularly under the Emperor Ludwig, Bavaria enk
into a determined warfare with the Popes. The people, notv i
standing the Papal excommunication, clung faithfully to their prii.
and Bavaria was then the refuge of the most decided opponent
the authority and immense claims of the Pope. It was here. .
instance, that the celebrated William of Occam, with his f&lt;
Minorites, found protection under Ludwig, and by his writii
inflicted severe wounds on the Papacy itself. When the Refoi
tion broke out, it spread in a short time over old Bavaria and
Oberpfalz : the latter of which now constitutes the darkest provii .
in the kingdom of Bavaria. But a decided reaction followed. L
William IV. was a zealous Catholic. He saw with anxiety
sorrow the progress of the Lutheran doctrine among his people,
resolved to check it. Judging that the recently established Oi
of the Society of Jesus was the best adapted to perform this obj
he sent his Chancelloi* to Rome, to ask from Pope Paul III. th
learned theologians for his University of Ingoldstadt. This reqi
he of course obtained. Soon after this followed the proper sett!
of the Jesuits in Bavaria. This was in 1556, by the arrival
eighteen members of that Order. Then Bavaria, both princes an 1
people, began to be disposed towards Papalismand Jesuitism. With
this began the so-called “ Auslanderei,” or reign of foreigners.
Among these Jesuits there was scarcely one native Bavarian. They
were Italians, Spaniards, Frenchmen, and Germans from the westc
provinces. Ample means for accomplishing their object were place.:
at their disposal, and they soon ruled the University, the learned
schools, the nobility, the women, and, above all, the princes. No
Catholics were again made Catholic, either by preaching or by foreIf any one refused to be converted, he was executed or banished.
And thus the Bavarian people again became Catholic, and from this
time intellectual life in Bavaria almost entirely ceased. The
became the ruler in the most important matters by means of‘yh^z
agents, the Jesuits. The people were allowed more of the sens^gjhi
pleasures of life. Because of the great number of festival days'9^4
pilgrimages they could pass much time in idleness. They were enter­
tained with gorgeous ritual in the churches. They were lulled to
sleep by rosaries and litanies. They were gratified and impoverished
by frequent indulgences. But they were not allowed to think or
to inquire for themselves. Their intellectual employment consisted
in believing the Jesuits and obeying the Pope. And dear did this
rule of the priests cost Bavaria. It is well known to what fearful
sufferings the people were exposed in the Thirty Years’ V ar through
the poiicy of the Elector Maximilian I., led on by the Pope and the

�CATHOLICISM IN BA VARIA.

497

Jesuits. But Adlzreiter, the Jesuit historian of Maximilian, says :
“ For all their many and great sacrifices and sufferings, God, after
a wonderful manner, seemed to provide safety and deliverance for
poor Bavaria when He restored the holy bodies of the physicians,
Cosmas and Damian.” The Elector had learned that their bodies
lay in Bremen, altogether despised by the heretics, and he did not
rest till, at great expense, he had them brought to Munich. This
was what at that time was meant by care for the commonweal!
The dominion of the Jesuits in Bavaria kept itself firm, and for
the most part immovable, until the middle of the eighteenth century.
Then came the time of the “ Aufklärung and in the measure that
knowledge and education increased, dissatisfaction also increased
■ ¡Wp. against the Jesuits, who had not merely become ambitious of power,
I®'.
but greedy of wealth. They were first banished on this account
from the southern kingdoms, and this could not be without its
influence on the northern. That their power in Bavaria was not now
what it had been is manifestly evident from this, that they could not
prevent the establishment of the Academy of Sciences at Munich in
1759, nor hindei' its prosperity, even though they were patronised
by the Elector Maximilian III. and his consort. That a new era
was expected, and that the wealth and dominion of the Church were
in danger, is sufficiently manifest from the sayings and poems of
that era.* The suppression of the Order in 1773 by Pope Clement
XIV. put an end also to their existence in Bavaria. But their
activity and influence did not end with their suppression. Under
the Elector Karl Theodore, whose reign began in 1777, there came a
good time for those whom we may call ex-Jesuits.
The mental oppression brought on by Jesuit domination had too
* In Landshut a Jesuit caused a drama, written by himself, to be performed by his
OhK ^TffijhQklES. It was called Bavaria Vetus et Nova. In this drama a “Pseudopoliticus”
following air :—
‘
f
“ Ad quid in templis aurum stat ?
’•aSrüWBSS

Cur non per orbem ambulat
In bonum reipublicee ?
Cur Christum facis divitem
Qui vitam amat pauperem
Et opes docet spernere ?
De aureo Apostolo
Vel martyre argenteo
Num legimus prodigia?” &amp;c.

Another air of this drama contains the following strophe:—

U

J

“ Liberias sentiendi
Lex prima est siendi
Si jura dat religio
Captiva gemit ratio
Qui vinculis Romanis
.
.
.
Ligatur instar cams
Nunquam mentem erigit,”
Nunquam, se nil scire, seit, &amp;c.

A
Of course this had to be sung by the vile person in the drama. The author attributed
‘ "if’* £uch bad principles to “ New Bavaria,” that he was not again tolerated in Bavaria.
L L 2

�498

THE CONTEMPORAR Y RE VIE JV

long weighed on the Bavarian people to be without pernicious con­
sequences. Powers and capacities which had not been used were
lamed and crippled. Strivings which the people had been taught to
suspect must at last have appeared hurtful, if not hateful. This also
happened, that the people were entirely deprived of independent
thinking, and were thus kept in mental nonage. The sense for
mental effort, and the value of mental cultivation were lost by
degrees, and even now cannot generally be awakened. There were
not wanting, however, some agreeable exceptions. From the midst
of the Bavarian people soon appeared some eminent men, who showed
what the national intellect really was, and that the Jesuit way of
thinking w’as a foreign importation, and not indigenous to Bavaria.
We mention only three of these men—a theologian, an historian, and a philosopher. The first is Sailer, a theological author and professor, who died Bishop of Regensburg. As professor of theology he had
already forsaken the usual scholastic and Jesuit track, and shown
a more liberal tendency, both in his teaching and as an author.
But the power of the Jesuits was still so great, that they were able
to effect his removal from the professor’s chair, and to keep him from
it for ten long years. In the beginning of this century Sailer was
nominated by the king Bishop of Augsburg, but the confirmation of
the appointment was refused at Rome. When advanced in years, he
succeeded in obtaining from the Pope his confirmation as Bishop of
Regensburg.
Sailer was a man of liberal sentiments, entirely
opposed to hierarchical domination and ecclesiastical formalism,
tolerant, humane, not without a measure of the mystical element, yet
as clear in intellect as he was generous in heart. He died in great
esteem, leaving behind him many friends and disciples. lie was the
good bishop. The old Bavarian clergy still hold his memory in the
deepest reverence; but the younger clergy, for the most part, ar&lt;e.-o£,:/
an entirely different way of thinking.
The second of the three men to be mentioned as representing ;ilw^.
old Bavarian spirit is Westenrieder, to whom is ded cated one of?$nrr&lt;
many statues which adorn the town of Munich. He also was a
clergyman, but he occupied himself chiefly with history. He was
of a liberal spirit, a great enemy to the doings of the Jesuits, and
animated by a spirit of toleration and humanity. But on that very
account he had to endure incessant hostility and persecution from
the Jesuits. For the third representative of the Bavarian intellect
and the free scientific spirit we may mention Baader, the philosopher.
The active part of his life also falls into the end of the last or the
beginning of this century. He sought everywhere to give a new
life and impulse to philosophy and theology, already benumbed by
narrow-hcartcdncss and formalism. lie had not indeed much

�CATHOLICISM IN BA CABIA.

499

success, which was due to his unscientific method and his indulging:
in speculations which sometimes were lost in a fantastic theosophy.
Towards the end of his life, he so far rebelled against the Roman
yoke that he discussed the propriety of the separation of Germany
from Rome. lie manifested at last a predilection foi* the Greek
Church.
In the beginning of this century Bavaria was erected into a
kingdom, and greatly enlarged. Some provinces, the chief popula­
tion of which were Protestant, were united under one government,
and Munich became the chief town of a kingdom which had various
confessions of faith. The former intolerant exclusiveness, by which
Bavaria was shut up within itself, and all non-Catholics excluded
from municipal and civil offices, was no longer reckoned just. In
Munich itself Protestants obtained the rights of citizens; and civil
offices, as well as professorships in the University, were held by
Protestants. Men of moderate liberal tendencies, such as Thiersch
the philologer, Schelling the philosopher, and Schubert the psycho­
logist, all Protestants, received appointments in the University.
This, indeed, was not done without much wrath, lamentation, and
strife on the part of the strong Roman Catholics, with which was
mingled also the jealousy of natives against foreigners. But neither
. these men, nor those who, somewhat later, were invited from other
countries, were able to obtain much influence over the mental life of
the Bavarian people. This was partly because the spirit of the
people had been long oppressed through the Jesuit discipline, and
was not merely indifferent to mental activity, but even suspicious
of it. Doubtless, it was also partly due to the circumstance that
foreigners rarely obtain so great an influence over a people as those
born among them. To the latter they open their minds trust­
fully ; but, as a rule, they shut them obstinately against foreigners.
The result was the ordinary one of isolated appointments. When
the foreign Jesuits arrived in Bavaria, they found themselves in
favourable circumstances. They all worked after a plan, and by the
same method. They laid hold of men by means of their religious
wants; they were trusted because of their religious creed. They
came in contact with all classes of society. They worked upon all
the faculties of the soul. To favour their object, they could bring to
bear on men supernatural as well as natural motives. It is then no
marvel that they obtained a lasting influence, the consequences of
which even now' form both an active and a passive opposition to the
liberal efforts of the government and the universities.
But the free “ Auf klärung ’’-favouring disposition of the govern­
ment did not continue long. After the death of Maximilian I. in 1825,
Ludwig I. came to the throne, and under him followed a powerful

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Catholic ecclesiastical reaction. At first, indeed, the king appeared
to be animated by a liberal spirit. He promised at the solemn opening
of the University of Munich that he would take science and free
inquiry under his own special,’ royal protection. But his mind soon
seems to have changed. To this the political commotions of the first
thirty years of his reign may have largely contributed. For science
he had but little taste: his whole soul was devoted to art. This
taste for art must have made him particularly susceptible of the
influences of the external ritual of Catholicism, and led him to pro­
mote as far as possible its restoration. Appointments of foreigners
were now also made in the universities, but of an entirely different,
kind from those of which we have already spoken. Soon a great
number of ecclesiastical Ultramontanes were collected, and with them
were united like-minded native Bavarians, both men and women.
With Gorres from Coblenz as their leader, well known as an infatuated
Jacobin in his youth, they united themselves to the ministry of Abel;
and for a long time, particularly from 1837 to 1847, they in every
respect ruled Bavaria. The legally guaranteed rights of Protestants
were in danger. It was found that in some points the Concordat
concluded in 1818 was in contradiction with the so-called edict of
religion, which determines the religious relations of Protestants. The
approaching revolution put an end to the rule of these Ultramontanes. This, in connection with the universal anger caused by the
influence which a Spanish dancer had obtained over the king, at last
caused him to abdicate the government in favour of Maximilian II.
The happy time in which Ultramontanism had the government of
the kingdom in its hands departed, and has not yet returned. But
the genuine Ultramontanes were not entirely satisfied even with the
government under the ministry of Abel. They found that the
Catholicism which the king had promoted was too much “a royal
Bavarian Catholicism.”
Indeed, this king, notwithstanding all
his support of the Catholic reaction, maintained zealously a certain
independence even in Church matters, and did not allow any direct
authority to be exercised by the Boman Curia. And so Ultra­
montanism, in the proper sense of a Boman government within the
State, such as the authorities at Bome wished and aimed at, was
never able to establish itself. On some occasions King Ludwig
resolutely opposed the Boman Curia. It was proposed at Bome to
put into the Index the fantastical work of the celebrated Gorres—
“ Christliche Mystik.” When the king heard of it he remonstrated
with the Congregation of the Index, and forbade such a useless and
hurtful proceeding against a man so highly esteemed by himself,
and so much reverenced in the Church. Genuine Ultramontanism
was much better able to establish itself in Bavaria under Ludwig’s

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successor, the noble and liberal-minded King Maximilian II., against
his will certainly, and without his knowledge.
Maximilian was more devoted to science than to art. As Ludwig
tried to bring glory and renown to his kingdom, which was not
politically influential, by the creation and collection of works of art,
so Maximilian II. tried to effect the same object by furthering the
interests of science. The appointments made, particularly in the
University of Munich, were of a kind entirely opposed to the
Ultramontanism of the former reign, the phalanx of which was
broken in 1847. Men of liberal minds, and possessing the true
scientific spirit, mostly Protestants from the North, were made pro­
fessors. Among these, chief of all, is to be mentioned Liebig. An
important remnant of the disarmed Ultramontane phalanx still
existed in the University. With these were banded some native
professors, not otherwise of any importance, but dissatisfied with the
preference given to foreigners. This gave occasion to much dis­
sension and party spirit in the University, now happily diminished,
if not altogether extinct. Maximilian provided ample means for the
study of the natural sciences.
His main object of elevating the
people mentally, and giving them a more liberal education, had but
little success in the strong Catholic provinces. Indeed, as we have
already said, Ultramontanism was able to make greater progress
under this liberal government than under the former reign. The
reasons of this peculiar fact are worth noticing. In the year of the
revolution, 1848, the people everywhere demanded from governments
greater rights than they had hitherto possessed. The bishops did
not hesitate to seize this opportunity to demand a higher measure of
ecclesiastical, that is to say, hierarchical, freedom. And, in truth, no
one had greater gains out of these revolutionary movements than the
Roman Catholics and the hierarchy. From that time the Jesuits
were again able to obtain a firm footing in Germany, especially in
Prussia, where their influence is now great. The Bavarian bishops
met in the old episcopal town of Freising, to consider and to formu­
late their increased claims on the government. These claims, which
in some things went beyond the existing Concordat, were not all
granted; but in 1852 a part of them were admitted, and these of
such importance, that in their consequences they must be dangerous
to the government itself. The first was that the so-called inferior
clergy were given up even more completely than before to the power
and will of the bishops, without being able to expect or to claim any
protection or help from the civil government. The bishops thereby
obtained unlimited authority over the whole clergy, and were able
in consequence successfully to lay the foundation of an absolute Ultra­
montanism of the Boman hierarchical state within the State. The

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clergy had to submit. Not one of them, without endangering his whole
existence, can take the side of the government, or show any spirit
of patriotism. In accordance with this, the education of the clergy
was entirely given up to the bishops and Rome without any control
from the State. Roman ecclesiastical principles were inculcated on
the clergy. They learned scholasticism, but of modern science they
knew but little, and that only in the one-sided way of controversy.
The institutions in which the clergy were educated, entirely in
Roman principles, under the supervision of the bishops, are the
episcopal seminaries and Lyceums. To these boys are brought at a
very early age, and trained after the monastic fashion. As a rule
they learn nothing of the world till, as young priests, they enter on
the cure of souls with their narrow monastic view of human life.
Their character is formed, by having learned to yield a blind obedi­
ence to those above them. A like obedience they demand from others.
They arc successful with women, but men feel themselves repelled
from religion. The so-called Lyceums, in which the clergy, as a rule,
receive their higher education, are institutions in which only theology
and philosophy arc taught. They have become entirely institutions
of the bishops and nurseries of the Roman spirit. The teachers,
indeed, are appointed and paid by the government, but the choice
of them rests with the bishops, so only those obtain appointments
who are of the bishops’ way of thinking. This circumstance shows
what great means the Bavarian government places at the disposal
of the bishops successfully to carry on a war against itself, and to
establish the power of the Roman hierarchy. Maximilian II. made
it a principle to promote energetically in the University science and
free inquiry, in spite of the outcry of the Ultramontanes. But, on
the other hand, he gave up the Lyceums, as well as the theological
faculties in the University, to the bishops. Such is the union of
Church and State in Bavaria—no happy principle, surely, by which
the Roman educated clergy exercise the greatest influence over the
people, and can entirely frustrate all the efforts of the Universities
to promote a free and liberal education. The bishops, as soon as
they found the Lyceums given up to them, began to keep candidates
in theology away from the Universities and their liberal training.
They were confined to the Lyceums, where they might be educated
entirely as the bishops directed. All this evil resulted from the
circumstance that this noble-minded kin" made mistakes in his choice
o
of bishops, not indeed from any fault of his own, but owing to unfor­
tunate relations which he could not chan"e. The kin" has the
o
o
nomination of the bishops, but the appointment must be ratified by
the Pope before it is valid. No one, therefore, can be made a bishop
if the Papal confirmation is denied. The consequence is that it is

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5 °3

difficult to find anywhere a bishop who is an independent thinking
man. In consequence of compromises, those who are made bishops
are either men that are entirely insignificant, from whom nothing is
to be feared, or they are of the Roman party. And so it has happened
in Bavaria that almost all the sees are occupied by mental nonentities,
under the control and guidance of the Papal nuncio. The exceptions
arc where they are filled by the disciples of the Jesuits, expressly
educated for the office, who can put on the appearance of Liberalism
when they have an object to obtain.
Into such hands were the theological faculties and Lyceums given
up. It is then no wonder that the greater number of the theological
professorships, especially in the Lyceums, with other important
offices, are held by the so-called Roman doctors, that is, priests
educated in German colleges in Rome.
It has thus happened that under the government of the liberal
Maximilian, who was much opposed to the Jesuits, Ultramontanism
proper has been able to establish itself. The blame of this, doubtless,
was due to the Bavarian minister of worship, who either entirely lacked
the necessary insight to perceive whither these relations tended, or the
disposition to oppose the gradually increasing Ultramontanism, and to
give the king that information concerning it which was his bounden
duty. The Ultramontane plantation grew and spread forth its
branches without experiencing any check from the representatives
of government. By uniting with itself the political revolution and
the long-nourished hatred of Prussia, the Ultramontane party was
able, in 1869, to obtain a majority in the Chamber of Deputies.
In the Upper House it had hitherto almost always the victory.
So Bavaria now seems entirely to be undertaking afresh the part of
the “ German State of the Church.”
And yet from Bavaria, and especially from Munich, there goes
forth the most determined opposition to the newest Roman claims,
and the misuse to be made of the Vatican Council for their ratifi­
cation. We need not speak of the diplomatic action of the government
through Prince Hohenlohe, that is well known. We shall consider
more closely the two oppositions which we mentioned in the
beginning.
o
o
The one, as we have said, proceeds from Döllinger, and at the
present stands directly in the foreground. It is concerned chiefly
with the personal infallibility of the Pope. Döllinger has been
for forty-five years Professor of Theology in the University of
Munich. He is also Provost of the “Hofkirche” of St. C'ajetan,
and only lately was nominated a member of the Bavarian Council.
Formerly he was a very zealous Churchman, and during the
administration of Abel was rightly accounted one of the pillars of

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the “ Royal Bavarian Catholicism,” as the genuine Ultramontanes
would say, of that time. lie distinguished himself by a sharp,
often bitter, polemic against Protestantism, whereby, as well as by
his great learning, he obtained an immense reputation among
Catholics and also at Rome. Since 1848 his early and very into­
lerant views seem to have become somewhat milder. In 1857 he
undertook a journey to Rome and returned under great mental depres­
sion, owing to what he had seen of the Roman Church adminis­
tration. But it was only in 1861 that, by a public act, he brought
upon himself the greatest displeasure of the Roman-Jesuit Ultra­
montane party. At Easter in that year he delivered some lectures
on the States of the Church and the temporal power of the Pope.
He wished to prepare the Catholic public for what then appeared
to be near at hand, the loss of the Pope’s temporal dominion.
He showed that this in no way belonged to the essence of the
Catholic Church, that its loss would not bring any danger to the
faith; yea, that the temporal dominion of the Pope was in many
ways a hindrance to the fulfilment of his spiritual functions, and that
its administration led to many evils. This only raised the highest
displeasure among the Ultramontane zealots. The Papal Nuncio
who was present at the lecture by Dcillinger’s special invitation,
rose up in the midst of it, with great ostentation, and left the lecture­
room. The Ultramontane papers wrote violent articles against the
man who formerly had been regarded as an Ultramontane light of
the Church. This displeasure had in some measure subsided when,
in the autumn of the same year, at the General Assembly of the
Catholic Unions at Munich, Dollinger read an explanation, which
seemed very like a retractation of his lectures. But the satisfaction
which this gave soon disappeared when the obnoxious lectures
appeared in print, though in a somewhat milder form, and as the
beginning of a greater work, with the title “ The Church and the
Churches, the Papacy and the States of the Church.” The first part
of this work contains a keen criticism of the different Protestant
tendencies and parties. The second is occupied with the Roman
Church, and reveals many evils and corruptions in the ecclesiasticopolitical government of the States of the Church. The first part
naturally gave great satisfaction to the Ultramontane party, and the
second in the same measure dissatisfaction. Yet the book was spared
Roman censure, and escaped being put in the Index.
In the autumn of 1863 Dollinger, in union with two or three other
professors of theology, called a Conference of learned Catholics at
Munich. This was done in consequence of the excitement which had
been caused by^the collision into which Professor Frohschammer had
been brought with Rome and the Archbishop of Munich, through

�CATHOLICISM IN BA VARIA.

5°5

his demand of freedom for science. It was contemplated, accord­
ing to the programme, to plead, though m a very temperate
form, for the right of freedom in science, and to oppose the
domination of scholasticism and the terrorism of the Jesuits. In
this sense Dollinger expressed himself particularly in the opening
address.
But the protest and the firm opposition of a small
number of Ultramontane zealots was sufficient to cause the original
design, which was to plead for the right of science, to be abandoned.
This telegraph was finally sent to Rome : “ The important question
concerning the relation of science to Church authoiity has been
determined by the Conference in the sense of the subjection of the
former to the latter.” Nevertheless, notwithstanding this departure
from the original programme, and though the Conference was sum­
moned by the express permission of the Archbishop of Munich and
by the written agreements of other bishops, and though it was ex­
pressly arranged that Frohschammer should not receive an invitation,
yet there was great anxiety at Rome concerning this Conference.
Fears were entertained as to the consequences of the independent
step which these learned men had taken, and the somewhat freer
tone which had been produced. But Dollinger’s words caused most
anxiety. He advocated a greater freedom for science, with reservations
and some cautious limitations, and so far agreed to Frohschammer s
demand. Moreover, he said, with emphasis, that, “ as human things
now are, error has its meaning in free inquiry as a stage in the
journey to truth.” Then he said that public opinion must be allowed
to have some weight in Church matters. At last he added some
remarks not very appreciative concerning the old scholasticism. On
this the Roman and Jesuit fury broke forth, in a Papal brief to the
Archbishop of Munich, December 21, 1863 (Tuas libenter, &amp;c.),
which was also published by the bishops. In this brief the Pope
grievously laments that a few private doctors should take upon them­
selves to treat of scientific and ecclesiastical matters which belonged
only to the legitimate authority which was over them. Of the
freedom of science he wishes to know so little that he condemns the
position that expressly defined dogmas only are to be regarded as the
limits and boundaries of science. He tells them sharply that the
Papal Constitutions, the Decrees of the Index, &amp;c., are also to be
esteemed the limits and boundaries of science. And so in this brief,
in almost every respect, the very opposite of what Döllinger had
asked was commanded and prescribed. He was silent. The desire to
call a second Conference of learned Catholic men had departed from
him. The authorities at Rome remained distrustful of Döllinger;
and although he, with othei’ professors of theology, took care, by a
public explanation, to disown the full and decided scientific position

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of Frohschammer, yet in Rome, and particularly by the Pope himself,
he was regarded as scarcely better than Frohschammer. On the other
hand, there were not wanting circumstances which tended to increase
his irritation against the Roman Curia, particularly some chicanery
against such as were reckoned his disciples.
Then came the time of the Vatican Council. The bull containing
the summons appeared, and it became clearer than ever that the
whole design of the Council was nothing else but to sanction the
collected Syllabus Errorum of the Encyclica of 1861, and to make some
new dogmas, especially that of the personal infallibility of the Pope.
The Jesuits have laboured for this unceasingly. They announced
in the beginning of last year, in their Civiltà Catholic«, that all
“ good Catholics” desire the dogma of the infallibility of the Pope.
On this provocation there appeared, in March of last year, in the
Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung, five articles under the title “Das
Concil und die Civiltà.” In these articles the scheme, betrayed by
the Jesuits themselves, is criticized with great penetration. The
inadmissibility, as well as the religious and political mischief, of
passing the dogma of Papal infallibility, are particularly pointed
out. The articles excited great attention, and soon it was known
that Döllinger, though not their author, was yet their intellectual
originator. They appeared later much enlarged, and with references
to the sources of evidence, under the title of “ The Pope and Council.
By Janus.” This work was chiefly directed against Papal absolutism
and the infallibility of the Pope. It was very clearly shown how the
Popedom had entered, and by degrees had established itself in the
Church, by means of many fictions and forgeries. It was also shown
what enormous evils and corruptions had been caused by its rule.
Many errors were pointed out into which different Popes had fallen
in the course of centuries. Soon after this work there appeared a
little pamphlet, “ Considerations for the Bishops of the Council con­
cerning the question of Papal Infallibility,” which, in a shorter and
milder form, contains the substance of the work of “ Janus.” Of this
pamphlet Döllinger expressly proclaims himself the author. There
appeared also in the Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung two articles
with Dollinger’s name, “ Some Words concerning the Address on
Infallibility,” to the majority of the bishops of the Council. The
other is, “ The New Programme of the Council, and its Theological
Importance. ” These are written in the same spirit, and controvert
in the same way the infallibility of the Pope, declaring it a historical
untruth, and an unrighteous novelty in the Catholic Church. It is,
then, chiefly this contemplated new dogma against which Döllinger
brings to bear all his vast learning, and which he seeks to prevent,
because he regards it as destructive of the Catholic Church itself. But

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it does not appear that his labours, or those of his way of thinking,
will have any success. Everything, rather, seems to show that his
cause is wrecked, and that, in a short time, the dogma of Papal infal­
libility will be proclaimed by the Vatican Council.
The next question is, Will Dollinger admit the decision of the Council,
or will he remain in opposition, refuse to acknowledge the authorized
dogma, and deny obedience to the Pope? It appears that the last is
contemplated—that he will declare the decision of the Council invalid,
and endeavour to prevent its acceptance on the ground that the
Council has not been free, that the programme has been imposed
on the Council by the Curia, and because the dogma is a new
one, in contradiction with the old principle of Vincentius Lirmensis,
that that only is to be held for a dogma in the Catholic Church
“ which has been believed always everywhere and by all.” But this
proceeding can only have success, indeed, can only be ventured on, if
the bishops of the opposition in Pome refuse to submit to the decision
of the majority and the Pope. In this case a schism will arise. But
the prospect of success is not great, since m Germany and Austria
there is an important number of bishops for the infallibility of the
Pope. In Bavaria, for instance, about the one half. So that by an
inner division the schism will lose its force. Again, on the side of
the Pope and the majority of the Council, this will not pass merely
for a schism. It will be designated a heresy, because it will be in
contradiction to a defined article of the faith. When the Pope him­
self has become a living personal dogma, whoever opposes the Pope
must be regarded and treated as a heretic ; not as formerly, a mere
schismatic. The settling of this question must come before long.
Much different, and reaching further, is Frohschammer s opposition
to the Boman Church administration. He is much younger than
Dollinger, and began his public life as a teacher in the University in
the beginning of 1850. lie was then in the theological faculty, but
in 1855 he passed over to the philosophical, being appointed professor
of philosophy. Besides the philosophical subjects, he has read
lectures on logic, psychology, metaphysics, the history of philosophy,
pedagogy, and especially the philosophy of religion, and the natural
sciences. These two last subjects, which demand on the one side a
knowledge of the entire history of religion, and on the other, of the
newest natural sciences, specially determined his line of thought,
and the character of his writings. He soon came in conflict with the
Boman Curia. His treatise “ On the Origin of the Human Soul,”
which appeared in 1857, justifying the theory of the generation of
souls, was put in the Index of forbidden books. It is for the most
part theological, but containing some sharp remarks on the exces­
sive authority which was yielded to the Schoolmen. The theory

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vindicated was condemned by the scholastics of the Middle A ges, and
by their successors of the present time. The author refused to sub­
mit to the decree of the Congregation of the Index, notwithstanding
all entreaties. In 1858, appeared his “Introduction to Philosophy.”
Here, again, he criticized the scholastics, claimed independence for
philosophy, and particularly controverted the principle furbished up
again by the Jesuits and their retainers, that “ philosophia est theo­
logical ancilla.” Soon after appeared the treatise on “ the Freedom
of Science.”
A year later Frohschammer established his philosophical periodical,
the Athenceum. In all these writings he continued to express his views
with increasing decision, till suddenly, in 1862, he was threatened
by the Archbishop of Munich with excommunication unless he sub­
mitted within ten days. But this did not come. The archbishop
did not dare to fulfil his threat, but had recourse to Borne, and left it
to take the necessary steps. All the writings already mentioned had
been put in the Index, and the Pope sent to the archbishop a brief con­
cerning Frohschammer (Dec. 11, 1862, Gravissimus inter), in which
he was charged with ascribing too much right and power to human
reason, with striving to explore the Christian mysteries, and with
claiming freedom for science, which was described as a “ lawless
license.” It was also said that he had made statements which were
not true concerning the commendable proceedings of the Congre­
gation of the Index. Finally, it was enjoined on the archbishop to
bring- back the erring one to the right path. Frohschammer gave an
explanation, but refused submission. On this measures were taken
against him : all students of the University that intended to be
priests were forbidden by the archbishop and all other bishops
to attend his lectures. In consequence of this there arose among the
students of the University an important movement. It was decided
that an address should be presented to Frohschammer, which was
subscribed by more than a hundred students, expressing their attach­
ment to him, and proclaiming their appreciation of his efforts. On
the other hand, the professors of theology, of whom many had
assured him of their agreement, by degrees began to stand aloof
from him, and at last openly disowned him.
Frohschammer, however, carried on his Atliencvum for some
time, in spite of all opposition, until the publisher, who feared the
injury which was threatened to his business, did not venture to con­
tinue its publication. When the Papal Encyclica, with the Syl­
labus Errorum of Dec. 8, 1864, appeared, Frohschammer devoted to
it an anonymous pamphlet, of which a second edition was published
with his name. In 1868 appeared his chief work, “ Christianity and
Modern Science,” which was noticed briefly in this Review in July the

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same year as a remarkable work, and again in the June number of
this year. In 1869 he published “ The Right of Private Judgment,”
which is chiefly occupied with determining the relations between
Church and State, but which also discusses the question of the infalli­
bility of the Pope, and establishes, from facts of history as well as
from principles of reason, that infallibility must be denied to the
Church, as well as to the Pope; that is, the Church as simply
episcopal.
When the work of “ Janus ” appeared, in which the infallibility
of the Church is assumed, while that of the Pope is controverted,
Frohschammer ventured to give the work a thorough criticism in the
Augsburger AUgemeine Zeitung. This criticism was republished as a
pamphlet, with the title—“ An Estimate of the Infallibility of the
Pope and the Church.” The great merit of the work of “ Janus ” is
admitted, but Frohschammer says emphatically, that its author goes
but half way, and that he has not shown the necessary consequences
of the facts which he has brought forward. If a Church in which all
that 11 Janus ” produces is possible—all these fictions, forgeries, and
assumptions made to establish the claims of the Pope to an absolute
dominion over the whole Church—then it is impossible that the
Church itself can be infallible. Since the Popes for centuries really
regarded themselves and acted as the Church, then it must be that
infallibility was long ago taken away by this very fact that these
fallible Popes acted as the infallible Church. The battle, then,
against Papal absolutism cannot be isolated or localized. It
touches necessarily the Church itself. As many historical facts can
be adduced against the infallibility of the Church as against the
infallibility of the Pope. In a second pamphlet, called “ The
Political Significance of the Infallibility of the Pope and the
Church,” he maintains that not much will be gained by prevent­
ing the infallibility of the Pope from passing into a dogma, since
the Pope has hitherto governed the Church as an absolute ruler
without the dogma. If the opposition, then, accomplishes no more
than is proposed by the simple opponents of Papal Infallibility, it
will have succeeded in doing but very little for the reforming
of the Church, and satisfying the religious necessities of the present
age.
What Frohschammer has in view and at present desires for the
safety, as well as the renovation, of religion in its relation to science,
is what has been called since Lessing “ the Christianity of Christ,”
in contradistinction to the Christianity of Church decrees and
dogmas. lie considers that to be the true essence of Christianity
which Christ Himself taught and practised. The original prin­
ciples are the most important, not those which arose later. The

'X.

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clear and simple doctrines themselves must be regarded as the
necessary and certain, not the dark and doubtful, which have arisen
from controversy, and which have made out of Christianity a religion
of strife, hatred, and persecution, instead of a religion of love, peace,
and reconciliation.
Frohschammer has been reproached with the charge of Rationalism.
He does not admit that the reproach is just. Certainly he says
science, so far as it goes, must be the rational work of the Ratio;
but he does not resolve religion into knowledge, nor put science in
the place of religion. Each has a peculiar region of its own. He
distinguishes in religious faith itself between the historical and the
mystical ingredients. Besides the truths that are traditional or
grounded on authority, he acknowledges a peculiar immediate rela­
tion of the human soul to the Divine, by which the historically
received faith becomes living. He wishes that the dogmatic
formulas, which arose in the course of long controversies and by
dialectical processes, be again dissolved by science, gradually as
the necessity emerges. His views are received chiefly by educated
laymen ; while Dollinger’s disciples are chiefly among the liberalminded clergy. Great immediate results are not expected from
these endeavours unless some unforeseen circumstances should arise ;
but they help to prepare the mind, to unloose beforehand the bands
with which men’s intellects are bound, and, above all, to awaken an
interest for these high questions. The indifierentism of the educated,
Frohschammer says, is, in fact, the stronghold of the Roman dominion
over the souls of men.
Much will, of course, depend for the future position of Catholicism
in Bavaria on the support of the young king. It has been believed
hitherto that he had quite lost himself in Romantic enthusiasm ; but
he has lately shown some indications that he regards with a lively
interest the intellectual conflicts of the present time, and is opposed
to the Roman claims. There is a well-grounded hope that he will
continue in this direction. Much will also depend on the future
queen. A Russian princess has already been spoken of. Protestants
and liberal Catholics are looking to England. It is expected that
the Jesuits, as well as the king, will find a match, whether the
future queen of Bavaria be a Russian or an English princess.
A. Bavarian Catholic.

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Collation: [495]-510 p. ; 26 cm.&#13;
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